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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England, Vol. 3
+of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: History of Civilization in England, Vol. 3 of 3
+
+Author: Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+Release Date: December 28, 2013 [EBook #44495]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND, III ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Clarke, Jens Nordmann and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                                HISTORY
+                                   OF
+                        CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
+
+
+                                   BY
+                          HENRY THOMAS BUCKLE.
+
+
+                           IN THREE VOLUMES.
+                                VOL. III.
+
+
+                             _NEW EDITION._
+
+
+                                TORONTO:
+                    ROSE-BELFORD PUBLISHING COMPANY,
+                            60 YORK STREET.
+                                 1878.
+
+
+
+
+                     ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER I.
+
+       CONDITION OF SCOTLAND TO THE END OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+                                                                     PAGE
+
+  Scotland and Spain are very dissimilar in regard to loyalty           1
+
+  But are very similar in regard to superstition                        4
+
+  The Scotch unite liberality in politics with illiberality in
+  religion. This is the largest and most important fact in their
+  history; and the rest of the Volume will be occupied in
+  investigating its causes                                              5
+
+  Influence of physical geography                                     5-7
+
+  Roman invasion of Scotland                                          7-9
+
+  Irish invasion of Scotland                                            9
+
+  Norwegian invasion of Scotland                                    11-12
+
+  English invasion of Scotland                                      12-17
+
+  The injury which these invasions inflicted upon Scotland
+  stopped the growth of towns, and thereby favoured the power of
+  the nobles                                                           18
+
+  The power of the nobles was still further favoured by the
+  physical structure of the country                                 19-20
+
+  And by the weakness of the Crown                                  20-21
+
+  Hence their authority had, before the close of the fourteenth
+  century, become enormous. The Crown, completely overshadowed
+  by them, could derive no aid from the citizens, because, owing
+  to the circumstances just mentioned, there were no cities         21-23
+
+  For, industry was impossible, and the commonest arts were
+  unknown                                                           23-26
+
+  Evidence of the scanty population of the Scotch towns             26-30
+
+  They were too feeble and insignificant to elect their own
+  magistrates                                                       32-33
+
+  The municipal element being thus imperfect, the only ally,
+  which the Crown could possibly find, was the Church               34-35
+
+  Hence, a coalition between the kings and the clergy against
+  the nobles                                                           34
+
+  The clergy were the only body who could withstand the nobles.
+  Causes of the great influence of the clergy                       35-44
+
+
+                               CHAPTER II.
+
+     CONDITION OF SCOTLAND IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES.
+
+  Early in the fifteenth century, the alliance between the Crown
+  and the Church against the nobles, became obvious                    45
+
+  James I. attacked the nobles, and favoured the Church; hoping
+  thereby to establish the supremacy of the throne                  46-47
+
+  But his policy failed, because it was opposed by the operation
+  of general causes                                                 47-48
+
+  Besides failing, it produced his own destruction                     49
+
+  Power of the Douglases, who were at the head of the southern
+  nobility                                                          49-50
+
+  James II. murdered the chiefs of that family                      51-52
+
+  The Crown, in its efforts against the nobles, was encouraged
+  by the clergy; and before the middle of the fifteenth century,
+  the Church and the aristocracy were completely estranged from
+  each other                                                        52-54
+
+  James III., like James II. and James I., allied himself with
+  the clergy against the nobles                                     55-56
+
+  Their power, however, was too deeply rooted to be shaken; and
+  in 1488, they put the king to death                                  55
+
+  Still, and notwithstanding these successive failures,
+  James IV. followed the same policy as his predecessors               56
+
+  So did James V. Consequently the nobles imprisoned him, and
+  ejected the clergy from all offices in the state                     57
+
+  In 1528, James V. escaped; the Crown and the Church regained
+  the ascendant, and the principal nobles were banished                58
+
+  From this moment, the nobles hated the Church more than ever.
+  Their hatred brought about the Reformation                        58-59
+
+  Active measures of the government against the nobles              60-61
+
+  The nobles revenged themselves by becoming Reformers                 62
+
+  James V., on the other hand, threw himself entirely into the
+  arms of the Church                                                62-63
+
+  As the nobles took the opposite side, and as the people had no
+  influence, the success or failure of the Reformation in
+  Scotland was simply a question of the success or failure of
+  the aristocratic power                                            65-68
+
+  In 1542, the nobles openly refused obedience to James V.; and
+  their treatment of him at this critical period of his life,
+  broke his heart                                                   68-69
+
+  Directly he died, they regained authority. The clergy were
+  displaced, and measures favourable to Protestantism were
+  adopted                                                           69-72
+
+  In 1546, Cardinal Beaton was assassinated, and Knox began
+  his career                                                        74-75
+
+  Subsequent proceedings of Knox                                    76-77
+
+  While Knox was abroad, the nobles established the Reformation        78
+
+  He returned to Scotland in 1559, by which time the struggle
+  was nearly over                                                      79
+
+  In 1559, the queen regent was deposed; the nobles became
+  supreme; and, in 1560, the Church was destroyed                   80-84
+
+  Immediately this revolution was completed, the nobles and the
+  preachers began to quarrel about the wealth of the Church            84
+
+  The nobles, thinking that they ought to have it, took it into
+  their own hands                                                   85-88
+
+  Thereupon, the Protestant preachers said that the nobles were
+  instigated by the devil                                           88-90
+
+  Morton, who was at the head of the nobility, became enraged at
+  the proceedings of the new clergy, and persecuted them            91-92
+
+  A complete rupture between the two classes                           93
+
+  The clergy, finding themselves despised by the governing
+  class, united themselves heartily with the people, and
+  advocated democratic principles                                      93
+
+  In 1574, Melville became their leader. Under his auspices, that
+  great struggle began, which never stopped until, sixty years
+  later, it produced the rebellion against Charles I.                  94
+
+  The first manifestations of this rebellious spirit was the
+  attack on the bishops                                                94
+
+  In 1575, the attack began. In 1580, episcopacy was abolished      96-97
+
+  But the nobles upheld that institution, because they loved
+  inequality for the same reasons which made the clergy love
+  equality                                                         97-100
+
+  Struggle between the upper classes and the clergy respecting
+  episcopacy                                                      100-103
+
+  In 1582, James VI. was imprisoned; and his captivity was
+  justified by the clergy, whose democratic principles were now
+  openly proclaimed                                               103-104
+
+  Violent language used by the clergy against the king and
+  against the nobles                                              104-109
+
+  Their leader, Melville, personally insulted the king, and they
+  were probably privy to the Gowrie conspiracy in 1600                110
+
+  Still, the clergy, notwithstanding the indecency of their
+  conduct, conferred the greatest of all boons upon Scotland, by
+  keeping alive and nurturing the spirit of liberty               111-114
+
+
+                              CHAPTER III.
+
+  CONDITION OF SCOTLAND DURING THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES.
+
+  In 1603, the King of Scotland became also King of England, and
+  determined to use his new resources in curbing and chastising
+  the Scotch clergy                                               115-122
+
+  His cruel treatment of them                                     122-124
+
+  In 1610, James, backed by the power of England, forced
+  episcopacy upon Scotland. Courts of High Commission were also
+  set up                                                          125-127
+
+  Tyrannical conduct of the bishops                               127-129
+
+  Meanwhile, a reaction was preparing                             129-132
+
+  In 1637, the reaction declared itself, and, in 1638, the
+  bishops were overthrown                                         132-133
+
+  The movement being essentially democratic, could not stop
+  there, but quickly spread from the Church to the State. In
+  1639, war was made upon Charles I. by the Scotch, who, having
+  defeated the king, sold him to the English, who executed him    134-136
+
+  The Scotch, before they would crown Charles II., compelled him
+  to humble himself, and to confess his own errors and the
+  errors of his family                                            136-137
+
+  But, after Charles II. mounted the throne of England, he
+  became powerful enough to triumph over the Scotch. He availed
+  himself of that power to oppress Scotland even more
+  grievously than his two predecessors had done                   137-140
+
+  Happily, however, the spirit of liberty was strong enough to
+  baffle his attempts to establish a permanent despotism              140
+
+  Still, the crisis was terrible, and the people and their
+  clergy were exposed to every sort of outrage                    141-146
+
+  Now, as before, the bishops aided the government in its
+  efforts to enslave Scotland. Being hated by the people, they
+  allied themselves with the Crown, and displayed the warmest
+  affection towards James II., during whose reign cruelties
+  were perpetrated worse than any previously known                147-150
+
+  In 1688, another reaction, in which the Scotch again freed
+  themselves from their oppressors                                    151
+
+  The only powerful friends of this bad government were the
+  Highlanders                                                         151
+
+  Reasons which induced the Highlanders to rebel in favour of
+  the Stuarts                                                     151-153
+
+  The Highland rebellions of 1715 and 1745 were not the result
+  of loyalty                                                      153-159
+
+  After 1745, the Highlanders sank into complete insignificance,
+  and the progress of Scotland was uninterrupted                      159
+
+  Beginning of the trading spirit                                 160-161
+
+  Connexion between the rising of the trading spirit and the
+  abolition, in 1748, of hereditary jurisdictions                 161-162
+
+  The abolition of these jurisdictions was a symptom of the
+  declining power of the Scotch nobles, but not a cause of it         161
+
+  One cause of the decline of their power was the union with
+  England, in 1707                                                162-167
+
+  Another cause was the failure of the Rebellion of 1745              167
+
+  The nobles being thus weakened, were, in 1748, easily deprived
+  of their right of jurisdiction. In this way, they lost the
+  last emblem of their old authority                              169-170
+
+  This great democratic and liberating movement was aided by the
+  growth of the mercantile and manufacturing classes              171-172
+
+  And their growth was itself assisted by the Union with England      172
+
+  Evidence of the rapid progress of the industrious classes in
+  the first half of the eighteenth century                        173-183
+
+  During the same period, a new and splendid literature arose in
+  Scotland                                                        183-184
+
+  But, unfortunately, this literature, notwithstanding its bold
+  and inquisitive spirit, was unable to diminish national
+  superstition                                                    184-186
+
+  It is the business of the historian to ascertain the causes of
+  its failure. If he cannot do this, he cannot understand the
+  history of Scotland                                                 186
+
+  The first and most essential quality of an historian, is a
+  clear perception of the great scientific doctrine of Law. But
+  whoever seeks to apply this doctrine to the whole course of
+  history, and to elucidate, by its aid, the march and theory of
+  affairs, is met by obstacles which no single mind can remove    186-190
+
+
+                               CHAPTER IV.
+
+  AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+  The rest of the Volume will be occupied with a still closer
+  investigation of the double paradox presented by the history
+  of Scotland; namely, 1st, that the same people should be
+  liberal in politics, and illiberal in religion; and, 2nd, that
+  the free and sceptical literature which they produced in the
+  eighteenth century, should have been unable to lessen their
+  religious illiberality                                              191
+
+  Their religious illiberality was the result of the immense
+  power possessed by their clergy in the seventeenth century.
+  The causes of that power will be examined in the present
+  chapter                                                             192
+
+  The failure of their literature in diminishing this
+  illiberality during the eighteenth century, was the result of
+  the peculiar method of the inquiry adopted by the Scotch
+  philosophers. The causes of the universal diffusion of that
+  method, the nature of the method, and the consequences of it,
+  will be examined in the next chapter, which will conclude the
+  Volume                                                          192-193
+
+  Circumstances in the seventeenth century favourable to the
+  influence of the Scotch clergy                                  193-197
+
+  While the English war against Charles I. was essentially
+  political, the Scotch war against him was essentially
+  religious                                                       197-200
+
+  Though this was the effect of Scotch superstition, it was also
+  a cause of its further progress                                 201-202
+
+  Hence, in the seventeenth century, secular interests were
+  neglected, and theological ones became supreme. Illustration
+  of this, from the zeal of the people to hear sermons of
+  inordinate frequency and of terrible length; so that they
+  passed the greater part of their lives in what were
+  erroneously termed religious exercises                          203-206
+
+  The clergy availed themselves of these habits to extend and
+  consolidate their own authority                                 205-206
+
+  Their great engine of power was the Kirk-Session. Tyranny of
+  the Kirk-Sessions                                               206-210
+
+  Monstrous pretensions of the clergy                             210-212
+
+  Cases in which it was believed that these pretensions were
+  upheld and vindicated by miracles                               212-220
+
+  The clergy, becoming elated, indulge in language of
+  extraordinary arrogance                                         221-227
+
+  They asserted that miracles were wrought in their behalf, and
+  often on their persons                                          228-229
+
+  Effect of these proceedings upon the Scotch mind                230-232
+
+  The clergy, to intimidate the people, and bring them
+  completely under control, advocated horrible notions
+  concerning evil spirits and future punishments                  232-243
+
+  With the same object they propounded notions more horrible
+  still, respecting the Deity, whom they represented as a cruel,
+  passionate, and sanguinary Being                                245-252
+
+  They moreover declared that harmless and even praiseworthy
+  actions were sinful, and would provoke the Divine wrath         251-262
+
+  To prevent such imaginary sins, the clergy made arbitrary
+  regulations, and punished those who disobeyed them, sometimes
+  by flogging, and sometimes by branding with hot irons, and
+  sometimes in other ways                                         262-263
+
+  Specimens of the sins which the clergy invented                 264-268
+
+  The result was, that all mirth, all innocent gaiety, all
+  demonstrations of happiness, and nearly all physical
+  enjoyments, were destroyed in Scotland                          268-269
+
+  Hence, the national character was mutilated. For, the
+  pleasures of the body are, in our actual condition, as
+  essential a part of the great scheme of life, and are as
+  necessary to human affairs, as are the pleasures of the mind    269-271
+
+  But the clergy, by denouncing these pleasures of the senses,
+  do what they can, in every country, to diminish the total
+  amount of happiness of which humanity is susceptible, and
+  which it has a right to enjoy                                   271-275
+
+  In no Protestant country have the clergy pushed these narrow
+  and unsocial tenets so far as in Scotland                       275-276
+
+  Indeed, in some respects, the Scotch clergy were more ascetic
+  than those of any branch of the Catholic Church, except the
+  Spanish; since they attempted to destroy the affections, and
+  to sever the holiest ties of domestic love                      276-279
+
+
+                               CHAPTER V.
+
+  AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+  The Scotch philosophical literature of the eighteenth century,
+  was a reaction against the theological spirit of the
+  seventeenth                                                         281
+
+  But the peculiarity of the philosophy which now arose, is
+  that, instead of being an inductive philosophy, it was a
+  deductive one                                                   281-282
+
+  This is well worthy of notice; because the inductive method
+  being essentially anti-theological, it might have been
+  expected that the opponents of the theological spirit would
+  have followed that method                                       282-284
+
+  The truth, however, was, that the theological spirit had taken
+  such hold of the Scotch mind, that it was impossible for the
+  inductive method to gain a hearing                              284-289
+
+  Hence, the secular philosophy of the eighteenth century,
+  though new in its results, was not new in the method by which
+  those results were obtained      289
+
+  In this respect, Scotland is similar to Germany, but
+  dissimilar to England                                           289-290
+
+  Summary of the most important distinctions between induction
+  and deduction                                                       291
+
+  The whole of the Scotch philosophy, physical as well as
+  metaphysical, is deductive                                          291
+
+  Hutcheson's philosophy                                          292-304
+
+  Its results and tendency                                        292-299
+
+  Its method                                                      299-304
+
+  Adam Smith's philosophy                                         304-330
+
+  His _Theory of Moral Sentiments_ and his _Wealth of
+  Nations_ are different parts of one subject. To understand
+  either, we must study both                                      304-305
+
+  His deductive method depended upon a suppression of premisses   304-309
+
+  Account of his _Theory of Moral Sentiments_                     309-314
+
+  Account of his _Wealth of Nations_                              314-330
+
+  Hume's philosophy                                               331-349
+
+  His want of imagination                                         331-332
+
+  Importance and novelty of his doctrines                         333-337
+
+  His method was eminently deductive; and he, like Adam Smith,
+  cared little for experience                                     337-341
+
+  Hence, his injustice to Bacon, whose method was diametrically
+  opposed to his own                                              338-339
+
+  His _Natural History of Religion_                               342-348
+
+  Comparison between the method of this work, and the method
+  employed by Cudworth                                                348
+
+  Reid's philosophy                                               349-361
+
+  His timidity made him look at the practical tendency of
+  speculative doctrines, instead of confining himself to the
+  question of their truth or falsehood                            349-354
+
+  But a philosopher should deem it his business to ascertain
+  new truths, without regard to their consequences                349-350
+
+  Reid attacked Hume's method, because he disliked the results
+  to which that method had led                                    354-355
+
+  And yet, in raising his own philosophy, he followed the very
+  same method himself                                             355-359
+
+  Estimate of the value of what Reid effected                     359-360
+
+  Opposition between the method of Reid and that of Bacon         360-361
+
+  In physical philosophy, the deductive method was equally
+  prevalent in Scotland                                          361-seq.
+
+  The laws of heat                                                    362
+
+  Indestructibility of force. Interchange of forces               362-365
+
+  Black's philosophy                                              367-377
+
+  His theory of latent heat prepared the way for subsequent
+  discoveries                                                     367-371
+
+  His method was deductive, and does not come under any of the
+  rules of the Baconian philosophy                                371-372
+
+  He reasoned from his principles speculatively, instead of
+  occupying himself with a long course of experiments             372-377
+
+  To do this was to indulge the imagination, which is deemed
+  dangerous by the inductive school of English physicists. But,
+  in the pursuit of truth, we need all our powers; and the
+  advance of physical science is retarded by our neglect of the
+  imaginative and emotional faculties                             377-382
+
+  Black, therefore, did immense service by giving free scope, to
+  the imagination. The same plan was pursued by his successor,
+  Leslie                                                              383
+
+  Leslie's philosophy of heat                                     383-388
+
+  He derived great aid from poetry                                    385
+
+  And was unjust to Bacon, whose inductive views he disliked          388
+
+  Hutton's geological philosophy                                  388-402
+
+  Fire and water are the two causes which have altered, and are
+  still altering, the crust of the earth. The supposition that
+  volcanic action was formerly more powerful than at present, is
+  quite consistent with the doctrines of an unbroken sequence of
+  events, and of the uniformity of natural laws                   388-390
+
+  The action of fire and water on the crust of the earth, may be
+  studied deductively, by computing separately the probable
+  operation of each. Or they maybe studied inductively, by
+  observing their united effects, and rising from the effects to
+  the causes; while the deductive plan is to descend from the
+  causes to the effects                                           390-391
+
+  Of these two methods, the English followed the inductive; the
+  Scotch and Germans followed the deductive                           391
+
+  English geology founded by William Smith                        391-393
+
+  German geology founded by Werner                                393-395
+
+  Scotch geology founded by Hutton                                    396
+
+  The English observed effects in order to ascertain causes. The
+  Germans, assuming water to be the cause, reasoned from it to
+  the effects. The Scotch, assuming heat to be the cause, made
+  its principles the first step in their argument                 391-396
+
+  Reasons which made the Scotch geologists argue from the
+  principles of heat, instead of, like the German geologists,
+  arguing from the principles of water                                396
+
+  Though Hutton founded the theory of metamorphic rocks, and
+  ascribed such immense importance to heat, he would not take
+  the trouble of examining a single region of active volcanos,
+  where he might have seen those very operations of nature,
+  respecting which he speculated                                      398
+
+  But, by a deductive application of the principles unfolded by
+  Black, he arrived at a conclusion concerning the consolidation
+  of strata by heat                                               399-400
+
+  That conclusion was entirely speculative, and unsupported by
+  experience                                                          399
+
+  Though experiment might perhaps verify it, no one had yet made
+  the trial; and Hutton was too averse to the inductive method
+  to undertake the investigation himself                          400-401
+
+  Sir James Hall afterwards took the matter up, and empirically
+  verified the great idea which Hutton had propounded             401-402
+
+  Watt's invention of the steam-engine, and discovery of the
+  composition of water                                            402-406
+
+  Contrast between the method by which he, as a Scotchman,
+  discovered the composition of water, and the opposite method
+  by which the Englishman, Cavendish, made the same discovery at
+  the same time                                                   404-406
+
+  Nature of the evidence of the supposed difference between the
+  organic and inorganic world. Life is probably a property of
+  all matter                                                      406-410
+
+  Assuming, however, for the purposes of classification, that
+  the organic world is fundamentally different from the
+  inorganic, we may divide organic science into physiology and
+  pathology                                                       410-412
+
+  The two great Scotch pathologists are Cullen and John Hunter.
+  Hunter, having a larger mind than Cullen, was also a
+  physiologist                                                        412
+
+  Account of Cullen's philosophy                                  413-427
+
+  His love of theory                                                  413
+
+  Theory, though necessary in science, is dangerous in practice   414-416
+
+  Difference between the science of pathology and the art of
+  therapeutics                                                    417-418
+
+  Comparison between the method of Cullen's pathology and the
+  method employed by Adam Smith                                   417-419
+
+  Cullen's theory of the solids                                  420-seq.
+
+  He refused to inquire into the truth of the principles from
+  which he argued                                                 421-422
+
+  His conclusions, like his premisses, represent only a part of
+  the truth, and were extremely one-sided. Still, their value
+  is unquestionable, forming, as they did, a necessary part of
+  the general progress                                            423-424
+
+  His theory of fever                                             424-426
+
+  His nosology                                                    426-427
+
+  The philosophy of John Hunter                                   428-458
+
+  His grandeur, and, unfortunately, his obscurity of language     428-430
+
+  In his mind, the inductive and deductive methods struggled for
+  mastery. Their conflict oppressed him. This is one of the
+  causes of the darkness of his thoughts and consequently of his
+  style                                                           429-432
+
+  His natural disposition was towards deduction                       432
+
+  But circumstances made him inductive, and he collected facts
+  with untiring industry                                          432-434
+
+  By this means he made a large number of curious physiological
+  discoveries                                                     434-436
+
+  He traced the history of the red globules of the blood, and
+  arrived at the conclusion that their function is to strengthen
+  the system rather than to repair it                             436-437
+
+  Long after his death, this inference was corroborated by the
+  progress of miscroscopical and chemical researches. It was
+  especially corroborated by Lecanu's comparison of the blood in
+  different sexes, and in different temperaments.                     439
+
+  Hunter's inquiries concerning the movements of animals and
+  vegetables                                                      439-441
+
+  He recognized the great truth that the sciences of the
+  inorganic world must be the foundation of those of the organic      443
+
+  His object was, to unite all the physical sciences, in order
+  to show that, the operations of nature being always uniform,
+  regularity prevails even amidst the greatest apparent
+  irregularity                                                    443-444
+
+  Hence, aiming chiefly at a generalization of irregularities,
+  his favourite study was pathology                                   444
+
+  In his pathological inquiries, he took into account the
+  malformations of crystals                                           445
+
+  As a physiologist, he was equalled or excelled by Aristotle;
+  but as a pathologist, he is unrivalled for the grandeur of his
+  views                                                           446-447
+
+  In pathology, his love of deduction was more obvious than in
+  physiology                                                          447
+
+  His pathological speculations respecting the principles of
+  action and the principles of sympathy                           448-452
+
+  But his English contemporaries, being eminently inductive, so
+  disliked his method, that he exercised scarcely any influence
+  over them                                                           453
+
+  This is the more observable, because his discoveries
+  respecting disease have caused him to be recognized as the
+  founder of modern surgery, and the principal author of the
+  doctrines now taught in the medical profession                  454-457
+
+  Such were the great results achieved by Scotchmen in the
+  eighteenth century. Difference between this splendid
+  literature and the wretched productions of the Scotch mind in
+  the seventeenth century.                                        458-460
+
+  Notwithstanding this difference, the deductive method was
+  supreme in both centuries                                           461
+
+  The deductive method strikes the senses less than the
+  inductive. Hence, induction being more accessible to average
+  understandings, is more popular than deduction. Hence, too,
+  the teachings of an inductive philosophy are more likely to
+  affect national character than the teaching of a deductive
+  philosophy                                                      461-464
+
+  Theology forms the only exception to this rule                  464-465
+
+  The Scotch literature of the eighteenth century, being
+  essentially deductive, was, on that account, unable to affect
+  the nation. It was, therefore, unable to weaken national
+  superstition                                                    465-469
+
+  Superstition and religious illiberality still existing in
+  Scotland                                                        469-471
+
+  The notions countenanced there respecting the origin of
+  epidemics. Correspondence which, in consequence of those
+  notions, took place, in 1853, between the Scotch Church and
+  the English Government                                          471-476
+
+  These superstitions are eminently irreligious, and are
+  everywhere becoming effaced, as physical science advances.
+  Nothing else can touch them. Hence the gradual liberation of
+  the human mind from the slavish and unmanly fears by which it
+  has long been oppressed                                         476-482
+
+
+
+
+                   HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER I.
+
+       CONDITION OF SCOTLAND TO THE END OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+In the preceding view of the rise and decay of Spain, I have sought to
+exhibit the successive steps by which what was formerly one of the
+greatest nations of the earth, was broken, and cast down from its high
+estate. As we look back on that scene, the picture is, indeed, striking.
+A country rich in all natural productions, inhabited by a brave, a loyal,
+and a religious people, removed, too, by its geographical position from
+the hazards of European revolutions, did, by the operation of those
+general causes which I have indicated, suddenly rise to unparalleled
+grandeur; and then, without the occurrence of any new combination, but by
+a mere continuance of the same causes, fall with an equal velocity. Yet,
+these vicissitudes, strange and startling as they appear, were perfectly
+regular. They were the legitimate consequence of a state of society, in
+which the spirit of protection had reached its highest point, and in
+which, every thing being done for the people, nothing was done by the
+people. Whenever this happens, there may be great political progress, but
+there can be no really national progress. There may be accessions of
+territory, and vast increase of fame and of power. There may be
+improvements in the practice of administration, in the management of
+finances, in the organization of armies, in the art and theory of war, in
+the tricks of diplomacy, and in those various contrivances by which one
+nation is able to outwit and insult another. So far, however, from this
+benefiting the people, it will injure them in two different ways. In the
+first place, by increasing the reputation of the ruling classes, it
+encourages that blind and servile respect which men are too apt to feel
+for those who are above them, and which, wherever it has been generally
+practised, has been found fatal to the highest qualities of the citizen,
+and therefore to the permanent grandeur of the nation. And, in the second
+place, it multiplies the resources of the executive government, and thus
+renders the country unable, as well as unwilling, to correct the errors
+of those who are at the head of affairs. Hence, in Spain, as in all
+countries similarly circumstanced, it was at the very moment when things
+were most prosperous at the surface, that they were most rotten at the
+foundation. In presence of the most splendid political success, the
+nation hastened to its downfall, and the crisis was fast approaching, in
+which, the whole edifice being overturned, nothing would be left, except
+a memorable warning of the consequences which must ensue, when the
+people, giving themselves up to the passions of superstition and loyalty,
+abdicate their own proper functions, forego their own responsibility,
+renounce their highest duties, and degrade themselves into passive
+instruments to serve the will of the Church and the throne.
+
+Such is the great lesson taught by the history of Spain. From the history
+of Scotland, we may gather another lesson, of a different, and yet of a
+similar, kind. In Scotland, the progress of the nation has been very
+slow, but, on the whole, very sure. The country is extremely barren; the
+executive government has, with rare exceptions, been always weak; and the
+people have never been burdened with those feelings of loyalty which
+circumstances had forced upon the Spaniards. Certainly, the last charge
+that will be brought against the Scotch, is that of superstitious
+attachment to their princes.[1] We, in England, have not always been very
+tender of the persons of our sovereigns, and we have occasionally
+punished them with what some consider excessive severity. With this, we
+have been frequently taunted by the more loyal nations of the Continent;
+and, in Spain in particular, our conduct has excited the greatest
+abhorrence. But, if we compare our history with that of our northern
+neighbours, we must pronounce ourselves a meek and submissive people.[2]
+There have been more rebellions in Scotland than in any other country;
+and the rebellions have been very sanguinary, as well as very numerous.
+The Scotch have made war upon most of their kings, and put to death many.
+To mention their treatment of a single dynasty, they murdered James I.
+and James III. They rebelled against James II. and James VII. They laid
+hold of James V., and placed him in confinement. Mary, they immured in a
+castle, and afterwards deposed. Her successor, James VI., they
+imprisoned; they led him captive about the country, and on one occasion
+attempted his life. Towards Charles I., they showed the greatest
+animosity, and they were the first to restrain his mad career. Three
+years before the English ventured to rise against that despotic prince,
+the Scotch boldly took up arms, and made war on him. The service which
+they then rendered to the cause of liberty it would be hard to overrate;
+but the singular part of the transaction was, that having afterwards got
+possession of the person of Charles, they sold him to the English for a
+large sum of money, of which they, being very poor, had pressing need.
+Such a sale is unparalleled in history; and although the Scotch might
+have plausibly alleged that this was the only gain they had derived, or
+ever could derive, from the existence of their hereditary prince, still
+the event is one which stands alone; it was unprecedented; it has never
+been imitated; and its occurrence is a striking symptom of the state of
+public opinion, and of the feelings of the country in which it was
+permitted.
+
+  [1] One of their own historians complacently says, 'but the Scots were
+      seldom distinguished for loyalty.' _Laing's History of Scotland_,
+      vol. iii. p. 199, edit. 1819. See also p. 366. To the same effect,
+      Brodie (_History of the British Empire_, Edinburgh, 1822, vol. i. p.
+      388): 'The little respect paid to royalty is conspicuous in every
+      page of Scottish history.' Or, as Wilkes expressed himself in the
+      House of Commons, 'Scotland seems, indeed, the natural _foyer_ of
+      rebellion, as Egypt is of the plague.' _Parliamentary History_, vol.
+      xix. p. 810, London, 1814; and Nimmo (_History of Stirlingshire_,
+      Edinburgh, 1777, p. 219): 'Never was any race of monarchs more
+      unfortunate than the Scottish. Their reigns were generally turbulent
+      and disastrous, and their own end often tragical.'
+
+  [2] Indeed, a well-known Scotchman of the seventeenth century,
+      scornfully says of the English, 'such is the obsequiousness, and
+      almost superstitious devotion of that nation towards their prince.'
+      _Baillie's Letters_, vol. i. p. 204, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1841.
+      This, however, was written in 1639, since which we have effectually
+      wiped off that reproach. On the other hand, an English writer of
+      the seventeenth century, indignantly, though with evident
+      exaggeration, imputes to the Scotch that 'forty of their kings have
+      been barbarously murdered by them; and half as many more have
+      either made away with themselves, for fear of their torturing of
+      them, or have died miserably in strait imprisonment.' _Account of
+      Scotland in_ 1670, in _Harleian Miscellany_, vol. vi. p. 140, edit.
+      Park, 4to, 1810. Compare two curious passages in _Shields' Hind let
+      loose_, 1687, pp. 8, 9, 15.
+
+While, however, in regard to loyalty, the opposition between Scotland and
+Spain is complete, there is, strange to say, the most striking similarity
+between those countries in regard to superstition. Both nations have
+allowed their clergy to exercise immense sway, and both have submitted
+their actions, as well as their consciences, to the authority of the
+Church. As a natural consequence, in both countries, intolerance has
+been, and still is, a crying evil; and in matters of religion, a bigotry
+is habitually displayed, discreditable indeed to Spain, but far more
+discreditable to Scotland, which has produced many philosophers of the
+highest eminence, who would willingly have taught the people better
+things, but who have vainly attempted to remove from the national mind
+that serious blemish which mars its beauty, and tends to neutralize its
+many other admirable qualities.
+
+Herein lies the apparent paradox, and the real difficulty, of Scotch
+history. That knowledge should not have produced the effects which have
+elsewhere followed it; that a bold and inquisitive literature should be
+found in a grossly superstitious country, without diminishing its
+superstition; that the people should constantly withstand their kings,
+and as constantly succumb to their clergy; that while they are liberal in
+politics, they should be illiberal in religion; and that, as a natural
+consequence of all this, men who, in the visible and external department
+of facts and of practical life, display a shrewdness and a boldness
+rarely equalled, should nevertheless, in speculative life, and in matters
+of theory, tremble like sheep before their pastors, and yield assent to
+every absurdity they hear, provided their Church has sanctioned it; that
+these discrepancies should coexist, seems at first sight a strange
+contradiction, and is surely a phenomenon worthy of our careful study. To
+indicate the causes of this anomaly, and to trace the results to which
+the anomaly has led, will be the business of the remaining part of this
+volume; and although the investigation will be somewhat lengthy, it will
+not, I hope, be considered prolix, by those who recognise the importance
+of the inquiry, and are aware how completely it has been neglected, even
+by those who have written most fully on the history of the Scottish
+nation.
+
+In Scotland, as elsewhere, the course of events has been influenced by
+its physical geography; and by this I mean, not only its own immediate
+peculiarities, but also its relation to adjoining countries. It is close
+to Ireland; it touches England; and by the contiguity of the Orkney and
+Shetland Isles, it was eminently exposed to the attacks of that great
+nation of pirates, which for centuries inhabited the Scandinavian
+peninsula. Considered merely by itself, it is mountainous and sterile;
+nature has interposed such obstacles, that it was long impossible to open
+regular communications between its different parts, which, indeed, in
+regard to the Highlands, was not effected till after the middle of the
+eighteenth century.[3] Finally, and this, as we shall presently see, was
+a matter of great importance, the most fertile land in Scotland is in the
+south, and was, therefore, constantly ravaged by the English borderers.
+Hence, the accumulation of wealth was hindered; the growth of towns was
+discouraged, by the serious hazards to which they were liable; and it was
+impossible to develop that municipal spirit, which might have existed, if
+the districts most favoured by nature had been situated in the north of
+Scotland, instead of in the south. If the actual state of things had been
+reversed, so that the Highlands were in the south,[4] and the Lowlands in
+the north, it can hardly be doubted, that, after the cessation in the
+thirteenth century of the great Scandinavian invasions, the most fertile
+parts of Scotland, being comparatively secure, would have been the seat
+of towns, which the active spirit of the people would have caused to
+prosper, and the prosperity of which would have introduced a new element
+into Scotch affairs, and changed the course of Scotch history. This,
+however, was not to be; and, as we have to deal with events as they
+actually are, I will now endeavour to trace the consequences of the
+physical peculiarities which have just been noticed; and by coördinating
+their results, I will, so far as I am able, show their general meaning,
+and the way in which they have shaped the national character.
+
+  [3] In England, the travelling was bad enough; in Scotland, it was far
+      worse. Morer, stating what he saw in 1689, says 'Stage-coaches they
+      have none; yet there are a few Hackney's at Edinburgh, which they
+      may hire into the country upon urgent occasions. The truth is, the
+      roads will hardly allow 'em those conveniences, which is the reason
+      that their gentry, men and women, chuse rather to use their horses.'
+      _Morer's Account of Scotland_, London, 1702, p. 24.
+
+      As to the northern parts, we have the following account, written in
+      Inverness, between 1726 and 1730. 'The Highlands are but little
+      known even to the inhabitants of the low country of Scotland, for
+      they have ever dreaded the difficulties and dangers of travelling
+      among the mountains; and, when some extraordinary occasion has
+      obliged any one of them to such a progress, he has, generally
+      speaking, made his testament before he set out, as though he were
+      entering upon a long and dangerous sea-voyage, wherein it was very
+      doubtful if he should ever return.' _Letters from a Gentleman in the
+      North of Scotland_, edit. London, 1815, vol. i. p. 4. Between 1720
+      and 1730, military roads were cut through parts of the Highlands,
+      but they were 'laid down by a practical soldier, and destined for
+      warlike purposes, with scarcely any view towards the ends for which
+      free and peaceful citizens open up a system of internal transit,'
+      _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 255. See also _Chalmers'
+      Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 36. This is confirmed by the fact, that even
+      between Inverness and Edinburgh, 'until 1755, the mail was conveyed
+      by men on foot.' Account of Inverness-shire, in _M^cCulloch's
+      British Empire_, London, 1847, vol. i. p. 299; to which I may add,
+      that in _Anderson's Essay on the Highlands_, Edinburgh, 1827, pp.
+      119, 120, it is stated, that 'A postchaise was first seen in
+      Inverness itself in 1760, and was, for a considerable time, the only
+      four-wheeled carriage in the district.' As to the communications in
+      the country about Perth, see _Penny's Traditions of Perth_, pp. 131,
+      132, Perth, 1836; and as to those from Aberdeen to Inverness, and
+      from Aberdeen to Edinburgh, see _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol.
+      ii. pp. 269, 270, London, 4to, 1818.
+
+      The history of the improvement of the roads during the latter half
+      of the eighteenth century, has never been written; but it is of the
+      greatest importance for its intellectual results, in causing
+      national fusion, as well as for its economical results, in helping
+      trade. Some idea may be formed of the extraordinary energy displayed
+      by Scotland in this matter, by comparing the following passages:
+      _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii. pp. 494, 865, 939, vol. iii. pp.
+      599, 799; _Crawfurd's History of the Shire of Renfrew_, part ii. pp.
+      128, 160; _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_, pp. 245, 246;
+      _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 109, 210,
+      367, 430, 496; vol. ii. p. 498; vol. iii. pp. 331, 352, 353; vol.
+      iv. p. 313; vol. v. pp. 128, 234, 235, 315, 364, 365; vol. vi.
+      pp. 107, 154, 180, 458; vol. vii. pp. 135, 251, 275, 299, 417; vol.
+      viii. pp. 81, 243, 344, 345, 541; vol. ix. pp. 414, 530; vol. x.
+      pp. 221, 237, 238, 466, 618; vol. xi. pp. 127, 380, 418, 432, 522,
+      541; vol. xii. p. 59; vol. xiii. pp. 42, 141, 488, 542, 663; vol.
+      xiv. pp. 217, 227, 413, 443, 466, 506; vol. xv. pp. 54, 88, 276;
+      vol. xvi. p. 120; vol. xvii. pp. 5, 267, 297, 377, 533; vol. xviii.
+      p. 309; vol. xx. p. 156.
+
+  [4] I use the word Highlands, in the common, though improper, sense of
+      including all Scotland from the Pentland Firth to the beginning of
+      the mountains, a few miles north of Glasgow, Stirling, Perth, and
+      Dundee. All such distinctions are necessarily somewhat vague,
+      because the boundaries of nature are never clearly marked. Compare
+      _Macky's Scotland_, p. 124, London, 1732, with _Anderson's Guide to
+      the Highlands_, Edinburgh, 1847, pp. 17, 18.
+
+The earliest fact with which we are acquainted respecting the history of
+Scotland, is the Roman invasion under Agricola, late in the first
+century. But neither his conquests, nor those of his successors, made
+any permanent impression. The country was never really subjugated, and
+nothing was effected except a military occupation, which, in spite of the
+erection of numerous forts, walls, and ramparts, left the spirit of the
+inhabitants unbroken. Even Severus, who, in the year 209, undertook the
+last and most important expedition against Scotland, does not appear to
+have penetrated beyond the Firth of Moray;[5] and directly he retired,
+the natives were again in arms, and again independent. After this,
+nothing was attempted upon a scale large enough to give a chance of
+success. Indeed, the Romans, far from being equal to such an effort, were
+themselves deteriorating. In their best days, their virtues were the
+virtues of barbarians, and even those they were now about to lose. From
+the beginning, their scheme of life was so one-sided and imperfect, that
+the increase of wealth, which improves the civilization of really
+civilized countries, was to the Romans an irreparable mischief; and they
+were corrupted by luxury, instead of being refined by it. In our time, if
+we compare the different nations of Europe, we find that the richest are
+also the most powerful, the most humane, and the most happy. We live in
+that advanced state of society, in which wealth is both the cause and the
+effect of progress, while poverty is the fruitful parent of weakness, of
+misery, and of crime. But the Romans, when they ceased to be poor, began
+to be vicious. So unstable was the foundation of their greatness, that
+the very results which their power produced, were fatal to the power
+itself. Their empire gave them wealth, and their wealth overthrew their
+empire. Their national character, notwithstanding its apparent strength,
+was in truth of so frail a texture, that it was ruined by its own
+development. As it grew, it dwarfed. Hence it was, that, in the third and
+fourth centuries, their hold on mankind visibly slackened. Their
+authority being undermined, other nations, of course, stepped in; so that
+the inroads of those strange tribes which came pouring from the north,
+and to whose appearance the final catastrophe is often ascribed, were at
+best the occasion, but by no means the cause, of the fall of the Roman
+Empire. Towards that great and salutary event, every thing had long been
+pointing. The scourgers and oppressors of the world, whom a false and
+ignorant sympathy has invested with noble qualities which they never
+possessed, had now to look to themselves; and when, after receding on all
+sides, they, in the middle of the fifth century, withdrew their forces
+from the whole of Britain, they merely executed a movement, which a train
+of circumstances, continued through several generations, had made
+inevitable.
+
+  [5] Browne (_History of the Highlands_, vol. i. p. 33) says that 'he
+      traversed the whole of North Britain, from the wall of Antoninus to
+      the very extremity of the island.' The same thing is stated in
+      _Pennant's Scotland_, vol. i. p. 90. Neither of these writers quote
+      their authority for this; but they probably relied on a passage in
+      _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. iv. p. 94. 'Neque tamen
+      desideratis quinquaginta millibus (ut scribit Dion) prius ab
+      inc[oe]pto destiterunt, quam ad finem insulæ penetrassent.' I
+      believe, however, that Scotch antiquaries are now agreed that this
+      is wrong, as Chalmers was one of the first to perceive. See his
+      _Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 187; a very valuable and learned, but
+      unhappily ill-arranged, book, and written in a style which is
+      absolutely afflicting. See also _Irving's History of
+      Dumbartonshire_, 4to, 1860, p. 14.
+
+It is at this point that we begin to discern the operation of those
+physical and geographical peculiarities which I have mentioned as
+influencing the fortunes of Scotland. The Romans, gradually losing
+ground, the proximity of Ireland caused repeated attacks from that
+fertile island, whose rich soil and great natural advantages gave rise to
+an exuberant, and therefore a restless, population. An overflow, which,
+in civilized times, is an emigration, is, in barbarous times, an
+invasion. Hence the Irish, or Scotti as they were termed, established
+themselves by force of arms in the west of Scotland, and came into
+collision with the Picts, who occupied the eastern part. A deadly
+struggle ensued, which lasted four centuries after the withdrawal of the
+Romans, and plunged the country into the greatest confusion. At length,
+in the middle of the ninth century, Kenneth M'Alpine, king of the
+Scotti, gained the upper hand, and reduced the Picts to complete
+submission.[6] The country was now united under one rule; and the
+conquerors, slowly absorbing the conquered, gave their name to the whole,
+which, in the tenth century, received the appellation of Scotland.[7]
+
+  [6] The history of Scotland, in this period, is in great confusion, and
+      perhaps will never be recovered. For the statements made in the
+      text, I have chiefly used the following authorities: _Fordun's
+      Scotichronicon_, vol. i.; _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia_,
+      lib. v. pp. 121-132, and the beginning of the sixth book. Also
+      various parts of _Bede_; _Pinkerton's Enquiry into the Early History
+      of Scotland_; _Chalmers' Caledonia_; the first volume of _Browne's
+      History of the Highlands_; and, above all, Mr. Skene's acute and
+      learned work on the Highlanders. In the last-named book, the western
+      boundary of the Picts is traced with great ingenuity, though perhaps
+      with some uncertainty. _Skene's Highlanders of Scotland_, vol. i.
+      pp. 26-33, London, 1837.
+
+  [7] Here, again, we are involved in doubt; it being uncertain when the
+      name Scotia was first applied to Scotland. The date, therefore,
+      which I have given, is only intended as an approximative truth. In
+      arriving at it, I have compared the following different, and often
+      conflicting, passages: _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 339.
+      _Browne's History of the Highlands_, vol. i. p. 34. _Pinkerton's
+      Enquiry into the Early History of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 253, 254,
+      vol. ii. pp. 151, 228, 237, 240. _Spottiswoode's History of the
+      Church of Scotland_, edit. Russell, 1851, vol. i. p. 16, note,
+      where, however, Pinkerton's authority is appealed to for an
+      assertion which he did not make. _Skene's Highlanders_, vol. i. pp.
+      45, 61, 244. _Anderson's Prize Essay on the Highlands_, p. 34.
+
+But the kingdom was to have no rest. For, in the mean time,
+circumstances, which it would be tedious to relate, had raised the
+inhabitants of Norway to be the greatest maritime power in Europe. The
+use which that nation of pirates made of their strength, forms another
+and a very important link in the history of Scotland, and moreover
+illustrates the immense weight, which, in an early period of society,
+should be assigned to mere geographical considerations. The nearest land
+to the centre of the long coast of Norway is the Shetland Isles, whence
+it is an easy sail to the Orkneys. The northern pirates naturally seized
+these small, but, to them, most useful islands, and, as naturally, made
+them intermediate stations, from which they could conveniently pillage
+the coasts of Scotland. Being constantly reinforced from Norway, they, in
+the ninth and tenth centuries, advanced from the Orkneys, made permanent
+settlements in Scotland itself, and occupied not only Caithness, but also
+great part of Sutherland. Another body of them got possession of the
+Western Islands; and as Skye is only separated from the mainland by a
+very narrow channel, these pirates easily crossed over, and fixed
+themselves in Western Ross.[8] From their new abodes, they waged
+incessant and destructive war against every district within their reach;
+and, keeping a large part of Scotland in constant alarm, they, for about
+three centuries, prevented the possibility of its social improvement.
+Indeed, that unhappy country was never free from the dangers of Norwegian
+invasion, until the failure of the last great attack, in 1263, when Haco
+left Norway with a prodigious armament, which he further strengthened by
+reinforcements from the Orkneys and Hebrides. Scotland could offer but
+little resistance. Haco, with his allies, sailed along the western coast
+to the Mull of Kentire, wasted the country with fire and sword, took
+Arran and Bute, entered the Firth of Clyde, suddenly fell upon Loch
+Lomond, destroyed all the property on its shores and on its islands,
+ravaged the whole county of Stirling, and threatened to descend with all
+his force upon Ayrshire. Fortunately, the inclemency of the weather broke
+up this great expedition, and scattered or destroyed the entire fleet.[9]
+After its dispersal, the course of affairs in Norway prevented the
+attempt from being renewed; and danger from that quarter being over, it
+might have been hoped that Scotland would now enjoy peace, and would have
+leisure to develop the natural resources which she possessed,
+particularly those in the southern and more favoured districts.
+
+  [8] _Pinkerton's Enquiry into the Early History of Scotland_, vol. i.
+      pp. 136, 317, vol. ii. pp. 179, 298. _Skene's Highlanders_, vol. i.
+      pp. 90, 91, 94, 106, 114, 258, 259. _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. i.
+      pp. 340-347.
+
+  [9] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 38-54. The account in
+      _Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle_, vol. i. pp. 399-403, ascribes
+      too much to the prowess of the Scotch, and too little to the
+      elements which dispersed the fleet. Compare _Irving's History of
+      Dumbartonshire_, second edition, 4to, 1860, pp. 48, 49.
+
+This, however, was not to be. For, scarcely were the attacks from Norway
+at an end, when those from England began. Early in the thirteenth
+century, the lines of demarcation which separated Normans from Saxons,
+were, in our country, becoming so obliterated, that in many cases it was
+impossible to distinguish them.[10] By the middle of the same century,
+the two races were fused into one powerful nation; and, as that nation
+had a comparatively feeble neighbour, it was certain that the stronger
+people would try to oppress the weaker.[11] In an ignorant and barbarous
+age, military success is preferred to all other kinds of fame; and the
+English, greedy for conquest, set their eyes upon Scotland, which they
+were sure to invade at the first opportunity. That Scotland was near,
+made it tempting; that it was believed to be defenceless, made the
+temptation irresistible. In 1290, Edward I. determined to avail himself
+of the confusion into which Scotland was thrown by disputes respecting
+the succession of the crown. The intrigues which followed, need not be
+related; it is enough to say, that, in 1296, the sword was drawn, and
+Edward invaded a country which he had long desired to conquer. But he
+little recked of the millions of treasure, and the hundreds of thousands
+of lives, which were to be squandered, before that war was over.[12] The
+contest that ensued was of unexampled length and severity; and in its sad
+course, the Scotch, notwithstanding their heroic resistance, and the
+victories they occasionally gained, had to endure every evil which could
+be inflicted by their proud and insolent neighbour. The darling object of
+the English, was to subjugate the Scotch; and if anything could increase
+the disgrace of so base an enterprise, it would be that, having
+undertaken it, they ignominiously failed.[13] The suffering, however, was
+incalculable, and was aggravated by the important fact, that it was
+precisely the most fertile part of Scotland which was most exposed to the
+English ravages. This, as we shall presently see, produced some very
+curious results on the national character; and for that reason, I will,
+without entering into many details, give a slight summary of the more
+immediate consequences of this long and sanguinary struggle.
+
+  [10] _Buckle's History of Civilization_, vol. ii. pp. 116, 117.
+
+  [11] In _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 18, 'the early part
+       of the reign' of Alexander III. is indicated as the period in which
+       'the first approaches were made towards the great plan for the
+       reduction of Scotland, by the English.' Alexander III. came to the
+       throne in 1249. Earlier, the feeling was very different. Thus, late
+       in the twelfth century, 'the two nations, according to Fordun,
+       seemed one people; Englishmen travelling at pleasure through all
+       the corners of Scotland (?); and Scotchmen in like manner through
+       England.' _Ridpath's Border History_, p. 76. Compare _Dalrymple's
+       Annals of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 158. At that time, England, being
+       weak, was peaceably disposed.
+
+  [12] An old Scotch writer says, with some exaggeration, 'The year 1296,
+       at which tyme, the bloodyest and longest warr that ever was betwixt
+       two nationes fell out, and continued two hundreth and sextie years,
+       to the undoeing and ruineing of many noble families, with the
+       slaughter of a million of men.' _Somerville's Memorie of the
+       Somervilles_, vol. i. p. 61.
+
+  [13] See some just and biting remarks in _Hume's History of the House
+       of Douglas_, vol. i. p. 85.
+
+In 1296, the English entered Berwick, the richest town Scotland
+possessed, and not only destroyed all the property, but slew nearly all
+the inhabitants.[14] They then marched on to Aberdeen and Elgin; and so
+completely desolated the country, that the Scotch, flying to the
+mountains, and stripped of their all, had no resource left but to wage
+from their native fastnesses a war similar to that which their savage
+ancestors, twelve centuries earlier, had conducted against the
+Romans.[15] In 1298, the English again broke in, burnt Perth and St.
+Andrews, and ravaged the whole territory south and west.[16] In 1310,
+they invaded Scotland by the eastern march, and carrying off such
+provisions as were left, caused so terrible a dearth, that the people
+were forced to feed on horses and other carrion.[17] All over southern
+Scotland, both east and west, the inhabitants were now reduced to a
+horrible condition, being for the most part houseless and starved. In
+1314, made desperate by their state, they rallied for a moment, and, in
+the battle of Bannockburn, gloriously defeated their oppressors. But
+their unrelenting enemy was at hand, and pressed them so hard, that, in
+1322, Bruce, in order to baffle an English invasion, was obliged to lay
+waste all the districts south of the Firth of Forth; the people taking
+refuge, as before, in the mountains.[18] This time, therefore, when
+Edward II. reached Edinburgh, he plundered nothing, because, the country
+being a desert, there was nothing to plunder; but, on his return, he did
+what he could, and meeting with some convents, which were the only signs
+of life that he encountered, he fell upon them, robbed the monasteries of
+Melrose and Holyrood, burnt the abbey of Dryburgh, and slew those monks
+who, from age or disease, were unable to escape.[19] In 1336, the next
+king, Edward III., equipped a numerous army, devastated the Lowlands,
+and great part of the Highlands, and destroyed every thing he could find,
+as far as Inverness.[20] In 1346, the English overran the districts of
+Tweeddale, the Merse, Ettrick, Annandale, and Galloway;[21] and in 1355,
+Edward, in a still more barbarous inroad, burnt every church, every
+village, and every town he approached.[22] And scarcely were these
+frightful losses somewhat repaired, when another storm burst upon the
+devoted land. In 1385, Richard II. traversed the southern counties to
+Aberdeen, scattering destruction on every side, and reducing to ashes the
+cities of Edinburgh, Dunfermline, Perth, and Dundee.[23]
+
+  [14] 'Anno gratiæ MCCXCVI. tertio kalendas Aprilis, villa et castro de
+       Berevvico, per magnificum regem Angliæ Eadvvardum captis, omnes
+       ibidem inuentos Angli gladio occiderunt, paucis exceptis, qui ipsam
+       villam postmodum abiurar[=u]t.' _Flores Historiarum per Matthæum
+       Westmonasteriensem collecti_, Lond. 1570, folio, lib. ii. p. 403.
+       'Atque modo prædicto villâ captâ, civibus prostratis, rex Angliæ
+       prædictus nulli ætati parcens aut sexui, duobus diebus rivulis de
+       cruore occisorum fluentibus, septem millia et quingentas animas
+       promiscui sexûs jusserat, in sua tyrannide desæviens, trucidari.'
+       _Fordun's Scotichronicon, curâ Goodall_, Edinb. 1775, folio, vol.
+       ii. pp. 159, 160. 'Secutus Rex cum peditum copiis miserabilem omnis
+       generis cædem edit.' _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia_,
+       Abredoniæ, 1762, lib. viii. p. 200. 'They left not one creature
+       alive of the Scotish blood within all that toune.' _Hollinshead's
+       Scottish Chronicle_, Arbroath, 1805, 4to, vol. i. p. 418. In 1286,
+       that is, only ten years earlier, 'No other part of Scotland, in
+       point of commercial importance, came near to a comparison with
+       Berwick.' _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, London, 4to, 1805,
+       vol. i. p. 446. Such were the brutal crimes of our wretched and
+       ignorant ancestors.
+
+  [15] 'The Scots assembled in troops and companies, and betaking
+       themselves to the woods, mountains, and morasses, in which their
+       fathers had defended themselves against the Romans, prepared for a
+       general insurrection against the English power.' _Scott's History
+       of Scotland_, London, 1830, vol. i. p. 70. Elgin appears to have
+       been the most northern point of this expedition. See _Tytler's
+       History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 119, and _Chalmers' Caledonia_,
+       vol. i. p. 657. The general results are summed up by Buchanan:
+       'Hanc stragem ex agrorum incultu consecuta est fames, et famem
+       pestis, unde major quàm è bello clades timebatur.' _Rerum
+       Scoticarum Historia_, lib. viii. p. 203.
+
+  [16] 'The army then advanced into Scotland by moderate marches, wasting
+       and destroying every thing on their way.' ... 'A party of Edward's
+       army, sent northwards, wasted the country, and burnt Perth and
+       Saint Andrews.' _Ridpath's Border History_, pp. 146, 147.
+
+  [17] 'The king entered Scotland by the eastern march with a great army.'
+       ... 'There was this year so terrible a dearth and scarcity of
+       provisions in Scotland, arising from the havoc of war, that many
+       were obliged to feed on the flesh of horses and other carrion.'
+       _Ibid._ pp. 164, 165. See also _Fordun's Scotichronicon_, vol. ii.
+       pp. 242, 243. 'Quo anno, propter guerrarum discrimina, tanta erat
+       panis inopia et victualium caristia in Scotia, quòd in plerisque
+       locis, compellente famis necessitate, multi carnibus equorum et
+       aliorum pecorum immundorum vescebantur.'
+
+  [18] Bruce 'carefully laid the whole borders waste as far as the Firth
+       of Forth, removing the inhabitants to the mountains, with all their
+       effects of any value. When the English army entered, they found a
+       land of desolation, which famine seemed to guard.' _Scott's History
+       of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 145. See also _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum
+       Historia_, lib. viii. p. 218.
+
+  [19] 'Eadwardus, rex Angliæ, intravit Scotiam cum magno exercitu equitum
+       et peditum, ac navium multitudine copiosa, duodecimo die mensis
+       Augusti, et usque villam de Edinburgh pervenit.' ... 'Spoliatis
+       tamen tunc in reditu Anglorum et prædatis monasteriis Sanctæ Crucis
+       de Edinburgh et de Melros, atque ad magnam desolationem perductis.
+       In ipso namque monasterio de Melros dominus Willelmus de Peblis,
+       ejusdem monasterii Prior, unus etiam monachus tunc infirmus, et duo
+       conversi cæci effecti, in dormitorio eorundem ab eisdem Anglis sunt
+       interfecti, et plures monachi lethaliter vulnerati. Corpus
+       Dominicum super magnum altare fuit projectum, ablatâ pixide
+       argenteâ in quâ erat repositum. Monasterium de Driburgh igne
+       penitùs consumptum est et in pulverem redactum. Ac _alia pia loca
+       quamplurima_ per prædicti regis violentiam ignis flamma consumpsit:
+       quod, Deo retribuente, eisdem in prosperum non cessit.' _Fordun's
+       Scotichronicon_, vol. ii. p. 278. 'In redeundo sacra juxta ac
+       prophana spoliata. Monasteria Driburgum et Mulrossia etiam cæsis
+       monachis infirmioribus, qui vel defectu virium, vel senectutis
+       fiducia soli remanserant, incensa,' _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum
+       Historia_, lib. viii. p. 219.
+
+  [20] _Fordun's Scotichronicon_, vol. ii. pp. 322, 323. _Dalrymple's
+       Annals_, vol. ii. pp. 232, 447. _Scott's History of Scotland_,
+       vol. i. pp. 187, 188.
+
+  [21] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 451.
+
+  [22] _Dalrymple's Annals_, vol. ii. p. 288. _Fordun's Scotichronicon_,
+       vol. ii. pp. 352-354.
+
+  [23] 'Rex Angliæ, Richardus secundus ægrè ferens Scotos et Francos tam
+       atrociter terram suam deprædare, et municipia sua assilire et ad
+       terram prosternere, exercitum collegit grandem, et intravit
+       Scotiam, ætate tunc novemdecim annorum, in multitudine superba
+       progrediens, omnia circumquaque perdens, et nihil salvans; templa
+       Dei et sanctuaria religiosorum monasteria viz. Driburgh, Melros et
+       Newbottel, ac nobilem villam de Edinburgh, cum ecclesia Sancti
+       Ægidii ejusdem, voraci flammâ incineravit; et, destructione
+       permaximâ factâ per eum in Laudonia, ad propria sine damno
+       repatriavit' _Fordun's Scotichronicon_, vol. ii. p. 401. 'En ce
+       séjour que le roi Richard fit en Haindebourch les Anglois coururent
+       tout le pays d'environ et y firent moult de desrois; mais nullui
+       n'y trouvèrent; car tout avoient retrait ens ès forts, et ens ès
+       grands bois, et là chassé tout leur bétail.' ... 'Et ardirent les
+       Anglois la ville de Saint-Jean-Ston en Ecosse, où la rivière du Tay
+       cuert, et y a un bon port pour aller partout le monde; et puis la
+       ville de Dondie; et n'épargnoient abbayes ni moûtiers; tout
+       mettoient les Anglois en feu et en flambe; et coururent jusques à
+       Abredane les coureurs et l'avant-garde.' _Les Chroniques de
+       Froissart_, edit. Buchon, vol. ii. pp. 334, 335, Paris, 1835. See
+       also, on this ruffianly expedition, _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii.
+       pp. 592, 593, and _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. ix.
+       p. 253: 'Nulli loco, neque sacro, neque profano, nulli homini, qui
+       modò militari esset ætate, parcebat.'
+
+By these disasters, the practice of agriculture was every where
+interrupted, and in many places ceased for several generations.[24] The
+labourers either fled, or were murdered; and there being no one to till
+the ground, some of the fairest parts of Scotland were turned into a
+wilderness, overgrown with briers and thickets. Between the invasions, a
+few of the inhabitants, taking courage, issued from the mountains, and
+raised wretched huts in the place of their former abodes. But, even then,
+they were pursued to their very doors by wolves, searching for food, and
+maddened with hunger. If they escaped from these famished and ferocious
+animals, they and their families were exposed to a danger still more
+horrible. For, in those terrible days, when famine stalked abroad,
+despair perverted the souls of men, and drove them to new crime. There
+were cannibals in the land; and we have it on contemporary authority,
+that a man and his wife, who were at length brought to justice, subsisted
+during a considerable period on the bodies of children, whom they caught
+alive in traps, devouring their flesh, and drinking their blood.[25]
+
+  [24] 'Agriculture was ruined; and the very necessaries of life were lost,
+       when the principal lords had scarcely a bed to lye on.' _Chalmers'
+       Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 142. See also, in p. 867 of the same volume
+       of this learned work, some curious extracts from Scotch charters
+       and other sources, illustrating the horrible condition of the
+       country. And on the difficulty of obtaining food, compare _Fordun's
+       Scotichronicon_, vol. ii. pp. 242, 324; _Dalrymple's Annals_, vol.
+       i. p. 307, vol. ii. pp. 238, 330; and _Tytler's History of
+       Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 94.
+
+  [25] Notices of Scotch cannibals will be found in _Lindsay of
+       Pitscottie's Chronicles of Scotland_, edit. 1814, vol. i. p. 163;
+       and in _Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle_, 4to, 1805, vol. ii. pp.
+       16, 99. In _Fordun's Scotichronicon_, vol. ii. p. 331, the
+       following horrible account is given: it refers to the neighbourhood
+       of Perth in the year 1339: 'Tota illa patria circumvicina eo
+       tempore in tantum fuit vastata, quòd non remansit quasi domus
+       inhabitata, sed feræ et cervi de montanis descendentes circa villam
+       sæpiùs venabantur. Tanta tunc temporis facta est caristia, et
+       victualium inopia, ut passim plebicula deficeret, et tanquam oves
+       herbas depascentes, in foveis mortua reperirentur. Prope illinc in
+       abditis latitabat quidam robustus rusticus, Crysticleik nomine, cum
+       viragine sua, qui mulierculis et pueris ac juvenibus insidiabantur,
+       et, tanquam lupi eos strangulantes, de ipsorum carnibus
+       victitabant.'
+
+Thus the fourteenth century passed away. In the fifteenth century, the
+devastations of the English became comparatively rare; and although the
+borders were the scene of constant hostilities,[26] there is no instance,
+since the year 1400, of any of our kings invading Scotland.[27] An end
+being put to those murderous expeditions, which reduced the country to a
+desert, Scotland drew breath, and began to recover her strength.[28] But,
+though the material losses were gradually repaired; though the fields
+were again cultivated, and the towns rebuilt, there were other
+consequences, which were less easy to remedy, and from whose effects the
+people long smarted. These were inordinate power of the nobles, and the
+absence of the municipal spirit. The strength of the nobles, and the
+weakness of the citizens, are the most important peculiarities of
+Scotland during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; and they, as I am
+about to show, were directly encouraged by the ravages committed by the
+English troops. We shall, moreover, see that this combination of events
+increased the authority of the clergy, weakened the influence of the
+intellectual classes, and made superstition more prevalent than it would
+otherwise have been. It is in this way, that in Scotland, as in all other
+countries, every thing is linked together; nothing is casual or
+accidental; and the whole march of affairs is governed by general causes,
+which, owing to their largeness and remoteness, often escape attention,
+but which, when once recognized, are found to be marked by a simplicity
+and uniformity, which are the invariable characteristics of the highest
+truths that the mind of man has reached.
+
+  [26] Even when the two nations were at peace, the borderers were at war.
+       See _Ridpath's Border History_, pp. 240, 308, 394; and for other
+       evidence of this chronic anarchy, compare _Hollinshead's Scottish
+       Chronicle_, vol. ii. p. 30. _Lesley's History of Scotland_, pp. 40,
+       52, 67. _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. pp. 300, 301, 444, 449.
+       _State Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._, 4to, 1836, vol. iv. pp.
+       366, 370, 569, 570, vol. v. pp. 17, 18, 161. _Historie of James the
+       Sext_, pp. 21, 91, 146.
+
+  [27] In 1400, Henry IV. made 'the last invasion which an English monarch
+       ever conducted into Scotland.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol.
+       ii. p. 406. It is said, however, that it was not till the reign of
+       Elizabeth than an English sovereign 'had the policy to disavow any
+       claim of sovereignty over Scotland.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. i.
+       p. 650.
+
+  [28] But very slowly. Pinkerton (_History of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 166,
+       167) says: 'The frequent wars between Scotland and England, since
+       the death of Alexander III., had occasioned to the former country
+       the loss of more than a century in the progress of civilization.
+       While in England, only the northern provinces were exposed to the
+       Scotish incursions, Scotland suffered in its most civilized
+       departments. It is apparent that in the reign of Alexander III.,
+       the kingdom was more abundant in the useful arts and manufactures,
+       than it was in the time of Robert III.'
+
+The first circumstance favourable to the authority of the nobles, was the
+structure of the country. Mountains, fens, lakes, and morasses, which
+even the resources of modern art have only recently made accessible
+supplied the great Scottish chieftains with retreats, in which they could
+with impunity defy the power of the crown.[29] The poverty of the soil
+also, made it difficult for armies to find means of subsistence; and from
+this cause alone, the royal troops were often unable to pursue the
+lawless and refractory barons.[30] During the fourteenth century,
+Scotland was constantly ravaged by the English; and in the intervals of
+their absence, it would have been a hopeless undertaking for any king to
+try to repress such powerful subjects, since he would have had to march
+through districts so devastated by the enemy, that they no longer yielded
+the common necessaries of life. Besides this, the war with the English
+lessened the authority of the crown, absolutely as well as relatively.
+Its patrimony, lying in the south, was incessantly wasted by the
+borderers, and before the middle of the fourteenth century, greatly
+deteriorated in value.[31] In 1346, David II. fell into the hands of the
+English, and during his captivity of eleven years, the nobles carried all
+before them, and affected, says an historian, the style and title of
+princes.[32] The longer the war with England continued, the more these
+consequences were felt; so that before the close of the fourteenth
+century, a few of the leading Scotch families had raised themselves to
+such preëminence, that it was evident, either that a deadly struggle must
+ensue between them and the crown, or else that the executive government
+would have to abdicate its most essential functions, and leave the
+country a prey to these headstrong and ferocious chiefs.[33]
+
+  [29] Owing to this, their castles were, by position, the strongest in
+       Europe; Germany alone excepted. Respecting their sites, which were
+       such as to make them in many instances almost unassailable, see
+       _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii. pp. 122, 406, 407, 918, 919, vol.
+       iii. pp. 268, 269, 356-359, 864; _Pennant's Scotland_, vol. i. pp.
+       175, 177; _Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 169, vol. vii. p.
+       510, vol. xi. pp. 102, 212, 407, 408, vol. xii. pp. 25, 58, vol.
+       xiii. p. 598, vol. xv. p. 187, vol. xvi. p. 554, vol. xviii. p.
+       579, vol. xix. p. 474, vol. xx. pp. 56, 312; _Macky's Scotland_,
+       pp. 183, 297; and some good remarks in _Nimmo's History of
+       Stirlingshire_, p. 56. Neither England, nor France, nor Italy, nor
+       Spain, afforded such immense natural advantages to their
+       aristocracy.
+
+  [30] 'By retiring to his own castle, a mutinous baron could defy the
+       power of his sovereign, it being almost impracticable to lead an
+       army through a barren country, to places of difficult access to a
+       single man.' _History of Scotland_, book i. p. 59, in _Robertson's
+       Works_, edit. London, 1831. Notwithstanding the immense materials
+       which have been brought to light since the time of Robertson, his
+       _History of Scotland_ is still valuable; because he possessed a
+       grasp of mind which enabled him to embrace general views, that
+       escape ordinary compilers, however industrious they may be.
+
+  [31] 'The patrimony of the Crown had been seriously dilapidated during
+       the period of confusion which succeeded the battle of Durham,'
+       _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 86.
+
+  [32] 'During the long captivity of David,' the nobles had been completely
+       insubordinate, and 'affected the style and title of princes,'
+       _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 85. See also, on the
+       state of the barons under David II., _Skene's Highlanders_,
+       vol. ii. pp. 63-67.
+
+  [33] In 1299, 'a superior baron was in every respect a king in
+       miniature.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 150. In
+       1377, 'the power of the barons had been decidedly increasing since
+       the days of Robert the First,' p. 332. And, by 1398, it had risen
+       still higher, p. 392.
+
+At this crisis, the natural allies of the throne would have been the
+citizens and free burgesses, who in most European countries were the
+eager and resolute opponents of the nobles, whose licentious habits
+interfered not only with their trade and manufactures, but also with
+their personal liberty. Here again, however, the long war with England
+was favourable to the aristocracy of Scotland. For, as the invaders
+ravaged the southern parts of Scotland, which were also the only
+tolerably fertile parts, it was impossible that towns should flourish in
+the places which nature had appointed for them. There being no large
+cities, there was no asylum for the citizens, and there could be no
+municipal spirit. There being no municipal spirit, the crown was deprived
+of that great resource, which enabled the English kings to curtail the
+power of the nobles, and to punish a lawlessness which long impeded the
+progress of society.
+
+During the middle ages, the Scotch towns were so utterly insignificant,
+that but few notices have been preserved of them; contemporary writers
+concentrating their attention upon the proceedings of the nobles and
+clergy. Respecting the people, who found shelter in such miserable cities
+as then existed, our best accounts are very imperfect; it is, however,
+certain that, during the long English wars, the inhabitants usually fled
+at the approach of the invaders, and the wretched hovels in which they
+lived were burned to the ground.[34] Hence the population acquired a
+fluctuating and vagabond character, which prevented the formation of
+settled habits of industry, and thus took away one reason which men have
+for congregating together. This applied more especially to the southern
+Lowlands; for the north, there were other evils equally threatening. The
+ferocious Highlanders, who lived entirely by plunder, were constantly at
+hand; and to them were not unfrequently added the freebooters of the
+Western Isles. Any thing which bore even the semblance of wealth, was an
+irresistible excitement to their cupidity. They could not know that a man
+had property, without longing to steal it; and, next to stealing, their
+greatest pleasure was to destroy.[35] Aberdeen and Inverness were
+particularly exposed to their assaults; and twice during the fifteenth
+century, Inverness was totally consumed by fire, besides having to pay at
+other times a heavy ransom, to save itself from a similar fate.[36]
+
+  [34] On this burning of Scotch towns, which appears to have been the
+       invariable practice of our humane forefathers, see _Chalmers'
+       Caledonia_, vol. ii. pp. 592, 593; _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_,
+       vol. i. pp. 18, 27, 375, vol. ii. p. 304; _Mercer's History of
+       Dunfermline_, pp. 55, 66; _Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. v. p. 485,
+       vol. x. p. 584, vol. xix. p. 161; _Ridpath's Border History_,
+       pp. 147, 221, 265.
+
+  [35] A curious description of them is given in a Scotch statute, of the
+       year 1597. 'They hawe lykwayis throche thair barbarus inhumunitie
+       maid and presentlie makis the saidis hielandis and Iles qlk are
+       maist c[=o]modious in thame selwes alsueill be the ferteillitie of
+       the ground as be riche fischeingis altogidder vnproffitabill baithe
+       to thame selffis and to all vthuris his hienes liegis within this
+       realme; Thay nathair intertening onie ciuill or honest societie
+       amangis thame selffis neyther, zit admittit vtheris his hienesse
+       lieges to trafficque within thair boundis vithe saiftie of thair
+       liues and gudes; for remeid quhairof and that the saidis
+       inhabitantis of the saidis hilandeis and Iles may the better be
+       reduced to ane godlie, honest, and ciuill maner of living, it is
+       statute and ordanit,' &c. _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_,
+       vol. iv. p. 138, edit. folio, 1816.
+
+       These little peculiarities of the Highlanders remained in full
+       force until about the middle of the eighteenth century, as will
+       appear in the course of this history. But without anticipating what
+       will be narrated in a subsequent chapter, I will merely refer the
+       reader to two interesting passages in _Pennant's Scotland_, vol. i.
+       p. 154, and in _Heron's Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 218, 219; both of
+       which illustrate the state of things a little before 1745.
+
+  [36] Inverness was burned in 1429. _Gregory's History of the Western
+       Highlands_, p. 36; and again in 1455, _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum
+       Historia_, lib. xi. p. 322. 'The greatest part' of it was also
+       burned in 1411. See _Anderson on the Highlands_, Edinb. 1827,
+       p. 82.
+
+       Aberdeen, being richer, was more tempting, but was likewise more
+       able to defend itself. Still, its burgh records supply curious
+       evidence of the constant fear in which the citizens lived, and of
+       the precautions which they took to ward off the attacks, sometimes
+       of the English, and sometimes of the clans. See the _Council
+       Register of Aberdeen_ (published by the Spalding Club, Aberdeen,
+       1844-1848, 4to), vol. i. pp. 8, 19, 60, 83, 197, 219, 232, 268,
+       vol. ii. p. 82. The last entry, which is dated July 31, 1593,
+       mentions 'the disordourit and lawles helandmen in Birss,
+       Glentanner, and their about, nocht onlie in the onmerciful
+       murthering of men and bairnis, bot in the maisterfull and violent
+       robbing and spulzeing of all the bestiall, guidis, and geir of a
+       gryt pairt of the inhabitantis of theas boundis, rasing of gryt
+       hairschip furth of the samen, being committit to ewous and nar this
+       burgh, within xx mylis theirunto, deuysit and ordanit for
+       preservation of this burgh and inhabitantis theirof, fra the
+       tyrannous invasion of the saidis hieland men, quha has na respect
+       to God nor man; that the haill inhabitantis of this burgh,
+       fensiball persones als weill onfrie as frie, salbe in reddiness
+       weill armit for the defence of this burgh, thair awin lyvis, gudis,
+       and geir, and resisting and repressing of the said heland men, as
+       occasioun salbe offered, at all tymes and houris as thay salbe
+       requirt and chargit.'
+
+       Even in 1668 we find complaints that Highlanders had forcibly
+       carried off women from Aberdeen or from its neighbourhood. _Records
+       of the Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 290. Other evidence of their attacks
+       in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, may be seen in
+       _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. 133; _Spalding's History
+       of the Troubles_, vol. i. pp. 25, 217; _Extracts from the
+       Presbytery Book of Strathbogie_, pp. 62, 73.
+
+Such insecurity[37] both on the north and on the south, made peaceful
+industry impossible in any part of Scotland. No where could a town be
+built, without being in danger of immediate destruction. The consequence
+was, that, during many centuries, there were no manufactures; there was
+hardly any trade; and nearly all business was conducted by barter.[38]
+Some of the commonest arts were unknown. The Scotch were unable to make
+even the arms with which they fought. This, among such a warlike people,
+would have been a very profitable labour; but they were so ignorant of
+it, that, early in the fifteenth century, most of the armour which they
+wore was manufactured abroad, as also were their spears, and even their
+bows and arrows; and the heads of these weapons were entirely imported
+from Flanders.[39] Indeed, the Flemish artizans supplied the Scotch with
+ordinary farming implements, such as cart-wheels and wheel-barrows,
+which, about the year 1475, used to be regularly shipped from the Low
+Countries.[40] As to the arts which indicate a certain degree of
+refinement, they were then, and long afterwards, quite out of the
+question.[41] Until the seventeenth century, no glass was manufactured in
+Scotland,[42] neither was any soap made there.[43] Even the higher class
+of citizens would have deemed windows absurd in their wretched
+abodes;[44] and as they were alike filthy in their persons as in their
+houses, the demand for soap was too small to induce any one to attempt
+its manufacture.[45] Other branches of industry were equally backward. In
+1620, the art of tanning leather was for the first time introduced into
+Scotland;[46] and it is stated, on apparently good authority, that no
+paper was made there until about the middle of the eighteenth
+century.[47]
+
+  [37] Even Perth ceased to be the capital of Scotland, because 'its
+       vicinity to the Highlands' made it dangerous for the sovereign to
+       reside there. _Lawson's Book of Perth_, p. xxxi.
+
+  [38] On the prevalence of barter and lack of specie, in Scotland, see the
+       _Spalding Club Miscellany_, vol. iv. pp. lvii.-lx., Aberdeen, 1849,
+       4to. In 1492, the treasury of Aberdeen was obliged to borrow 4_l._
+       16_s._ Scots. _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. 61.
+       Compare _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. x. p.
+       542. Fynes Moryson, who was in Scotland late in the sixteenth
+       century, says, 'the gentlemen reckon their revenues not by rents of
+       money, but by chauldrons of victuals.' _Moryson's Itinerary_, part
+       iii. p. 155, London, folio, 1617; a rare and extremely curious
+       book, which ought to be reprinted. A hundred years after Moryson
+       wrote, it was observed that, 'in England, the rents are paid in
+       money; in Scotland, they are, generally speaking, paid in kind, or
+       victual, as they call it.' _De Foe's History of the Union_, p. 130.
+
+  [39] In the reign of James I. (1424-1436), 'It appears that armour, nay
+       spears, and bows and arrows, were chiefly imported.' ... 'In
+       particular, the heads of arrows and of spears seem to have been
+       entirely imported from Flanders,' _Pinkerton's History of
+       Scotland_, vol. i. p. 163. We learn from Rymer's _F[oe]dera_, that,
+       in 1368, two Scotchmen having occasion to fight a duel, got their
+       armour from London. _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. i.
+       p. 575.
+
+  [40] From the _Bibel of English Policy_, supposed to have been written in
+       the reign of Edward IV., we learn that 'the Scotish imports from
+       Flanders were mercery, but more haberdashery, cart-wheels, and
+       wheel-barrows,' _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 408.
+       In _Mercer's History of Dunfermline_, p. 61, we are told that, in
+       the fifteenth century, 'Even in the best parts of Scotland, the
+       inhabitants could not manufacture the most necessary articles.
+       Flanders was the great mart in those times, and from Bruges
+       chiefly, the Scots imported even horse-shoes, harness, saddles,
+       bridles, cart-wheels, and wheel-barrows, besides all their mercery
+       and haberdashery.'
+
+  [41] Aberdeen was, for a long period, one of the most wealthy,
+       and, in some respects, the most advanced, of all the Scotch cities.
+       But it appears, from the council-registers of Aberdeen, that, 'in
+       the beginning of the sixteenth century, there was not a mechanic in
+       the town capable to execute the ordinary repairs of a clock,'
+       _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. 99. On the Scotch clocks
+       in the middle of the sixteenth century, compare Mr. Morley's
+       interesting _Life of Cardan_, London, 1854, vol. ii. p. 128. Cardan
+       was in Scotland in 1552.
+
+  [42] About 1619, Sir George Hay 'set up at the village of Wemyss, in
+       Fife, a small glass-work, being the first known to have existed
+       amongst us.' _Chambers' Annals_, vol. i. p. 506. See also p. 428.
+
+  [43] 'Before this time, soap was imported into Scotland from foreign
+       countries, chiefly from Flanders.' _Ibid._, vol. i. p. 507, under
+       the year 1619, where mention is made of the manufactory set up at
+       Leith. 'The sope-workes of Leith' are noticed in 1650, in
+       _Balfour's Annales_, vol. iv. p. 68.
+
+  [44] Ray, who visited Scotland in 1661, says, 'In the best Scottish
+       houses, even the king's palaces, the windows are not glazed
+       throughout, but the upper part only; the lower have two wooden
+       shuts or folds to open at pleasure and admit the fresh air.' ...
+       'The ordinary country-houses are pitiful cots, built of stone, and
+       covered with turves, having in them but one room, many of them no
+       chimneys, the windows very small holes and not glazed.' _Ray's
+       Itineraries_, p. 153, edited by Dr. Lankester, London, 1846. 'About
+       1752, the glass window was beginning to make its appearance in the
+       small farm-houses.' _Brown's History of Glasgow_, vol. ii. p. 265,
+       Edinburgh, 1797.
+
+  [45] In 1650, it was stated of the Scotch, that 'many of their women are
+       so sluttish, that they do not wash their linen above once a month,
+       nor their hands and faces above once a year.' _Whitelock's
+       Memorials_, p. 468, London, 1732, folio. Six or seven years after
+       this, a traveller in Scotland says, 'the linen they supplied us
+       with, were it not to boast of, was little or nothing different from
+       those female complexions that never washed their faces to retain
+       their christendom.' _Franck's Northern Memoirs_, edit. Edinburgh,
+       1821, p. 94. A celebrated Scotchman notices, in 1698, the uncleanly
+       habits of his countrymen, but gives a comical reason for them;
+       since, according to him, they were in a great measure caused by the
+       position of the capital. 'As the happy situation of London has been
+       the principal cause of the glory and riches of England, so the bad
+       situation of Edinburgh has been one great occasion of the poverty
+       and uncleanliness in which the greater part of the people of
+       Scotland live.' _Second Discourse on the Affairs of Scotland_, in
+       _Fletcher of Saltoun's Political Works_, p. 119, Glasgow, 1749.
+       Another Scotchman, among his reminiscences of the early part of the
+       eighteenth century, says, that 'table and body linen [were] seldom
+       shifted.' _Memoires by Sir Archibald Grant of Monymusk_, in
+       _Spalding Club Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 100, Aberdeen, 1842, 4to.
+       Finally, we have positive proof that in some parts of Scotland,
+       even at the end of the eighteenth century, the people used, instead
+       of soap, a substitute too disgusting to mention. See the account
+       communicated by the Rev. William Leslie to Sir John Sinclair, in
+       _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. ix. p. 177,
+       Edinburgh, 1793.
+
+  [46] _Chambers' Annals_, vol. i. p. 512.
+
+  [47] A paper-mill was established near Edinburgh in 1675; but 'there is
+       reason to conclude this paper-mill was not continued, and that
+       paper-making was not successfully introduced into Scotland till the
+       middle of the succeeding century.' _Chambers' Annals_, vol. ii. p.
+       399. I have met with so many proofs of the great accuracy of this
+       valuable work, that I should be loath to question any statement
+       made by Mr. Chambers, when, as in this case, I have only my memory
+       to trust to. But I think that I have seen evidence of paper being
+       successfully manufactured in Scotland late in the seventeenth
+       century, though I cannot recall the passages. However, Arnot, in
+       his _History of Edinburgh_, p. 599, edit. 4to, says, 'About forty
+       years ago, printing or writing paper began to be manufactured in
+       Scotland. Before that, papers were imported from Holland, or
+       brought from England,' As Arnot's work was printed in 1788, this
+       coincides with Mr. Chambers' statement. I may add, that, at the end
+       of the eighteenth century, there were 'two paper-mills near Perth.'
+       _Heron's Journey through Scotland_, vol. i. p. 117, Perth, 1799;
+       and that, in 1751 and 1763, the two first paper-mills were erected
+       north of the Forth. _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_,
+       vol. ix. p. 593, vol. xvi. p. 373. Compare _Lettice's Letters from
+       Scotland in 1792_, p. 420.
+
+In the midst of such general stagnation, the most flourishing towns were,
+as may be easily supposed, very thinly peopled. Indeed, men had so little
+to do, that if they had collected in large numbers, they must have
+starved. Glasgow is one of the oldest cities in Scotland, and is said to
+have been founded about the sixth century.[48] At all events, in the
+twelfth century, it was, according to the measure of that age, a rich and
+prosperous place, enjoying the privilege of holding both a market and a
+fair.[49] It had also a municipal organization, and was governed by its
+own provosts and baillies.[50] Yet, even this famous town had no kind of
+trade before the fifteenth century, when the inhabitants began to cure
+salmon, and export it.[51] That was the only branch of industry with
+which Glasgow was acquainted. We need not, therefore, be surprised at
+hearing, that so late as the middle of the fifteenth century, the entire
+population did not exceed fifteen hundred persons, whose wealth consisted
+of some small cattle, and a few acres of ill-cultivated land.[52]
+
+  [48] 'This city was founded about the sixth century.' _M'Ure's History of
+       Glasgow_, edit. 1830, p. 120. Compare _Denholm's History of
+       Glasgow_, p. 2, Glasgow, 1804.
+
+  [49] In 1172, a market was granted to Glasgow; and in 1190, a fair. See
+       the charters in the Appendix to _Gibson's History of Glasgow_, pp.
+       299, 302, Glasgow, 1777.
+
+  [50] 'By the sale of land made by Robert de Mythyngby to Mr. Reginald de
+       Irewyne, A.D. 1268, it is evident that the town was then governed
+       by provosts, aldermen, or wardens, and baillies, who seem to have
+       been independent of the bishop, and were possessed of a common
+       seal, distinct from the one made use of by the bishop and chapter.'
+       _Gibson's History of Glasgow_, p. 72.
+
+  [51] 'A Mr. William Elphinston is made mention of as the first promoter
+       of trade in Glasgow, so early as the year 1420; the trade which he
+       promoted was, in all probability, the curing and exporting of
+       salmon.' _Gibson's History of Glasgow_, p. 203. See also _M'Ure's
+       History of Glasgow_, p. 93.
+
+  [52] Gibson (_History of Glasgow_, p. 74), with every desire to take a
+       sanguine view of the early state of his own city, says, that, in
+       1450, the inhabitants 'might perhaps amount to fifteen hundred;'
+       and that 'their wealth consisted in a few burrow-roods very
+       ill-cultivated, and in some small cattle, which fed on their
+       commons.'
+
+Other cities, though bearing a celebrated name, were equally backward at
+a still more recent period. Dunfermline is associated with many historic
+reminiscences; it was a favourite residence of Scotch kings, and many
+Scotch parliaments have been held there.[53] Such events are supposed to
+confer distinction; but the illusion vanishes, when we inquire more
+minutely into the condition of the place where they happened. In spite of
+the pomp of princes and legislators, Dunfermline, which at the end of the
+fourteenth century was still a poor village, composed of wooden huts,[54]
+had, by the beginning of the seventeenth century, advanced so slowly that
+its whole population, including that of its wretched suburbs, did not
+exceed one thousand persons.[55] For a Scotch town, that was a
+considerable number. About the same time, Greenock, we are assured, was a
+village consisting of a single row of cottages, tenanted by poor
+fishermen.[56] Kilmarnock, which is now a great emporium of industry and
+of wealth, contained, in 1668, between five and six hundred
+inhabitants.[57] And, to come down still lower, even Paisley itself, in
+the year 1700, possessed a population which, according to the highest
+estimate, did not amount to three thousand.[58]
+
+  [53] 'Dunfermline continued to be a favourite royal residence as long as
+       the Scottish dynasty existed. Charles I. was born here; as also his
+       sister Elizabeth, afterwards Queen of Bohemia, from whom her
+       present Majesty is descended; and Charles II. paid a visit to this
+       ancient seat of royalty in 1650. The Scottish parliament was often
+       held in it.' _M'Culloch's Geographical Dictionary_, London, 1849,
+       vol. i. p. 723. Compare _Mercer's History of Dunfermline_, 1828,
+       pp. 56, 58, and _Chalmers' History of Dunfermline_, 1844, p. 264.
+
+  [54] In 1385, it was 'only a sorry wooden village, belonging to the
+       monastery.' _Mercer's History of Dunfermline_, p. 62.
+
+  [55] See 'Ms. Annals,' in _Chalmers' History of Dunfermline_, p. 327. In
+       1624, we learn from _Balfour's Annales_, edit. 1825, vol. ii. p.
+       99, that 'the quholl bodey of the towne, which did consist of 120
+       tenements, and 287 families was brunt and consumed.'
+
+  [56] 'Greenock, which is now one of the largest shipping towns in
+       Scotland, was, in the end of the sixteenth century, a mean fishing
+       village, consisting of a single row of thatched cottages, which was
+       inhabited by poor fishermen.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii.
+       p. 806, 4to, 1824.
+
+  [57] In May 1668, Kilmarnock was burnt; and 'the event is chiefly worthy
+       of notice as marking the smallness of Kilmarnock in those days,
+       when as yet, there was no such thing as manufacturing industry in
+       the country. A hundred and twenty families speaks to a population
+       of between five and six hundred.' _Chambers' Annals_, Edinburgh,
+       1858, vol. ii. p. 320. In 1658, their houses are described by an
+       eye-witness as 'little better than huts.' _Franck's Northern
+       Memoirs_, reprinted Edinburgh, 1821, p. 101.
+
+  [58] 'Betwixt two and three thousand souls,' _Denholm's History of
+        Glasgow_, p. 542, edit. Glasgow, 1804.
+
+Aberdeen, the metropolis of the north, was looked up to as one of the
+most influential of the Scotch towns, and was not a little envied during
+the Middle Ages, for its power and importance. These, however, like all
+other words, are relative, and mean different things at different
+periods. Certainly, we shall not be much struck by the magnitude of that
+city, when we learn, from calculations made from its tables of mortality,
+that so late as 1572, it could only boast of about two thousand nine
+hundred inhabitants.[59] Such a fact will dispel many a dream respecting
+the old Scotch towns, particularly if we call to mind that it refers to a
+date, when the anarchy of the Middle Ages was passing away, and Aberdeen
+had for some time been improving. That city--if so miserable a collection
+of persons deserves to be termed a city--was, nevertheless, one of the
+most densely peopled places in Scotland. From the thirteenth century to
+the close of the sixteenth, no where else were so many Scotchmen
+assembled together, except in Perth, Edinburgh, and possibly in Saint
+Andrews.[60] Respecting Saint Andrews, I have been unable to meet with
+any precise information;[61] but of Perth and Edinburgh, some particulars
+are preserved. Perth was long the capital of Scotland, and after losing
+that preëminence, it was still reputed to be the second city in the
+kingdom.[62] Its wealth was supposed to be astonishing; and every good
+Scotchman was proud of it, as one of the chief ornaments of his
+country.[63] But, according to an estimate recently made by a
+considerable authority in these matters, its entire population, in the
+year 1585, was under nine thousand.[64] This will surprise many readers;
+though, considering the state of society at that time, the real wonder
+is, not that there were so few, but that there were so many. For,
+Edinburgh itself, notwithstanding the officials and numerous hangers-on,
+which the presence of a court always brings, did not contain, late in the
+fourteenth century, more than sixteen thousand persons.[65] Of their
+general condition, a contemporary observer has left us some account.
+Froissart, who visited Scotland, and records what he saw, as well as what
+he heard, gives a lamentable picture of the state of affairs. The houses
+in Edinburgh were mere huts, thatched with boughs; and were so slightly
+put together, that when one of them was destroyed, it only took three
+days to rebuild it. As to the people who inhabited these wretched hovels,
+Froissart, who was by no means given to exaggeration, assures us, that
+the French, unless they had seen them, could not have believed that such
+destitution existed, and that now, for the first time, they understood
+what poverty really was.[66]
+
+  [59] In 1572, the registers of Aberdeen show that seventy-two deaths
+       occurred in the year. An annual mortality of 1 in 40 would be a
+       very favourable estimate; indeed, rather too favourable,
+       considering the habits of the people at that time. However,
+       supposing it to be 1 in 40, the population would be 2880; and if,
+       as I make no doubt, the mortality was more than 1 in 40, the
+       population must of course have been less. Kennedy, in his valuable,
+       but very uncritical, work, conjectures that 'one fiftieth part of
+       the inhabitants had died annually;' though it is certain that there
+       was no town in Europe any thing like so healthy as that. On this
+       hypothesis, which is contradicted by every sort of statistical
+       evidence that has come down to us, the number would be 72 × 50 =
+       3600. See _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. 103, London,
+       1818, 4to.
+
+  [60] 'St. Andrews, Perth, and Aberdeen, appear to have been the three
+       most populous cities before the Reformation.' _Lawson's Roman
+       Catholic Church in Scotland_, 1836, p. 26. The same assertion is
+       made in _Lyon's History of St. Andrews_, 1843, vol. i. p. 2. But
+       neither of these writers appear to have made many researches on the
+       subject, or else they would not have supposed that Aberdeen was
+       larger than Edinburgh.
+
+  [61] I have carefully read the two histories of St. Andrews, by Dr.
+       Grierson and by Mr. Lyon, but have found nothing in them of any
+       value concerning the early history of that city. Mr. Lyon's work,
+       which is in two thick volumes, is unusually superficial, even for a
+       local history; and that is saying much.
+
+  [62] 'Of the thirteen parliaments held in the reign of King James I.,
+       eleven were held at Perth, one at Stirling, and one at Edinburgh.
+       The National Councils of the Scottish clergy were held there
+       uniformly till 1459. Though losing its pre-eminence by the
+       selection of Edinburgh as a capital, Perth has uniformly and
+       constantly maintained the second place in the order of burghs, and
+       its right to do so has been repeatedly and solemnly acknowledged.'
+       _Penny's Traditions of Perth_, Perth, 1836, p. 231. See also p.
+       305. It appears, however, from Froissart, that Edinburgh was deemed
+       the capital in the latter half of the fourteenth century.
+
+  [63] I find one instance of its being praised by a man who was not a
+       Scotchman. Alexander Necham 'takes notice of Perth in the following
+       distich, quoted in Camden's Britannia:
+
+       Transis ample Tai, per rura, per oppida, per Perth:
+       Regnum sustentant illius urbis opes.
+
+       Thus Englished in Bishop Gibson's Translations of Camden's Book:
+
+       'Great Tay, through Perth, through towns, through country flies:
+       Perth the whole kingdom with her wealth supplies.'
+
+       _Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. xviii. p. 511.
+
+  [64] 1427 × 6 = 8562, the computed population in 1584 and 1585, exclusive
+       of the extraordinary mortality caused by the plague. _Chambers'
+       Annals of Scotland_, 1858, vol. i. p. 158.
+
+  [65] 'The inhabitants of the capital, in the reign of Robert II., hardly
+       exceeded sixteen thousand.' _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_,
+       vol. i. p. 152.
+
+  [66] When the French arrived in Edinburgh, the Scotch said, '"Quel diable
+       les a mandés? Ne savons-nous pas bien faire notre guerre sans eux
+       aux Anglois? Nous ne ferons jà bonne besogne tant comme ils soient
+       avec nous. On leur dise que ils s'en revoisent, et que nous sommes
+       gens assez en Escosse pour parmaintenir notre guerre, et que point
+       nous ne voulons leur compagnie. Ils ne nous entendent point, ni
+       nous eux; nous ne savons parler ensemble; ils auront tantôt riflé
+       et mangé tout ce qui est en ce pays: ils nous feront plus de
+       contraires, de dépits, et de dommages, si nous les laissons
+       convenir, que les Anglois ne feroient si ils s'étoient embattus
+       entre nous sans ardoir. Et si les Anglois ardent nos maisons, que
+       peut il chaloir? Nous les aurons tantôt refaites à bon marché, nous
+       n'y mettons au refaire que trois jours, mais que nous ayons quatre
+       ou six estaches et de la ramée pour lier par dessus."'
+
+       'Ainsi disoient les Escots en Escosse à la venue des seigneurs de
+       France,' ... 'Et quand les Anglois y chevauchent ou que ils y vont,
+       ainsi que ils y ont été plusieurs fois, il convient que leurs
+       pourvéances, si ils veulent vivre, les suivent toujours au dos; car
+       on ne trouve rien sur le pays: à grand'peine y recuevre-l'en du fer
+       pour serrer les chevaux, ni du cuir pour faire harnois, selles ni
+       brides. Les choses toutes faites leur viennent par mer de Flandre,
+       et quand cela leur défaut, ils n'ont nulle chose. Quand ces barons
+       et ces chevaliers de France qui avoient appris ces beaux hôtels à
+       trouver, ces salles parées, ces chasteaux et ces bons mols lits
+       pour reposer, se virent et trouvèrent en celle povreté, si
+       commencèrent à rire et à dire: "En quel pays nous a ci amenés
+       l'amiral? Nous ne sçumes oncques que ce fût de povreté ni de dureté
+       fors maintenant."' _Les Chroniques de Froissart_, edit. Buchon,
+       Paris, 1835, vol. ii. pp. 314, 315. 'The hovels of the common
+       people were slight erections of turf, or twigs, which, as they were
+       often laid waste by war, were built merely for temporary
+       accommodation. Their towns consisted chiefly of wooden cottages,'
+       ... 'Even as late as 1600, the houses of Edinburgh were chiefly
+       built of wood.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 802. Another
+       account, written in 1670, says, 'The houses of the commonalty are
+       very mean, mudwall and thatch, the best; but the poorer sort live
+       in such miserable huts as never eye beheld.' ... 'In some parts,
+       where turf is plentiful, they build up little cabbins thereof, with
+       arched roofs of turf, without a stick of timber in it; when the
+       house is dry enough to burn, it serves them for fuel, and they
+       remove to another.' _Harleian Miscellany_, vol. vi. p. 139, 4to,
+       1810.
+
+After this period, there was, no doubt, considerable improvement; but it
+was very slow, and even late in the sixteenth century, skilled labour was
+hardly known, and honest industry was universally despised.[67] It is
+not, therefore, surprising, that the citizens, poor, miserable, and
+ignorant, should frequently purchase the protection of some powerful
+noble by yielding to him the little independence that they might have
+retained.[68] Few of the Scotch towns ventured to elect their chief
+magistrate from among their own people; but the usual course was, to
+choose a neighbouring peer as provost or baillie.[69] Indeed, it often
+happened that his office became hereditary, and was looked upon as the
+vested right of some aristocratic family.[70] To the head of that family,
+every thing gave way. His authority was so incontestable, that an injury
+done even to one of his retainers was resented, as if it had been done to
+himself.[71] The burgesses who were sent to parliament, were completely
+dependent on the noble who ruled the town. Down to quite modern times,
+there was in Scotland no real popular representation. The so-called
+representatives were obliged to vote as they were ordered; they were, in
+fact, delegates of the aristocracy; and as they possessed no chamber of
+their own, they sat and deliberated in the midst of their powerful
+masters, by whom they were openly intimidated.[72]
+
+  [67] 'Our manufactures were carried on by the meanest of the people, who
+       had small stocks, and were of no reputation. These were, for the
+       most part, workmen for home-consumpt, such as masons,
+       house-carpenters, armourers, blacksmiths, taylors, shoemakers, and
+       the like. Our weavers were few in number, and in the greatest
+       contempt, as their employments were more sedentary, and themselves
+       reckoned less fit for war, in which all were obliged to serve, when
+       the exigencies of the country demanded their attendance.' _The
+       Interest of Scotland Considered_, Edinburgh, 1733, p. 82. Pinkerton
+       (_History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 392), referring to the Sloane
+       manuscripts, says, 'The author of an interesting memoir concerning
+       the state of Scotland about 1590, observes, that the husbandmen
+       were a kind of slaves, only holding their lands from year to year;
+       that the nobility being too numerous for the extent of the country,
+       there arose too great an inequality of rank and revenue; and there
+       was no middle station between a proud landholder and those who,
+       having no property to lose, were ready for any tumult. A rich
+       yeomanry, numerous merchants and tradesmen of property, and all the
+       denominations of the middle class, so important in a flourishing
+       society, were long to be confined to England.' Thirteen years
+       later, we are told that the manufactures of Scotland 'were confined
+       to a few of the coarsest nature, without which the poorest nations
+       are unable to subsist.' _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p.
+       7, under the year 1603.
+
+  [68] Thus, for instance, 'the town of Dunbar naturally grew up under the
+       shelter of the castle of the same name.' ... 'Dunbar became the
+       town, in demesn, of the successive Earls of Dunbar and March,
+       partaking of their influences, whether unfortunate or happy.'
+       _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 416. 'But when the regal
+       government became at any time feeble, these towns, unequal to their
+       own protection, placed themselves under the shelter of the most
+       powerful lord in their neighbourhood. Thus, the town of Elgyn found
+       it necessary, at various periods between the years 1389 and 1452,
+       to accept of many charters of protection, and discharges of taxes,
+       from the Earls of Moray, who held it in some species of vassalage.'
+       _Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. v. p. 3. Compare _Pinkerton's History
+       of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 396; and two letters, written in 1543 and
+       1544, by the magistrates of Aberdeen, to the Earl of Huntly, and
+       printed in the _Council Register of Aberdeen_, vol. i. pp. 190,
+       201, Aberdeen, 1844, 4to. They say to him, 'Ye haf our band as
+       protectour to wss.'
+
+  [69] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 225. See also p. 131;
+       and _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 179. Sometimes
+       the nobles did not leave to the citizens even the appearance of a
+       free election, but fought it out among themselves. An instance of
+       this happened at Perth, in 1544, 'where a claim for the office of
+       provost was decided by arms, between Lord Ruthven on the one side,
+       supported by a numerous train of his vassals, and Lord Gray, with
+       Norman Leslie, master of Rothes, and Charteris of Kinfauns, on the
+       other.' _Tytler_, vol. iv. p. 323.
+
+  [70] For illustrations of this custom, see _Hollinshead's Scottish
+       Chronicle_, vol. ii. p. 230. _Brown's History of Glasgow_, vol. ii.
+       p. 154. _Denholm's History of Glasgow_, p. 249. _Mercer's History
+       of Dunfermline_, p. 83.
+
+  [71] 'An injury inflicted on the "man" of a nobleman was resented as
+       much as if he himself had been the injured party.' _Preface to the
+       Council Register of Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. xii.
+
+  [72] See, in _Macaulay's History of England_, vol. i. p. 93, 1st edit., a
+       spirited description of Scotland in 1639. 'The parliament of the
+       northern kingdom was a very different body from that which bore the
+       same name in England.' ... 'The three estates sat in one house. The
+       commissioners of the burghs were considered merely as retainers of
+       the great nobles,' &c. To come down much later, Lord Cockburn gives
+       a terrible account of the state of things in Scotland in 1794, the
+       year in which Jeffrey was called to the bar. 'There was then, in
+       this country, no popular representation, no emancipated burghs, no
+       effective rival of the established church, no independent press, no
+       free public meetings, and no better trial by jury, even in
+       political cases (except high treason), than what was consistent
+       with the circumstances, that the jurors were not sent into court
+       under any impartial rule, and that, when in court, those who were
+       to try the case were named by the presiding judge. The Scotch
+       representatives were only forty-five, of whom thirty were elected
+       for counties, and fifteen for towns. Both from its price and its
+       nature (being enveloped in feudal and technical absurdities), the
+       elective franchise in counties, where alone it existed, was far
+       above the reach of the whole lower, and of a great majority of the
+       middle, and of many even of the higher, ranks. There were probably
+       not above 1500 or 2000 county electors in all Scotland; a body not
+       too large to be held, hope included, in government's hands. The
+       return, therefore, of a single opposition member was never to be
+       expected.' ... 'Of the fifteen town members, Edinburgh returned
+       one. The other fourteen were produced by clusters of four or five
+       unconnected burghs electing each one delegate, and these four or
+       five delegates electing the representative. Whatever this system
+       may have been originally, it had grown, in reference to the people,
+       into as complete a mockery as if it had been invented for their
+       degradation. The people had nothing to do with it. It was all
+       managed by town-councils, of never more than thirty-three members;
+       and every town-council was self-elected, and consequently
+       perpetuated its own interests. The election of either the town or
+       the county member was a matter of such utter indifference to the
+       people, that they often only knew of it by the ringing of a bell,
+       or by seeing it mentioned next day in a newspaper; for the farce
+       was generally performed in an apartment from which, if convenient,
+       the public could be excluded, and never in the open air.'
+       _Cockburn's Life of Jeffrey_, Edinburgh, 1852, vol. i. pp. 74-76.
+       On the state of Scotch representation between this and the Reform
+       Bill, compare _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_, 4to, 1860, pp.
+       275, 276, with _Moore's Memoirs_, edited by Lord John Russell, vol.
+       iv. p. 268, vol. vi. p. 163, London, 1853-4.
+
+Under these circumstances, it would have been idle for the crown to have
+expected aid from a body of men who themselves had no influence, and
+whose scanty privileges existed only on sufferance. But there was another
+class, which was extremely powerful, and to which the Scotch kings
+naturally turned. That class was the clergy; and the interest which both
+parties had in weakening the nobles, caused a coalition between the
+church and the throne, against the aristocracy. During a long period, and
+indeed until the latter half of the sixteenth century, the kings almost
+invariably favoured the clergy, and increased their privileges in every
+way they could. The Reformation dissolved this alliance, and gave rise to
+new combinations, which I shall presently indicate. But while the
+alliance lasted, it was of great use to the clergy, by imparting to their
+claims a legitimate sanction, and making them appear the supporters of
+order and of regular government. The result, however, clearly proved that
+the nobles were more than equal to the confederacy which opposed them.
+Indeed, looking at their enormous power, the only wonder is, that the
+clergy could have prolonged the contest as they did; since they were not
+actually overthrown until the year 1560. That the struggle should have
+been so arduous, and should have extended over so considerable a period,
+is what, on a superficial view, no one could have expected. The reason of
+this, I shall now endeavour to explain; and I shall, I trust, succeed in
+proving, that in Scotland there was a long train of general causes, which
+secured to the spiritual classes immense influence, and which enabled
+them, not only to do battle with the most powerful aristocracy in Europe,
+but to rise up, after what seemed their final defeat, fresh and vigorous
+as ever, and eventually to exercise, as Protestant preachers, an
+authority nowise inferior to that which they had wielded as Catholic
+priests.
+
+Of all Protestant countries, Scotland is certainly the one where the
+course of affairs has for the longest period been most favourable to the
+interests of superstition. How these interests were encouraged during the
+seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, I shall hereafter relate. At
+present, I purpose to examine the causes of their early growth, and to
+show the way in which they were not only connected with the Reformation,
+but gave to that great event some peculiarities which are extremely
+remarkable, and are diametrically opposed to what happened in England.
+
+If the reader will bear in mind what I have elsewhere stated,[73] he will
+remember that the two principal sources of superstition are ignorance and
+danger; ignorance keeping men unacquainted with natural causes, and
+danger making them recur to supernatural ones. Or, to express the same
+proposition in other words, the feeling of veneration, which, under one
+of its aspects, takes the form of superstition, is a product of wonder
+and of fear;[74] and it is obvious that wonder is connected with
+ignorance, and that fear is connected with danger.[75] Hence it is, that
+whatever in any country increases the total amount of amazement, or
+whatever in any country increases the total amount of peril, has a direct
+tendency to increase the total amount of superstition, and therefore to
+strengthen the hands of the priesthood.
+
+  [73] _History of Civilization_, vol. i. pp. 125-129, 373-380.
+
+  [74] _History of Civilization_, vol. ii. p. 171.
+
+  [75] We must discriminate between wonder and admiration. Wonder is the
+       product of ignorance; admiration is the product of knowledge.
+       Ignorance wonders at the supposed irregularities of nature; science
+       admires its uniformities. The earlier writers rarely attended to
+       this distinction, because they were misled by the etymology of the
+       word 'admiration.' The Romans were very superficial thinkers upon
+       all matters except jurisprudence; and their blundering use of
+       'admirari' gave rise to the error, so common among our old writers,
+       of 'I admire,' instead of 'I wonder.'
+
+By applying these principles to Scotland, we shall be able to explain
+several facts in the history of that country. In the first place the
+features of its scenery offer a mark contrast to those of England, and
+are much more likely, among an ignorant people, to suggest effective and
+permanent superstitions. The storms and the mists, the darkened sky
+flashed by frequent lightning, the peals of thunder reverberating from
+mountain to mountain, and echoing on every side, the dangerous
+hurricanes, the gusts sweeping the innumerable lakes with which the
+country is studded, the rolling and impetuous torrent flooding the path
+of the traveller and stopping his progress, are strangely different to
+those safer and milder phenomena, among which the English people have
+developed their prosperity, and built up their mighty cities. Even the
+belief in witchcraft, one of the blackest superstitions which has ever
+defaced the human mind, has been affected by these peculiarities; and it
+has been well observed, that while, according to the old English creed,
+the witch was a miserable and decrepit hag, the slave rather than the
+mistress of the demons which haunted her, she, in Scotland, rose to the
+dignity of a potent sorcerer, who mastered the evil spirit, and, forcing
+it to do her will, spread among the people a far deeper and more lasting
+terror.[76]
+
+  [76] 'Our Scottish witch is a far more frightful being than her
+       supernatural coadjutor on the south side of the Tweed. She
+       sometimes seems to rise from the proper sphere of the witch, who is
+       only the slave, into that of the sorcerer, who is master of the
+       demon.' ... 'In a people so far behind their neighbours in domestic
+       organization, poor and hardy, inhabiting a country of mountains,
+       torrents, and rocks, where cultivation was scanty, accustomed to
+       gloomy mists and wild storms, every impression must necessarily
+       assume a corresponding character. Superstitions, like funguses and
+       vermin, are existences peculiar to the spot where they appear, and
+       are governed by its physical accidents.' ... 'And thus it is that
+       the indications of witchcraft in Scotland are as different from
+       those of the superstition which in England receives the same name,
+       as the Grampian Mountains from Shooter's Hill or Kennington
+       Common.' _Burton's Criminal Trials in Scotland_, vol. i. pp.
+       240-243. This is admirably expressed, and exhausts the general view
+       of the subject. The relation between the superstition of the Scotch
+       and the physical aspects of their country is also touched upon,
+       though with much inferior ability, in _Brown's History of the
+       Highlands_, vol. i. p. 106, and in _Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. iv.
+       p. 560. Hume, in his _Commentaries on the Laws of Scotland_, vol.
+       ii. p. 556, has an interesting passage on the high pretensions of
+       Scotch witchcraft, which never degenerated, as in other countries,
+       into a mere attempt at deception, but always remained a sturdy and
+       deep-rooted belief. He says, 'For among the many trials for
+       witchcraft which fill the record, I have not observed that there is
+       even one which proceeds upon the notion of a vain or cheating art,
+       falsely used by an impostor to deceive the weak and credulous.'
+       Further information respecting Scotch witchcraft will be found in
+       _Mackenzie's Criminal Laws of Scotland_, Edinburgh, folio, 1699,
+       pp. 42-56; _Correspondence of Mrs. Grant of Laggan_, London, 1844,
+       vol. iii. pp. 186, 187; _Southey's Life of Bell_, London, 1844,
+       vol. i. p. 52; _Vernon Correspondence_, edited by James, London,
+       1841, vol. ii. p. 301; _Weld's History of the Royal Society_,
+       London, 1848, vol. i. p. 89; _Letters from a Gentleman in the North
+       of Scotland_, edit. 1815, vol. i. pp. 220, 221; _The Spottiswoode
+       Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 41, Edinburgh, 1845; _Lyon's History of
+       St. Andrews_, Edinburgh, 1843, vol. ii. pp. 56, 57. The work of
+       James I., and that of Sir Walter Scott, need hardly be referred to,
+       as they are well known to every one who is interested in the
+       history of witchcraft; but Pitcairn's _Criminal Trials_, though
+       less read, are, in every respect, more valuable, on account of the
+       materials they contain for a study of this department of Scotch
+       superstition.
+
+Similar results were produced by the incessant and sanguinary wars to
+which Scotland was exposed, and especially by the cruel ravages of the
+English in the fourteenth century. Whatever religion may be in the
+ascendant, the influence of its ministers is invariably strengthened by a
+long and dangerous war, the uncertainties of which perplex the minds of
+men, and induce them, when natural resources are failing, to call on the
+supernatural for help. On such occasions, the clergy rise in importance;
+the churches are more than usually filled; and the priest, putting
+himself forward as the exponent of the wishes of God, assumes the
+language of authority, and either comforts the people under their losses
+in a righteous cause, or else explains to them that those losses are sent
+as a visitation for their sins, and as a warning that they have not been
+sufficiently attentive to their religious duties; in other words, that
+they have neglected rites and ceremonies, in the performance of which the
+priest himself has a personal interest.
+
+No wonder, therefore, that in the fourteenth century, when the sufferings
+of Scotland were at their height, the clergy flourished more than ever;
+so that as the country became poorer, the spiritual classes became richer
+in proportion to the rest of the nation. Even in the fifteenth, and first
+half of the sixteenth century, when industry began somewhat to advance,
+we are assured that notwithstanding the improvement in the position of
+laymen, the whole of their wealth put together, and including the
+possessions of all ranks, was barely equal to the wealth of the
+Church.[77] If the hierarchy were so rapacious and so successful during
+a period of comparative security, it would be difficult to overrate the
+enormous harvest they must have reaped in those earlier days, when danger
+being much more imminent, hardly any one died without leaving something
+to them; all being anxious to testify their respect towards those who
+knew more than their fellows, and whose prayers could either avert
+present evil, or secure future happiness.[78]
+
+  [77] Pinkerton (_History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 414) says that, in the
+       reigns of James II. and James III., 'the wealth of the Church was
+       at least equivalent to that of all the lay interest.' See also
+       _Life of Spottiswoode_, p. liii., in vol. i. of his _History of the
+       Church of Scotland_. 'The numerous devices employed by
+       ecclesiastics, both secular and regular, for enriching the several
+       Foundations to which they were attached, had transferred into their
+       hands more than half of the territorial property of Scotland, or of
+       its annual produce.'
+
+       In regard to the first half of the sixteenth century, it is stated
+       by a high authority, that, just before the Reformation, 'the full
+       half of the wealth of the nation belonged to the clergy.' _M'Crie's
+       Life of Knox_, p. 10. And another writer says, 'If we take into
+       account the annual value of all these abbeys and monasteries, in
+       conjunction with the bishoprics, it will appear at once that the
+       Scottish Catholic hierarchy was more munificently endowed,
+       considering the extent and resources of the kingdom, than it was in
+       any other country in Europe.' _Lawson's Roman Catholic Church in
+       Scotland_, p. 22. See also, respecting the incomes of the Scotch
+       bishops, which, considering the poverty of the country, were truly
+       enormous, _Lyon's History of St. Andrews_, Edinburgh, 1843, vol. i.
+       pp. 97, 125.
+
+  [78] 'They could employ all the motives of fear and of hope, of terror
+       and of consolation, which operate most powerfully on the human
+       mind. They haunted the weak and the credulous; they besieged the
+       beds of the sick and of the dying; they suffered few to go out of
+       the world without leaving marks of their liberality to the Church,
+       and taught them to compound with the Almighty for their sins, by
+       bestowing riches upon those who called themselves his servants.'
+       _History of Scotland_, book ii. p. 89, in _Robertson's Works_,
+       London, 1831. It is interesting to observe the eagerness with which
+       the clergy of one persuasion expose the artifices of those of
+       another. By comparing their different statements, laymen gain an
+       insight into the entire scheme.
+
+Another consequence of these protracted wars was, that a more than
+ordinary proportion of the population embraced the ecclesiastical
+profession, because in it alone there was some chance of safety: and the
+monasteries in particular were crowded with persons who hoped, though
+frequently in vain, to escape from the burnings and slaughterings to
+which Scotland was exposed. When the country, in the fifteenth century,
+began to recover from the effects of these ravages, the absence of
+manufactures and of commerce, made the Church the best avenue to
+wealth;[79] so that it was entered by peaceful men for the purpose of
+security, and by ambitious men as the surest means of achieving
+distinction.
+
+  [79] Pinkerton observes, under the year 1514, that 'ecclesiastical
+       dignities presented almost the only path to opulence.' _History of
+       Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 123.
+
+Thus it was, that the want of great cities, and of that form of industry
+which belongs to them, made the spiritual classes more numerous than they
+would otherwise have been; and what is very observable is, that it not
+only increased their number, but also increased the disposition of the
+people to obey them. Agriculturists are naturally, and by the very
+circumstances of their daily life, more superstitious than manufacturers,
+because the events with which they deal are more mysterious, that is to
+say, more difficult to generalize and predict.[80] Hence it is, that, as
+a body, the inhabitants of agricultural districts pay greater respect to
+the teachings of their clergy than the inhabitants of manufacturing
+districts. The growth of cities has, therefore, been a main cause of the
+decline of ecclesiastical power; and the fact that, until the eighteenth
+century, Scotland had nothing worthy of being called a city, is one of
+many circumstances which explain the prevalence of Scotch superstition,
+and the inordinate influence of the Scotch clergy.
+
+  [80] _Buckle's History of Civilization_, vol. i. pp. 376-380.
+
+To this, we must add another consideration of great moment. Partly from
+the structure of the country, partly from the weakness of the Crown, and
+partly from the necessity of being constantly in arms to repel foreign
+invaders, the predatory habits incidental to an early state of society
+were encouraged, and consequently the reign of ignorance was prolonged.
+Little was studied, and nothing was known. Until the fifteenth century,
+there was not even an university in Scotland, the first having been
+founded at St. Andrews in 1412.[81] The nobles, when they were not making
+war upon the enemy, occupied themselves in cutting each other's throats,
+and stealing each other's cattle.[82] Such was their ignorance, that,
+even late in the fourteenth century, there is said to be no instance of a
+Scotch baron being able to sign his own name.[83] And as nothing
+approaching to a middle class had been yet formed, we may from this gain
+some idea of the amount of knowledge possessed by the people at
+large.[84] Their minds must have been immersed in a darkness which we can
+now barely conceive. No trades, or arts, being practised which required
+skill, or dexterity, there was nothing to exercise their intellects. They
+consequently remained so stupid and brutal, that an intelligent observer,
+who visited Scotland in the year 1360, likens them to savages, so much
+was he struck by their barbarism and their unsocial manners.[85] Another
+writer, early in the fifteenth century, uses the same expression; and
+classing them with the animals which they tended, he declares that
+Scotland is fuller of savages than of cattle.[86]
+
+  [81] Arnot (_History of Edinburgh_, p. 386) says, that the University of
+       St. Andrews was founded in 1412; and the same thing is stated in
+       _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. ii. p. 83. Grierson, in his
+       _History of St. Andrews_, Cupar, 1838, p. 14, says, 'In 1410, the
+       city of St. Andrews first saw the establishment of its famous
+       university, the most ancient institution of the kind that exists in
+       Scotland;' but, at p. 144 of the same work, we are told, that the
+       charter, 'constituting and declaring it to be a university,' is
+       'dated at St. Andrews, the 27th of February, 1411.' See also
+       _Lyon's History of St. Andrews_, vol. i. pp. 203-206, vol. ii. p.
+       223. At all events, 'at the commencement of the fifteenth century,
+       no university existed in Scotland; and the youth who were desirous
+       of a liberal education were under the necessity of seeking it
+       abroad.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. i. p. 211. The charter
+       granted by the Pope, confirming the university, reached Scotland in
+       1413. _Lawson's Roman Catholic Church in Scotland_, Edinburgh,
+       1836, p. 12.
+
+  [82] Those were times, when, as a Scotch lawyer delicately expresses
+       himself, 'thieving was not the peculiar habit of the low and
+       indigent, but often common to them with persons of rank and landed
+       estate.' _Hume's Commentaries on the Law of Scotland_, 4to, 1797,
+       vol. i. p. 126. The usual form of robbery being cattle-stealing, a
+       particular name was invented for it; see p. 148, where we learn
+       that it 'was distinguished by the name of Hership or Herdship,
+       being the driving away of numbers of cattle, or other bestial, by
+       the masterful force of armed people.'
+
+  [83] Tytler, who was a great patriot, and disposed to exaggerate the
+       merit of everything which was Scotch, does nevertheless allow that,
+       "from the accession of Alexander III. to the death of David II.
+       (_i.e._ in 1370), it would be impossible, I believe, to produce a
+       single instance of a Scottish baron who could sign his own name."
+       _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 239, 240. Early in the
+       sixteenth century, I find it casually mentioned, that 'David
+       Straiton, a cadet of the house of Laureston,' ... 'could not read.'
+       _Wodrow's Collections_, vol. i. pp. 5, 6. The famous chief, Walter
+       Scott of Harden, was married in 1567; and 'his marriage contract is
+       signed by a notary, because none of the parties could write their
+       names.' _Chambers' Annals_, vol. i. p. 46. Crawfurd (_History of
+       Renfrew_, part iii. p. 313) says: 'The modern practice of
+       subscribing names to writes of moment was not used in Scotland till
+       about the year 1540;' but he forgets to tell us why it was not
+       used. In 1564, Robert Scot of Thirlstane, 'ancestor of Lord
+       Napier,' could not sign his name. See _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials
+       in Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 394.
+
+  [84] A Scotchman, of considerable learning, says: 'Scotland was no less
+       ignorant and superstitious at the beginning of the fifteenth
+       century, than it was towards the close of the twelfth.'
+       _Dalrymple's Annals of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 428.
+
+  [85] 'Et sont ainsi comme gens sauvages qui ne se savent avoir ni de
+       nulli accointer.' _Les Chroniques de Froissart_, edit. Buchon,
+       Paris, 1835, vol. ii. p. 315.
+
+  [86] 'Plus pleine de sauvagine que de bestail.' _Hist. de Charles VI, par
+       Le Laboureur_, quoted in _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. i.
+       p. 149.
+
+By this combination of events, and by this union of ignorance with
+danger, the clergy had, in the fifteenth century, obtained more influence
+in Scotland than in any other European country, Spain alone excepted. And
+as the power of the nobles had increased quite as rapidly, it was natural
+that the Crown, completely overshadowed by the great barons, should turn
+for aid to the Church. During the fifteenth century, and part of the
+sixteenth, this alliance was strictly preserved;[87] and the political
+history of Scotland is the history of a struggle by the kings and the
+clergy against the enormous authority of the nobles. The contest, after
+lasting about a hundred and sixty years, was brought to a close in 1560,
+by the triumph of the aristocracy, and the overthrow of the Church. With
+such force, however, had the circumstance just narrated, engrained
+superstition into the Scotch character, that the spiritual classes
+quickly rallied, and, under their new name of Protestants, they became as
+formidable as under their old name of Catholics. Forty-three years after
+the establishment of the Reformation in Scotland, James VI. ascended the
+throne of England, and was able to array the force of the southern
+country against the refractory barons of the northern. From that moment
+the Scotch aristocracy began to decline; and the equipoise to the clergy
+being removed, the Church became so powerful, that, during the
+seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, it was the most effectual obstacle
+to the progress of Scotland; and even now it exercises a sway which is
+incomprehensible to those who have not carefully studied the whole chain
+of its antecedents. To trace with minuteness the long course of affairs
+which has led to this unfortunate result, would be incompatible with the
+object of an Introduction, whose only aim it is to establish broad and
+general principles. But, to bring the question clearly before the mind of
+the reader, it will be necessary that I should give a slight sketch of
+the relation which the nobles bore to the clergy in the fifteenth and
+sixteenth centuries, and of the way in which their relative positions,
+and their implacable hatred of each other, brought about the Reformation.
+By this means, we shall perceive, that the great Protestant movement,
+which, in other countries, was democratic, was in Scotland aristocratic.
+We shall also see, that, in Scotland, the Reformation, not being the work
+of the people, has never produced the effects which might have been
+expected from it, and which it did produce in England. It is, indeed, but
+too evident, that, while in England Protestantism has diminished
+superstition, has weakened the clergy, has increased toleration, and, in
+a word, has secured the triumph of secular interests over ecclesiastical
+ones, its result in Scotland has been entirely different; and that, in
+that country, the Church, changing its form, without altering its
+spirit, not only cherished its ancient pretensions, but unhappily
+retained its ancient power; and that, although that power is now
+dwindling away, the Scotch preachers still exhibit, whenever they dare,
+an insolent and domineering spirit, which shows how much real weakness
+there yet lurks in the nation, where such extravagant claims are not
+immediately silenced by the voice of loud and general ridicule.
+
+  [87] Occasionally, we find evidence of it earlier, but it was hardly
+       systematic. Compare _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 66,
+       with _Dalrymple's Annals_, vol. i. pp. 72, 110, 111, 194, vol. iii.
+       p. 296; _Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire_, p. 88; _Chalmers'
+       History of Dunfermline_, pp. 133, 134.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER II.
+
+     CONDITION OF SCOTLAND IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES.
+
+
+Early in the fifteenth century, the alliance between the Crown and the
+Church, and the determination of that alliance to overthrow the nobles,
+became manifest. Indications of this may be traced in the policy of
+Albany, who was Regent from 1406 to 1419, and who made it his principal
+object to encourage and strengthen the clergy.[88] He also dealt the
+first great blow upon which any government had ventured against the
+aristocracy. Donald, who was one of the most powerful of the Scottish
+chieftains, and who, indeed, by the possession of the Western Isles, was
+almost an independent prince, had seized the earldom of Ross, which, if
+he could have retained, would have enabled him to set the Crown at
+defiance. Albany, backed by the Church, marched into his territories, in
+1411, forced him to renounce the earldom, to make personal submission,
+and to give hostages for his future conduct.[89] So vigorous a proceeding
+on the part of the executive, was extremely unusual in Scotland;[90] and
+it was the first of a series of aggressions, which ended in the Crown
+obtaining for itself, not only Ross, but also the Western Isles.[91] The
+policy inaugurated by Albany, was followed up with still greater energy
+by James I. In 1424, this bold and active prince procured an enactment,
+obliging many of the nobles to show their charters, in order that it
+might be ascertained what lands they held, which had formerly belonged to
+the Crown.[92] And, to conciliate the affections of the clergy, he, in
+1425, issued a commission, authorizing the Bishop of Saint Andrews to
+restore to the Church whatever had been alienated from it; while he at
+the same time directed that the justiciaries should assist in enforcing
+execution of the decree.[93] This occurred in June; and what shows that
+it was part of a general scheme is, that in the preceding spring, the
+king suddenly arrested, in the parliament assembled at Perth, upwards of
+twenty of the principal nobles, put four of them to death, and
+confiscated several of their estates.[94] Two years afterwards, he, with
+equal perfidy, summoned the Highland chiefs to meet him at Inverness,
+laid hands on them also, executed three, and imprisoned more than forty,
+in different parts of the kingdom.[95]
+
+  [88] 'The Church was eminently favoured by Albany.' _Pinkerton's History
+       of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 86. But Pinkerton misunderstands his
+       policy in regard to the nobles.
+
+  [89] _Skene's Highlanders_, vol. ii. pp. 72-74; _Browne's History of the
+       Highlands_, vol. i. p. 162, vol. iv. pp. 435, 436.
+
+  [90] Chalmers (_Caledonia_, vol. i. pp. 826, 827), referring to the state
+       of things before Albany, says, 'There is not a trace of any attempt
+       by Robert II. to limit the power of the nobles, whatever he may
+       have added, by his improvident grants, to their independence. He
+       appears not to have attempted to raise the royal prerogative from
+       the debasement in which the imprudence and misfortunes of David II.
+       had left it.' And, of his successor, Robert III., 'So mild a
+       prince, and so weak a man, was not very likely to make any attempt
+       upon the power of others, when he could scarcely support his own.'
+
+  [91] In 1476, 'the Earldom of Ross was inalienably annexed to the Crown;
+       and a great blow was thus struck at the power and grandeur of a
+       family which had so repeatedly disturbed the tranquillity of
+       Scotland.' _Gregory's History of the Western Highlands_, Edinburgh,
+       1836, p. 50. In 1493, 'John, fourth and last Lord of the Isles, was
+       forfeited, and deprived of his title and estates.' _Ibid._ p. 58.
+
+  [92] As those who held crown lands were legally, though not in reality,
+       the king's tenants, the act declared, that 'gif it like the king,
+       he may ger s[=u]monde all and sindry his tenand at lauchfull day
+       and place to schawe thar chartis.' _The Acts of the Parliament of
+       Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 4, § 9, edit. folio, 1814.
+
+  [93] 'On the 8th June, 1425, James issued a commission to Henry, bishop
+       of St. Andrews, authorising him to resume all alienations from the
+       Church, with power of anathema, and orders to all justiciaries to
+       assist.' This curious paper is preserved in Harl. Ms. 4637, vol.
+       iii. f. 189. _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 116.
+       Archbishop Spottiswoode, delighted with his policy, calls him a
+       'good king,' and says that he built for the Carthusians 'a
+       beautiful monastery at Perth, bestowing large revenues upon the
+       same.' _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i.
+       p. 113. And Keith assures us that, on one occasion, James I. went
+       so far as to give to one of the bishops 'a silver cross, in which
+       was contained a bit of the wooden cross on which the apostle St.
+       Andrew had been crucified.' _Keith's Catalogue of Scotch Bishops_,
+       Edinburgh, 1755, 4to, p. 67.
+
+  [94] Compare _Balfour's Annales_, vol. i. pp. 153-156, with _Pinkerton's
+       History_, vol. i. pp. 113-115. Between these two authorities there
+       is a slight, but unimportant, discrepancy.
+
+  [95] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 95-98; _Skene's
+       Highlanders_, vol. ii. p. 75; and an imperfect narrative in
+       _Gregory's History of the Western Highlands_, p. 35.
+
+By these measures, and by supporting the Church with the same zeal that
+he attacked the nobles, the king thought to reverse the order of affairs
+hitherto established, and to secure the supremacy of the throne over the
+aristocracy.[96] But herein, he overrated his own power. Like nearly all
+politicians, he exaggerated the value of political remedies. The
+legislator and the magistrate may, for a moment, palliate an evil; they
+can never work a cure. General mischiefs depend upon general causes, and
+these are beyond their art. The symptoms of the disease they can touch,
+while the disease itself baffles their efforts, and is too often
+exasperated by their treatment. In Scotland, the power of the nobles was
+a cruel malady, which preyed on the vitals of the nation; but it had long
+been preparing; it was a chronic disorder; and, having worked into the
+general habit, it might be removed by time, it could never be diminished
+by violence. On the contrary, in this, as in all matters, whenever
+politicians attempt great good, they invariably inflict great harm.
+Over-action on one side produces reaction on the other, and the balance
+of the fabric is disturbed. By the shock of conflicting interests, the
+scheme of life is made insecure. New animosities are kindled, old ones
+are embittered, and the natural jar and discordance are aggravated,
+simply because the rulers of mankind cannot be brought to understand,
+that, in dealing with a great country, they have to do with an
+organization so subtle, so extremely complex, and withal so obscure, as
+to make it highly probable, that whatever they alter in it, they will
+alter wrongly, and that while their efforts to protect or to strengthen
+its particular parts are extremely hazardous, it does undoubtedly possess
+within itself a capacity of repairing its injuries, and that to bring
+such capacity into play, there is merely required that time and freedom
+which the interference of powerful men too often prevents it from
+enjoying.
+
+  [96] Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 126), under the year
+       1433, says: 'In the midst of his labours for the pacification of
+       his northern dominions, and his anxiety for the suppression of
+       heresy, the king never forgot his great plan for the diminution of
+       the exorbitant power of the nobles.' See also p. 84. 'It was a
+       principle of this enterprising monarch, in his schemes for the
+       recovery and consolidation of his own power, to cultivate the
+       friendship of the clergy, whom he regarded as a counterpoise to the
+       nobles.' Lord Somerville (_Memorie of the Somervilles_, vol. i. p.
+       173) says, that the superior nobility were 'never or seldome called
+       to counsell dureing this king's reign.'
+
+Thus it was in Scotland, in the fifteenth century. The attempts of James
+I. failed, because they were particular measures directed against general
+evils. Ideas and associations, generated by a long course of events, and
+deeply seated in the public mind, had given to the aristocracy immense
+power; and if every noble in Scotland had been put to death, if all their
+castles had been razed to the ground, and all their estates confiscated,
+the time would unquestionably have come, when their successors would have
+been more influential than ever, because the affection of their retainers
+and dependents would be increased by the injustice that had been
+perpetrated. For, every passion excites its opposite. Cruelty to-day,
+produces sympathy to-morrow. A hatred of injustice contributes more than
+any other principle to correct the inequalities of life, and to maintain
+the balance of affairs. It is this loathing at tyranny, which, by
+stirring to their inmost depth the warmest feelings of the heart, makes
+it impossible that tyranny should ever finally succeed. This, in sooth,
+is the noble side of our nature. This is that part of us, which, stamped
+with a godlike beauty, reveals its divine origin, and, providing for the
+most distant contingencies, is our surest guarantee that violence shall
+never ultimately triumph; that, sooner or later, despotism shall always
+be overthrown; and that the great and permanent interests of the human
+race shall never be injured by the wicked counsels of unjust men.
+
+In the case of James I., the reaction came sooner than might have been
+expected; and, as it happened in his lifetime, it was a retribution, as
+well as a reaction. For some years, he continued to oppress the nobles
+with impunity;[97] but, in 1436, they turned upon him, and put him to
+death, in revenge for the treatment to which he had subjected many of
+them.[98] Their power now rose as suddenly as it had fallen. In the south
+of Scotland, the Douglases were supreme,[99] and the earl of that family
+possessed revenues about equal to those of the Crown.[100] And, to show
+that his authority was equal to his wealth, he, on the marriage of James
+II., in 1449, appeared at the nuptials with a train composed of five
+thousand followers.[101] These were his own retainers, armed and resolute
+men, bound to obey any command he might issue to them. Not, indeed, that
+compulsion was needed on the part of a Scotch noble to secure the
+obedience of his own people. The servitude was a willing one, and was
+essential to the national manners. Then, and long afterwards, it was
+discreditable, as well as unsafe, not to belong to a great clan; and
+those who were so unfortunate as to be unconnected with any leading
+family, were accustomed to take the name of some chief, and to secure his
+protection by devoting themselves to his service.[102]
+
+  [97] Compare _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 263, with _Buchanan's
+       Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. x. p. 286.
+
+  [98] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 157, 158.
+
+  [99] Lindsay of Pitscottie (_Chronicles_, vol. i. p. 2) says, that
+       directly after the death of James I., 'Alexander, Earle of Douglas,
+       being uerie potent in kine and friendis, contemned all the kingis
+       officeris, in respect of his great puissance.' The best account I
+       have seen of the rise of the Douglases is in Chalmers' learned, but
+       ill-digested, work, _Caledonia_, vol. i. pp. 579-583.
+
+  [100] In 1440, 'the chief of that family had revenues perhaps equivalent
+        to those of the Scottish monarch.' _Pinkerton's History of
+        Scotland_, vol. i. p. 192.
+
+  [101] 'It may give us some idea of the immense power possessed at this
+        period by the Earl of Douglas, when we mention, that on this
+        chivalrous occasion, the military suite by which he was
+        surrounded, and at the head of which he conducted the Scottish
+        champions to the lists, consisted of a force amounting to five
+        thousand men.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 215.
+        The old historian of his family says: 'He is not easy to be dealt
+        with; they must have mufles that would catch such a cat. Indeed,
+        he behaved himself as one that thought he would not be in danger
+        of them; he entertained a great family; he rode ever well
+        accompanied when he came in publick; 1000 or 2000 horse were his
+        ordinary train.' _Hume's History of the House of Douglas_, vol. i.
+        pp. 273, 274, reprinted Edinburgh, 1743.
+
+  [102] In the seventeenth century, 'To be without a chief, involved a kind
+        of disrepute; and those who had no distinct personal position of
+        their own, would find it necessary to become a Gordon or a
+        Crichton, as prudence or inclination might point out.' _Burton's
+        Criminal Trials in Scotland_, vol. i. p. 207. Compare _Pitcairn's
+        Criminal Trials in Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 250, on 'the protective
+        surname of Douglas;' and _Skene's Highlanders_, vol. ii. p. 252,
+        on the extreme importance attached to the name of Macgregor.
+
+What the Earl of Douglas was in the south of Scotland, that were the
+Earls of Crawford and of Ross in the north.[103] Singly they were
+formidable; united they seemed irresistible. When, therefore, in the
+middle of the fifteenth century, they actually leagued together, and
+formed a strict compact against all their common enemies, it was hard to
+say what limit could be set to their power, or what resource remained to
+the government, except that of sowing disunion among them.[104]
+
+  [103] 'Men of the greatest puissance and force next the Douglases that
+        were in Scotland in their times.' _Hume's History of the House of
+        Douglas_, vol. i. p. 344. The great power of the Earls of Ross in
+        the north, dates from the thirteenth century. See _Skene's
+        Highlanders_, vol. i. pp. 133, 134, vol. ii. p. 52.
+
+  [104] In 1445, the Earl of Douglas concluded 'ane offensiue and defensiue
+        league and combinatione aganist all, none excepted, (not the king
+        himselue), with the Earle of Crawfurd, and Donald, Lord of the
+        Isles; wich was mutually sealled and subscriued by them three, the
+        7 day of Marche.' _Balfour's Annales_, vol. i. p. 173. This
+        comprised the alliance of other noble families. 'He maid bandis
+        with the Erle of Craufurd, and with Donald lorde of the Ylis, and
+        Erle of Ross, to take part every ane with other, and with dyvers
+        uther noble men also.' _Lesley's History of Scotland_, from 1436
+        to 1561, p. 18.
+
+But, in the mean time, the disposition of the nobles to use force against
+the Crown, had been increased by fresh violence. Government, instead of
+being warned by the fate of James I., imitated his unscrupulous acts, and
+pursued the very policy which had caused his destruction. Because the
+Douglases were the most powerful of all the great families, it was
+determined that their chiefs should be put to death; and because they
+could not be slain by force, they were to be murdered by treachery. In
+1440, the Earl of Douglas, a boy of fifteen, and his brother, who was
+still younger than he, were invited to Edinburgh on a friendly visit to
+the king. Scarcely had they arrived, when they were seized by order of
+the chancellor, subjected to a mock trial, declared guilty, dragged to
+the castle-yard, and the heads of the poor children cut off.[105]
+
+  [105] An interesting account of this dastardly crime is given in _Hume's
+        History of the House of Douglas_, vol. i. pp. 274-288, where
+        great, but natural, indignation is expressed. On the other hand,
+        Lesley, bishop of Ross, narrates it with a cold-blooded
+        indifference, characteristic of the ill-will which existed between
+        the nobles and the clergy, and which prevented him from regarding
+        the murder of two children as an offence. 'And eftir he was set
+        doun to the burd with the governour, chancellour, and otheris
+        noble men present, the meit was sudantlie removed, and ane bullis
+        heid presented, quhilk in thay daies was ane signe of executione;
+        and incontinent the said erle, David his broder, and Malcolme
+        Fleming of Cummernald, wer heidit before the castell yett of
+        Edenburgh.' _Lesley's History_, p. 16.
+
+Considering the warm feelings of attachment which the Scotch entertained
+for their chiefs, it is difficult to overrate the consequences of this
+barbarous murder, in strengthening a class it was hoped to intimidate.
+But this horrible crime was committed by the government only, and it
+occurred during the king's minority: the next assassination was the work
+of the king himself. In 1452, the Earl of Douglas[106] was, with great
+show of civility, requested by James II. to repair to the court then
+assembled at Stirling. The Earl hesitated, but James overcame his
+reluctance by sending to him a safeconduct with the royal signature, and
+issued under the great seal.[107] The honour of the king being pledged,
+the fears of Douglas were removed. He hastened to Stirling, where he was
+received with every distinction. The evening of his arrival, the king,
+after supper was over, broke out into reproaches against him, and,
+suddenly drawing his dagger, stabbed him. Gray then struck him with a
+battle-axe, and he fell dead on the floor, in presence of his sovereign,
+who had lured him to court, that he might murder him with impunity.[108]
+
+  [106] The cousin of the boys who were murdered in 1440. See _Hume's
+        History of the House of Douglas_, vol. i. pp. 297, 816.
+
+  [107] 'With assurance under the broad seal.' _Hume's House of Douglas_,
+        vol. i. p. 351. See also _Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire_,
+        Edinb. 1777, pp. 246, 322, 323.
+
+  [108] _Hume's House of Douglas_, vol. i. pp. 351-353. The king 'stabbed
+        him in the breast with a dagger. At the same instant Patrick Gray
+        struck him on the head with a pole-ax. The rest that were
+        attending at the door, hearing the noise, entred, and fell also
+        upon him; and, to show their affection to the king, gave him every
+        man his blow after he was dead.' _Compare Lindsay of Pitscottie's
+        Chronicles of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 103. 'He strak him throw the
+        bodie thairwith; and thairefter the guard, hearing the tumult
+        within the chamber, rusched in and slew the earle out of hand.'
+
+The ferocity of the Scotch character, which was the natural result of the
+ignorance and poverty of the nation, was, no doubt, one cause, and a very
+important one, of the commission of such crimes as these, not secretly,
+but in the open light of day, and by the highest men in the State. It
+cannot, however, be denied, that another cause was, the influence of the
+clergy, whose interest it was to humble the nobles, and who were by no
+means scrupulous as to the means that they employed.[109] As the Crown
+became more alienated from the aristocracy, it united itself still closer
+with the Church. In 1443, a statute was enacted, the object of which was,
+to secure ecclesiastical property from the attacks made upon it by the
+nobles.[110] And although, in that state of society, it was easier to
+pass laws than to execute them, such a measure indicated the general
+policy of the government, and the union between it and the Church.
+Indeed, as to this, no one could be mistaken.[111] For nearly twenty
+years, the avowed and confidential adviser of the Crown was Kennedy,
+bishop of Saint Andrews, who retained power until his death, in 1466,
+during the minority of James III.[112] He was the bitter enemy of the
+nobles, against whom he displayed an unrelenting spirit, which was
+sharpened by personal injuries; for the Earl of Crawford had plundered
+his lands, and the Earl of Douglas had attempted to seize him, and had
+threatened to put him into irons.[113] The mildest spirit might well have
+been roused by this; and as James II., when he assassinated Douglas, was
+more influenced by Kennedy than by any one else, it is probable that the
+bishop was privy to that foul transaction. At all events, he expressed no
+disapprobation of it; and when, in consequence of the murder, the
+Douglases and their friends rose in open rebellion, Kennedy gave to the
+king a crafty and insidious counsel, highly characteristic of the cunning
+of his profession. Taking up a bundle of arrows, he showed James, that
+when they were together, they were not to be broken; but that, if
+separated, they were easily destroyed. Hence he inferred, that the
+aristocracy should be overthrown by disuniting the nobles, and ruining
+them one by one.[114]
+
+  [109] In _Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire_, pp. 99, 100, the alienation
+        of the nobles from the Church is dated 'from the middle of the
+        fifteenth century;' and this is perhaps correct in regard to
+        general dislike, though the movement may be clearly traced fifty
+        years earlier.
+
+  [110] See _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 33, edit.
+        folio, 1814; respecting the 'statute of haly kirk quhilk is
+        oppressit and hurt.'
+
+  [111] In 1449, James II., 'with that affectionate respect for the clergy,
+        which could not fail to be experienced by a prince who had
+        successfully employed their support and advice to escape from the
+        tyranny of his nobles, granted to them some important privileges.'
+        _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 226. See also p. 309.
+        Among many similar measures, he conceded to the monks of Paisley
+        some important powers of jurisdiction that belonged to the Crown.
+        Charter, 13th January, 1451-2, in _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii.
+        p. 823.
+
+  [112] _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 188, 209, 247, 254.
+        _Keith's Catalogue of Scotch Bishops_, p. 19. _Ridpath's Border
+        History_, p. 298. _Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle_, vol. ii. p.
+        101. In _Somerville's Memorie of the Somervilles_, vol. i. p. 213,
+        it is stated, under the year 1452, that fear of the great nobles
+        'had once possest his majestie with some thoughts of going out of
+        the countrey; but that he was perswaded to the contrary by Bishop
+        Kennedie, then Archbishop of Saint Andrewes, whose counsell at
+        that tyme and eftirward, in most things he followed, which at
+        length proved to his majesties great advantage.' See also
+        _Lesley's History_, p. 23. 'The king wes put to sic a sharp point,
+        that he wes determinit to haif left the realme, and to haif passit
+        in Fraunce by sey, were not that bischop James Kennedy of St.
+        Androis causit him to tarrye.'
+
+  [113] 'His lands were plundered by the Earl of Crawford and Alexander
+        Ogilvie of Inveraritie, at the instigation of the Earl of Douglas,
+        who had farther instructed them to seize, if possible, the person
+        of the bishop, and to put him in irons.' Memoir of Kennedy, in
+        _Chambers' Lives of Scotchmen_, vol. iii. p. 307, Glasgow, 1834.
+        'Sed Kennedus et ætate, et consilio, ac proinde auctoritate
+        cæteros anteibat. In eum potissimum ira est versa. Crafordiæ comes
+        et Alexander Ogilvius conflato satis magno exercitu, agros ejus in
+        Fifa latè populati, dum prædam magis, quam causam sequuntur, omni
+        genere cladis in vicina etiam prædia grassati, nemine congredi
+        auso pleni prædarum in Angusiam revertuntar. Kennedus ad sua arma
+        conversus comitem Crafordiæ disceptationem juris fugientem diris
+        ecclesiasticis est prosecutus.' _Buchanan_, _Rerum Scoticarum
+        Historia_, lib. xi. p. 306.
+
+  [114] 'This holie bischop schew ane similitud to the king, quhilk might
+        bring him to experience how he might invaid againes the Douglass,
+        and the rest of the conspiratouris. This bischop tuik furth ane
+        great scheife of arrowes knitt togidder werrie fast, and desired
+        him to put thame to his knie, and break thame. The king said it
+        was not possible, becaus they war so many, and so weill fastened
+        togidder. The bischop answeired, it was werrie true, bot yitt he
+        wold latt the king sea how to break thame: and pulled out on be
+        on, and tua be tua, quhill he had brokin thame all; then said to
+        the king, "Yea most doe with the conspiratouris in this manner,
+        and thair complices that are risen againes yow, quho are so many
+        in number, and so hard knit togidder in conspiracie againes yow,
+        that yea cannot gett thame brokin togidder. Butt be sick pratick
+        as I have schowin yow be the similitud of thir arrowes, that is to
+        say, yea must conqueis and break lord by lord be thamselffis, for
+        yea may not deall with thame all at once."' _Lindsay of
+        Pitscottie's Chronicles of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 172, 173.
+
+In this he was right, so far as the interests of his own order were
+concerned; but, looking at the interest of the nation, it is evident that
+the power of the nobles, notwithstanding their gross abuse of it, was, on
+the whole, beneficial, since it was the only barrier against despotism.
+The evil they actually engendered, was indeed immense. But they kept off
+other evils, which would have been worse. By causing present anarchy,
+they secured future liberty. For, as there was no middle class, there
+were only three orders in the commonwealth; namely, government, clergy,
+and nobles. The two first being united against the last, it is certain
+that if they had won the day, Scotland would have been oppressed by the
+worst of all yokes, to which a country can be subjected. It would have
+been ruled by an absolute king and an absolute Church, who, playing into
+each other's hands, would have tyrannized over a people, who, though
+coarse and ignorant, still loved a certain rude and barbarous liberty,
+which it was good for them to possess, but which, in the face of such a
+combination, they would most assuredly have forfeited.
+
+Happily, however, the power of the nobles was too deeply rooted in the
+popular mind to allow of this catastrophe. In vain did James III. exert
+himself to discourage them,[115] and to elevate their rivals, the
+clergy.[116] Nothing could shake their authority; and, in 1482, they,
+seeing the determination of the king, assembled together, and such was
+their influence over their followers, that they had no difficulty in
+seizing his person, and imprisoning him in the Castle of Edinburgh.[117]
+After his liberation, fresh quarrels arose;[118] and in 1488, the
+principal nobles collected troops, met him in the field, defeated him,
+and put him to death.[119] He was succeeded by James IV., under whom the
+course of affairs was exactly the same; that is to say, on one side the
+nobles, and on the other side the Crown and the Church. Every thing that
+the king could do to uphold the clergy, he did cheerfully. In 1493, he
+obtained an act to secure the immunities of the sees of Saint Andrews and
+of Glasgow, the two most important in Scotland.[120] In 1503, he procured
+a general revocation of all grants and gifts prejudicial to the Church,
+whether they had been made by the Parliament or by the Council.[121] And,
+in 1508, he, by the advice of Elphinston, bishop of Aberdeen, ventured on
+a measure of still greater boldness. That able and ambitious prelate
+induced James to revive against the nobility several obsolete claims, by
+virtue of which the king could, under certain circumstances, take
+possession of their estates, and could, in every instance in which the
+owner held of the Crown, receive nearly the whole of the proceeds during
+the minority of the proprietor.[122]
+
+  [115] 'He wald nocht suffer the noblemen to come to his presence, and to
+        governe the realme be thair counsell.' _Lesley's History of
+        Scotland_, p. 48. 'Wald nocht use the counsall of his nobilis.' p.
+        55. 'Excluding the nobility.' _Hume's History of the House of
+        Douglas_, vol. ii. p. 33. 'The nobility seeing his resolution to
+        ruin them.' p. 46. 'Hes conteming his nobility.' _Balfour's
+        Annales_, vol. i. p. 206.
+
+  [116] Also to aggrandize them. See, for instance, what 'has obtained the
+        name of the golden charter, from the ample privileges it contains,
+        confirmed to Archbishop Shevez by James III. on 9th July 1480.'
+        _Grierson's History of Saint Andrews_, p. 58, Cupar, 1838.
+
+  [117] 'Such was the influence of the aristocracy over their warlike
+        followers, that the king was conveyed to the castle of Edinburgh,
+        without commotion or murmur.' _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_,
+        vol. i. p. 308.
+
+  [118] 'The king and his ministers multiplied the insults which they
+        offered to the nobility.' ... 'A proclamation was issued,
+        forbidding any person to appear in arms within the precincts of
+        the court; which, at a time when no man of rank left his own house
+        without a numerous retinue of armed followers, was, in effect,
+        debarring the nobles from all access to the king.' ... 'His
+        neglect of the nobles irritated, but did not weaken them.'
+        _History of Scotland_, book i. p. 68, in _Robertson's Works_,
+        edit. London, 1831.
+
+  [119] _Balfour's Annales_, vol. i. pp. 213, 214; Buchanan, _Rerum
+        Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xii. p. 358. Lindsay of Pitscottie
+        (_Chronicles_, vol. i. p. 222) says: 'This may be ane example to
+        all kingis that cumes heirefter, not to fall from God.' ... 'For,
+        if he had vsed the counsall of his wyse lordis and barrones, he
+        had not cum to sick disparatioun.'
+
+  [120] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, folio, 1814, vol. ii.
+        p. 232. 'That the said abbaceis confirmit be thame sall neid na
+        prouisioun of the court of Rome.'
+
+  [121] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 240; and the
+        summary of the statute (p. 21), 'Revocation of donations,
+        statutis, and all uthir thingis hurtand the croune or hali kirk.'
+        In the next year (1504), the king 'greatly augmented' the revenues
+        of the bishoprick of Galloway. _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii. p.
+        417.
+
+  [122] _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 63; _Calderwood's
+        History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. viii. p. 135, edit. Wodrow
+        Society, Edinburgh, 1849. The latter authority states, that 'The
+        bishop devysed wayes to King James the Fourth, how he might
+        attaine to great gaine and profit. He advised him to call his
+        barons and all those that held any lands within the realme, to
+        show their evidents by way of recognition; and, if they had not
+        sufficient writings for their warrant, to dispone upon their lands
+        at his pleasure; for the which advice he was greatlie hated. But
+        the king, perceaving the countrie to grudge, agreed easilie with
+        the possessors.'
+
+To make such claims was easy; to enforce them was impossible. Indeed, the
+nobles were at this time rather gaining ground than losing it; and,
+after the death of James IV., in 1513, they, during the minority of James
+V., became so powerful, that the regent, Albany, twice threw up the
+government in despair, and at length abandoned it altogether.[123] He
+finally quitted Scotland in 1524, and with him the authority of the
+executive seemed to have vanished. The Douglases soon obtained possession
+of the person of the king, and compelled Beaton, archbishop of Saint
+Andrews, the most influential man in the Church, to resign the office of
+chancellor.[124] The whole command now fell into their hands; they or
+their adherents filled every office; secular interests predominated, and
+the clergy were thrown completely into the shade.[125] In 1528, however,
+an event occurred by which the spiritual classes not only recovered
+their former position, but gained a preëminence, which, as it turned out,
+was eventually fatal to themselves. Archbishop Beaton, impatient at
+proceedings so unfavourable to the Church, organized a conspiracy, by
+means of which James effected his escape from the Douglases, and took
+refuge in the castle of Stirling.[126] This sudden reaction was not the
+real and controlling cause, but it was undoubtedly the proximate cause,
+of the establishment of Protestantism in Scotland. For, the reins of
+government now passed into the hands of the Church; and the most
+influential of the nobles were consequently persecuted, and some of them
+driven from the country. But, though their political power was gone,
+their social power remained. They were stripped of their honours and
+their wealth. They became outcasts, traitors, and beggars. Still, the
+real foundation of their authority was unshaken, because that authority
+was the result of a long train of circumstances, and was based on the
+affections of the people. Therefore it was, that the nobles, even those
+who were exiled and attainted, were able to conduct an arduous, but
+eventually a successful, struggle against their enemies. The desire of
+revenge whetted their exertions, and gave rise to a deadly contest
+between the Scotch aristocracy and the Scotch Church. This most
+remarkable conflict was, in some degree, a continuation of that which
+began early in the fifteenth century. But it was far more bitter; it
+lasted, without interruption, for thirty-two years; and it was only
+concluded by the triumph of the nobles, who, in 1560, completely
+overthrew the Church, and destroyed, almost at a blow, the whole of the
+Scotch hierarchy.
+
+  [123] The Regency of Albany, little understood by the earlier
+        historians, has been carefully examined by Mr. Tytler, in whose
+        valuable, though too prolix, work, the best account of it will be
+        found. _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 98-160,
+        Edinburgh, 1845. On the hostility between Albany and the nobles,
+        see _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_, p. 99; and, on the
+        revival of their power in the north, after the death of James IV.,
+        see _Gregory's History of the Western Highlands_, pp. 114, 115.
+
+  [124] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 180-182: 'Within a
+        few months, there was not an office of trust or emolument in the
+        kingdom, which was not filled by a Douglas, or by a creature of
+        that house.' See also pp. 187, 194; and _Keith's Catalogue of
+        Scotch Bishops_, pp. 22, 23. Beaton, who was so rudely
+        dispossessed of the chancellorship, that, according to Keith, he
+        was, in 1525, obliged 'to lurk among his friends for fear of his
+        life,' is mentioned, in the preceding year, as having been the
+        main supporter of Albany's government; 'that most hath favoured
+        the Duke of Albany.' _State Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._,
+        vol. iv. p. 97, 4to, 1836.
+
+  [125] The complete power of the Douglases lasted from the cessation of
+        Albany's regency to the escape of the king, in 1528. _Keith's
+        History of the Affairs of Church and State in Scotland_, edit.
+        Edinburgh, 1835, vol. i. pp. 33-35. Compare _Balfour's Annales_,
+        vol. i. p. 257. 'The Earle of Angus violentley takes one him the
+        gouerniment, and retanes the king in effecte a prisoner with him;
+        during wich tyme he, the Earle of Lennox, and George Douglas, his
+        auen brother, frely disposses vpone all affaires both of churche
+        and staite.'
+
+  [126] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 195, 196. The curious
+        work, entitled _A Diurnal of Occurrents_, p. 10, says, 'In the
+        zeir of God 1500, tuantie aucht zeiris, the kingis grace by slicht
+        wan away fra the Douglassis.' From Stirling, he repaired to
+        Edinburgh, on 6th July 1528, and went to 'the busshop of Sainct
+        Andros loegeing.' See a letter written on the 18th of July 1528,
+        by Lord Dacre to Wolsey, in _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol.
+        iv. p. 501, 4to, 1836. Compare a proclamation on 10th September
+        1528, in _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in Scotland_, vol. i. part i.
+        pp. 138*, 139*, Edinburgh, 4to, 1833. I particularly indicate
+        these documents, because Lindsay of Pitscottie (in his _Chronicles
+        of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 335) erroneously places the flight of
+        James in 1527; and he is generally one of the most accurate of the
+        old writers, if indeed he be the author of the work which bears
+        his name.
+
+The events of this struggle, and the vicissitudes to which, during its
+continuance, both parties were exposed, are related, though somewhat
+confusedly, in our common histories: it will be sufficient if I indicate
+the salient points, and, avoiding needless detail, endeavour to throw
+light on the general movement. The unity of the entire scheme will thus
+be brought before our minds, and we shall see, that the destruction of
+the Catholic Church was its natural consummation, and that the last act
+of that gorgeous drama, so far from being a strained and irregular
+sequence, was in fit keeping with the whole train of the preceding plot.
+
+When James effected his escape in 1528, he was a boy of sixteen, and his
+policy, so far as he can be said to have had any mind of his own, was of
+course determined by the clergy, to whom he owed his liberty, and who
+were his natural protectors. His principal adviser was the Archbishop of
+Saint Andrews; and the important post of chancellor, which, under the
+Douglases, had been held by a layman, was now conferred on the Archbishop
+of Glasgow.[127] These two prelates were supreme; while, at the same
+time, the Abbot of Holyrood was made treasurer, and the Bishop of Dunkeld
+was made privy seal.[128] All nobles, and even all followers, of the
+house of Douglas, were forbidden to approach within twelve miles of the
+court, under pain of treason.[129] An expedition was fitted out, and sent
+against the Earl of Caithness, who was defeated and slain.[130] Just
+before this occurred, the Earl of Angus was driven out of Scotland, and
+his estates confiscated.[131] An act of attainder was passed against the
+Douglases.[132] The government, moreover, seized, and threw into prison,
+the Earl of Bothwell, Home, Maxwell, and two Kerrs, and the barons of
+Buccleuch, Johnston, and Polwarth.[133]
+
+  [127] _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. iv. p. 501.
+
+  [128] 'Archibald was depryvit of the thesaurarie, and placit thairin
+        Robert Cairncorse, abbot of Halyrudhous. And als was tane fra the
+        said Archibald the privie seill, and was givin to the bischope of
+        Dunkell.' _A Diurnal of Occurrents_, p. 11.
+
+  [129] Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 196) says: 'His first
+        act was to summon a council, and issue a proclamation, that no
+        lord or follower of the house of Douglas should dare to approach
+        within _six_ miles of the court, under pain of treason.' For this,
+        no authority is cited; and the historian of the Douglas family
+        distinctly states, 'within _twelve_ miles of the king, under pain
+        of death.' _Hume's House of Douglas_, vol. ii. p. 99. See also
+        _Diurnal of Occurrents_, p. 10: 'that nane of thame nor thair
+        familiaris cum neir the king be tuelf myllis.' The reason was,
+        that 'the said kingis grace haid greit suspicioun of the temporall
+        lordis, becaus thaj favourit sum pairt the Douglassis.' _Diurnal_,
+        p. 12.
+
+  [130] 'The Erle of Caithnes and fyve hundreth of his men wes slayne and
+        drownit in the see.' _Lesley's History of Scotland_, p. 141.
+
+  [131] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 203, 204.
+
+  [132] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 324, edit.
+        folio, 1814.
+
+  [133] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 207.
+
+All this was vigorous enough, and was the consequence of the Church
+recovering her power. Other measures, equally decisive, were preparing.
+In 1531, the king deprived the Earl of Crawford of most of his estates,
+and threw the Earl of Argyle into prison.[134] Even those nobles who had
+been inclined to follow him, he now discouraged. He took every
+opportunity of treating them with coldness, while he filled the highest
+offices with their rivals, the clergy.[135] Finally, he, in 1532, aimed
+a deadly blow at their order, by depriving them of a large part of the
+jurisdiction which they were wont to exercise in their own country, and
+to the possession of which they owed much of their power. At the
+instigation of the Archbishop of Glasgow, he established what was called
+the College of Justice, in which suits were to be decided, instead of
+being tried, as heretofore, by the barons, at home, in their castles. It
+was ordered that this new tribunal should consist of fifteen judges,
+eight of whom must be ecclesiastics; and to make the intention still more
+clear, it was provided that the president should invariably be a
+clergyman.[136]
+
+  [134] _Tytler_, vol. iv. p. 212.
+
+  [135] 'His preference of the clergy to the temporal lords disgusted these
+        proud chiefs.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 230.
+        See also p. 236. His reasons are stated by himself, in a curious
+        letter, which he wrote so late as 1541, to Henry VIII. 'We
+        persaif,' writes James, 'be zoure saidis writingis yat Ze ar
+        informyt yat yair suld be sum thingis laitlie attemptat be oure
+        kirkmen to oure hurte and skaith, and contrar oure mynde and
+        plesure. We can nocht understand, quhat suld move Zou to beleif
+        the samyn, assuring Zou _We have nevir fund bot faithfull and trew
+        obedience of yame at all tymes_, nor yai seik nor attemptis
+        nouthir jurisdictioun nor previlegijs, forthir nor yai have usit
+        sen the first institutioun of the Kirk of Scotland, quhilk We may
+        nocht apoun oure conscience alter nor change in the respect We
+        have to the honour and faith of God and Halikirk, and douttis na
+        inconvenient be yame to come to Ws and oure realme yerthrou; for
+        sen the Kirk wes first institute in our realme, the stait yairof
+        hes nevir failzeit, bot _hes remanyt evir obedient to oure
+        progenitouris, and in our tyme mair thankefull to Ws, nor evir yai
+        wer of before_.' This letter, which, in several points of view, is
+        worth reading, will be found in _State Papers of Henry VIII._,
+        vol. v. pp. 188-190, 4to, 1836.
+
+  [136] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 212, 213, and _Arnot's
+        History of Edinburgh_, 4to, 1788, p. 468: 'fifteen ordinary
+        judges, seven churchmen, seven laymen, and a president, whom it
+        behoved to be a churchman.' The statute, as printed in the folio
+        edition of 1814 (_Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii.
+        p. 335) says 'xiiij psouñs half sp[=u]ale half temporall wt ane
+        president.' Mr. Lawson (_Roman Catholic Church in Scotland_,
+        Edinburgh, 1836, p. 81) supposes that it was the Archbishop of St.
+        Andrews who advised the erection of this tribunal.
+
+This gave the finishing touch to the whole, and it, taken in connexion
+with previous measures, exasperated the nobles almost to madness. Their
+hatred of the clergy became uncontrollable; and, in their eagerness for
+revenge, they not only threw themselves into the arms of England, and
+maintained a secret understanding with Henry VIII., but many of them went
+even further, and showed a decided leaning towards the principles of the
+Reformation. As the enmity between the aristocracy and the Church grew
+more bitter, just in the same proportion did the desire to reform the
+Church become more marked. The love of innovation was encouraged by
+interested motives, until, in the course of a few years, an immense
+majority of the nobles adopted extreme Protestant opinions; hardly caring
+what heresy they embraced, so long as they were able, by its aid, to
+damage a Church from which they had recently received the greatest
+injuries, and with which they and their progenitors had been engaged in a
+contest of nearly a hundred and fifty years.[137]
+
+  [137] Keith, who evidently does not admire this part of the history of
+        his country, says, under the year 1546, 'Several of our nobility
+        found it their temporal interest, as much as their spiritual, to
+        sway with the new opinions as to religious matters.' _Keith's
+        Affairs of Church and State_, vol. i. pp. 112, 113. Later, and
+        with still more bluntness: 'The noblemen wanted to finger the
+        patrimony of the kirkmen.' vol. iii. p. 11.
+
+In the mean time, James V. united himself closer than ever with the
+hierarchy. In 1534, he gratified the Church, by personally assisting at
+the trial of some heretics, who were brought before the bishops and
+burned.[138] The next year, he was offered, and he willingly accepted,
+the title of Defender of the Faith, which was transferred to him from
+Henry VIII.; that king being supposed to have forfeited it by his
+impiety.[139] At all events, James well deserved it. He was a stanch
+supporter of the Church, and his privy-council was chiefly composed of
+ecclesiastics, as he deemed it dangerous to admit laymen to too large a
+share in the government.[140] And, in 1538, he still further signalized
+his policy, by taking for his second wife Mary of Guise; thus
+establishing an intimate relation with the most powerful Catholic family
+in Europe, whose ambition, too, was equal to their power, and who made it
+their avowed object to uphold the Catholic faith, and to protect it from
+those rude and unmannerly invasions which were now directed against it in
+most parts of Europe.[141]
+
+  [138] 'In the month of August (1534), the bishops having gotten fitt
+        opportunitie, renewed their battell aganest Jesus Christ. David
+        Stratilon, a gentelman of the House of Lawrestoune, and Mr. Norman
+        Gowrlay, was brought to judgement in the Abby of Halyrudhouse. The
+        king himself, all cloathed with reid, being present, grait pains
+        war taken upon David Stratoun to move him to recant and burn his
+        bill; bot he, ever standing to his defence, was in end adjudged to
+        the fire. He asked grace at the king. The bishops answred
+        proudlie, that "the king's hands war bound, and that he had no
+        grace to give to such as were by law condemned." So was he, with
+        Mr. Norman, after dinner, upon the 27th day of Agust, led to a
+        place beside the Rude of Greenside, between Leth and Edinbrug, to
+        the intent that the inhabitants of Fife, seeing the fire, might be
+        striken with terrour and feare.' _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
+        Scotland_, vol. i. part i. p. 210*. Also _Calderwood's History of
+        the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 106, 107.
+
+  [139] 'It appears, by a letter in the State-paper Office, that Henry
+        remonstrated against this title being given to James.' _Tytler's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 223. See also p. 258.
+
+  [140] In 1535, 'his privy council were mostly ecclesiastics.' _Ibid._
+        vol. iv. p. 222. And Sir Ralph Sadler, during his embassy to
+        Scotland in 1539-40, writes: 'So that the king, as far as I can
+        perceive, is of force driven to use the bishops and his clergy as
+        his only ministers for the direction of his realm. They be the men
+        of wit and policy that I see here; they be never out of the king's
+        ear. And if they smell any thing that in the least point may touch
+        them, or that the king seem to be content with any such thing,
+        straight they inculk to him, how catholic a prince his father was,
+        and feed him both with fair words and many, in such wise as by
+        those policies they lead him (having also the whole governance of
+        his affairs) as they will.' _State Papers and Letters of Sir Ralph
+        Sadler_, Edinb., 1809, 4to, vol. i. p. 47.
+
+  [141] _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. v. p. 128. _A Diurnal of
+        Occurrents_, p. 22. The Reverend Mr. Kirkton pronounces that the
+        new queen was 'ane egge of the bloody nest of Guise.' _Kirkton's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, edited by Sharpe, Edinburgh,
+        1817, 4to, p. 7.
+
+This was hailed by the Church as a guarantee for the intentions of the
+king. And so indeed it proved to be. David Beaton, who negotiated the
+marriage, became the chief adviser of James during the rest of his reign.
+He was made Archbishop of Saint Andrews in 1539,[142] and, by his
+influence, a persecution hotter than any yet known, was directed against
+the Protestants. Many of them escaped into England,[143] where they
+swelled the number of the exiles, who were waiting till the time was ripe
+to take a deadly revenge. They, and their adherents at home, coalesced
+with the disaffected nobles, particularly with the Douglases,[144] who
+were by far the most powerful of the Scotch aristocracy, and who were
+connected with most of the great families, either by old associations, or
+by the still closer bond of the interest which they all had in reducing
+the power of the Church.[145]
+
+  [142] 'At his return home, he was made coadjutor, and declared future
+        successor to his uncle in the primacy of St. Andrews, in which see
+        he came to be fully invested upon the death of his uncle the next
+        year, 1539.' _Keith's Catalogue of Scotch Bishops_, pp. 23, 24.
+
+  [143] _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, p. 20. _Spottiswoode's History of the
+        Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 139. _Lawson's Roman Catholic
+        Church in Scotland_, p. 178. _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives
+        of the Reformers_, vol. i. p. 100.
+
+  [144] Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 241) says, that the
+        cruelties of 1539 forced 'many of the persecuted families to
+        embrace the interests of the Douglases.'
+
+  [145] It is asserted of the Douglases, that, early in the sixteenth
+        century, their 'alliances and power were equal to one-half of the
+        nobility of Scotland.' _Brown's History of Glasgow_, vol. i. p. 8.
+        See also, on their connexions, _Hume's House of Douglas_, vol. i.
+        pp. xix. 252, 298, vol. ii. p. 293.
+
+At this juncture, the eyes of men were turned towards the Douglases, whom
+Henry VIII. harboured at his court, and who were now maturing their
+plans.[146] Though they did not yet dare to return to Scotland, their
+spies and agents reported to them all that was done, and preserved their
+connexions at home. Feudal covenants, bonds of manrent, and other
+arrangements, which, even if illegal, it would have been held disgraceful
+to renounce, were in full force; and enabled the Douglases to rely with
+confidence on many of the most powerful nobles, who were, moreover,
+disgusted at the predominance of the clergy, and who welcomed the
+prospect of any change which was likely to lessen the authority of the
+Church.[147]
+
+  [146] Henry VIII., 'in the year 1532, sought it directly, among the
+        conditions of peace, that the Douglas, according to his promise,
+        should be restored. For King Henry's own part, he entertained them
+        with all kind of beneficence and honour, and made both the Earl
+        and Sir George of his Privy Council.' _Hume's History of the House
+        of Douglas_, vol. ii. pp. 105, 106. James was very jealous of any
+        communication taking place between the Douglases and his other
+        subjects; but it was impossible for him to prevent it. See a
+        letter which he wrote to Sir Thomas Erskine (in _Miscellany of the
+        Spalding Club_, vol. ii. p. 193, Aberdeen, 1842, 4to), beginning,
+        'I commend me rycht hartly to yow, and weit ye that it is murmuryt
+        hyr that ye sould a spolkyn with Gorge and Archebald Dougles in
+        Ingland, quhylk wase again my command and your promys quhan we
+        departyt.' See also the cases of Lady Trakware, John Mathesone,
+        John Hume, and others, in _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
+        Scotland_, vol. i. part i. pp. 161*, 177*, 202*, 243*, 247*.
+
+  [147] 'The Douglases were still maintained with high favour and generous
+        allowances in England; their power, although nominally extinct,
+        was still far from being destroyed; their spies penetrated into
+        every quarter, followed the king to France, and gave information
+        of his most private motions; their feudal covenants and bands of
+        manrent still existed, and bound many of the most potent nobility
+        to their interest; whilst the vigour of the king's government, and
+        his preference of the clergy to the temporal lords, disgusted
+        these proud chiefs, and disposed them to hope for a recovery of
+        their influence from any change which might take place.' _Tytler's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 229, 230. These bonds of
+        manrent, noticed by Tytler, were among the most effective means by
+        which the Scotch nobles secured their power. Without them, it
+        would have been difficult for the aristocracy to have resisted the
+        united force of the Crown and the Church. On this account, they
+        deserve special attention. Chalmers (_Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 824)
+        could find no bond of manrent earlier than 1354; but in Lord
+        Somerville's _Memorie of the Somervilles_, edit. Edinburgh, 1815,
+        vol. i. p. 74, one is mentioned in 1281. This is the earliest
+        instance I have met with; and they did not become very common till
+        the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Compare _Hume's History of
+        the House of Douglas_, vol. ii. p. 19. _Somerville's Memorie of
+        the Somervilles_, vol. i. p. 234. _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
+        Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 83. _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_,
+        pp. 142, 143. _Skene's Highlanders_, vol. ii. p. 186. _Gregory's
+        History of the Western Highlands_, p. 126. _Kennedy's Annals of
+        Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. 55. _Miscellany of the Spalding Club_, vol.
+        ii. pp. cvi. 93, 251, vol. iv. pp. xlviii. 179. As these covenants
+        were extremely useful in maintaining the balance of power, and
+        preventing the Scotch monarchy from becoming despotic, acts of
+        parliament were of course passed against them. See one in 1457,
+        and another in 1555, respecting 'lige' and 'bandis of manrent and
+        mantenance,' in _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, folio,
+        1814, vol. ii. pp. 50, 495. Such enactments being opposed to the
+        spirit of the age, and adverse to the exigencies of society,
+        produced no effect upon the general practice, though they caused
+        the punishment of several individuals. Manrent was still frequent
+        until about 1620 or 1630, when the great social revolution was
+        completed, by which the power of the aristocracy was subordinated
+        to that of the Church. Then, the change of affairs effected,
+        without difficulty, and indeed spontaneously, what the legislature
+        had vainly attempted to achieve. The nobles, gradually sinking
+        into insignificance, lost their spirit, and ceased to resort to
+        those contrivances by which they had long upheld their order.
+        Bonds of manrent became every year less common, and it is doubtful
+        if there is any instance of them after 1661. See _Chalmers'
+        Caledonia_, vol. iii. pp. 32, 33. It is, however, so dangerous to
+        assert a negative, that I do not wish to rely on this date, and
+        some few cases may exist later; but if so, they are very few, and
+        it is certain that, speaking generally, the middle of the
+        seventeenth century is the epoch of their extinction.
+
+With such a combination of parties, in a country where, there being no
+middle class, the people counted for nothing, but followed wherever they
+were led, it is evident that the success or failure of the Reformation in
+Scotland was simply a question of the success or failure of the nobles.
+They were bent on revenge. The only doubt was, as to their being strong
+enough to gratify it. Against them, they had the Crown and the Church. On
+their side they had the feudal traditions, the spirit of clanship, the
+devoted obedience of their innumerable retainers, and, what was equally
+important, that love of names, and of family associations, for which
+Scotland is still remarkable, but which, in the sixteenth century,
+possessed an influence difficult to exaggerate.
+
+The moment for action was now at hand. In 1540, the government,
+completely under the control of the clergy, caused fresh laws to be
+enacted against the Protestants, whose interests were by this time
+identical with those of the nobles. By these statutes, no one, even
+suspected of heresy, could for the future hold any office; and all
+Catholics were forbidden to harbour, or to show favour to, persons who
+professed the new opinions.[148] The clergy, now flushed with conquest,
+and greedy for the destruction of their ancient rivals, proceeded to
+still farther extremities. So unrelenting was their malice, that, in that
+same year, they presented to James a list containing the names of upwards
+of three hundred members of the Scotch aristocracy, whom they formally
+accused as heretics, who ought to be put to death, and whose estates they
+recommended the king to confiscate.[149]
+
+  [148] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 370, 371. 'That
+        na mañ quhats[=u]euir stait or conditiouñ he be luge
+        ressauve cherish nor favor ony heretike.' ... 'And alswa that na
+        persouñ that hes bene suspectit of heresie howbeit thai be
+        ressauit to p[=e]nance and grace sall in this realme exers haif
+        nor brouk ony honest estait degre office nor judicato^r sp[=u]all
+        nor t[=e]porale in burgh nor w^tout nor na salbe admittit to be
+        of ou[/r] counsale.'
+
+  [149] Lindsay of Pitscottie (_Chronicles_, vol. ii. p. 383) says, that
+        they 'devysed to put ane discord and variance betwixt the lordis
+        and gentlmen with thair prince; for they delaited, and gave vp to
+        the king in writt, to the number of thrittie scoir of earles,
+        lordis, and barrones, gentlmen and craftismen, that is, as thei
+        alledgit, wer all heretickis, and leived not after the Pope's
+        lawis, and ordinance of the hollie kirk; quhilk his grace sould
+        esteme as ane capitall cryme, to ony man that did the same' ...
+        'all thair landis, rentes, guidis, and geir apperteanis propperlie
+        to your grace, for thair contempt of our hollie father the Pope,
+        and his lawis, and high contempt of your grace's authoritie.' This
+        document was found among the king's papers after his death, when
+        it appeared that, of the six hundred names on the list, more than
+        three hundred belonged to the principal nobility: 'Eum timorem
+        auxerunt codicilli post regis interitum reperti, e quibus supra
+        trecentorum è prima nobilitate nomina continebantur.' _Buchanan_,
+        _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xv. p. 424. Compare _Sadler's
+        State Papers_, 1809, vol. i. p. 94; and _Watson's Historicall
+        Collections of Ecclesiastick Affairs in Scotland_, 1657, p. 22.
+        According to Watson, it 'was called the bloudy scroll.'
+
+These hot and vindictive men little knew of the storm which they were
+evoking, and which was about to burst on their heads, and cover them and
+their Church with confusion. Not that we have reason to believe that a
+wiser conduct would have ultimately saved the Scotch hierarchy. On the
+contrary, the probability is, that their fate was sealed; for the general
+causes which governed the entire movement had been so long at work, that,
+at this period, it would have been hardly possible to have baffled them.
+But, even if we admit as certain, that the Scotch clergy were doomed, it
+is also certain that their violence made their fall more grievous, by
+exasperating the passions of their adversaries. The train, indeed, was
+laid; their enemies had supplied the materials, and all was ready to
+explode; but it was themselves who at last applied the match, and sprung
+the mine to their own destruction.
+
+In 1542, the nobles, seeing that the Church and the Crown were bent on
+their ruin, took the most decisive step on which they had yet ventured,
+and peremptorily refused to obey James in making war upon the English.
+They knew that the war in which they were desired to participate had been
+fomented by the clergy, with the twofold object of stopping all
+communication with the exiles, and of checking the introduction of
+heretical opinions.[150] Both these intentions they resolved to
+frustrate, and, being assembled on the field, they declared with one
+voice that they would not invade England. Threats and persuasions were
+equally useless. James, stung with vexation, returned home, and ordered
+the army to be disbanded. Scarcely had he retired, when the clergy
+attempted to rally the troops, and to induce them to act against the
+enemy. A few of the peers, ashamed at what seemed a cowardly desertion of
+the king, appeared willing to march. The rest, however, refused; and,
+while they were in this state of doubt and confusion, the English, taking
+them unawares, suddenly fell upon their disorderly ranks, utterly routed
+them, and made a large number prisoners. In this disgraceful action, ten
+thousand Scotch troops fled before three hundred English cavalry.[151]
+The news being brought to James, while he was still smarting from the
+disobedience of the nobles, was too much for his proud and sensitive
+mind. He reeled under the double shock; a slow fever wasted his strength;
+he sunk into a long stupor; and, refusing all comfort, he died in
+December 1542, leaving the Crown to his infant daughter, Mary, during
+whose reign the great contest between the aristocracy and the Church was
+to be finally decided.[152]
+
+  [150] In the autumn of 1542, James 'was encouraged by the clergy to
+        engage in a war against King Henry, who both assured him of
+        victory, since he fought against an heretical prince, and advanced
+        an annuity of 50,000 crowns for prosecuting the war.' _Crawfurd's
+        History of the Shire of Renfrew_, 1782, 4to, part i. p. 48.
+        Compare, in _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. v. p. 154, a
+        letter written, in 1539, by Norfolk to Cromwell: 'By diverse other
+        waies I am advertised that the clergie of Scotlande be in such
+        feare that their king shold do theire, as the kinges highnes hath
+        done in this realme, that they do their best to bring their master
+        to the warr; and by many waies I am advertised that a great parte
+        of the temporaltie there wold their king shold followe our
+        insample, wich I pray God yeve hym grace to come unto.' Even after
+        the battle of Solway, the policy of the clergy was notoriously the
+        same. 'And undoubtedlie, the kyrkemen labor, by all the meanes
+        they can, to empeche the unitie and establishment of thiese two
+        realmes; uppon what groundes ye can easelie conjecture.' Letter
+        from Sadler to Parr, dated Edinburgh, 27th March 1543, in _State
+        Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. v. p. 271, 4to, 1836.
+
+  [151] 'Ten thousand Scottish troops fled at the sight of three hundred
+        English cavalry, with scarce a momentary resistance.' _Tytler's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 264.
+
+  [152] The best account of these events will be found in _Tytler's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 260-267. I have also consulted
+        _Ridpath's Border History_, pp. 372, 373. _Hollinshead's Scottish
+        Chronicle_, vol. ii. pp. 207-209. _Lesley's History_, pp. 163-166.
+        _Lindsay of Pitscottie's Chronicles_, vol. ii. pp. 399-406.
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. i. pp.
+        145-152. _Buchanan_, _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xiv. pp.
+        420, 421.
+
+The influence of the nobles was increased by the death of James V., and
+yet more by the bad repute into which the clergy fell for having
+instigated a war, of which the result was so disgraceful.[153] Their
+party was still further strengthened by the exiles, who, as soon as they
+heard the glad tidings, prepared to leave England.[154] Early in 1543,
+Angus and Douglas returned to Scotland,[155] and were soon followed by
+other nobles, most of whom professed to be Protestants, though, as the
+result clearly proved, their Protestantism was inspired by a love of
+plunder and of revenge. The late king had, in his will, appointed
+Cardinal Beaton to be guardian of the queen, and governor of the
+realm.[156] Beaton, though an unprincipled man, was very able, and was
+respected as the head of the national church; he being Archbishop of St.
+Andrews, and primate of Scotland. The nobles, however, at once arrested
+him,[157] deprived him of his regency, and put in his place the Earl of
+Arran, who, at this time, affected to be a zealous Protestant, though, on
+a fitting occasion, he afterwards changed his opinions.[158] Among the
+supporters of the new creed, the most powerful were the Earl of Angus
+and the Douglases. They were now freed from a prescription of fifteen
+years; their attainder was reversed, and their estates and honours were
+restored to them.[159] It was evident that not only the executive
+authority, but also the legislative, had passed from the Church to the
+aristocracy. And they, who had the power, were not sparing in the use of
+it. Lord Maxwell, one of the most active of their party, had, like most
+of them, in their zeal against the hierarchy, embraced the principles of
+the Reformation.[160] In the spring of 1543, he obtained the sanction of
+the Earl of Arran, the governor of Scotland, for a proposal which he made
+to the Lords of the Articles, whose business it was to digest the
+measures to be brought before Parliament. The proposal was, that the
+people should be allowed to read the Bible in a Scotch or English
+translation. The clergy arrayed all their force against what they
+rightly deemed a step full of danger to themselves, as conceding a
+fundamental principle of Protestantism. But all was in vain. The tide had
+set in, and was not to be turned. The proposition was adopted by the
+Lords of the Articles. On their authority, it was introduced into
+Parliament. It was passed. It received the assent of the government; and,
+amid the lamentations of the Church, it was proclaimed, with every
+formality, at the market-cross of Edinburgh.[161]
+
+  [153] 'This defeat being so very dishonourable, especially to the
+        clergy, who stirred up the king to that attempt, and promised him
+        great success from it; and there being such a visible evidence of
+        the anger of God, fighting by his providence against them, all men
+        were struck with fear and astonishment; the bishops were ashamed
+        to show their faces for a time.' _Stevenson's History of the
+        Church of Scotland_, reprinted, Edinburgh, 1840, p. 30.
+
+  [154] We may readily believe the assertion of an old chronicler, that
+        'the nobilitie did not greatlie take his death grievouslie,
+        because he had fined manie, imprisoned more, and caused no small
+        few (for avoiding his displeasure) to flie into England, and
+        rather to commit themselves to the enemie than to his anger.'
+        _Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle_, vol. ii. p. 210.
+
+  [155] _Hume's History of the House of Douglas_, vol. ii. p. 111.
+
+  [156] It has been often said, that this will was forged; but for such an
+        assertion I cannot find the slightest evidence, except the
+        declaration of Arran (_Sadler's State Papers_, Edinburgh, 1809,
+        vol. i. p. 138), and the testimony, if testimony it can be called,
+        of Scotch historians, who do not profess to have examined the
+        handwriting, and who, being themselves Protestants, seem to
+        suppose that the fact of a man being a cardinal, qualifies him for
+        every crime. There is no doubt that Beaton was thoroughly
+        unprincipled, and therefore was capable of the forgery. Still, we
+        have no proof; and the will is such as we might have expected from
+        the king. In regard to Arran, his affirmation is not worth the
+        paper it is written on: for he hated Beaton; he was himself very
+        unscrupulous; and he succeeded to the post which Beaton had to
+        vacate on the ground that the will was forged. If such
+        circumstances do not disqualify a witness, some of the
+        best-established principles of evidence are false. The reader who
+        cares to look further into this subject, may compare, in favour of
+        the will being forged, _Buchanan_, _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_,
+        lib. xv. p. 422, Abredoniæ, 1762; _Knox's History of the
+        Reformation_, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1846, vol. i. pp. 91, 92;
+        _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_, second edition, 4to, 1860,
+        p. 102; and, in favour of its being genuine, _Lyon's History of
+        St. Andrews_, Edinburgh, 1843, vol. i. pp. 304, 305. Some other
+        writers on the subject leave it doubtful: _Tytler's History of
+        Scotland_, 1845, vol. iv. p. 274; _Lawson's Roman Church in
+        Scotland_, 1836, p. 99; and a note in _Keith's Church and State in
+        Scotland_, 1844, vol. i. p. 63.
+
+  [157] On the 26th of January 1542-3, 'the said cardinall was put in
+        pressoune in Dalkeith.' _A Diurnal of Occurrents_, p. 26. See
+        also, respecting his imprisonment, a letter written, on the 16th
+        of March, by Angus and Douglas, in _State Papers of Henry VIII._,
+        vol. v. p. 263. He was then in 'firmance.'
+
+  [158] His appointment was confirmed by Parliament on the 12th of March.
+        _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 411: 'tuto^r
+        lau^tfull to the quenis grace and gounour of this realme.' He
+        excluded the clergy from power. On 20th March, in the same year,
+        Sir Ralph Sadler writes to Henry VIII., that Sir George Douglas
+        'brought me into the council-chamber, where I found a great number
+        of noblemen and others at a long board, and divers standing, but
+        _not one bishop nor priest among them_. At the upper end of the
+        board sat the governour.' _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. p. 78.
+
+  [159] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 415, 419, 424,
+        423*; and _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 285.
+
+  [160] 'Had become a convert to its doctrines.' _Tytler's Hist. of
+        Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 286. But he, as well as the other nobles,
+        neither knew nor cared much about doctrines; and he was, moreover,
+        very venal. In April 1543, Sir Ralph Sadler writes to Henry VIII.:
+        'And the lord Maxwell told me apart, "That, indeed, he lacked
+        silver, and had no way of relief but to your majesty;" which he
+        prayed me to signify unto the same. I asked him what would relieve
+        him? and he said, 300_l._; "for the which," he said, "as your
+        majesty seemed, when he was with your grace, to have him in more
+        trust and credit than the rest of your majesty's prisoners, so he
+        trusted to do you as good service as any of them; and amongst them
+        they will do you such service, as, if the war succeed, ye shall
+        make an easy conquest of this realm; as _for his part he shall
+        deliver into your hands, at the entry of your army, the keys of
+        the same on the west marches, being all the strongholds there in
+        his custody_." I offered him presently to write to my lord of
+        Suffolk for 100_l._ for him if he would; but he said, "he would
+        stay till he heard again from your majesty in that behalf."'
+        _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. p. 165.
+
+  [161] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 415, 425.
+        _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. p. 83. Knox, in his _History of
+        the Reformation_ (edit. Laing, vol. i p. 100), archly says, 'The
+        cleargy hearto long repugned; butt in the end, convicted by
+        reassonis, _and by multitud of votes in thare contrare_, thei also
+        condiscended; and so, by Act of Parliament, it was maid free to
+        all man and woman to reid the Scriptures in thair awin toung, or
+        in the Engliss toung; and so war all Actes maid in the contrair
+        abolished.'
+
+Scarcely had the nobles thus attained the upper hand, when they began to
+quarrel among themselves. They were resolved to plunder the Church; but
+they could not agree as to how the spoil should be shared. Neither could
+they determine as to the best mode of proceeding; some being in favour of
+an open and immediate schism, while others wished to advance cautiously,
+and to temporize with their opponents, that they might weaken the
+hierarchy by degrees. The more active and zealous section of the nobles
+were known as the English party,[162] owing to their intimate connexion
+with Henry VIII., from whom many of them received supplies of money. But,
+in 1544, war broke out between the two countries, and the clergy, headed
+by Archbishop Beaton, roused, with such success, the old feelings of
+national hatred against the English, that the nobles were compelled for a
+moment to bend before the storm, and to advocate an alliance with France.
+Indeed, it seemed for a few months as if the Church and aristocracy had
+forgotten their old and inveterate hostility, and were about to unite
+their strength in one common cause.[163]
+
+  [162] Or, as Keith calls them, 'English Lords.' _History of the Affairs
+        of Church and State in Scotland_, vol. i. p. 80.
+
+  [163] In May 1544 the English attacked Scotland, _Tytler's History_,
+        vol. iv. p. 316; and in that same month, the 'Anglo-Scottish
+        party' consisted only of the Earls of Lennox and of Glencairn,
+        since even 'Angus, George Douglas, and their numerous and powerful
+        adherents, joined the cardinal.' p. 319. As to the part taken by
+        the Scotch clergy, see, in _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. p.
+        173, a letter to Henry VIII., written on the 1st of May 1543: 'And
+        as to the kirk-men, I assure your majesty they seek the war by all
+        the means they can, and do daily entertain the noblemen with money
+        and rewards to sustain the wars, rather than there should be any
+        agreement with your majesty; thinking, verily, that if peace and
+        unity succeed, that they shall be reformed, and lose their glory,
+        which they had rather die, and put all this realm in hazard, than
+        they would forego.' See also p. 184, note.
+
+This, however, was but a passing delusion. The antagonism between the two
+classes was irreconcilable.[164] In the spring of 1545, the leading
+Protestant nobles formed a conspiracy to assassinate Archbishop
+Beaton,[165] whom they hated more than any one else, partly because he
+was the head of the Church, and partly because he was the ablest and most
+unscrupulous of their opponents. A year, however, elapsed before their
+purpose could be effected; and it was not till May 1546, that Lesley, a
+young baron, accompanied by the Laird of Grange, and a few others, burst
+into Saint Andrews, and murdered the primate in his own castle.[166]
+
+  [164] Buchanan records a very curious conversation between the regent and
+        Douglas, which, as I do not remember to have met with elsewhere, I
+        shall transcribe. The exact date of it is not mentioned, but, from
+        the context, it evidently took place in 1544 or 1545. 'Ibi cum
+        Prorex suam deploraret solitudinem, et se a nobilitate derelictum
+        quereretur, Duglassius ostendit "id ipsius culpa fieri, non
+        nobilium, qui et fortunas omnes et vitam ad publicam salutem
+        tuendam conferrent, quorum consilio contempto ad sacrificulorum
+        nutum circumageretur, qui foris imbelles, domi seditiosi,
+        omniumque periculorum expertes alieni laboris fructu ad suas
+        voluptates abuterentur. Ex hoc fonte inter te et proceres facta
+        est suspitio, quæ (quòd neutri alteris fidatis) rebus gerendis
+        maxime est impedimento."' _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xv. p.
+        435. Buchanan was, at this time, about thirty-eight years old; and
+        that some such conversation as that which he narrates actually
+        took place, is, I think, highly probable, though the historian may
+        have thrown in some touches of his own. At all events, he was too
+        great a rhetorician to invent what his contemporaries would deem
+        unlikely to happen; so that, from either point of view, the
+        passage is valuable as an evidence of the deep-rooted hostility
+        which the nobles bore towards the Church.
+
+  [165] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 337. 'The plot is
+        entirely unknown either to our Scottish or English historians; and
+        now, after the lapse of nearly three centuries, has been
+        discovered in the secret correspondence of the State-paper
+        Office.' The first suggestion of the murder was in April 1544. See
+        _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. v. p. 377, and the end of the
+        Preface to vol. iv. But Mr. Tytler and the editor of the _State
+        Papers_ appear to have overlooked a still earlier indication of
+        the coming crime, in _Sadler's Papers_. See, in that collection,
+        vol. i. p. 77, a conversation, held in March 1543, between Sir
+        Ralph Sadler and the Earl of Arran; Sadler being conducted by the
+        Earl of Glencairn. On that occasion, the Earl of Arran used an
+        expression concerning Beaton, the meaning of which Sir Ralph
+        evidently understood. '"By God," quoth he, "he shall never come
+        out of prison whilst I may have mine own will, _except it be to
+        his farther mischief_." I allowed the same well' (replied Sadler),
+        'and said, "It were pity, but he should receive such reward as his
+        merits did require."'
+
+  [166] _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. v. p. 560. _A Diurnal of
+        Occurrents_, p. 42. _Calderwood's History of the Kirk of
+        Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 221-223. Lindsay of Pitscottie
+        (_Chronicles_, vol. ii. p. 484) relates a circumstance respecting
+        the murder, which is too horrible to mention, and of which it is
+        enough to say, that it consisted of an obscene outrage committed
+        on the corpse of the victim. Though such facts cannot now be
+        published, they are so characteristic of the age, that they ought
+        not to be passed over in complete silence.
+
+The horror with which the Church heard of this foul and barbarous
+deed,[167] maybe easily imagined. But the conspirators, nothing daunted,
+and relying on the support of a powerful party, justified their act,
+seized the castle of Saint Andrews, and prepared to defend it to the
+last. And in this resolution they were upheld by a most remarkable man,
+who now first appeared to public view, and who, being admirably suited to
+the age in which he lived, was destined to become the most conspicuous
+character of those troublous times.
+
+  [167] Respecting which, two Scotch Protestant historians have expressed
+        themselves in the following terms: 'God admonished men, by this
+        judgement, that he will in end be avenged upon tyranns for their
+        crueltie, howsoever they strenthen themselves.' _Calderwood's
+        History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 224. And, whoever
+        considers all the circumstances, 'must acknowledge it was a
+        stupendous act of the judgment of the Lord, and that the whole was
+        overruled and guided by Divine Providence.' _Stevenson's History
+        of the Church and State of Scotland_, p. 38.
+
+That man was John Knox. To say that he was fearless and incorruptible,
+that he advocated with unflinching zeal what he believed to be the truth,
+and that he devoted himself with untiring energy to what he deemed the
+highest of all objects, is only to render common justice to the many
+noble attributes which he undoubtedly possessed. But, on the other hand,
+he was stern, unrelenting, and frequently brutal; he was not only callous
+to human suffering, but he could turn it into a jest, and employ on it
+the resources of his coarse, though exuberant, humour;[168] and he loved
+power so inordinately, that, unable to brook the slightest opposition, he
+trampled on all who crossed his path, or stood even for a moment in the
+way of his ulterior designs.
+
+  [168] Even the editor of _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, Edinburgh, 1841,
+        p. xxxv., notices 'the ill-timed merriment he displays in relating
+        the foul deed' of Beaton's murder.
+
+The influence of Knox in promoting the Reformation, has indeed been
+grossly exaggerated by historians, who are too apt to ascribe vast
+results to individual exertions; overlooking those large and general
+causes, in the absence of which the individual exertion would be
+fruitless. Still, he effected more than any single man;[169] although the
+really important period of his life, in regard to Scotland, was in and
+after 1559, when the triumph of Protestantism was already secure, and
+when he reaped the benefit of what had been effected during his long
+absence from his own country. His first effort was a complete failure,
+and, more than any one of his actions, has injured his reputation. This
+was the sanction which he gave to the cruel murder of Archbishop Beaton,
+in 1546. He repaired to the Castle of Saint Andrews; he shut himself up
+with the assassins; he prepared to share their fate; and, in a work which
+he afterwards wrote, openly justified what they had done.[170] For this,
+nothing can excuse him; and it is with a certain sense of satisfied
+justice that we learn, that, in 1547, the castle being taken by the
+French, Knox was treated with great severity, and was made to work at the
+galleys, from which he was not liberated till 1549.[171]
+
+  [169] Shortly before his death, he said, with honest and justifiable
+        pride, 'What I have bene to my countrie, albeit, this vnthankfull
+        aige will not knowe, yet the aiges to come wilbe compelled to bear
+        witnes to the treuth.' _Bannatyne's Journal_, Edinburgh, 1806. p.
+        119. Bannatyne was Knox's secretary. It is to be regretted that no
+        good life of Knox should have yet been published. That by M'Crie
+        is an undistinguishing and injudicious panegyric, which, by
+        provoking a reaction of opinion, has damaged the reputation of the
+        great reformer. On the other hand, the sect of Episcopalians in
+        Scotland are utterly blind to the real grandeur of the man, and
+        unable to discern his intense love of truth, and the noble
+        fearlessness of his nature.
+
+  [170] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 374, 375. _M'Crie's
+        Life of Knox_, pp. 27, 28. _Lawson's Roman Catholic Church in
+        Scotland_, p. 154. _Presbytery Displayed_, 1663, 4to, p. 28.
+        _Shields' Hind let loose_, 1687, pp. 14, 39, 638. In his _History
+        of the Reformation_, edit. Laing, vol. i. pp. 177, 180, he calls
+        it a 'godly fact,' and says, 'These ar the workis of our God;'
+        which, in plain language, is terming the Deity an assassin. But,
+        bad as this is, I agree with M'Crie, that there is no trustworthy
+        evidence for deeming him privy to the murder. Compare, however, _A
+        Diurnal of Occurrents_ p. 42, with _Lyon's History of St.
+        Andrews_, vol. ii. p. 364.
+
+  [171] _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, pp. 38, 43, 350. _Argyll's Presbytery
+        Examined_, 1848, p. 19.
+
+During the next five years, Knox remained in England, which he quitted in
+1554, and arrived at Dieppe.[172] He then travelled abroad; and did not
+revisit Scotland till the autumn of 1555, when he was eagerly welcomed by
+the principal nobles and their adherents.[173] From some cause, however,
+which has not been sufficiently explained, but probably from an
+unwillingness to play a subordinate part among those proud chiefs, he, in
+July 1556, again left Scotland, and repaired to Geneva, where he had been
+invited to take charge of a congregation.[174] He stayed abroad till
+1559, by which time the real struggle was almost over; so completely had
+the nobles succeeded in sapping the foundations of the Church.
+
+  [172] _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, pp. 44, 71.
+
+  [173] _Ibid._ p. 99. As to the nobles, who received him, and heard him
+        preach, see p. 102.
+
+  [174] 'Influenced by motives which have never been fully comprehended, he
+        departed to Geneva, where, for a time, he became pastor of a
+        Protestant congregation.' _Russell's History of the Church in
+        Scotland_, 1834, vol. i. p. 193. M'Crie, who sees no difficulty,
+        simply says, 'In the month of July 1556, he left Scotland, and,
+        having arrived at Dieppe, he proceeded with his family to Geneva.'
+        _Life of Knox_, p. 107.
+
+For, the course of events having been long prepared, was now rapid
+indeed. In 1554, the queen dowager had succeeded Arran as regent.[175]
+She was that Mary of Guise whose marriage with James V. we have noticed
+as one of the indications of the policy then prevailing. If left alone,
+she would probably have done little harm;[176] but her powerful and
+intolerant family exhorted her to suppress the heretics, and, as a
+natural part of the same scheme, to put down the nobles. By the advice of
+her brothers, the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine, she, in
+1555, proposed to establish a standing army, to supply the place of the
+troops, which consisted of the feudal barons and their retainers. Such a
+force, being paid by the Crown, would have been entirely under its
+control; but the nobles saw the ulterior design, and compelled Mary to
+abandon it, on the ground that they and their vassals were able to defend
+Scotland, without further aid.[177] Her next attempt was to consolidate
+the interests of the Catholic party, which she effected, in 1558, by
+marrying her daughter to the dauphin. This increased the influence of the
+Guises,[178] whose niece, already queen of Scotland, would now, in the
+ordinary course of affairs, become queen of France. They urged their
+sister to extreme measures, and promised to assist her with French
+troops. On the other hand, the nobles remained firm, and prepared for the
+struggle. In December 1557, several of them had drawn up a covenant,
+agreeing to stand by each other, and to resist the tyranny with which
+they were threatened.[179] They now took the name of Lords of the
+Congregation, and sent forth their agents to secure the subscriptions of
+those who wished for a reformation of the Church.[180] They, moreover,
+wrote to Knox, whose style of preaching, being very popular, would, they
+thought, be useful in stirring up the people to rebellion.[181] He was
+then in Geneva, and did not arrive in Scotland till May 1559,[182] by
+which time the result of the impending contest was hardly doubtful, so
+successful had the nobles been in strengthening their party, and so much
+reason had they to expect the support of Elizabeth.
+
+  [175] Knox, in his savoury diction, likens her appointment to putting a
+        saddle on the back of a cow. 'She maid Regent in the year of God
+        1554; and a croune putt upone hir head, als seimlye a sight (yf
+        men had eis), as to putt a sadill upone the back of ane unrewly
+        kow.' I copy this passage from Mr. Laing's excellent edition of
+        _Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. i. p. 242; but in
+        _Watson's Historicall Collections of Ecclesiastick Affairs in
+        Scotland_, 1657, p. 73, there is a slightly different version.
+        '"As seemly a sight," saith John Knox, in the new gospel language,
+        "as to put the saddle upon the back of an unruly _sow_."'
+
+  [176] The Duke of Argyll, in his _Presbytery Examined_, p. 9, calls her
+        'ambitious and intriguing.' Not only, however, is she praised by
+        Lesley (_History_, pp. 289, 290), which might have been expected,
+        but even Buchanan does justice to her, in a passage unusually
+        gracious for so Protestant and democratic a writer. 'Mors ejus
+        varie mentes hominum affecit. Nam et apud quosdam eorum, quibuscum
+        armis contendit, non mediocre sui desiderium reliquit. Erat enim
+        singulari ingenio prædita, et animo ad æquitatem admodum
+        propenso.' _Buchanan_, _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xvi. p.
+        487.
+
+  [177] _History of Scotland_, book ii. p. 91, in Robertson's Works, 1831.
+        _Tytler's History_, vol. v. pp. 22, 23. It appears, from Lesley
+        (_History_, pp. 254, 255), that some of the nobles were in favour
+        of this scheme, hoping thereby to gain favour. 'Albeit sum of the
+        lordis of the nobilitie for pleasour of the quene seamed to aggre
+        thairto for the tyme, yit the barronis and gentill men was nathing
+        content thairwith' ... 'affirming that thair foirfatheris and
+        predicessouris had defendit the samyn' (_i.e._ the realm) 'mony
+        hundreth yeris, vailyeantlie with thair awin handis.'
+
+  [178] 'It completed the almost despotic power of the house of Guise.'
+        _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. v. p. 27.
+
+  [179] This covenant, which marks an important epoch in the history of
+        Scotland, is dated 3rd of December 1557. It is printed in
+        _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 47; in
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. i. pp. 326, 327; and in
+        _Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. i. pp. 273, 274.
+
+  [180] In 1558, 'the lords of the congregation had sent agents through
+        the kingdom to solicit the subscriptions of those who were
+        friendly to a reformation.' _Stephen's History of the Church of
+        Scotland_, London, 1848, vol. i. p. 58.
+
+  [181] Keith (_Affairs of Church and State in Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 82)
+        calls him 'a trumpeter of rebellion,' which he undoubtedly was,
+        and very much to his credit too, though the courtly bishop imputes
+        it to him as a fault. The Scotch, if it had not been for their
+        rebellious spirit, would long since have lost their liberties.
+
+  [182] 'He sailed from Dieppe on the 22nd of April 1559, and landed
+        safely at Leith in the beginning of May.' _M'Crie's Life of Knox_,
+        p. 139. Knox himself says, 'the secound of Maij.' _History of the
+        Reformation_, edit. Laing, vol. i. p. 318. 'He was called home by
+        the noblemen that enterprised the Reformation.' _Spottiswoode's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, edit. Russell, vol. ii.
+        p. 180.
+
+Nine days after Knox entered Scotland, the first blow was struck. On the
+11th of May 1559, he preached in Perth. After the sermon, a tumult arose,
+and the people plundered the churches and pulled down the
+monasteries.[183] The queen-regent, hastily assembling troops, marched
+towards the town. But the nobles were on the alert. The Earl of Glencairn
+joined the congregation with two thousand five hundred men; and a treaty
+was concluded, by which both sides agreed to disarm, on condition that no
+one should be punished for what had already happened.[184] Such, however,
+was the state of the public mind, that peace was impossible. In a few
+days, war again broke out; and this time the result was more decisive.
+The Lords of the Congregation mustered in great force. Perth, Stirling,
+and Linlithgow, fell into their hands. The queen-regent retreated before
+them. She evacuated Edinburgh; and, on the 29th of June, the Protestants
+entered the capital in triumph.[185]
+
+  [183] _Penny's Traditions of Perth_, p. 310. _Knox's History of the
+        Reformation_, vol. i. pp. 321-323. _Lyon's History of St.
+        Andrews_, vol. i. p. 329; and a spirited narrative in _Buchanan's
+        Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xvi. pp. 471, 472. Some
+        interesting circumstances are also preserved in _Lesley's
+        History_, pp. 271, 272; but, though Lesley was a contemporary, he
+        erroneously places the riot in 1558. He, moreover, ascribes to
+        Knox language more inflammatory than that which he really used.
+
+  [184] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. v. pp. 59, 62, 63. Of the
+        Earl of Glencairn, Chalmers (_Caledonia_, vol. iii. p. 485) says,
+        that he was a 'religious ruffian, who enjoyed pensions from Henry
+        VIII., for injuring the country of his birth, and benefits.' This,
+        besides being ungrammatical, is foolish. Glencairn, like the other
+        aristocratic leaders of the Reformation, was, no doubt, influenced
+        by sordid motives; but, so far from injuring his country, he
+        rendered it great service.
+
+  [185] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. v. pp. 64-73.
+
+All this was done in seven weeks from the breaking out of the first riot.
+Both parties were now willing to negotiate, with the view of gaining
+time; the queen-regent expecting aid from France, the Lords expecting it
+from England.[186] But the proceedings of Elizabeth being tardy, the
+Protestants, after waiting for some months, determined to strike a
+decisive blow before the reinforcements arrived. In October, the
+principal peers, headed by the Duke of Chastelherault, the Earl of Arran,
+the Earl of Argyle, and the Earl of Glencairn, assembled at Edinburgh. A
+great meeting was held, of which Lord Ruthven was appointed president,
+and in which the queen-regent was solemnly suspended from the government,
+on the ground that she was opposed to 'the glory of God, to the liberty
+of the realm, and to the welfare of the nobles.'[187]
+
+  [186] It is stated of the queen-regent, that, in July 1559, 'shee had
+        sent alreadie to France for more men of warr.' See the curious
+        pamphlet entitled 'A Historie of the Estate of Scotland, from July
+        1558 to April 1560,' in _Miscellany of the Wodrow Society_, p. 63,
+        Edinburgh, 1844. All sorts of rumours were circulated; and a
+        letter, dated 12th October 1559, says, 'Summe thinke the regent
+        will departe secretlie. Summe that she will to Ynchkeith, for that
+        three shippes are a preparing. Summe saye that she is verie sicke.
+        Summe saye the devill cannot kill her.' _Sadler's State Papers_,
+        vol. i. p. 499.
+
+  [187] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. v. p. 104. This was on the
+        22nd of October 1559. Compare _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. p.
+        512. 'This Mondaye, the 22 of October, was the douagier deprived
+        from her authoritie by commen consent of all lords and barons here
+        present.' On this occasion, 'Johne Willocke,' the preacher,
+        delivered himself of a discourse in favour of her deposition.
+        Among other arguments, he said, 'that in deposing of princes, and
+        these that have beene in authoritie, God did not alwayes use his
+        immediat power, but sometimes he used other meanes, which his
+        wisdome thought good, and justice approved. As by Asa, He removed
+        Maacha, his owne mother, from honour and authoritie, which before
+        she had used; by Jehu He destroyed Joram, and the whole posteritie
+        of Achab.' _Therefore_ 'he (the orator) could see no reasoun why
+        they, the borne counsellers, the nobilitie and barons of the
+        realme, might not justlie deprive her from all regiment.'
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. i. pp. 540, 541; and
+        _Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. i. pp. 442, 443.
+
+In the winter, an English fleet sailed into the Frith, and anchored near
+Edinburgh.[188] In January 1560, the Duke of Norfolk arrived at Berwick,
+and concluded, on the part of Elizabeth, a treaty with the Lords of the
+Congregation, by virtue of which the English army entered Scotland on the
+2nd of April.[189] Against this combination, the government could effect
+nothing, and in July, was glad to sign a peace, by which the French
+troops were to evacuate Scotland, and the whole power of administration
+was virtually consigned to the Protestant Lords.[190]
+
+  [188] The _Diurnal of Occurrents_, pp. 55, 272, says, that the fleet
+        arrived on 24th of January, 1559-60; 'aucht greit schippis of
+        Ingland in the raid of Leith.' And a letter (in _Sadler's State
+        Papers_, vol. i. p. 697) dated the 23rd of January, says, 'the
+        shippes arrived yesterdaye in the Frythe to the nomber of ix. or
+        x., as yet, and the remanent followith.' The date, therefore, of
+        the 10th of January, given in a note to _Keith's Church and State
+        in Scotland_, vol. i. p. 255, is evidently erroneous. Important as
+        the event was, its exact date is not mentioned either by Tytler
+        (_History of Scotland_, vol. v. pp. 114, 115), or by Chalmers
+        (_Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 631).
+
+  [189] _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 632. _Knox's History of the
+        Reformation_, vol. ii. p. 57. The Berwick treaty, in February, is
+        printed in _Keith's Church and State in Scotland_, vol. i. pp.
+        258-262. So great was the influence of the nobles, that the
+        English troops were well received by the people, in spite of the
+        old and bitter animosity between the two nations. 'Especially in
+        Fyfe they were thankfully receaved, and well entreated, with such
+        quietnes and gentle entertainement betwixt our nation and them, as
+        no man would have thought that ever there had beine any variance.'
+        _A Historie of the Estate of Scotland_, from 1558 to 1560, in
+        _Miscellany of the Wodrow Society_, p. 78.
+
+  [190] 'Vpoun the vi. day of Julij, it wes concludit and finallie endit
+        betuix the saids ambassatouris, tuitching all debaittis,
+        contraversies and materis concernyng the asseiging of Leith,
+        depairting of the Frenchemen thairfra, and randering of the same;
+        and the said peax daitit this said day.' _A Diurnal of
+        Occurrents_, pp. 277, 278. See also p. 60; and _Keith's Affairs of
+        Church and State in Scotland_, vol. i. p. 295.
+
+The complete success of this great revolution, and the speed with which
+it was effected, are of themselves a decisive proof of the energy of
+those general causes by which the whole movement was controlled. For more
+than a hundred and fifty years, there had been a deadly struggle between
+the nobles and the Church: and the issue of that struggle, was the
+establishment of the Reformation, and the triumph of the aristocracy.
+They had, at last, carried their point. The hierarchy was overthrown, and
+replaced by new and untried men. All the old notions of apostolic
+succession, of the imposition of hands, and of the divine right of
+ordination, were suddenly discarded. The offices of the Church were
+performed by heretics, the majority of whom had not even been
+ordained.[191] Finally, and to crown the whole, in the summer of the same
+year, 1560, the Scotch parliament passed two laws, which utterly
+subverted the ancient scheme. By one of these laws, every statute which
+had ever been enacted in favour of the Church, was at once repealed.[192]
+By the other law, it was declared that whoever either said mass, or was
+present while it was said, should, for the first offence, lose his goods;
+for the second offence be exiled; and, for the third offence, be put to
+death.[193]
+
+  [191] 'That Knox himself was in priest's orders, is a fact which his
+        biographer, the late Dr. M'Crie, has placed beyond dispute; and
+        some of the other leaders were also priests; but the greater
+        number of the preachers, and all those who subsequently became
+        ministers, were totally without any orders whatever, not even such
+        as the superintendents could have given them; for their own
+        supposed call, the election of the people, and the _civil_
+        ceremony of induction to the living, was all that was then "judged
+        necessary."' _Stephen's History of the Church of Scotland_, 1848,
+        vol. i. pp. 145, 146. 'A new-fashioned sort of ministry, unknown
+        in the Christian Church for all preceding generations.' _Keith's
+        Church and State in Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 204. Compare _Argyll's
+        Presbytery Examined_, pp. 34-36.
+
+  [192] 'The thre estaitis of parliament hes [=a]nullit and declarit all
+        sik actes maid in tymes bipast not aggreing w^t goddis word and
+        now contrair to the confessiouñ of oure fay^t according to the
+        said word publist in this parliament. Tobe of nane avale force nor
+        effect. And decornis the said actis and every ane of thame tu haue
+        na effect nor strenth in tyme to cum.' _Acts of the Parliament of
+        Scotland_, 1814, folio, vol. ii. p. 535. This was on 24th August
+        1560.
+
+  [193] 'That na maner of person nor personis say mess nor zit heir mess
+        nor be pñt thairat vnder the pane of confiscatiouñ of all
+        thair gud movable and vnmovable and pvneissing of thair bodeis at
+        the discretiouñ of the magistrat within quhais jurisdictiouñ
+        sik personis happ[=y]nis to be apprehendit ffor the first falt:
+        Banissing of the Realme for the secund falt, and justifying to the
+        deid for the thrid falt.' _Ibid._, 24th August 1560, vol. ii. p.
+        525.
+
+Thus it was, that an institution, which had borne the brunt of more than
+a thousand years, was shivered, and fell to pieces. And, from its fall,
+great things were augured. It was believed, that the people would be
+enlightened, that their eyes were opening to their former follies, and
+that the reign of superstition was about to end. But what was forgotten
+then, and what is too often forgotten now, is, that in these affairs
+there is an order and a natural sequence, which can never be reversed.
+This is, that every institution, as it actually exists, no matter what
+its name or pretences may be, is the effect of public opinion far more
+than the cause; and that it will avail nothing to attack the institution,
+unless you can first change the opinion. In Scotland, the Church was
+grossly superstitious; but it did not, therefore, follow, that to
+overthrow the establishment, would lessen the evil. They who think that
+superstition can be weakened in this way, do not know the vitality of
+that dark and ill-omened principle. Against it, there is only one weapon,
+and that weapon is knowledge. When men are ignorant, they must be
+superstitious; and wherever superstition exists, it is sure to organize
+itself into some kind of system, which it makes its home. If you drive it
+from that home, it will find another. The spirit transmigrates; it
+assumes a new form; but still it lives. How idle, then, is that warfare
+which reformers are too apt to wage, in which they slay the carcass, and
+spare the life! The husk, forsooth, they seek out and destroy; but within
+that husk is a seed of deadly poison, whose vitality they are unable to
+impair, and which, shifted from its place, bears fruit in another
+direction, and shoots up with a fresh, and often a more fatal,
+exuberance.
+
+The truth is, that every institution, whether political or religious,
+represents, in its actual working, the form and pressure of the age. It
+may be very old; it may bear a venerated name; it may aim at the highest
+objects: but whoever carefully studies its history, will find that, in
+practice, it is successively modified by successive generations, and
+that, instead of controlling society, it is controlled by it. When the
+Protestant Reformation was effected, the Scotch were excessively
+ignorant, and, therefore, in spite of the Reformation, they remained
+excessively superstitious. How long that ignorance continued, and what
+its results were, we shall presently see; but before entering into that
+inquiry, it will be advisable to trace the immediate consequences of the
+Reformation itself, in connexion with the powerful class by whose
+authority it was established.
+
+The nobles, having overthrown the Church, and stripped it of a large part
+of its wealth, thought that they were to reap the benefit of their own
+labour. They had slain the enemy, and they wished to divide the
+spoil.[194] But this did not suit the views of the Protestant preachers.
+In their opinion, it was impious to secularize ecclesiastical property,
+and turn it aside to profane purposes. They held, that it was right,
+indeed, for the lords to plunder the Church; but they took for granted
+that the proceeds of the robbery were to enrich themselves. They were the
+godly men; and it was the business of the ruling classes to endow them
+with benefices, from which the old and idolatrous clergy were to be
+expelled.[195]
+
+  [194] As Robertson says, in his measured, and somewhat feeble, style,
+        'Among the Scottish nobility, some hated the persons, and others
+        coveted the wealth, of the dignified clergy; and by abolishing
+        that order of men, the former indulged their resentment, and the
+        latter hoped to gratify their avarice.' _History of Scotland_,
+        book iii. p. 116, in _Robertson's Works_, edit. 1831. The
+        contemporary narrative, in _A Diurnal of Occurrents_, p. 269,
+        sounds much more vigorous to my ear. 'In all this tyme' (1559),
+        'all kirkmennis goodis and geir wer spoulzeit and reft fra thame,
+        in euerie place quhair the samyne culd be apprehendit; for euerie
+        man for the maist pairt that culd get any thing pertenyng to any
+        kirkmen, thocht the same as wele won geir.'
+
+  [195] 'Knox never dreamed that the revenues of the Church were to be
+        secularized; but that he and his colleagues were simply to remove
+        the old incumbents, and then take possession of their benefices.'
+        _Stephen's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 106.
+        'The ecclesiastical revenues, which they never contemplated for a
+        moment were to be seized by the Protestant nobility.' _Lawson's
+        Roman Catholic Church in Scotland_, p. 233.
+
+In accordance with these opinions, Knox and his colleagues, in August
+1560, presented a petition to Parliament, calling on the nobles to
+restore the Church property which they had seized, and to have it
+properly applied to the support of the new ministers.[196] To this
+request, those powerful chiefs did not even vouchsafe a reply.[197] They
+were content with matters as they actually stood, and were, therefore,
+unwilling to disturb the existing arrangement. They had fought the fight;
+they had gained the victory, and shared the spoil. It was not to be
+supposed that they would peaceably relinquish what they had won with
+infinite difficulty. Nor was it likely that, after being engaged in an
+arduous struggle with the Church for a hundred and fifty years, and
+having at length conquered their inveterate enemy, they should forego the
+fruits of their triumph for the sake of a few preachers, whom they had
+but recently called to their aid; low-born and obscure men, who should
+rather deem it an honour that they were permitted to associate with their
+superiors in a common enterprise, but were not to presume on that
+circumstance, nor to suppose that they, who only entered the field at the
+eleventh hour, were to share the booty on anything approaching to terms
+of equality.[198]
+
+  [196] Compare _Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. ii. pp. 89-92,
+        with _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, p. 179. Of this document, M'Crie
+        says, 'There can be no doubt that it received the sanction, if it
+        was not the composition, of the Reformer.' ... 'It called upon
+        them' (the nobles) 'to restore the patrimony of the Church, of
+        which they had unjustly possessed themselves.'
+
+  [197] 'Making no answer to the last point.' _Spottiswoode's History of
+        the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 327. 'Without taking any
+        notice.' _Keith's Affairs of Church and State_, vol. i. p. 321.
+
+  [198] 'They viewed the Protestant preachers as low-born individuals, not
+        far raised above the condition of mechanics or tradesmen, without
+        influence, authority, or importance.' _Lawson's Roman Catholic
+        Church in Scotland_, p. 251. 'None were more unmercifull to the
+        poore ministers than they that had the greatest share of the kirk
+        rents.' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. ii.
+        p. 42.
+
+But the aristocracy of Scotland little knew the men with whom they had to
+deal. Still less, did they understand the character of their own age.
+They did not see that, in the state of society in which they lived,
+superstition was inevitable, and that, therefore, the spiritual classes,
+though depressed for a moment, were sure speedily to rise again. The
+nobles had overturned the Church; but the principles on which Church
+authority is based, remained intact. All that was done, was to change the
+name and the form. A new hierarchy was quickly organized, which succeeded
+the old one in the affections of the people. Indeed, it did more. For,
+the Protestant clergy, neglected by the nobles, and unendowed by the
+state, had only a miserable pittance whereupon to live, and they
+necessarily threw themselves into the arms of the people, where alone
+they could find support and sympathy.[199] Hence, a closer and more
+intimate union than would otherwise have been possible. Hence, too, as we
+shall presently see, the Presbyterian clergy, smarting under the
+injustice with which they were treated, displayed that hatred of the
+upper classes, and that peculiar detestation of monarchical government,
+which they showed whenever they dared. In their pulpits, in their
+presbyteries, and in their General Assemblies, they encouraged a
+democratic and insubordinate tone, which eventually produced the happiest
+results, by keeping alive, at a critical moment, the spirit of liberty;
+but which, for that very reason, made the higher ranks rue the day, when,
+by their ill-timed and selfish parsimony, they roused the wrath of so
+powerful and implacable a class.
+
+  [199] In 1561, 'Notwithstanding the full establishment of the
+        Reformation, the Protestant ministers were in a state of extreme
+        poverty, and dependent upon the precarious assistance of their
+        flocks.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. v. p. 207. Compare a
+        letter, written by Knox, in 1566, 'on the extreame povertie
+        wherein our ministers are brought.' _Knox's History of the
+        Reformation_, vol. ii. p. 542.
+
+The withdrawal of the French troops, in 1560, had left the nobles in
+possession of the government;[200] and it was for them to decide to what
+extent the Reformed clergy should be endowed. The first petition,
+presented by Knox and his brethren, was passed over in contemptuous
+silence. But the ministers were not so easily put aside. Their next step
+was, to present to the Privy Council what is known as the First Book of
+Discipline, in which they again urged their request.[201] To the tenets
+contained in this book, the council had no objection; but they refused to
+ratify it, because, by doing so, they would have sanctioned the principle
+that the new church had a right to the revenues of the old one.[202] A
+certain share, indeed, they were willing to concede. What the share
+should be, was a matter of serious dispute, and caused the greatest
+ill-will between the two parties. At length, the nobles broke silence,
+and, in December 1561, they declared that the Reformed clergy should only
+receive one-sixth of the property of the Church; the remaining
+five-sixths being divided between the government and the Catholic
+priesthood.[203] The meaning of this was easily understood, since the
+Catholics were now entirely dependent on the government, and the
+government was, in fact, the nobles themselves, who were, at that period,
+the monopolizers of political power.
+
+  [200] 'The limited authority which the Crown had hitherto possessed, was
+        almost entirely annihilated, and the aristocratical power, which
+        always predominated in the Scottish Government (?), became supreme
+        and incontrollable.' _Russell's History of the Church in
+        Scotland_, 1834, vol. i. p. 223.
+
+  [201] See the _First Book of Discipline_, reprinted in _A Compendium of
+        the Laws of the Church of Scotland_, part i., second edition,
+        Edinburgh, 1837. They summed up their requests in one
+        comprehensive passage (p. 119), that 'the haill rentis of the Kirk
+        abusit in Papistrie sal be referrit againe to the Kirk.' In
+        another part (p. 106), they frankly admit that, 'we doubt not but
+        some of our petitions shall appeare strange unto you at the first
+        sight.'
+
+  [202] 'The form of polity recommended in the First Book of Discipline
+        never obtained the proper sanction of the State, chiefly in
+        consequence of the avarice of the nobility and gentry, who were
+        desirous of securing to themselves the revenues of the Church.'
+        _Miscellany of the Wodrow Society_, p. 324. See also _Argyll's
+        Presbytery Examined_, p. 26. Many of the nobles, however, did sign
+        it (_Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. ii. p. 129); but,
+        says Spottiswoode (_History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p.
+        373), 'Most of those that subscribed, getting into their hands the
+        possessions of the Church, could never be induced to part
+        therewith, and turned greater enemies in that point of church
+        patrimony than were the papists, or any other whatsoever.'
+
+  [203] _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, p. 204. _Knox's History of the
+        Reformation_, vol. ii. pp. 298-301, 307-309. _Buchanan's Rerum
+        Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xvii. p. 500. The nominal arrangement,
+        which was contrived with considerable art, was, that one-third of
+        the church revenues should be divided into two parts; one part for
+        the government, and another part for the preachers. The remaining
+        two-thirds were gravely assigned to the Catholic priesthood, who,
+        at that very moment, were liable, by Act of Parliament, to the
+        penalty of death, if they performed the rites of their religion.
+        Men, whose lives were in the hands of the government, were not
+        likely to quarrel with the government about money matters; and the
+        result was, that nearly every thing fell into the possession of
+        the nobles.
+
+Such being the case, it naturally happened, that, when the arrangement
+was made known, the preachers were greatly moved. They saw how
+unfavourable it was to their own interests, and, therefore, they held
+that it was unfavourable to the interests of religion. Hence, in their
+opinion, it was contrived by the devil, whose purposes it was calculated
+to serve.[204] For, now, they who travailed in the vineyard of the Lord,
+were to be discouraged, and were to suffer, in order that what rightly
+belonged to them might be devoured by idle bellies.[205] The nobles might
+benefit for a time, but the vengeance of God was swift, and would most
+assuredly overtake them.[206] From the beginning to the end, it was
+nothing but spoliation. In a really Christian land, the patrimony of the
+Church would be left untouched.[207] But, in Scotland, alas! Satan had
+prevailed,[208] and Christian charity had waxen cold.[209] In Scotland,
+property, which should be regarded as sacred, had been broken up and
+divided; and the division was of the worst kind, since, by it, said Knox,
+two-thirds are given to the devil, and the other third is shared between
+God and the devil. It was as if Joseph, when governor of Egypt, had
+refused food to his brethren, and sent them back to their families with
+empty sacks.[210] Or, as another preacher suggested, the Church was now,
+like the Maccabees of old, being oppressed, sometimes by the Assyrians,
+and sometimes by the Egyptians.[211]
+
+  [204] 'The Ministeris, evin in the begynnyng, in publict Sermonis
+        opponed thame selves to suche corruptioun, for thei foir saw the
+        purpose of the Devill.' _Knox's History of the Reformation_,
+        vol. ii. p. 310.
+
+  [205] 'For it seemeth altogether unreasonable that idle belleis sail
+        devoure and consume the patrimonie of the Kirk, whill the
+        faithfull travellers in the Lord's vineyarde suffer extreme
+        povertie, and the needie members of Christ's bodie are altogether
+        neglected.' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. ii. pp. 484,
+        485. This was in 1569; and, in 1571, the celebrated Ferguson, in
+        one of his sermons, declared that the holders of church property,
+        most of whom were the nobility, were 'ruffians.' See an extract
+        from his sermon, in _Chalmers' History of Dunfermline_, p. 309,
+        Edinburgh, 1844. 'For this day Christ is spuilzeit amang us, quhil
+        y^t quhilk aucht to mantene the Ministerie of the Kirk and the
+        pure, is geuin to prophane men, flattereris in court, ruffianes,
+        and hyrelingis.'
+
+  [206] In September 1571, John Row 'preiched, wha in plane pulpet
+        pronounced to the lordis, for thair covetusnes, and becaus they
+        wold not grant the just petitiones of the Kirk, Godis heastie
+        vengeance to fall upon them; and said, moreover, "I cair not, my
+        lordis, your displeasour; for I speik my conscience befoir God,
+        wha will not suffer sic wickitnes and contempt vnpunished."'
+        _Bannatyne's Journal_, edit. Edinburgh, 1806, p. 257.
+
+  [207] In 1576, the General Assembly declared, that their right to 'the
+        patrimonie of the Kirk' was 'ex jure divino.' _Acts of the General
+        Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 360, Edinburgh,
+        1839, 4to. More than a hundred years later, a Scotch divine
+        evinces how deeply the members of his profession felt this
+        spoliation of the Church, by going out of his way to mention it.
+        See _Jacob's Vow, by Dr. John Cockburn_, Edinburgh, 1696, pp. 422,
+        423, 425. But this is nothing in comparison to a recent writer,
+        the Reverend Mr. Lyon, who deliberately asserts that, because
+        these and similar acts occurred in the reign of Mary, therefore
+        the queen came to a violent end; such being the just punishment of
+        sacrilege. 'The practice' (of saying masses for the dead) 'ceased,
+        of course, at the Reformation; and the money was transferred by
+        Queen Mary to the civil authorities of the town. This was,
+        undoubtedly, an act of sacrilege; for, though sacrificial masses
+        for the dead was an error, yet the guardians of the money so
+        bequeathed, were under an obligation to apply it to a sacred
+        purpose. This, and other sacrilegious acts on the part of Mary, of
+        a still more decided and extensive character, have been justly
+        considered as the cause of all the calamities which subsequently
+        befell her.' _History of St. Andrews, by the Rev. C. J. Lyon,
+        M.A., Presbyter of the Episcopal Church, St. Andrews_, Edinburgh,
+        1843, vol. i. p. 54. Elsewhere (vol. ii. p. 400) the same divine
+        mentions, that the usual punishment for sacrilege is a failure of
+        male issue. 'The following examples, selected from the diocese of
+        St. Andrews, according to its boundaries before the Reformation,
+        will corroborate the general doctrine contended for throughout
+        this work, that sacrilege has ever been punished in the present
+        life, and _chiefly_ by the failure of male issue.' The italics are
+        in the text. See also vol. i. p. 118. For the sake of the future
+        historian of public opinion, it may be well to observe, that the
+        work containing these sentiments is not a reprint of an older
+        book, but was published for the first time in 1843, having
+        apparently been just written.
+
+  [208] 'The General Assemblie of the Kirk of Scotland, convenit at
+        Edinburgh the 25 of December 1566, to the Nobilitie of this Realme
+        that professes the Lord Jesus with them, and hes renouncit that
+        Roman Antichryst, desyre constancie in faith, and the spirit of
+        righteous judgement. Seeing that Sathan, be all our negligence,
+        Right Honourable, hes so farre prevailit within this Realme within
+        these late dayes, that we doe stand in extream danger, not only
+        _to lose our temporall possessions_, but also to be depryvit of
+        the glorious Evangell,' &c. _Keith's Church and State_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 154, 155.
+
+  [209] In 1566, in their piteous communication to the English bishops and
+        clergy, they said 'The days are ill; iniquitie abounds; Christian
+        charity, alas, is waxen cold.' _Acts and Proceedings of the
+        General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 87,
+        Edinburgh, 1839, 4to.
+
+  [210] 'I see twa partis freely gevin to the Devill, and the thrid maun be
+        devided betwix God and the Devill: Weill, bear witnes to me, that
+        this day I say it, or it be long the Devill shall have three
+        partis of the thrid; and judge you then what Goddis portioun
+        shallbe.' ... 'Who wold have thought, that when Joseph reulled
+        Egypt, that his brethren should have travailled for vittallis, and
+        have returned with empty seckis unto thair families? Men wold
+        rather have thought that Pharao's pose, treasure, and garnallis
+        should have bene diminished, or that the houshold of Jacob should
+        stand in danger to sterve for hungar.' _Knox's History of the
+        Reformation_, vol. ii. pp. 310, 311.
+
+  [211] In May 1571, 'This Sonday, Mr. Craig teiched the 130 Psalme; and,
+        in his sermond, he compared the steat of the Kirk of God in this
+        tovne vnto the steat of the Maccabeis; wha were oppressed sumtymes
+        by the Assyrianis and sumtymes by the Egiptianis.' _Bannatyne's
+        Journal_, p. 150.
+
+But neither persuasions nor threats[212] produced any effect on the
+obdurate minds of the Scotch nobles. Indeed, their hearts, instead of
+being softened, became harder. Even the small stipends, which were
+allotted to the Protestant clergy, were not regularly paid, but were
+mostly employed for other purposes.[213] When the ministers complained,
+they were laughed at, and insulted, by the nobles, who, having gained
+their own ends, thought that they could dispense with their former
+allies.[214] The Earl of Morton, whose ability, as well as connexions,
+made him the most powerful man in Scotland, was especially virulent
+against them; and two of the preachers, who offended him, he put to
+death, under circumstances of great cruelty.[215] The nobles, regarding
+him as their chief, elected him Regent in 1572;[216] and, being now
+possessed of supreme power, he employed it against the Church. He seized
+upon all the benefices which became vacant, and retained their profits in
+his own hands.[217] His hatred of the preachers passed all bounds. He
+publicly declared, that there would be neither peace nor order in the
+country, until some of them were hung.[218] He refused to sanction the
+General Assemblies by his presence; he wished to do away with their
+privileges, and even with their name; and with such determination did he
+pursue his measures, that, in the opinion of the historian of the Scotch
+Kirk, nothing but the special interference of the Deity could have
+maintained its existing polity.[219]
+
+  [212] The first instance I have observed of any thing like menace, is in
+        1567, when 'the Assembly of the Church being convened at
+        Edinburgh,' admonished all persons 'as well noblemen as barons,
+        and those of the other Estates, to meet and give their personal
+        appearance at Edinburgh on the 20th of July, for giving their
+        advice, counsel, and concurrence in matters then to be proponed;
+        especially for purging the realm of popery, the establishing of
+        the policy of the Church, and _restoring the patrimony thereof to
+        the just possessors_. Assuring those that should happen to absent
+        themselves at the time, due and lawful advertisement being made,
+        that they should be reputed hinderers of the good work intended,
+        and as _dissimulate professors be esteemed unworthy of the
+        fellowship of Christ's flock.' Spottiswoode's History of the
+        Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 64. This evidently alludes to the
+        possibility of excommunicating those who would not surrender to
+        the Protestant preachers, the property stolen from the Catholic
+        Church; and, in 1570, we find another step taken in the same
+        direction. Under that year, the following passage occurs in _Acts
+        and Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of
+        Scotland_, vol. i. p. 181. 'Q. If those that withold the duty of
+        the Kirk, _wherethrough Ministers want their stipends_, may be
+        excommunicate? A. All things beand done that the civill ordour
+        requyres of them that withhaldis the duetie of the Kirk, quherby
+        Ministers wants their stipends; _the Kirk may proceed to
+        excommunication, for their contempt_.'
+
+  [213] In 1526, 'the poore ministers, exhorters, and readers, compleaned
+        at church assembleis, that neither were they able to live upon the
+        stipends allowed, nor gett payment of that small portioun which
+        was allowed.' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. ii. p. 172.
+        Compare _Acts of the General Assemblies_, 1839, 4to, vol. i. p.
+        53; 'To requyre payment to ministers of there stipends for the
+        tyme by past, according to the promise made.' This was in December
+        1564. In December 1565, the General Assembly said (p. 71), 'that
+        wher oft and divers tymes promise hes bein made to us, that our
+        saids brethren, travelers and preachers in the Kirk of God, sould
+        not be defraudit of their appointit stipends, neither zet in any
+        wayes sould be molestit in their functioun; zet nottheless
+        universallie they want ther stipends appointit for diverse tymes
+        by past.' On the state of things in 1566, see 'The Supplication of
+        the Ministers to the Queen,' in _Knox's History of the
+        Reformation_, vol. ii. p. 529. See also, in the _Miscellany of the
+        Spalding Club_, vol. iv. pp. 92-101, Aberdeen, 1849, 4to, a letter
+        written by John Erskine in December 1571, especially p. 97; 'the
+        gretest of the nobilitie haifing gretest rentis in possessione,
+        and plaicet of God in maist hie honouris, ceasis nocht, maist
+        wiolentlie blindit with awarice, to spoilye and draw to thame
+        selfis the possessiones of the Kirk.'
+
+  [214] 'The ministers were called proud knaves, and receaved manie
+        injurious words from the lords, speciallie from Morton, who ruled
+        all. He said, he sould lay their pride, and putt order to them.'
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. iii. pp. 137, 138. This
+        was in 1571.
+
+  [215] _Chambers' Annals of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 79, 80.
+
+  [216] 'The nobilitie wnderwrittin convenit in Edinburgh, and chesit and
+        electit James erle of Mortoun regent.' _A Diurnal of Occurrents_,
+        p. 320.
+
+  [217] In 1573, 'when any benefeces of Kirk vaikit, he keapit the proffet
+        of thair rents sa lang in his awin hand, till he was urgit be the
+        Kirk to mak donatioun tharof, and that was not gevin but proffeit
+        for all that.' _The Historie and Life of King James the Sext_,
+        edit. Edinburgh, 1825, 4to, p. 147. Even in 1570, when Lennox was
+        regent, 'the Earle of Mortoun was the chiefe manager of every
+        thing under him;' and was 'master of the church rents,' and made
+        'gifts of them to the nobility.' _Wodrow's Collections upon the
+        Lives of the Reformers of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. part i.
+        pp. 27, 126, Glasgow, 1834, 4to.
+
+  [218] 'During all these Assembleis and earnest endeavoures of the
+        brethrein, the regent was often required to give his presence to
+        the Assemblie, and further the caus of God. He not onlie refused,
+        but threatned some of the most zealous with hanging, alledging,
+        that otherwise there could be no peace nor order in the countrie.'
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. iii. pp. 393, 394. 'Uses
+        grait thretning against the maist zelus breithring, schoring to
+        hang of thame, utherwayes ther could be na peace nor ordour in the
+        countrey.' _The Autobiography and Diary of James Melvill_, edited
+        by R. Pitcairn, Edinburgh, 1842, pp. 59, 60.
+
+  [219] 'He mislyked the Generall Assembleis, and would have had the name
+        changed, that he might take away the force and priviledge thereof;
+        and no questioun he had stayed the work of policie that was
+        presentlie in hands, if God had not stirred up a factioun against
+        him.' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. iii. p.
+        396. See also _The Autobiography of James Melvill_, p. 61.
+
+The rupture between Church and State was now complete. It remained to be
+seen, which was the stronger side. Every year, the clergy became more
+democratic; and, after the death of Knox, in 1572, they ventured upon a
+course which even he would hardly have recommended, and which, during the
+earlier period of the Reformation, would have been impracticable.[220]
+But, by this time, they had secured the support of the people; and the
+treatment they were receiving from the government, and from the nobles,
+embittered their minds, and drove them into desperate counsels. While
+their plans were yet immature, and while the future was looming darkly
+before them, a new man arose, who was well qualified to be their chief,
+and who at once stepped into the place which the death of Knox left
+vacant. This was Andrew Melville, who, by his great ability, his boldness
+of character, and his fertility of resource, was admirably suited to be
+the leader of the Scottish Church in that arduous struggle in which it
+was about to embark.[221]
+
+  [220] 'During the two years following the death of Knox, each day was
+        ripening the more determined opposition of the Church. The breach
+        between the clergy with the great body of the people, and the
+        government or higher nobility, was widening rapidly.' _Argyll's
+        Presbytery Examined_, p. 70.
+
+  [221] 'Next to her Reformer, who, under God, emancipated her from the
+        degrading shackles of papal superstition and tyranny, I know no
+        individual from whom Scotland has received such important
+        services, or to whom she continues to owe so deep a debt of
+        national respect and gratitude, as Andrew Melville.' _M'Crie's
+        Life of Andrew Melville_, vol. ii. p. 473, Edinburgh, 1819. His
+        nephew, himself a considerable person, says, 'Scotland receavit
+        never a graitter benefit at the hands of God nor this man.' _The
+        Autobiography of James Melvill_, p. 38.
+
+In 1574, Melville, having completed his education abroad, arrived in
+Scotland.[222] He quickly rallied round him the choicest spirits in the
+Church; and, under his auspices, a struggle began with the civil power,
+which continued, with many fluctuations, until it culminated, sixty years
+later, in open rebellion against Charles I. To narrate all the details of
+the contest, would be inconsistent with the plan of this Introduction;
+and, notwithstanding the extreme interest of the events which now ensued,
+the greater part of them must be omitted; but I will endeavour to
+indicate the general march, and to put the reader in possession of such
+facts as are most characteristic of the age in which they occurred.
+
+  [222] He left Scotland in 1564, at the age of nineteen, and returned 'in
+        the beginning of July 1574, after an absence of ten years from his
+        native country.' _M'Crie's Life of Andrew Melville_, vol. i. pp.
+        17, 57. See also _Scot's Apologetical Narration of the State of
+        the Kirk of Scotland_, edit. Wodrow Society, p. 34; and _Howie's
+        Biographia Scoticana_, p. 111, Glasgow, 1781.
+
+Melville had not been in Scotland many months, before he began his
+opposition, at first by secret intrigues, afterwards with open and avowed
+hostility.[223] In the time of Knox, episcopacy had been recognized as
+part of the Protestant Church, and had received the sanction of the
+leading Reformers.[224] But that institution did not harmonize with the
+democratic spirit which was now growing up. The difference of ranks
+between the bishops and the inferior clergy was unpleasant, and the
+ministers determined to put an end to it.[225] In 1575, one of them,
+named John Dury, was instigated, by Melville, to bring the subject before
+the General Assembly at Edinburgh.[226] After he had spoken, Melville
+also expressed himself against episcopacy; but, not being yet sure of the
+temper of the audience, his first proceedings were somewhat cautious.
+Such hesitation was, however, hardly necessary; for, owing to the schism
+between the Church and the upper classes, the ministers were becoming the
+eager enemies of those maxims of obedience, and of subordination, which
+they would have upheld, had the higher ranks been on their side. As it
+was, the clergy were only favoured by the people; they, therefore, sought
+to organize a system of equality, and were ripe for the bold measures
+proposed by Melville and his followers. This was clearly shown, by the
+rapidity of the subsequent movement. In 1575, the first attack was made
+in the General Assembly at Edinburgh. In April 1578, another General
+Assembly resolved, that, for the future, bishops should be called by
+their own names, and not by their titles.[227] The same body also
+declared, that no see should be filled up, until the next Assembly.[228]
+Two months afterwards, it was announced that this arrangement was to be
+perpetual, and that no new bishop should ever be made.[229] And, in 1580,
+the Assembly of the Church at Dundee, pulling the whole fabric to the
+ground, unanimously resolved that the office of bishop was a mere human
+invention; that it was unlawful; that it must be immediately done away
+with; and that every bishop should at once resign his office, or be
+excommunicated if he refuse to do so.[230]
+
+  [223] He appears to have first set to work in November 1574. See
+        _Stephen's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 261,
+        London, 1848.
+
+  [224] 'The compilers of the Book of Discipline' (_i.e._ the First Book,
+        in 1560) 'were distinguished by prelatical principles to the end
+        of their days.' ... 'That Knox himself was no enemy to prelacy,
+        considered as an ancient and apostolical institution, is rendered
+        clear by his "Exhortation to England for the speedy embracing of
+        Christ's Gospel."' _Russell's History of the Church in Scotland_,
+        1834, vol. i. p. 240. 'The associates of Knox, it is obvious, were
+        not Presbyterians, and had no intention of setting up a system of
+        parity among the ministers of their new establishment.' p. 243.
+        See also p. 332. Even in 1572, the year of Knox's death, I find it
+        stated that 'the whole Diocie of Sanct Andrews is decerned be the
+        Assembly to pertain to the Bishop of the same.' _Acts and
+        Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland_,
+        vol. i. p. 264, 4to. 1839. The Scotch Presbyterians have dealt
+        very unfairly with this part of the history of their Church.
+
+  [225] Some little time after this, David Fergusson, who died in 1598,
+        and was minister at Dunfermline, said very frankly to James VI.,
+        'Yes, Sir, ye may have Bishops here, but _ye must remember to make
+        us all equall_; make us all Bishops, els will ye never content
+        us.' _Row's History of the Kirk of Scotland from 1558 to 1637_,
+        edit. Wodrow Society, p. 418. Compare _Calderwood's History of the
+        Kirk_, vol. iv. p. 214: in 1584 'these monstruous titles of
+        superioritie.' In 1586, 'that tyrannicall supremacie of bishops
+        and archbishops over ministers.' p. 604.
+
+  [226] 'He stirred up John Dury, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, in an
+        Assembly which was then convened, to propound a question touching
+        the lawfulness of the episcopal function, and the authority of
+        chapters in their election. He himself, as though he had not been
+        acquainted with the motion, after he had commended the speaker's
+        zeal, and seconded the purpose with a long discourse of the
+        flourishing estate of the church of Geneva, and the opinions of
+        Calvin and Theodore Beza concerning church government, came to
+        affirm, "That none ought to be esteemed office-bearers in the
+        Church whose titles were not found in the book of God. And, for
+        the title of bishops, albeit the same was found in Scripture, yet
+        was it not to be taken in the sense that the common sort did
+        conceive, there being no superiority allowed by Christ amongst
+        ministers,"' &c. _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of
+        Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 200. See also _Acts of the General
+        Assemblies_, vol. i. p. 331, where it appears that six bishops
+        were present on this memorable occasion. The question raised was,
+        'Whither if the Bischops, as they are now in the Kirk of Scotland,
+        hes thair function of the word of God or not, or if the Chapiter
+        appointit for creating of them aucht to be tollerated in this
+        reformed Kirk.' p. 340.
+
+  [227] 'It was ordained, That Bischops and all vthers bearand
+        Ecclesiasticall functioun, be callit bethair awin names, or
+        Brethren, in tyme comeing.' _Acts of the General Assemblies of the
+        Kirk of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 404.
+
+  [228] 'Therfor the Kirk hes concludit, That no Bischops salbe electit or
+        made heirafter, befor the nixt Generall Assemblie.' _Ibid._
+        vol. ii. p. 408.
+
+  [229] 'Anent the Act made in the last Assemblie, the 28 of Aprile 1578,
+        concerning the electioun of Bischops, suspendit quhill this
+        present Assemblie, and the farther ordour reservit thereto: The
+        General Assemblie, all in ane voyce, hes concludit, That the said
+        act salbe extendit for all tymes to come, ay and quhill the
+        corruptioun of the Estate of Bischops be alluterlie tane away.'
+        _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 413.
+
+  [230] 'Forsameikle as the office of a Bischop, as it is now vsit, and
+        commounly takin within this realme, hes no sure warrand,
+        auctoritie, nor good ground out of the (Book and) Scriptures of
+        God; but is brocht in by the folie and corruptions of (men's)
+        invention, to the great overthrow of the Kirk of God: The haill
+        Assemblie of the Kirk, in ane voyce, after libertie givin to all
+        men to reason in the matter, _none opponing themselves in
+        defending the said pretendit office_, Finds and declares the
+        samein pretendit office, vseit and termeit, as is above said,
+        vnlaufull in the selfe, as haveand neither fundament, ground nor
+        warrant within the word of God: and ordaines, that all sick
+        persons as bruiks, or sall bruik heirafter the said office, salbe
+        chargeit simpliciter to demitt, quyt and leave of the samein, as
+        ane office quhervnto they are not callit be God; and siclyke to
+        desist and cease from all preaching, ministration of the
+        sacraments, or vsing any way the office of pastors, quhill they
+        receive _de novo_ admission from the Generall Assemblie, vnder the
+        paine of excommunicatioun to be denuncit agains them; quherin if
+        they be found dissobedient, or contraveine this act in any point,
+        the sentence of excommunicatioun, after dew admonitions, to be
+        execute agains them.' _Acts of the General Assemblies_, vol. ii.
+        p. 453.
+
+The minister and the people had now done their work, and, so far as they
+were concerned, had done it well.[231] But the same circumstances which
+made them desire equality, made the upper classes desire inequality.[232]
+A collision, therefore, was inevitable, and was hastened by this bold
+proceeding of the Church. Indeed, the preachers, supported by the people,
+rather courted a contest, than avoided it. They used the most
+inflammatory language against episcopacy; and, shortly before abolishing
+it, they completed, and presented to Parliament, the Second Book of
+Discipline, in which they flatly contradicted what they had asserted in
+their First Book of Discipline.[233] For this, they are often taunted
+with inconsistency.[234] But the charge is unjust. They were perfectly
+consistent; and they merely changed their maxims, that they might
+preserve their principles. Like every corporation, which has ever
+existed, whether spiritual or temporal, their supreme and paramount
+principle was to maintain their own power. Whether or not this is a good
+principle, is another matter; but all history proves that it is an
+universal one. And when the leaders of the Scotch Church found that it
+was at stake, and that the question at issue was, who should possess
+authority, they, with perfect consistency, abandoned opinions that they
+had formerly held, because they now perceived that those opinions were
+unfavourable to their existence as an independent body.
+
+  [231] As Calderwood triumphantly says, 'the office of bishops was
+        damned.' _History of the Kirk_, vol. iii. p. 469. 'Their whole
+        estat, both the spirituall and civill part, was damned.' p. 526.
+        James Melville (_Autobiography_, p. 52) says that, in consequence
+        of this achievement, his uncle Andrew 'gatt the nam of [Greek:
+        episkopomastix], _Episcoporum exactor_, the flinger out of
+        Bischopes.'
+
+  [232] Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. vi. p. 302) observes that,
+        while 'the great body of the burghers, and middle and lower
+        classes of the people,' were Presbyterians, 'a large proportion of
+        the nobility supported episcopacy.' Instead of 'a large
+        proportion,' he would not have been far wrong, if he had said
+        'all.' Indeed, 'Melville himself says the whole peerage was
+        against him.' _Stephen's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol.
+        i. p. 269. Forbes ascribes the aristocratic movement against
+        presbytery to 'godles atheists,' who insisted 'that there could be
+        nothing so contrair to the nature of a monarchie,' &c., 'than that
+        paritie of authoritie in pastours.' _Forbes_, _Certaine Records
+        touching the Estate of the Kirk_, p. 349, edit. Wodrow Society.
+        See also p. 355. 'That Democratie (as they called it) whilk
+        allwayes behoved to be full of sedition and troubble to ane
+        Aristocratie, and so in end to a Monarchie.' The reader will
+        observe this important change in the attitude of classes in
+        Scotland. Formerly, the clergy had been the allies of the crown
+        against the nobles. Now, the nobles allied themselves with the
+        crown against the clergy. The clergy, in self-defence, had to ally
+        themselves with the people.
+
+  [233] On the difference between the two productions, there are some
+        remarks worth looking at, in _Argyll's Presbytery Examined_, 1848,
+        pp. 38-43. But this writer, though much freer from prejudice than
+        most Presbyterian authors, is unwilling to admit how completely
+        the Second Book of Discipline contradicts the First.
+
+  [234] By the Scotch episcopalians.
+
+When the First Book of Discipline appeared, in 1560, the government was
+in the hands of the nobles, who had just fought on the side of the
+Protestant preachers, and were ready to fight again on their side. When
+the Second Book of Discipline appeared, in 1578, the government was still
+held by the nobles; but those ambitious men had now thrown off the mask,
+and, having effected their purpose in destroying the old hierarchy, had
+actually turned round, and attacked the new one. The circumstances having
+changed, the Church changed with them; but in the change there was
+nothing inconsistent. On the contrary, it would have been the height of
+inconsistency for the ministers to have retained their former notions of
+obedience and of subordination; and it was perfectly natural that, at
+this crisis, they should advocate the democratic idea of equality, just
+as before they had advanced the aristocratic idea of inequality.
+
+Hence it was, that, in their First Book of Discipline, they established a
+regularly ascending hierarchy, according to which the general clergy owed
+obedience to their ecclesiastical superiors, to whom the name of
+superintendents was given.[235] But, in the Second Book of Discipline,
+every vestige of this was swept away; and it was laid down in the
+broadest terms, that all the preachers being fellow-labourers, all were
+equal in power; that none had authority over others; and that, to claim
+such authority, or to assert preëminence, was a contrivance of man, not
+to be permitted in a divinely constituted Church.[236]
+
+  [235] See the _First Book of Discipline_, reprinted in the first volume
+        of _A Compendium of the Laws of the Church of Scotland_, 2d edit.,
+        Edinburgh, 1837. The superintendents were 'to set, order, and
+        appoint ministers,' p. 61; and it would seem (p. 88) that no
+        minister could be deposed without the consent of his
+        superintendent; but this could hardly be intended to interfere
+        with the supreme authority of the General Assembly. See also the
+        summary, p. 114, where it is said of the superintendents, that 'in
+        thair visitatioun thei sal not onlie preiche, but als examine the
+        doctrine, life, diligence, and behavior of the ministeris,
+        reideris, elderis, and deaconis.' According to Spottiswoode
+        (_History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 167), 'the
+        superintendents held their office during life, and their power was
+        episcopal; for they did elect and ordain ministers, they presided
+        in synods, and directed all church censures, neither was any
+        excommunication pronounced without their warrant.' See further, on
+        their authority, _Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. ii. p.
+        161. 'That punyschment suld be appointed for suche as dissobeyid
+        or contemned the superintendentes in thair functioun.' This was in
+        1561; and, in 1562, 'It was ordained, that if ministers be
+        disobedient to superintendents in anything belonging to
+        edification, they must be subject to correction.' _Acts of the
+        General Assemblies of the Kirk_, vol. i. p. 14. Compare p. 131:
+        'sick things as superintendents may and aught decyde in their
+        synodall conventiouns.'
+
+  [236] 'For albeit the Kirk of God be rewlit and governit be Jesus Christ,
+        who is the onlie King, hie Priest, and Heid thereof, yit he useis
+        the ministry of men, as the most necessar middis for this
+        purpose.' ... 'And to take away all occasion of tyrannie, he
+        willis that they sould rewl with mutuall consent of brether and
+        _equality of power_, every one according to thair functiones.'
+        _Second Book of Discipline_, in _A Compendium of the Laws of the
+        Church of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 126, 127. 'As to Bischops, if the
+        name [Greek: episkopos] be properly taken, _they ar all ane with
+        the ministers_, as befoir was declairit. For it is _not a name of
+        superioritie and lordschip_, bot of office and watching.' p. 142.
+        To understand the full meaning of this, it should be mentioned,
+        that the superintendents, established by the Kirk in 1560, not
+        unfrequently assumed the title of 'Lordship,' as an ornament to
+        the extensive powers conferred upon them. See, for instance, the
+        notes to _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of the Reformers of
+        the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. part ii. p. 461. But, in the
+        Second Book of Discipline, in 1578, the superintendents are, if I
+        rightly remember, not even once named.
+
+The government, as may be supposed, took a very different view. Such
+doctrines were deemed, by the upper classes, to be anti-social, and to be
+subversive of all order.[237] So far from sanctioning them, they
+resolved, if possible, to overthrow them; and, the year after the General
+Assembly had abolished episcopacy, it was determined that, upon that very
+point, a trial of strength should be made between the two parties.
+
+  [237] Just as in England, we find that the upper classes are mostly
+        Episcopalians; their minds being influenced, often unconsciously,
+        by the, to them, pleasing spectacle of an inequality of rank,
+        which is conventional, and does not depend upon ability. On the
+        other hand, the strength of the Dissenters lies among the middle
+        and lower classes, where energy and intellect are held in higher
+        respect, and where a contempt naturally arises for a system,
+        which, at the mere will of the sovereign or minister of the day,
+        concedes titles and wealth to persons whom nature did not intend
+        for greatness, but who, to the surprise of their contemporaries,
+        have greatness thrust upon them. On this difference of opinion in
+        Scotland, corresponding to the difference of social position, see
+        the remarks on the seventeenth century, in _Hume's Commentaries on
+        the Law of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 544, Edinburgh, 1797, 4to.
+
+In 1581, Robert Montgomery was appointed archbishop of Glasgow. The
+ministers who composed the chapter of Glasgow refused to elect him;
+whereupon the Privy Council declared that the King, by virtue of his
+prerogative, had the right of nomination.[238] All was now confusion and
+uproar. The General Assembly forbad the archbishop to enter
+Glasgow.[239] He refused to obey their order, and threw himself upon the
+support of the Duke of Lennox, who had obtained the appointment for him,
+and to whom he, in return, had surrendered nearly all the revenues of the
+see, reserving for himself only a small stipend.[240] This was a custom
+which had grown up within the last few years, and was one of many
+contrivances by which the nobles plundered the Church of her
+property.[241]
+
+  [238] Record of Privy Council, in _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. i.
+        p. 267. 'The brethrein of Glasgow were charged, under paine of
+        horning, to admitt Mr. Robert Montgomrie.' _Calderwood's History
+        of the Kirk_, vol. iii. p. 596.
+
+  [239] 'Charges the said Mr. Robert to continue in the ministrie of the
+        Kirk of Striveling,' &c. _Acts of the General Assemblies_, vol.
+        ii. p. 547. This was in October 1581; the Record of the Privy
+        Council was in April 1582. Moysie, who was a contemporary, says
+        that, in March 1581, 2, not only the dean and chapter, but all the
+        clergy (the 'haill ministrie') declared from the pulpit that
+        Montgomery's appointment 'had the warrand of the deuill and not of
+        the word of God, bot wes damnit thairby.' _Moysie's Memoirs_,
+        Edinburgh, 1830, 4to, p. 36.
+
+  [240] 'The title whereof the said duke had procured to him, that he,
+        having the name of bishop, and eight hundred merks money for his
+        living and sustentatioun, the whole rents, and other duteis of the
+        said benefice, might come to the duke's utilitie and behove.'
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. iv. p. 111. See also p.
+        401.
+
+  [241] _Scot's Apologetical Narration of the State of the Kirk_, pp. 24,
+        25. _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. iii. p. 302.
+        _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of the Reformers_, vol. i.
+        part i. p. 206. _Lyon's History of St. Andrews_, vol. i. p. 379.
+        _Gibson's History of Glasgow_, p. 59. _Hume's History of the House
+        of Douglas_, vol. ii. pp. 216, 217. _Chalmers' Caledonia_,
+        vol. iii. p. 624.
+
+This, however, was not the question now at issue.[242] The point to be
+decided was one, not of revenue, but of power. For the clergy knew full
+well, that if they established their power, the revenue would quickly
+follow. They, therefore, adopted the most energetic proceedings. In April
+1582, the General Assembly met at St. Andrews, and appointed Melville as
+Moderator.[243] The government, fearing the worst, ordered the members,
+on pain of rebellion, to take no steps respecting the archbishopric.[244]
+But the representatives of the Church were undaunted. They summoned
+Montgomery before them; they ratified the sentence by which he had been
+suspended from the ministry; and they declared that he had incurred the
+penalties of despotism and of excommunication.[245]
+
+  [242] 'But the Church passing this point' (_i.e._ the simony) 'made
+        quarrel to him for accepting the bishopric.' _Spottiswoode's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 282.
+
+  [243] _Acts of the General Assemblies of the Kirk_, vol. ii. p. 548.
+
+  [244] 'A messenger-at-arms entered the house, and charged the moderator
+        and members of the assembly, on the pain of rebellion, to desist
+        from the process.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. i. p. 268.
+
+  [245] 'The Assemblie and brether present, after voteing in the said
+        matter, depryvit the said Mr. Robert from all functioun of the
+        Ministrie in the Kirk of God, dureing the will of the Kirk of God;
+        and farther, descernit the fearefull sentence of excommunicatioun
+        to be pronuncit against him in the face of the haill Assemblie, be
+        the voyce and mouth of the Moderatour present; to the effect,
+        that, _his proud flesh being cast into the hands of Satan_, he may
+        be win againe, if it be possible, to God; and the said sentence
+        (to) be intimat be every particular minister, at his awin
+        particular kirk, solemnelie in the first sermoun to be made be
+        them, after thair returning.' _Acts of the General Assemblies of
+        the Kirk_, vol. ii. p. 562.
+
+A sentence of excommunication was, in those days, so ruinous, that
+Montgomery was struck with terror at the prospect before him. To avoid
+the consequences, he appeared before the Assembly, and solemnly promised
+that he would make no further attempt to possess himself of the
+archbishopric.[246] By doing this, he probably saved his life; for the
+people, siding with their clergy, were ripe for mischief, and were
+determined, at all hazards, to maintain what they considered to be the
+rights of the Church, in opposition to the encroachments of the State.
+
+  [246] _Ibid._, vol. ii. p. 565. Calderwood (_History of the Kirk_,
+        vol. iii. p. 604) says, 'After long reluctatioun, at lenth he
+        condescended.'
+
+The government, on the other hand, was equally resolute.[247] The Privy
+Council called several of the ministers before them; and Dury, one of the
+most active, they banished from Edinburgh.[248] Measures still more
+violent were about to be taken, when they were interrupted by one of
+those singular events which not unfrequently occurred in Scotland, and
+which strikingly evince the inherent weakness of the Crown,
+notwithstanding the inordinate pretensions it commonly assumed.
+
+  [247] M'Crie (_Life of Melville_, vol. i. p. 274) says, 'In all these
+        contendings, the ministers had no countenance or support from any
+        of the nobility.' It would have been strange if they had, seeing
+        that the whole movement was essentially democratic.
+
+  [248] Melville's _Autobiography_, p. 129. _Calderwood's History of the
+        Kirk_, vol. iii. p. 620. _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. i.
+        p. 270.
+
+This was the Raid of Ruthven, which happened in 1582, and in consequence
+of which the person of James VI. was held in durance for ten months.[249]
+The clergy, true to the policy which now governed them, loudly approved
+of the captivity of the king, and pronounced it to be a godly act.[250]
+Dury, who had been driven from his pulpit, was brought back to the
+capital in triumph;[251] and the General Assembly, meeting at Edinburgh,
+ordered that the imprisonment of James should be justified by every
+minister to his own congregation.[252]
+
+  [249] He was seized in August 1582, and was let loose again in June 1583.
+        _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vi. pp. 321, 360. It is a
+        pity that this valuable, and really able, work should be so
+        superficial in regard to the ecclesiastical affairs of Scotland.
+        Mr. Tytler appears not to have studied at all the proceedings of
+        the presbyteries, or even of the General Assemblies; neither does
+        he display any acquaintance with the theological literature of his
+        country. And yet, from the year 1560 to about 1700, these sources
+        disclose more of the genuine history of the Scotch people than all
+        other sources put together.
+
+  [250] 'The pulpit resounded with applauses of the godly deed.' _Arnot's
+        History of Edinburgh_, p. 37.
+
+  [251] 'As he is comming from Leith to Edinburgh, upon Tuisday the 4th of
+        September, there mett him at the Gallow Greene two hundreth men of
+        the inhabitants of Edinburgh. Their number still increased, till
+        he came within the Neather Bow. There they beganne to sing the 124
+        Psalme, "Now may Israel say," &c, and sang in foure parts, knowne
+        to the most part of the people. They came up the street till they
+        came to the Great Kirk, singing thus all the way, to the number of
+        two thowsand. They were muche moved themselves, and so were all
+        the beholders. The duke was astonished, and more affrayed at that
+        sight than at anie thing that ever he had seene before in
+        Scotland, and rave his beard for anger.' _Calderwood's History of
+        the Kirk_, vol. iii. pp. 646, 647.
+
+  [252] _Acts of the General Assemblies_, vol. ii. pp. 595, 596. This was
+        ordered by the General Assembly which met at Edinburgh on the 9th
+        of October 1582, p. 585. See also _Watson's Historicall
+        Collections of Ecclesiastick Affairs in Scotland_, p. 192,
+        'requiring the ministers in all their churches to commend it unto
+        the people.'
+
+In 1583, the king recovered his liberty, and the struggle became more
+deadly than ever; the passions of both parties being exasperated by the
+injuries each had inflicted on the other. The Ruthven conspiracy, having
+been declared treason, as it undoubtedly was, Dury preached in its
+favour, and openly defended it; and although, under the influence of
+momentary fear, he afterwards withdrew what he had said,[253] it was
+evident, from other circumstances, that his feelings were shared by his
+brethren.[254] A number of them being summoned before the king for their
+seditious language, bad him take heed what he was about, and reminded him
+that no occupant of the throne had ever prospered after the ministers had
+begun to threaten him.[255] Melville, who exercised immense influence
+over both clergy and people, bearded the king to his face, refused to
+account for what he had delivered in the pulpit, and told James that he
+perverted the laws both of God and of man.[256] Simpson likened him to
+Cain, and warned him to beware of the wrath of God.[257] Indeed, the
+spirit now displayed by the Church was so implacable, that it seemed to
+delight in venting itself in the most repulsive manner. In 1585, a
+clergyman, named Gibson, in a sermon which he preached in Edinburgh,
+denounced against the king the curse of Jeroboam, that he should die
+childless, and that his race should end with him.[258] The year after
+this happened, James, finding that Elizabeth was evidently determined to
+take his mother's life, bethought him of what was valued in that age as
+an unfailing resource, and desired the clergy to offer up prayers on
+behalf of Mary. This, they almost unanimously refused.[259] And not only
+did they abstain from supplication themselves, but they resolved that no
+one else should do what they had declined. The archbishop of Saint
+Andrews being about to officiate before the king, they induced a certain
+John Cowper to station himself in the pulpit beforehand, so as to exclude
+the prelate. Nor was it until the captain of the guard threatened to pull
+Cowper from the place he had usurped, that the service could go on, and
+the king be allowed to hear his own mother prayed for, in this sad crisis
+of her fate, when it was still uncertain whether she would be publicly
+executed, or whether, as was more generally believed, she would be
+secretly poisoned.[260]
+
+  [253] _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii.
+        p. 308.
+
+  [254] James, after his escape, 'convocat all his peaceabill Prelatis and
+        Nobles, and thair he notefeit unto thayme the greif that he
+        consavit of his unlaughfull detentioun the yeir bygayne, and
+        tharefore desyrit thame to acknawlege the same; and thay be thair
+        generall voittis decernit the rayd of Ruthven to be manifest
+        treasoun. The Ministers on the uther part, perswadit the people
+        that it was a godly fact, and that whasoever wald not allow
+        thareof in his hart, was not worthie to be estemit a Christien.'
+        _The Historie of King James the Sext_, p. 202, published by the
+        Bannatyne Club, Edinburgh, 1825, 4to.
+
+  [255] 'Disregard not our threatening; for there was never one yet in this
+        realm, in the place where your grace is, who prospered after the
+        ministers began to threaten him.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_,
+        vol. vi. p. 364. See also, in _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_,
+        vol. v. pp. 540, 541, a letter from one of the clergy in Fife,
+        addressed to the king, in 1597. 'And now, Sir, lett me be free
+        with you in writting other men's reports, and that of the wisest
+        politicians. They say, our bygane historeis report, and experience
+        teacheth, that _raro et fere nunquam_ has a king and a prince
+        continued long together in this realme; for _Filius ante diem
+        patrios inquirit in annos_. And they say, Sir, farther, that
+        whatsoever they were of your Majestie's predecessors in
+        governement that oppouned themselves directlie or indirectlie to
+        God's ordinance in his Kirk, it has beene their wracke and
+        subversioun in the end. I might herein be more particular; but I
+        leave it to your Majestie's owne grave and modest consideratioun,
+        for it concerneth you most neere.'
+
+  [256] 'Saying, "He perverted the laws both of God and man."'
+        _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii.
+        p. 309. Also _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vi. p. 371.
+
+  [257] 'Mr. Patrick Simson, preaching before the king upon Gen. iv. 9,
+        "The Lord said to Cain, Where is Abel, thy brother?" said to the
+        king, before the congregation, "Sir, I assure you, in God's name,
+        the Lord will ask at you where is the Earl of Moray, your
+        brother?" The king replyed, before all the congregation, "Mr.
+        Patrik, my chalmer doore wes never steeked upon you: ye might have
+        told me anything ye thought in secret." He replyed, "Sir, the
+        scandall is publict."' _Row's History of the Kirk_, p. 144.
+        'Having occasion, _anno_ 1593, to preach before the king, he
+        publicly exhorted him to beware that he drew not the wrath of God
+        upon himself in patronizing a manifest breach of divine laws.'
+        _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_, p. 120.
+
+  [258] 'Saying, "That Captain James, with his lady Jesabel, and William
+        Stewart (meaning the colonel), were taken to be the persecutors of
+        the Church; but that now it was seen to be the king himself,
+        against whom he denounced the curse that fell on Jeroboam--that he
+        would die childless, and be the last of his race."'
+        _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii.
+        p. 335.
+
+  [259] 'The king, perceiving by all these letters, that the death of his
+        mother was determined, called back his ambassadors, and at home
+        gave order to the ministers to remember her in their public
+        prayers, which they denied to do.' ... 'Upon their denial, charges
+        were directed to command all bishops, ministers, and other
+        office-bearers in the Church to make mention of her distress in
+        their public prayers, and commend her to God in the form
+        appointed. But of all the number only Mr. David Lindsay at Leith
+        and the king's own ministers gave obedience.' _Spottiswoode's
+        History of the Church_, vol. ii. pp. 355, 356. 'They, with only
+        one exception, refused to comply.' _Russell's History of the
+        Church in Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 23. Compare _Watson's Historicall
+        Collections of Ecclesiastick Affairs in Scotland_, p. 208; and
+        _Historie of James the Sext_, p. 225.
+
+  [260] 'They stirred up Mr. John Cowper, a young man not entered as yet in
+        the function, to take the pulpit before the time, and exclude the
+        bishop. The king coming at the hour appointed, and seeing him in
+        the place, called to him from his seat, and said, "Mr. John, that
+        place is destined for another; yet since you are there, if you
+        will obey the charge that is given, and remember my mother in your
+        prayers, you shall go on." He replying, "that he would do as the
+        Spirit of God should direct him," was commanded to leave the
+        place: and making as though he would stay, the captain of the
+        guard went to pull him out; whereupon he burst forth in these
+        speeches: "This day shall be a witness against the king in the
+        great day of the Lord:" and then denouncing a wo to the
+        inhabitants of Edinburgh, he went down, and the bishop of St.
+        Andrews entering the pulpit did perform the duty required.'
+        _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p.
+        356. 'The Kingis Majestie, to testifie his earnest and naturall
+        affection to his mother, causit pray for hir oppinly efter him
+        selff; quhairvpone arrose a great dissensioun betuix sum of the
+        ministrie and his Majestie, namely the ministrie of Edinburgh.
+        Quhairvpone the king appoynted Patrik, archbischop of St. Androis
+        to teache, bot he wes preuented be Mr. John Covpar minister, quho
+        come befoir and filled the pulpit. And as the said Mr. John wes
+        beginnand the prayer, the Kingis Majestie commandit him to stay:
+        so as Mr. John raschit michtely vpone the pulpit, saying, "This
+        day sail bear witnes aganis yow in the day of the lord: woe be to
+        ye Edinburgh, for the last of xi plaiges salbe the worst."'
+        _Moysie's Memoirs_, p. 59.
+
+In 1594, John Ross stated in the pulpit, that the advisers of the king
+were all traitors, and that the king himself was likewise a traitor. He
+was also a rebel and a reprobate. That such should be the case, was not
+surprising, considering the parentage of James. For, his mother was a
+Guise, and a persecutor of the saints. He avoided open persecution, and
+spoke them fair; but his deeds did not correspond to his words; and, so
+great was his dissimulation, that he was the most arrant hypocrite then
+living in Scotland.[261]
+
+  [261] See _The Historie of King James the Sext_, pp. 316-318, from 'a
+        just copie of his sermon' supplied by Ross himself. 'His text was
+        upon the 6 chapter of the Prophet Jeremias, verse 28. "Brethren,
+        we have manie, and almaist innumerable enormiteis in this cuntrie
+        to be lamentit, as the misgovernement of our king be sinistrous
+        counsall of sum particular men. They ar all rebellious traitors,
+        evin the king the maist singular person, and particularlie everie
+        estait of the land." ... "Our king in sindrie poyntis hes bene
+        rebellious aganis the Majestie of God." ... "To this howre, we gat
+        never gude of the Guysien blude, for Queyne Marie his mother was
+        an oppin persecutor of the sanctis of God, and althoght the king
+        be not an oppin persecutor, we have had many of his fayre wordis,
+        wharein he is myghtie aneugh, bot for his gude deiddis, I commend
+        me to thayme." ... "Admit, that our king be a Christien king, yit
+        but amen dement, he is a reprobat king. Of all the men in this
+        nation, the king himself is the maist fynest, and maist
+        dissembling hypocreit."' A very short notice of this sermon is
+        given by Calderwood (_History of the Kirk_, vol. v. p. 299), who
+        probably had not seen the original notes.
+
+In 1596, David Black, one of the most influential of the Protestant
+ministers, delivered a sermon, which made much noise. He said, in his
+discourse, that all kings were children of the devil; but that in
+Scotland the head of the court was Satan himself. The members of the
+council, he added, were cormorants, and the lords of the session
+miscreants. The nobility had degenerated: they were godless; they were
+dissemblers; they were the enemies of the Church. As to the queen of
+England, she was nothing but an atheist. And as to the queen of Scotland,
+all he would say was, that they might pray for her if they list, and
+because it was the fashion to do so; but that there was no reason for
+it, inasmuch as no good would ever come from her to them.[262]
+
+  [262] The accusation, which was fully proved, was, that 'he had
+        publictlie sayd in pulpit, that the papist erles wes come home be
+        the kingis knavledge and consent, quhairin his Hienes treacherie
+        wes detectit; that all kingis war deuilis and come of deuilis;
+        that the deuill wes the head of the court and in the court; that
+        he pray it for the Queine of Scotland for the faschione, because
+        he saw na appearance of guid in hir tyme,' _Moysie's Memoirs_, p.
+        128. 'Having been heard to affirm, that the popish lords had
+        returned into the country by the king's permission, and that
+        thereby the king had discovered the "treacherous hypocrisy of his
+        heart" that "all kings were the devil's bairns, and that the devil
+        was in the court, and the guiders of it." He was proved to have
+        used in his prayer these indecent words, when speaking of the
+        queen, "We must pray for her for fashion's sake; but we might as
+        well not, for she will never do us any good," He called the queen
+        of England an atheist, and the Lords of Session _bribers_; and
+        said that the nobility at large "were degenerate, godless,
+        dissemblers, and enemies to the church."' _Grierson's History of
+        Saint Andrews_, p. 30, Cupar, 1838. Among the charges against him
+        were, 'Fourthly, that he had called the queen of England an
+        atheist. Fifthly, that he had discussed a suspension granted by
+        the lords of session in pulpit, and called them miscreants and
+        bribers. Sixthly, that, speaking of the nobility, he said they
+        were "degenerated, godless, dissemblers, and enemies to the
+        church." Likewise, speaking of the council, that he had called
+        them "holiglasses, cormorants, and men of no religion."'
+        _Spottiswoode's History of the Church_, vol. iii. p. 21.
+
+For preaching this sermon, Black was summoned by the privy-council. He
+refused to attend, because it was for a spiritual tribunal, and not for a
+temporal one, to take notice of what was uttered in the pulpit. The
+Church, to be sure, he would obey; but, having received his message from
+God, he was bound to deliver it, and it would be a dereliction of duty,
+if he were to allow the civil power to judge such matters.[263] The
+king, greatly enraged, ordered Black to be cast into prison; and it is
+difficult to see what other course was open to him; though it was certain
+that neither this, nor any measure he could adopt, would tame the
+indomitable spirit of the Scotch Church.[264]
+
+  [263] See the original papers on 'The Declinatour of the King and
+        Counsel's Judicatour in Maters Spirituall, namelie in Preaching of
+        the Word,' in _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. v. pp.
+        457-459, 475-480. Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp.
+        326-332) has given extracts from them, and made some remarks on
+        their obvious tendency. See also on the Declinature of
+        Jurisdiction claimed by the Scotch Church, _Hallam's
+        Constitutional History_, 4th edit. 1842, vol. ii. p. 461; and
+        _Mackenzie's Laws and Customs of Scotland in Matters Criminal_,
+        Edinburgh, 1699, folio, pp. 181, 182.
+
+  [264] M'Crie, in his _Life of Melville_, vol. ii. pp. 70 seq., has given
+        an account of the punishment of Black, but, as usual, conceals the
+        provocation; or, at least, softens it down until it hardly becomes
+        a provocation. According to him, 'David Black had been served with
+        a summons to answer before the privy council for certain
+        expressions used by him in his sermons.' Certain expressions,
+        indeed! But why name the penalty, and suppress the offence? This
+        learned writer knew perfectly well what Black had done, and yet
+        all the information bestowed on the reader is a note at p. 72,
+        containing a mutilated extract from Spottiswoode.
+
+In December the same year, the Church proclaimed a fast; and Welsh
+preached in Edinburgh a sermon, with the view of rousing the people
+against their rulers. The king, he told his audience, had formerly been
+possessed by a devil, and that devil being put out, seven worse ones had
+come in its place. It was, therefore, evident that James was demented,
+and it became lawful to take the sword of justice from his hands; just as
+it would be lawful for servants or children to seize the head of their
+family, if it had pleased heaven to afflict him with madness. In such
+case, the preacher observed, it would be right to lay hold of the madman,
+and to tie him hand and foot, that he might do no further harm.[265]
+
+  [265] 'Saying, "He was possessed with a devil; that one devil being put
+        out, seven worse were entered in place; and that the subjects
+        might lawfully rise, and take the sword out of his hand:" which he
+        confirmed by the example of a father that falling into a frenzy,
+        might be taken by the children and servants of the family, and
+        tied hand and foot from doing violence.' _Spottiswoode's History
+        of the Church of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 34. See also _Arnot's
+        History of Edinburgh_, pp. 46, 47.
+
+The hatred felt by the clergy was at this period so bitter, and the
+democratic spirit in them so strong,[266] that they seemed unable to
+restrain themselves; and Andrew Melville, in an audience with the king,
+in 1596, proceeded to personal insults, and, seizing him by the sleeve,
+called him God's silly vassal.[267] The large amount of truth contained
+in this bitter taunt, increased its pungency. But the ministers did not
+always confine themselves to words.[268] Their participation in the
+Ruthven conspiracy is unquestionable; and it is probable that they were
+privy to the last great peril to which James was exposed, before he
+escaped from that turbulent land, which he was believed to govern.
+Certain it is, that the Earl of Gowrie, who, in 1600, entrapped the king
+into his castle in order to murder him, was the hope and the mainstay of
+the Presbyterian clergy, and was intimately associated with their
+ambitious schemes.[269] Such, indeed, was their infatuation on behalf of
+the assassin, that, when his conspiracy was defeated, and he himself
+slain, several of the ministers propagated a report that Gowrie had
+fallen a victim to the royal perfidy, and that, in point of fact, the
+only plot which ever existed was one concocted by the king, with fatal
+art, against his mild and innocent host.[270]
+
+  [266] This did not escape the attention of the English government; and
+        Elizabeth, who was remarkably well informed respecting Scotch
+        affairs, wrote to James, in 1590, a warning, which was hardly
+        necessary, but which must have added to his fears. 'And lest fayre
+        semblance, that easely may begile, do not brede your ignorance of
+        suche persons as ether pretend religion or dissemble deuotion, let
+        me warne you that ther is risen, bothe in your realme and myne, a
+        secte of perilous consequence, suche as wold have no kings but a
+        presbitrye, and take our place while the inioy our privilege, with
+        a shade of Godes word, wiche none is juged to folow right without
+        by ther censure the be so demed. Yea, looke we wel unto them.'
+        _Letters of Elizabeth and James VI._, edited by John Bruce, Camden
+        Society, 1849, 4to, p. 63.
+
+  [267] The Reverend James Melville, who was present at the scene,
+        describes it with exuberant delight. 'To the quhilk, I beginning
+        to reply, in my maner, Mr. Andro doucht nocht abyd it, bot brak af
+        upon the king in sa zealus, powerfull, and unresistable a maner,
+        that whowbeit the king used his authoritie in maist crabbit and
+        colerik maner, yit Mr. Andro bure him down, and outtered the
+        Commission as from the mightie God, calling the king bot "God's
+        sillie vassall:" and taking him be the sleive,' &c. _Autobiography
+        and Diary of James Melvill_, p. 370. See also _Shields' Hind let
+        loose_, 1687, p. 52; and _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii.
+        p. 66.
+
+  [268] In 1593, 4, some of them formed a plot to seize him. See the
+        evidence from the State-paper Office, in _Tytler's History of
+        Scotland_, vol. vii. p. 249, edit. Edinburgh, 1845.
+
+  [269] 'He was the darling hope of the Presbyterian party.' _Ibid._,
+        vol. vii. p. 410.
+
+  [270] 'Gowry's conspiracy was by them charged on the king, as a
+        contrivance of his to get rid of that earl.' _Burnet's History of
+        his own Time_, edit. Oxford, 1823, vol. i. p. 31. See also
+        _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp. 439, 440; and on the
+        diffusion of 'this absurd hallucination,' see The _Spottiswoode
+        Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 320, Edinburgh, 1845.
+
+An absurdity of this sort[271] was easily believed in an ignorant, and,
+therefore, a credulous, age. That the clergy should have propagated it,
+and that in this, as in many other cases, they should have laboured with
+malignant industry to defame the character of their prince,[272] will
+astonish no one who knows how quickly the wrath of the Church can be
+roused, and how ready the spiritual classes always are to cover, even
+with the foulest calumny, those who stand in their way. The evidence
+which has been collected, proves that the Presbyterian ministers carried
+their violence against the constituted authorities of the state, to an
+indecent, if not to a criminal, length; and we cannot absolve them from
+the charge of being a restless and unscrupulous body, greedy after power,
+and grossly intolerant of whatever opposed their own views. Still, the
+real cause of their conduct was, the spirit of their age, and the
+peculiarities of their position. None of us can be sure that, if we were
+placed exactly as they were placed, we should have acted differently.
+Now, indeed, we cannot read of their proceedings, as they are recorded in
+their own Assemblies, and by the historians of their own Church, without
+an uneasy feeling of dislike, I had almost said of disgust, at finding
+ourselves in presence of so much of superstition, of chicanery, of low,
+sordid arts, and yet, withal, of arrogant and unbridled insolence. The
+truth, however, is, that in Scotland, the age was evil, and the evil
+rose to the surface. The times were out of joint, and it was hard to set
+them right. The long prevalence of anarchy, of ignorance, of poverty, of
+force, of fraud, of domestic tumult, and of foreign invasion, had reduced
+Scotland to a state which is scarcely possible for us to realize.
+Hereafter, I shall give some evidence of the effect which this produced
+on the national character, and of the serious mischief which it wrought.
+In the mean time, we should, in fairness to the Scotch clergy, admit that
+the condition of their country affords the best explanation of their
+conduct. Everything around them was low and coarse; the habits of men, in
+their daily life, were violent, brutal, and utterly regardless of common
+decency; and, as a natural consequence, the standard of human actions was
+so depressed, that upright and well-meaning persons did not shrink from
+doing what to us, in our advanced state of society, seems incredible. Let
+us, then, not be too rash in this matter. Let us not be too forward in
+censuring the leading actors in that great crisis through which Scotland
+passed, during the latter half of the sixteenth century. Much they did,
+which excites our strongest aversion. But one thing they achieved, which
+should make us honour their memory, and repute them benefactors of their
+species. At a most hazardous moment, they kept alive the spirit of
+national liberty.[273] What the nobles and the crown had put in peril,
+that did the clergy save. By their care, the dying spark was kindled into
+a blaze. When the light grew dim, and flickered on the altar, their hands
+trimmed the lamp, and fed the sacred flame. This is their real glory, and
+on this they may well repose. They were the guardians of Scotch freedom,
+and they stood to their post. Where danger was, they were foremost. By
+their sermons, by their conduct, both public and private, by the
+proceedings of their Assemblies, by their bold and frequent attacks upon
+persons, without regard to their rank, nay, even by the very insolence
+with which they treated their superiors, they stirred up the minds of
+men, woke them from their lethargy, formed them to habits of discussion,
+and excited that inquisitive and democratic spirit, which is the only
+effectual guarantee the people can ever possess against the tyranny of
+those who are set over them. This was the work of the Scotch clergy; and
+all hail to them who did it. It was they who taught their countrymen to
+scrutinize, with a fearless eye, the policy of their rulers. It was they
+who pointed the finger of scorn at kings and nobles, and laid bare the
+hollowness of their pretensions. They ridiculed their claims, and jeered
+at their mysteries. They tore the veil, and exposed the tricks of the
+scene which lay behind. The great ones of the earth, they covered with
+contempt; and those who were above them, they cast down. Herein, they did
+a deed which should compensate for all their offences, even were their
+offences ten times as great. By discountenancing that pernicious and
+degrading respect which men are too apt to pay to those whom accident,
+and not merit, has raised above them, they facilitated the growth of a
+proud and sturdy independence, which was sure to do good service at a
+time of need. And that time came quicker than any one had expected.
+Within a very few years, James became master of the resources of England,
+and attempted, by their aid, to subvert the liberties of Scotland. The
+shameful enterprise, which he began, was continued by his cruel and
+superstitious son. How their attempts failed; how Charles I., in the
+effort, shipwrecked his fortune, and provoked a rebellion, which brought
+to the scaffold that great criminal, who dared to conspire against the
+people, and who, as the common enemy and oppressor of all, was at length
+visited with the just punishment of his sins, is known to every reader of
+our history. It is also well known, that, in conducting the struggle, the
+English were greatly indebted to the Scotch, who had, moreover, the merit
+of being the first to lift their hand against the tyrant. What, however,
+is less known, but is undoubtedly true, is, that both nations owe a debt
+they can never repay to those bold men who, during the latter part of the
+sixteenth century, disseminated, from their pulpits and Assemblies,
+sentiments which the people cherished in their hearts, and which, at a
+fitting moment, they reproduced, to the dismay, and eventually to the
+destruction, of those who threatened their liberties.
+
+  [271] See a good note in _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in Scotland_,
+        vol. ii. p. 179, Edinburgh, 1833, 4to. Compare _Lawson's Book of
+        Perth_, Edinburgh, 1847, p. xxxix.
+
+  [272] Their language, and their general bearing, so enraged James, as to
+        extort from him a passionate declaration, in 1592, that 'it would
+        not be weill till noblemen and gentlemen gott licence to breake
+        ministers' heads.' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. v.
+        p. 148.
+
+  [273] 'At the period of which we speak' (about the year 1584) 'the
+        pulpit was, in fact, the only organ by which public opinion was,
+        or could be, expressed; and the ecclesiastical courts were the
+        only assemblies in the nation which possessed anything that was
+        entitled to the name of liberty or independence. Parliament had
+        its business prepared to its hand, and laid before it in the shape
+        of acts which required only its assent. Discussion and freedom of
+        speech were unknown in its meetings. The courts of justice were
+        dependent on the will of the sovereign, and frequently had their
+        proceedings regulated, and their decisions dictated, by letters or
+        messages from the throne. It was the preachers who first taught
+        the people to express an opinion on the conduct of their rulers;
+        and the assemblies of the Church set the earliest example of a
+        regular and firm opposition to the arbitrary and unconstitutional
+        measures of the court.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. i.
+        p. 302.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER III.
+
+  CONDITION OF SCOTLAND DURING THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES.
+
+
+Scarcely had James mounted the throne of England, when he began
+seriously, and on a large scale, to attempt to subjugate the Scotch
+Church, which, as he clearly saw, was the principal obstacle that stood
+between him and despotic power. While he was merely King of Scotland, he
+made several efforts, which were constantly baffled; but now that he
+wielded the vast resources of England, the victory seemed easy.[274] As
+early as 1584, he had gained a temporary triumph, by forcing many of the
+clergy to recognize episcopacy.[275] But that institution was so
+repugnant to their levelling and democratic principles, that nothing
+could overcome their abhorrence of it;[276] and, completely overawing the
+king, they compelled him to give way, and to retrace his steps. The
+result was, that, in 1592, an Act of Parliament was passed, which
+subverted the authority of the bishops, and established Presbyterianism;
+a scheme based on the idea of equality, and, therefore, suited to the
+wants of the Scotch Church.[277]
+
+  [274] Lord Dartmouth says (Note in _Burnet's History of his own Time_,
+        vol. i. p. 15): 'The Earl of Seafield told me that King James
+        frequently declared that he never looked upon himself to be more
+        than King of Scotland in name, till he came to be King of England;
+        but now, he said, one kingdom would help him to govern the other,
+        or he had studied kingcraft to very little purpose from his cradle
+        to that time.' Compare _Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of
+        Hamilton_, Oxford, 1852, p. 36. 'No sooner was he happily settled
+        on the throne of England, but he went more roundly to work.'
+
+  [275] Compare _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vi. p. 430, with
+        _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 303, § 20;
+        also the Act (p. 293, § 4), likewise in 1584, limiting the power
+        of the General Assemblies. James, who flattered himself that he
+        had now settled everything, signalized his triumph by personally
+        abusing the clergy; 'calling them lownes, smaicks, seditious
+        knaves, and so furth.' See a letter, dated 2nd of January 1585-6,
+        in _Miscellany of the Wodrow Society_, p. 438, Edinburgh, 1844.
+
+  [276] 'Bishops were alwayes looked at with a frown.' _Kirkton's History
+        of the Church of Scotland_, p. 129.
+
+  [277] See this remarkable statute, in _Acts of the Parliaments of
+        Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 541, 2. As some of the historians of the
+        Scotch Church have greatly misrepresented it, I will quote that
+        part which expressly repeals the Act of 1584, in favour of the
+        bishops. 'Item oure said souerane lord and estaittis of Parliament
+        foirsaid, abrogatis cass and anullis the xx act of the same
+        pliam[=e]t haldin at Edinburgh the said zeir 1584 zeiris granting
+        c[=o]missioun to bishoppis and vtheris iuges constitute in
+        ecclesiastical causs To ressaue his hienes presentatioun to
+        benefices, To gif collatioun thairvpoun and to put ordo^r in all
+        causs ecclesiasticall qlk his Maiestie and estaittis foirsaid
+        declairis to be expyrit in the self and to be null in tyme cuming
+        and of nane availl force nor effect.'
+
+To this statute, James had assented with the greatest reluctance.[278]
+Indeed, his feeling respecting it was so strong, that he determined, on
+the first opportunity, to procure its repeal, even if he used force to
+effect his purpose. The course he adopted, was characteristic both of the
+man and of the age. In December 1596, one of those popular tumults arose
+in Edinburgh, which are natural in barbarous times, and which, under
+ordinary circumstances, would have been quelled, and nothing more thought
+of it.[279] But James availed himself of this, to strike what he deemed a
+decisive blow. His plan was nothing less than to turn into the capital of
+his own monarchy, large bodies of armed and licensed banditti, who, by
+threatening to plunder the city, should oblige the clergy and their
+flocks to agree to whatever terms he chose to dictate. This magnanimous
+scheme was well worthy of the mind of James, and it was strictly
+executed. From the north, he summoned the Highland nobles, and from the
+south, the border barons, who were to be accompanied by their fierce
+retainers,--men who lived by pillage, and whose delight it was to imbrue
+their hands in blood. At the express command of James, these ferocious
+brigands, on the 1st of January 1597, appeared in the streets of
+Edinburgh, gloating over the prospect before them, and ready, when their
+sovereign gave the word, to sack the capital, and raze it to the
+ground.[280] Resistance was hopeless. Whatever the king demanded, was
+conceded; and James supposed that the time was now come, in which he
+could firmly establish the authority of the bishops, and, by their aid,
+control the clergy, and break their refractory spirit.[281]
+
+  [278] 'The King repented after that he had agreed unto it.' _Calderwood's
+        History of the Kirk_, vol. v. p. 162. But this gives a faint idea
+        of his real feelings. It is perhaps hardly necessary to adduce
+        evidence of the opinions entertained on this point, by a prince,
+        one of whose favourite sayings was, 'No Bishop, no King.' The
+        reader will, however, find, in the _Clarendon State Papers_ (vol.
+        ii. p. 260 Oxford, 1773, folio), a letter from Charles I., which
+        is worth looking at, because it frankly avows that James, in
+        loving episcopacy and hating presbyterianism, was actuated rather
+        by political motives than by religious ones. Charles writes: 'The
+        prudentiall part of any consideration will never be found opposit
+        to the conscientious, nay heere, they go hand in hand; for
+        (according to lawyers lodgique) show me any president where ever
+        Presbiteriall government and Regall was together, without
+        perpetuall rebellions. _Which was the cause that necessitated the
+        King, my Father, to change that governement in Scotland._' Compare
+        what is said by a Scotch Presbyterian of the seventeenth century,
+        in _Biographies edited for the Wodrow Society_ by the Rev. W. K.
+        Tweedie, Edinburgh, 1845, vol. i. p. 13. 'The reason why King
+        James was so violent for bishops was neither their divine
+        institution (which he denied they had), nor yet the profit the
+        Church should reap by them (for he knew well both the men and
+        their communications), but merely because he believed they were
+        useful instruments to turn a limited monarchy into absolute
+        dominion, and subjects into slaves, the design in the world he
+        minded most.'
+
+  [279] 'Had it not been laid hold of by designing politicians as a handle
+        for accomplishing their measures, it would not now have been known
+        that such an event had ever occurred.' _M'Crie's Life of
+        Melville_, vol. ii. p. 85. 'Harmless as this uproar was, it
+        afforded the court a pretext for carrying into execution its
+        designs against the liberties and government of the Church.'
+        p. 89.
+
+  [280] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp. 342-345.
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. v. pp. 514, 515, 530,
+        531.
+
+  [281] 'Intimidated by these menaces, and distressed at the loss of the
+        courts of justice, they came to the resolution of making surrender
+        of their political and religious liberties to the king.' _M'Crie's
+        Life of Melville_, vol. ii. p. 92. This is said of the magistrates
+        of Edinburgh. Among other threats, one was, the 'razing and
+        ploughing of Edinburgh, and sowing it with salt.' _Wodrow's Life
+        of Bruce_, p. 48, prefixed to _Bruce's Sermons_, edited by the
+        Rev. William Cunningham, Edinburgh, 1843. On this occasion,
+        Elizabeth wrote a letter to James, which is printed in _Letters of
+        Queen Elizabeth and James VI._, 1849, 4to, pp. 120, 121.
+
+In this undertaking, three years were consumed. To insure its success,
+the king, supported by the nobles, relied, not only on force, but also on
+an artifice, which now seems to have been employed for the first time.
+This was, to pack the General Assemblies, by inundating them with
+clergymen drawn from the north of Scotland, where, the old clannish and
+aristocratic spirit being supreme, the democratic spirit, found in the
+south, was unknown. Hitherto, these northern ministers had rarely
+attended at the great meetings of the Church; but James, in 1597, sent
+Sir Patrick Murray on a special mission to them, urging them to be
+present, in order that they might vote on his side.[282] They, being a
+very ignorant body, knowing little or nothing of the questions really at
+issue, and being, moreover, accustomed to a state of society in which
+men, notwithstanding their lawlessness, paid the most servile obedience
+to their immediate superiors, were easily worked upon, and induced to do
+what they were bid. By their help, the crown and the nobles so
+strengthened their party in the General Assembly, as to obtain in many
+instances a majority; and innovations were gradually introduced,
+calculated to destroy the democratic character of the Scotch Church.[283]
+
+  [282] _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. p. 100. Scot (_Apologetical
+        Narration of the State of the Kirk_, p. 88) says, 'Sir Patrick
+        Murray, the diligent apostle of the North, made their acquaintance
+        with the King.' Also, _The Autobiography and Diary of James
+        Melville_, p. 403.
+
+  [283] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp. 350, 359. But by far
+        the best account of the influence of these northern clergy will be
+        found in _M'Crie's Life of Melville_ (vol. ii. pp. 100-105, 109,
+        131, 152), drawn, in several instances, from manuscript
+        authorities. Compare _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. v.
+        p. 625.
+
+In 1597, the movement began. From then, until 1600, successive Assemblies
+sanctioned different changes, all of which were marked by that
+aristocratic tendency which seemed about to carry everything before it.
+In 1600, the General Assembly met at Montrose; and government determined
+on making a final effort to compel the Church to establish an episcopal
+polity. Andrew Melville, by far the most influential man in the Church,
+and the leader of the democratic party, had been elected, as usual, a
+member of the Assembly; but the king, arbitrarily interposing, refused to
+allow him to take his seat.[284] Still, neither by threats, nor by force,
+nor by promises, could the court carry their point. All that they
+obtained was, that certain ecclesiastics should be allowed to sit in
+parliament; but it was ordered that such persons should every year lay
+their commissions at the feet of the General Assembly, and render an
+account of their conduct. The Assembly was to have the power of deposing
+them; and, to keep them in greater subjection, they were forbidden to
+call themselves bishops, but were to be content with the inferior title
+of Commissioners of the Church.[285]
+
+  [284] This is related by his nephew, James Melville. 'Mr. Andro Melvill
+        come to the Assembly, by Commissoune of his Presbytrie, but wes
+        commandit to keip his ludgeing; quho, being callit to the King in
+        private, and demandit, Quhy he wes so trublesume as to come to the
+        Assembly being dischairgit? He answerit, He had a calling in the
+        Kirk of God, and of Jesus Chryst, the King of kings, quhilk he
+        behovit to dischairge at all occasiounes, being orderlie callit
+        thairto, as he wes at this tyme; and that for feir of a grytter
+        punischment then could any earthly King inflict.' _The
+        Autobiography and Diary of James Melvill_, p. 542.
+
+  [285] As, owing to the passions of the rival classes, every step of this
+        part of Scotch history is the subject of angry controversy, and as
+        even Mr. Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. vii. p. 360) asserts
+        that 'the final establishment of Episcopacy' took place at the
+        Assembly of Montrose, in 1600. I subjoin a few extracts from the
+        enactments of that Assembly, in order that the reader may judge
+        for himself, and may test the accuracy of what I have stated in
+        the text. 'Concerning the maner of choosing of him that sall have
+        vote in Parliament in name of the Kirk: It is condiscendit vpon,
+        that _he sall first be recommendit be the Kirk to his Majestie_;
+        and that the Kirk sall nominat sixe for every place that sall have
+        neid to be filled, of quhom his Majestie sall choose ane, of quhom
+        he best lykes; and his Majestie promises, obleises, and binds
+        himselfe to choose no vther but ane of that number: And in cace
+        his Majestie refuses the haill vpon ane just reason of ane
+        insufficiency, and of greater sufficiencie of vthers that are not
+        recommendit, the Kirk sall make ane new recommendatioun of men
+        according to the first number, of the quhilk, ane salbe chosin be
+        his Majestie without any farther refuisall or new nominatioun; and
+        he that salbe chosin be his Majestie, salbe admittit be the
+        Synods.' _Acts of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland_,
+        vol. iii. p. 954. 'As to the cautions to keip him, that sall have
+        vote in Parliament, from corruptiouns: They be these following:
+        1. _That he presume not, at any tyme, to propone at Parliament,
+        Counsell or Conventioun, in name of the Kirk, any thing without
+        expresse warrand and directioun from the Kirk_, and sick things as
+        he sall answer (for) to be for the weill of the Kirk, vnder the
+        paine of depositioun from his office.' ... 2. 'He sall be bound at
+        every Generall Assemblie, to give ane accompt anent the discharge
+        of his commissioun sen the Assemblie gangand befor; _and sall
+        submitt himselfe to thair censure, and stand at thair
+        determinatioun quhatsumever, without appellatioun; and sall seik
+        and obtain ratificatioun of his doings at the said Assemblie,
+        vnder the paine of infamie and excommunicatioun_.' ... 6. 'In the
+        administration of discipline, collatioun of benefices,
+        visitatioun, and all vther points of ecclesiasticall government,
+        he sall neither vsurpe nor acclaime to himselfe _any power or
+        jurisdictioun farther than any vther of the rest of his breither_,
+        unlesse he be imployit be his breither, vnder the paine of
+        deprivatioun.' p. 955. 'Anent his name that for the Kirk sall
+        (have) vote in Parliament: It is advyseit, be vniforme consent of
+        the haill brether, that he salbe callit Commissioner of such a
+        place.' p. 956. 'Therfor the Generall Assemblie having reasonit at
+        length the said questioun, tuiching the continuance of him that
+        sall have vote in Parliament, after votting of the same, finds and
+        decernes, that _he sall annuatim give count of his commission
+        obtainit from the Assemblie, and lay downe the samein at thair
+        feitt_, to be continuit or alterit therfra be his Maiestie and the
+        Assemblie, as the Assemblie, with consent of his Maiestie, sall
+        think most expedient for the weill of the Kirk.' p. 959.
+
+After sustaining this repulse, James seems to have been disheartened; as
+he made no further effort, though he still laboured underhand at the
+restoration of episcopacy.[286] If he had persevered, it might have cost
+him his crown. For, his resources were few; he was extremely poor;[287]
+and recent events had shown that the clergy were stronger than he had
+supposed. When he thought himself most sure of success, they had
+subjected him to a mortifying defeat; and this was the more remarkable,
+as it was entirely their own work; they being by this time so completely
+separated from the nobles, that they could not rely upon even a single
+member of that powerful body.
+
+  [286] 'While James remained in Scotland, the scheme of introducing
+        episcopacy, though never lost sight of, was cautiously
+        prosecuted.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. p. 178.
+
+  [287] James, during the whole of his reign, was chiefly dependent on the
+        money which Elizabeth gave him, and which she dealt out rather
+        niggardly. Such were his necessities, that he was forced to pawn
+        his plate, and, even then, he was often unable to defray his
+        ordinary household expenses. See _Tytler's History of Scotland_,
+        vol. vi. pp. 265, 266, 272, vol. vii. pp. 158, 378-380.
+        _Miscellany of the Spalding Club_, vol. ii. pp. xlv. 114.
+        _Gregory's History of the Western Highlands_, pp. 241, 277. See
+        also a clamorous begging-letter from James to Elizabeth, written
+        in 1591, in _Letters of Queen Elizabeth and James VI._, 1849, 4to,
+        pp. 68, 69. In 1593, she apologizes for sending him only a small
+        sum: 'The small token you shall receave from me I desire yt may
+        serve to make you remember the tyme and my many weighty affaires,
+        wich makes it les than else I would, and I dowt nothing but when
+        you heare all, yow will beare with this.' p. 84. A letter from
+        James Hudson, written about the year 1591, states that 'both the
+        king's table and queen's had like to have been unserved by want;
+        and that the king had nothing he accounted certain to come into
+        his purse, but what he had from the Queen of England.' _Ridpath's
+        Border History_, p. 465, Berwick, 1848, 4to.
+
+While affairs were in this state, and while the liberties of Scotland, of
+which the Church was the guardian, were trembling in the balance,
+Elizabeth died, and the King of Scotland became also King of England.
+James at once determined to employ the resources of his new kingdom to
+curb his old one. In 1604, that is, only the year after his accession to
+the English throne, he aimed a deadly blow at the Scotch Church, by
+attacking the independence of their Assemblies; and, by his own
+authority, he prorogued the General Assembly of Aberdeen.[288] In 1605,
+he again prorogued it; and, to make his intentions clear, he, this time,
+refused to fix a day for its future meeting.[289] Hereupon, some of the
+ministers, deputed by presbyteries, took upon themselves to convene it,
+which they had an undoubted right to do, as the act of the king was
+manifestly illegal. On the day appointed, they met in the session-house
+of Aberdeen. They were ordered to disperse. Having, as they conceived, by
+the mere fact of assembling, sufficiently asserted their privileges, they
+obeyed. But James, now backed by the power of England, resolved that they
+should feel the change of his position, and, therefore, of theirs. In
+consequence of orders which he sent from London, fourteen of the clergy
+were committed to prison.[290] Six of them, who denied the authority of
+the privy-council, were indicted for high treason. They were at once put
+upon their trial. They were convicted. And sentence of death was only
+deferred, that the pleasure of the king might first be taken, as to
+whether he would not be satisfied with some punishment that fell short of
+sacrificing the lives of these unhappy men.[291]
+
+  [288] _Laing's History of Scotland_, edit. 1819, vol. iii. p. 28.
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. vi. pp. 264, 323.
+        _Bower's History of the University of Edinburgh_, vol. i. p. 175,
+        Edinburgh, 1817. _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_,
+        p. 88.
+
+  [289] 'Adde thereunto, that the letter of the commissioner and last
+        moderator, conteaned no certane tyme nor day whereto the said
+        Assemblie sould be prorogued; so that it imported a casting loose
+        and deserting, yea, and tyning of the possessioun of our
+        Assemblie; than the which what could be more dangerous to the
+        libertie and freedom of the Kirk of Jesus Christ, at suche a tyme,
+        namelie of the treatie of the Unioun, when all the estates of the
+        realme, and everie particular are zealous and carefull of their
+        rights and possessiouns?' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_,
+        vol. vi. pp. 309, 310.
+
+  [290] See a list of them in _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. vi.
+        p. 347, where the fourteen names are preserved with pious care.
+
+  [291] _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 494-502.
+        _Forbes' Certaine Records touching the Estate of the Kirk_, edit.
+        Wodrow Society, Edinburgh, 1846, pp. 463-496. 'Delayed the giving
+        forth of the sentence of condemnation till the King's mind were
+        further knowne.' See also _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol.
+        vi. pp. 434, 449. When they were found guilty, 'the peiple said,
+        "Certainely this wes a worke of darknes, to mak Chrystis faithfull
+        Ministeres tratouris to the King! God grant he be niver in greater
+        dangeris nor off sic traitouris."' _Melvill's Autobiography and
+        Diary_, p. 626.
+
+Their lives, indeed, were spared; but they were subjected to a close
+imprisonment, and then condemned to perpetual exile.[292] In other parts
+of the country, similar measures were adopted. Nearly all over Scotland,
+numbers of the clergy were either imprisoned or forced to fly.[293]
+Terror and proscription were universal. Such was the panic, that it was
+generally believed that nothing could prevent the permanent establishment
+of despotism, unless there were some immediate and providential
+interference on behalf of the Church and the people.[294]
+
+  [292] _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. pp. 207, 208. _Pitcairn's
+        Criminal Trials_, vol. ii. p. 504. In connexion with these
+        transactions, a letter is preserved in the Winwood Papers, which
+        is much too curious to be passed over in silence. It is addressed
+        by the Earl of Salisbury to Sir Charles Cornwallis, and is dated
+        12th September 1605. Salisbury, who was then at the head of
+        affairs, writes, 'True it is that his Majestie seeking to _adorne
+        that kingdome of Scotland with Prelates as they are in England_,
+        some of the Ministers have spurned against it; and althouge his
+        Majestie had ever warranted their calling of General Assemblies
+        upon no other condition, then that they should make him
+        acquainted, receive his warrant, and a commissioner for his
+        Majestie resident in their councells, yet have they (followed with
+        some poor plebecall numbers) presumed to hold their General
+        Assemblies in some parte of the Realme contrarie to his
+        commandement. Whereupon his Majestie hath shewed himself
+        displeased, and cyted divers of them before his councell,' &c.
+        _Memorials of Affairs of State, from the Papers of Sir Ralph
+        Winwood_, London, 1725, folio, vol. ii. p. 132. And yet the man
+        who could write such nonsense as this, and who could only see, in
+        the great democratic movement of the Scotch mind, a disinclination
+        to the _adornment_ of episcopacy, was deemed one of the most
+        eminent statesmen of his time, and his reputation has survived
+        him. If great statesmen discern so little of what is before them
+        and around them, we are tempted to inquire, how much confidence
+        ought to be placed in the opinions of those average statesmen by
+        whom countries are ruled. For my own part, I can only say, that I
+        have had occasion to read many thousand letters written by
+        diplomatists and politicians, and I have hardly ever found an
+        instance of one of them who understood the spirit and tendency of
+        the age in which he lived.
+
+  [293] 'Ministers in all parts of the country were thrown into prison, or
+        declared rebels, and forced to abscond.' _M'Crie's Life of
+        Melville_, vol. ii. p. 250. Liberty of speech was so completely
+        suppressed, that, in 1605, when the most zealous and intelligent
+        clergy were banished, 'a strait command' (was) 'gevin to
+        magistrats, and uther officiers of burrowis, that in cace any
+        preacher sould speik opinlie aganis that baneisment, or for
+        defence or mentenence of that assemblie, or pray publiklie for
+        ther saiftie, that they sould be noted and manifested to the
+        secret counsell, and corrected for their fault.' _The Historie of
+        King James the Sext_, p. 380.
+
+  [294] See an eloquent and touching passage, in _Calderwood's History of
+        the Kirk_, vol. vi. pp. 696, 697.
+
+Nor can it be denied that there were plausible grounds for these
+apprehensions. The people had no friends except among the clergy, and the
+ablest of the clergy were either in prison or in exile.[295] To deprive
+the Church entirely of her leaders, James, in 1606, summoned to London,
+Melville and seven of his colleagues, under pretence of needing their
+advice.[296] Having got possession of their persons, he detained them in
+England.[297] They were forbidden to return to Scotland; and Melville,
+who was most feared, was committed to custody. He was then imprisoned in
+the Tower, where he remained four years, and from which he was only
+liberated on condition of living abroad, and abandoning altogether his
+native country.[298] The seven ministers who had accompanied him to
+London were also imprisoned; but, being considered less dangerous than
+their leader, they, after a time, were allowed to return home. The nephew
+of Melville was, however, ordered not to travel more than two miles from
+Newcastle; and his six companions were confined in different parts of
+Scotland.[299]
+
+  [295] 'The godliest, wisest, learnedest, and most zealous men of the
+        ministrie in Scotland, were either banished, warded, or detained
+        in Ingland, of purpose that they might not be a lett to the grand
+        designe in hand.' _Row's History of the Kirk_, p. 238.
+
+  [296] _Scot's Apologetical Narration of the State of the Kirk_, pp. 164,
+        165. Compare _The Autobiography and Diary of James Melvill_,
+        pp. 642-645.
+
+  [297] 'Quhen we wer gone out of the Palice a lytle way towards
+        Kingstoune, Mr. Alexander Hay sendis back for us, and withall, in
+        the Uttir Court, reidis to us a chairge from the King not to
+        returne to Scotland, nor to com neire the King, Quein, nor Prince
+        their Courtis, without a speciall calling for and licence.'
+        _Melvill's Autobiography_, p. 661.
+
+  [298] _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. pp. 246, 252, 260, 337-339,
+        403, 407-411, 414. This truly great and fearless man died in
+        exile, in 1622. p. 458.
+
+  [299] _Melvill's Autobiography and Diary_, p. 709. _Scot's Apologetical
+        Narration_, p. 194. _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. pp. 252,
+        253, 267, 268.
+
+Everything now seemed ripe for the destruction of those ideas of equality
+of which, in Scotland, the Church was the sole representative. In 1610, a
+General Assembly was held at Glasgow; and, as the members of it were
+nominated by the crown,[300] whatever the government wished was conceded.
+By their vote, episcopacy was established, and the authority of the
+bishops over the ministers was fully recognized.[301] A little earlier,
+but in the same year, two courts of High Commission were erected, one at
+Saint Andrews, and one at Glasgow. To them, all ecclesiastical courts
+were subordinate. They were armed with such immense power, that they
+could cite any one they pleased before them, could examine him respecting
+his religious opinions, could have him excommunicated, and could fine or
+imprison him, just as they thought proper.[302] Finally, and to complete
+the humiliation of Scotland, the establishment of episcopacy was not
+considered complete, until an act was performed, which nothing but its
+being very ignominious, could have saved from being ridiculed as an idle
+and childish farce. The archbishop of Glasgow, the bishop of Brechin, and
+the bishop of Galloway, had to travel all the way to London, in order
+that they might be touched by some English bishops. Incredible as it may
+appear, it was actually supposed that there was no power in Scotland
+sufficiently spiritual to turn a Scotchman into a prelate. Therefore it
+was, that the archbishop of Glasgow and his companions performed what was
+then an arduous journey to a strange and distant capital, for the sake of
+receiving some hidden virtue, which, on their return home, they might
+communicate to their brethren. To the grief and astonishment of their
+country, these unworthy priests, abandoning the traditions of their
+native land, and forgetting the proud spirit which animated their
+fathers, consented to abjure their own independence, to humble themselves
+before the English Church, and to submit to mummeries, which, in their
+hearts, they must have despised, but which were now inflicted upon them
+by their ancient and inveterate foes.[303]
+
+  [300] 'Royal missives were sent to the presbyteries, nominating the
+        individuals whom they should chuse as their representatives to
+        it.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. pp. 387, 388. On the
+        character of its members, compare _Wodrow's History of the
+        Sufferings of the Church of Scotland_, edit. Glasgow, 1838, vol.
+        i. p. 256. _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_, pp.
+        320, 321. _Crookshank's Church of Scotland_, Edinburgh, 1812, vol.
+        i. p. 28; and _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. vii.
+        pp. 97, 98.
+
+  [301] _Acts of the General Assemblies of the Kirk_, vol. iii. pp. 1096,
+        1097. The Assembly even forbad the democratic notion of equality
+        to be advocated. See p. 1101. 'Because it is vncivill that laws
+        and constitutiouns, either Civill or Ecclesiasticall, being anes
+        establischit and in force, by publick and opin consent, sould be
+        controllit and callit in questioun by any person: therfor, it is
+        statute by vniforme consent of this haill Assemblie, that none of
+        the Ministrie either in pulpitt in his preaching, or in the
+        publick exercise, speake and reason against the acts of this
+        present Assemblie, nor dissobey the same, vnder the paine of
+        deprivatioun, being tryit and convict thereof; and _speciallie,
+        that the questioun of equalitie and inequalitie in the Kirk, be
+        not treattit in pulpitt vnder the said paine_.'
+
+  [302] Mr. Russell (_History of the Church in Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 88),
+        misled, probably, by a passage in _Spottiswoode's History of the
+        Church_, vol. iii. p. 210, says, 'A Court of High Commission was
+        instituted.' But it is certain that there were two such courts;
+        one for the diocese of Saint Andrews, and one for that of Glasgow.
+        See the 'commissioun givin under the great seale to the two
+        archbishops,' dated 15th of February 1610, in _Calderwood's
+        History of the Kirk_, vol. vii. pp. 57-62. See also p. 210. They
+        were not united till December 1615. See _Scot's Apologetical
+        Narration of the State of the Kirk_, pp. 218, 239; and
+        _Crookshank's History of the Sufferings of the Church of
+        Scotland_, vol. i. p. 28. By the royal commission, these despotic
+        tribunals were authorized (_Calderwood_, vol. vii. p. 59) 'to call
+        before them at suche tymes and places as they salle thinke meete,
+        anie person or persons dwelling and remaining within their
+        provinces respective above writtin of St. Andrews or Glasgow, or
+        within anie dioceis of the same, being offenders ather in life or
+        religioun, whom they hold anie way to be scandalous, and that they
+        take tryell of the same; and if they find them guiltie and
+        impenitent, refusing to acknowledge their offence, they sall give
+        command to the preacher of that parish where they dwell, to
+        proceed with sentence of excommunication against them; which, if
+        it be protracted, and their command by that minister be not
+        presentlie obeyed, they sall conveene anie suche minister before
+        them, and proceed in censuring of him for his disobedience, ather
+        by suspensioun, deprivatioun, or wairding, according as in their
+        discretioun they sall hold his obstinacie and refuse of their
+        directioun to have deserved. And further, to fyne at their
+        discretiouns, imprisoun, or warde anie suche persoun, who being
+        convicted before them, they sall find upon tryell to have deserved
+        anie suche punishment.' Hereupon, Calderwood justly remarks, p.
+        62: 'This commissioun and executioun thereof, as it exalted the
+        aspyring bishops farre above any prelat that ever was in Scotland,
+        so it putt the king in possessioun of that which he had long tyme
+        hunted for; to witt, of the royall prerogative, and absolute power
+        to use the bodeis and goods of the subjects at pleasure, without
+        forme or processe of the commoun law, even then when the Lower
+        Hous in England was compleaning in their parliament upon the
+        injurie therof. So our bishops were fitt instruments to overthrow
+        the liberteis both of the Kirk and countrie.'
+
+  [303] See _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 93, and
+        _Kirkton's History_, p. 15. Kirkton indignantly says, that James
+        'perswaded a few unworthy men to perjure themselves, and after
+        their episcopall consecration by the English bishops in England,
+        to exercise that odious office in Scotland against their own oath
+        and the consciences of their brethren.' Compare the contemptuous
+        notice, in _Row's History of the Kirk_, p. 283, on the 'anoynting
+        of oyle and other ceremonies,' and on 'the foolish guyses in it.'
+        Indeed, on this subject, every Scotch writer who cared for the
+        liberty of his country, expressed himself either with contempt or
+        indignation.
+
+We may easily imagine what would be the future conduct of men, who,
+merely for their own aggrandizement, and to please their prince, could
+thus renounce the cherished independence of the Scotch Church. They who
+crouch to those who are above them always trample on those who are below
+them. Directly they returned to Scotland, they communicated the
+consecration they had received in England to their fellow-bishops,[304]
+who were of the like mould to themselves, in so far as all of them aided
+James in his attempt to subjugate the liberties of their native country.
+Being now properly ordained, their spiritual life was complete; it
+remained for them to secure the happiness of their temporal life. This
+they did, by gradually monopolizing all authority, and treating with
+unsparing severity those who opposed them. The fall triumph of the
+bishops was reserved for the reign of Charles I., when a number of them
+obtained seats in the privy-council, where they behaved with such
+overbearing insolence, that even Clarendon, notwithstanding his
+notorious partiality for their order, censures their conduct.[305] In the
+time, however, of James I., they carried nearly everything before
+them.[306] They deprived the towns of their privileges, and forced them
+to receive magistrates of their own choosing.[307] They accumulated
+wealth, and made an ostentatious display of it; which was the more
+disgraceful, as the country was miserably poor, and their fellow-subjects
+were starving around them.[308] The Lords of the Articles, without whose
+sanction no measure could be presented to parliament, had been hitherto
+elected by laymen; but the bishops now effected a change, by virtue of
+which the right of nomination devolved on themselves.[309] Having thus
+gained possession of the legislature, they obtained the enactment of
+fresh penalties against their countrymen. Great numbers of the clergy
+they suspended; others they deprived of their benefices; others they
+imprisoned. The city of Edinburgh, being opposed to the rites and
+ceremonies lately introduced, and being, like the rest of the country,
+hostile to episcopacy, the bishops fell on it also, displaced several of
+its magistrates, seized some of the principal citizens, and threatened to
+deprive it of the courts of justice, and of the honour of being the seat
+of government.[310]
+
+  [304] Calderwood, with ill-suppressed bitterness, says, 'efter the same
+        maner that they were consecrated themselfs, _als neere as they
+        could imitate_.' _History of the Kirk_, vol. vii. p. 152. Compare
+        _Wodrow's Collections_, vol. i. part i. p. 293. 'The Bishops
+        ordeaned in England keeped as near the manner taken with
+        themselves there as they could.'
+
+  [305] 'Some of them, by want of temper, or want of breeding, did not
+        behave themselves with that decency in their debates, towards the
+        greatest men of the kingdom, as in discretion they ought to have
+        done, and as the others reasonably expected from them.'
+        _Clarendon's History of the Rebellion_, edit. Oxford, 1843, p. 35.
+        In 1633, 'nine of them were privy councillors;' and 'their pride
+        was cried out upon as unsupportable.' _Burnet's Memoirs of the
+        Dukes of Hamilton_, p. 38. Sir John Scot imputes to them
+        'insolence, pride, and avarice.' _Scot's Staggering State of the
+        Scots Statesmen_, Edinburgh, 1754, p. 41. See also _Spalding's
+        History of the Troubles_, vol. i. pp. 46, 47, Edinburgh,
+        1828, 4to.
+
+  [306] So early as 1613, a letter from James Inglish (preserved in
+        _Wodrow's Collections_, vol. ii. part i. p. 110, Glasgow, 1845,
+        4to) complains that 'the libertys of the Lord's Kirk are greatly
+        abridged by the pride of Bishops, and their power daily increases
+        over her.' Civil rights were equally set at nought by the bishops;
+        and, among other enactments which they obtained, one was, 'that no
+        man should be permitted to practise or profess any physic, unless
+        he had first satisfied the bishop of the diocese touching his
+        religion.' _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_,
+        vol. iii. p. 236. This at once gave them the control of the whole
+        medical profession.
+
+  [307] 'Not satisfied with ruling the church-courts, they claimed an
+        extensive civil authority within their dioceses. The burghs were
+        deprived of their privileges, and forced to receive such
+        magistrates as their episcopal superiors, in concert with the
+        court, were pleased to nominate.' ... 'Archbishop Gladstanes, in a
+        letter to the King, June the 9th 1611, says: "It was your pleasure
+        and direction, that I sould be possessed with the like privileges
+        in the electione of the magistrats there (in St. Andrews), as my
+        lord of Glasgow is endued with in that his city. Sir, whereas they
+        are troublesome, I will be answerable to your Majesty and Counsell
+        for them, after that I be possessed of my right." Ms. in Bibl.
+        Jurid. Edin. M. 6, 9. n^o. 72.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_,
+        vol. ii. p. 422.
+
+  [308] And their prodigality was equal to their rapacity. When Archbishop
+        Gladstanes died, in 1615, it was ascertained that,
+        'notwithstanding of the great rent of his bishoprick, he died in
+        the debt of twentie thowsand pounds.' _Calderwood's History of the
+        Kirk_, vol. vii. p. 197. See also p. 303. Also the case of the
+        Bishop of Galloway, who died in 1619, and of whom Calderwood says
+        (_History of the Kirk_, vol. vii. p. 350), 'It is thought, that if
+        just calculation were made of the commoditie extorted by him
+        through his diocie, by advice of his two covetous counsellours,
+        Andro Couper, his brother, and Johne Grilmour, wrytter in
+        Edinburgh, for his use and theirs, by racting of rents, getting of
+        grassoumes, setting of tacks, of teithes, and other like meanes,
+        wold surmount the soume of an hundreth thousand merks, or, in the
+        opinion of others, almost the double; so that manie within that
+        diocie, and the annexed prelacies, sall hardlie recover their
+        estates in their time.' Compare _Stevenson's History of the
+        Church_, pp. 212, 392.
+
+  [309] On this change, which was completed in 1621, see _Laing's History
+        of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 88; _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_,
+        vol. vii. p. 490; and _Baillie's Letters and Journals_, vol. i.
+        p. 486, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1841.
+
+  [310] _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. vii. pp. 472-474, 507,
+        509, 511, 517-520, 530-543, 549-553, 566, 567, 614, 621. _Laing's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 90, 91. Laing, very unjustly,
+        accuses the bishops of being so merciful as to disapprove of some
+        of these transactions. But whoever has read much of the Scotch
+        literature of the seventeenth century, will cheerfully exonerate
+        the bishops from a charge, which they would themselves have
+        repelled, and to which they are nowise amenable.
+
+In the midst of all this, and while things seemed to be at their worst, a
+great reaction was preparing. And the explanation of the reaction is to
+be found in that vast and pregnant principle, on which I have often
+insisted, but which our common historians are unable to understand;
+namely, that a bad government, bad laws, or laws badly administered, are,
+indeed, extremely injurious at the time, but can produce no permanent
+mischief; in other words, they may harm a country, but can never ruin it.
+As long as the people are sound, there is life, and while there is life,
+there will be reaction. In such case, tyranny provokes rebellion, and
+despotism causes freedom. But if the people are unsound, all hope is
+gone, and the nation perishes. In both instances, government is, in the
+long run, inoperative, and is nowise responsible for the ultimate result.
+The ruling classes have, for the moment, immense power, which they
+invariably abuse, except when they are restrained, either by fear, or by
+shame. The people may inspire them with fear; public opinion may inspire
+them with shame. But whether or not that shall happen, depends on the
+spirit of the people, and on the state of opinion. These two
+circumstances are themselves governed by a long chain of antecedents,
+stretching back to a period, always very distant, and sometimes so remote
+as to baffle observation. When the evidence is sufficiently abundant,
+those antecedents may be generalized; and their generalization conducts
+us to certain large and powerful causes, on which the whole movement
+depends. In short periods, the operation of these causes is
+imperceptible, but in long periods, it is conspicuous and supreme; it
+colours the national character; it controls the great sweep and average
+of affairs. In Scotland, as I have already shown, general causes made the
+people love their clergy, and made the clergy love liberty. As long as
+these two facts coëxisted, the destiny of the nation was safe. It might
+be injured, insulted, and trampled upon. It might be harmed in various
+ways; but the greater the harm, the surer the remedy, because the higher
+the spirit of the country would be roused. All that was needed was, a
+little more time, and a little more provocation. We, who, standing at a
+distance, can contemplate these matters from an elevation, and see how
+events pressed on and thickened, cannot mistake the regularity of their
+sequence. Notwithstanding the apparent confusion, all was orderly and
+methodical. To us, the scheme is revealed. There is the fabric, and it is
+of one hue, and one make. The pattern is plainly marked, and fortunately
+it was worked into a texture, whose mighty web was not to be broken,
+either by the arts, or the violence, of designing men.
+
+It was, therefore, of no avail that tyranny did her utmost. It was of no
+avail that the throne was occupied by a despotic and unscrupulous king,
+who was succeeded by another, more despotic and more unscrupulous than
+himself. It was of no avail that a handful of meddling and intrusive
+bishops, deriving their consecration from London, and supported by the
+authority of the English church, took counsel together, and conspired
+against the liberties of their native land. They played the part of spies
+and of traitors, but they played it in vain. Yet, everything that
+government could give them, it gave. They had the law on their side, and
+they had the right of administering the law. They were legislators,
+councillors, and judges. They had wealth; they had high-sounding titles;
+they had all the pomp and attributes for which they bartered their
+independence, and with which they hoped to dazzle the eyes of the vulgar.
+Still, they could not turn back the stream; they could not even stop it;
+they could not prevent it from coming on, and swallowing them up in its
+course. Before that generation passed away, these little men, big though
+they were in their own conceit, succumbed, and fell. The hand of the age
+was upon them, and they were unable to resist. They were struck down, and
+humbled; they were stripped of their offices, their honours, and their
+splendour: they lost all which minds like theirs hold most dear. Their
+fate is an instructive lesson. It is a lesson, both to the rulers of
+nations, and to those who write the history of nations. To rulers, in so
+far as it is one of many proofs how little they can do, and how
+insignificant is the part which they play in the great drama of the
+world. To historians, the result should be especially instructive, as
+convincing them that the events on which they concentrate their
+attention, and which they believe to be of supreme importance, are in
+reality of trifling value, and, so far from holding the first rank, ought
+to be made subservient to those large and comprehensive studies, by whose
+aid alone, we can ascertain the conditions which determine the tread and
+destiny of nations.
+
+The events that now happened in Scotland, may be quickly told. The
+patience of the country was well-nigh exhausted, and the day of reckoning
+was at hand.[311] In 1637, the people began to rise. In the summer of
+that year, the first great riot broke out in Edinburgh.[312] The flame
+quickly spread, and nothing could stop it. By October, the whole nation
+was up, and an accusation was preferred against the bishops, which was
+signed by nearly every corporation, and by men of all ranks.[313] In
+November, the Scotch, in defiance of the Crown, organized a system of
+representation of their own, in which every class had a share.[314] Early
+in 1638, the National Covenant was framed; and the eagerness with which
+it was sworn to, showed that the people were determined, at all hazards,
+to vindicate their rights.[315] It was now evident that all was over.
+During the summer of 1638, preparations were made, and, in the autumn,
+the storm broke. In November, the first General Assembly seen in Scotland
+for twenty years, met at Glasgow.[316] The Marquis of Hamilton, the
+king's commissioner, ordered the members to separate.[317] They
+refused.[318] Nor would they disband, until they had done the work
+expected from them.[319] By their vote, the democratic institution of
+presbyteries was restored to its old power; the forms of consecration
+were done away with; the bishops were degraded from their functions, and
+episcopacy was abolished.[320]
+
+  [311] In October 1637, Baillie, who was carefully watching the course of
+        affairs, writes, 'No man may speak any thing in publick for the
+        king's part, except he would have himself marked for a sacrifice
+        to be killed one day. I think our people possessed with a bloody
+        devill, farr above any thing that ever I could have imagined,
+        though the masse in Latine had been presented.' And, in a
+        postscript, dated 3rd October, he adds: 'My fears in my former
+        went no farther then to ane ecclesiastik separation, but now I am
+        more affrayit for a bloudie civill warr.' _Baillie's Letters and
+        Journals_, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1841, vol. i. pp. 23, 25.
+
+  [312] _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 131. _Chambers'
+        Annals_, vol. ii. pp. 101-104. _Spalding's History of the Troubles
+        in Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 47, 48.
+
+  [313] 'The accusation, among themselves a bond of union, and to their
+        enemies a signal of hostility, was subscribed by the nobility, the
+        gentry, the clergy, and afterwards by all ranks, and almost by
+        every corporation in the kingdom.' _Laing's History of Scotland_,
+        vol. iii. p. 137.
+
+  [314] _Ibid._, vol. iii. p. 138.
+
+  [315] 'It was signed by a large majority of the people, in a paroxysm of
+        enthusiasm beyond all example in our history.' _Chambers' Annals_,
+        vol. ii. p. 105. Kirkton, who was a contemporary, says, 'And
+        though only eleven private men (and some of them very
+        inconsiderable) had the boldness first to begin this work, without
+        ever asking leave of king or council, yet was it very quickly
+        taken by all the people of Scotland, with hands lifted up in most
+        solemn manner.' _Kirkton's History of the Church of Scotland_, p.
+        33. Lord Somerville, taking a somewhat different view of affairs,
+        remarks, that 'the generalitie of the natione entered into a
+        hellish covenant, wherein they mutually obleidged themselves to
+        extirpate episcopacy, and to defend each other against all
+        persones whatsoever, noe not excepting the persone of his sacred
+        majestie; but upon conditiones of ther oune frameing.'
+        _Somerville's Memorie of the Somervilles_, vol. ii. p. 187.
+
+  [316] There had been no General Assembly since 1618. _Argyll's
+        Presbytery Examined_, p. 102; and the _Spottiswoode Miscellany_,
+        vol. i. p. 88. But 'the provincial synods, presbyteries, and
+        sessions still remained, and in these, good men mutually comforted
+        one another.' _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_,
+        p. 162.
+
+  [317] 'The assembly went on at such a rate, that the marquis judged it
+        no longer fit to bear with their courses.' _Burnet's Memoirs of
+        the Dukes of Hamilton_, p. 128. 'In end, seeing nothing said in
+        reason did prevail, he, in his majesty's name, dissolved the
+        assembly, and discharged their further proceeding under pain of
+        treason.' p. 135.
+
+  [318] _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 310.
+
+  [319] 'Notwithstanding the Proclamation, the Assembly presently
+        thereafter met, and sat daily for divers weeks, until they had
+        done their affairs, and were themselves pleas'd to dissolve.'
+        _Guthry's Memoirs_, p. 41, edit. London, 1702.
+
+  [320] _Acts of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland_, from
+        1638 to 1842, Edinburgh, 1843, pp. 9-18. _Stevenson's History of
+        the Church of Scotland_, pp. 332, 338.
+
+Thus, the bishops fell, even more rapidly than they had risen.[321] As,
+however, their fall was merely a part of the democratic movement,
+matters could not stop there.[322] Scarcely had the Scotch expelled their
+bishops, when they made war upon their king. In 1639, they took up arms
+against Charles. In 1640, they invaded England. In 1641, the king, with
+the hope of appeasing them, visited Scotland, and agreed to most of their
+demands. It was too late. The people were hot, and a cry for blood had
+gone forth. War again broke out. The Scotch united with the English, and
+Charles was every where defeated. As a last chance, he threw himself upon
+the mercy of his northern subjects,[323] But his offences were of that
+rank and luxuriant growth, that it was impossible to forgive them.
+Indeed, the Scotch, instead of pardoning him, turned him to profit. He
+had not only trampled on their liberties, he had also put them to an
+enormous expense. For the injury, he could offer no adequate atonement;
+but the expense they had incurred, might be defrayed. And as it is an old
+and recognized maxim, that he who cannot pay with his purse, shall pay
+with his body, the Scotch saw no reason why they should not derive some
+advantage from the person of their sovereign, particularly as, hitherto,
+he had caused them nothing but loss and annoyance. They, therefore, gave
+him up to the English, and, in return, received a large sum of money,
+which they claimed as arrears due to them for the cost of making war on
+him.[324] By this arrangement, both of the contracting parties benefited.
+The Scotch, being very poor, obtained what they most lacked. The
+English, a wealthy people, had indeed to pay the money, but they were
+recompensed by getting hold of their oppressor, against whom they
+thirsted for revenge; and they took good care never to let him loose,
+until they had exacted the last penalty of his great and manifold
+crimes.[325]
+
+  [321] See, on their fall, some highly characteristic remarks in
+        _Baillie's Letters and Journals_, vol. i. p. 168. In 1639, Howell
+        writes from Edinburgh, 'The Bishops are all gone to wrack, and
+        they have had but a sorry funeral; the very name is grown so
+        contemptible, that a black dog, if he hath any white marks about
+        him, is called _Bishop_. Our Lord of Canterbury is grown here so
+        odious, that they call him commonly in the pulpit, the Priest of
+        Baal, and the Son of Belial.' _Howell's Letters_, edit. London,
+        1754, p. 276.
+
+  [322] 'That people, after they had once begun, pursued the business
+        vigorously, and with all imaginable contempt of the government.'
+        _Clarendon's History of the Rebellion_, p. 45. Now, for the first
+        time, the English government began to tremble. On 13th December
+        1639, Secretary Windebank writes, 'His Majesty near these six
+        weeks last past hath been in continual consultations with a select
+        Committee of some of his Council (of which I have had the honour
+        to be one), how to redress his affairs in Scotland, the fire
+        continuing there, and growing to that danger, that _it threatens
+        not only the Monarchical Government there, but even that of this
+        kingdom_.' _Clarendon State Papers_, vol. ii. p. 81, Oxford, 1773,
+        folio. This is the earliest intimation I have met with of Charles
+        and his advisers being aware of their real peril. But though the
+        king was capable of fear, he was incapable of compunction. There
+        is no evidence on record, to show that he even felt remorse for
+        having planned and executed those arbitrary and unprincipled
+        measures, by which he inflicted immense misery upon Scotland and
+        England, but more especially upon Scotland.
+
+  [323] 'The kinge was now so waik, haueing nether toune, fort, nor armie,
+        and Oxford being a waik and onfortified toune, from whence he
+        looked daylie to be taken perforce, he therefor resolues to cast
+        himself into the arms of the Scots; who, being his natine people,
+        and of late so ongratfullie dealt with by the Inglish, he hoped
+        their particular credit, and the credit of the wholl natione
+        depending thereupon, they would not baslie rander him to the
+        Inglish.' _Gordon's Britane's Distemper_, p. 193, published by the
+        Spalding Club, Aberdeen, 1844, 4to.
+
+  [324] That it may not be supposed, that, as an Englishman, I
+        misrepresent this transaction by looking at it from an English
+        point of view, I will merely quote what Scotch writers have said
+        respecting it. 'Giveing up the king to the will and pleasure of
+        the English parliament, that soe they might come by ther money.'
+        _Somerville's Memorie of the Somervilles_, vol. ii. p. 366. 'The
+        Scots sold their unfortunate king, who had fled to them for
+        protection, to the commissioners of the English Parliament, for
+        200,000_l._ sterling.' _Lyon's History of St. Andrews_, vol. ii.
+        p. 38. 'The incident itself was evidence of a bargain with a _quid
+        pro quo_.' _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 493. 'The
+        sale of the king to the parliament.' _Napier's Life of Montrose_,
+        Edinburgh, 1840, p. 448. 'The king was delivered up, or rather
+        sold, to the parliament's commissioners.' _Brown's History of
+        Glasgow_, vol. i. p. 91. 'Their arrears were undoubtedly due; the
+        amount was ascertained before the dispute concerning the disposal
+        of his person, and the payment was undertaken by the English
+        parliament, five months previous to the delivery, or surrender of
+        the king. But the coincidence, however unavoidable, between that
+        event and the actual discharge and departure of their army, still
+        affords a presumptive proof of the disgraceful imputation of
+        having sold their king; "as the English, unless previously assured
+        of receiving his person, would never have relinquished a sum so
+        considerable as to weaken themselves, while it strengthened a
+        people with whom such a material question remained to be
+        discussed."' _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 369,
+        370.
+
+  [325] A letter from Sir Edw. Hyde to Lord Hatton, dated April 12, 1649
+        (in the _Clarendon State Papers_, vol. ii. p. 479, Oxf. 1773,
+        fol.), says of Charles II., that the Scotch 'sold his father to
+        those who murdered him.' But this is not true. Charles I., though
+        certainly bought by the English, was not murdered by them. He was
+        tried in the face of day; he was found guilty; he was executed.
+        And most assuredly never did a year pass, without men far less
+        criminal than he, suffering the same fate. Possibly, they are
+        right who deem all capital punishment needless. That, however, has
+        never been proved; and if this last and most terrible penalty is
+        ever to be exacted, I cannot tell where we should find a more
+        fitting subject to undergo it, than a despot who seeks to
+        subjugate the liberties of the people over whom he is called to
+        rule, inflicts cruel and illegal punishment on those who oppose
+        him, and, sooner than renounce his designs, engages in a civil
+        war, setting fathers against their children, disorganizing
+        society, and causing the land to run with blood. Such men are
+        outlaws; they are the enemies of the human race; who shall wonder
+        if they fall, or, having fallen, who shall pity them?
+
+After the execution of Charles I., the Scotch recognized his son as his
+successor. But before they would crown the new king, they subjected him
+to a treatment which hereditary sovereigns are not much accustomed to
+receive. They made him sign a public declaration, expressing his regret
+for what had happened, and acknowledging that his father, moved by evil
+counsels, had unjustly shed the blood of his subjects. He was also
+obliged to declare, that by these things he felt humbled in spirit. He
+had, moreover, to apologize for his own errors, which he ascribed partly
+to his inexperience, and partly to the badness of his education.[326] To
+evince the sincerity of this confession, and in order that the confession
+might be generally known, he was commanded to keep a day of fasting and
+humiliation, in which the whole nation would weep and pray for him, in
+the hope that he might escape the consequences of the sins committed by
+his family.[327]
+
+  [326] The declaration was signed by Charles on the 16th August 1650. An
+        abridgment of it is given in _Balfour's Annales of Scotland_, vol.
+        iv. pp. 92-94; but the entire document is preserved by Sir Edward
+        Walker. See _Journal of Affairs in Scotland_, in _Walker's
+        Historical Discourses_, London, folio, 1705, pp. 170-176. In it
+        Charles is made to state that, 'though his Majesty as a dutiful
+        son be obliged to honour the memory of his Royal Father, and have
+        in estimation the person of his Mother; yet doth he desire to be
+        deeply humbled and afflicted in spirit before God, because of his
+        Father's hearkening unto and following evil councils, and his
+        opposition to the work of reformation, and to the solemn league
+        and covenant by which so much of the blood of the Lord's people
+        hath been shed in these kingdoms.' He went on to say, that though
+        he might palliate his own misconduct by pleading 'his education
+        and age,' he thinks it better to 'ingeniously acknowledge all his
+        own sins and the sins of his father's house.' Burnet (_History of
+        his own Time_, vol. i. p. 97) says of this declaration: 'In it
+        there were many hard things. The king owned the sin of his father
+        in marrying into an idolatrous family: he acknowledged the
+        bloodshed in the late wars lay at his father's door: he expressed
+        a deep sense of his own ill education,' &c.
+
+  [327] In reference to this event the following entry occurs in Lamont's
+        Journal: '1650, Dec. 22.--The fast appointed by the commission of
+        the kirke to be keiped througe the kingdome before the
+        coronatione, was keiped att Largo the forsaide day by Mr. Ja.
+        Magill; his lecture, Reu. 3. from v. 14 to the end of the chapt.;
+        his text Reu. 2. 4, 5. Vpon the Thursday following, the 26 of this
+        instant, the fast was keiped in likemaner; his lecture 2. Chro. 29
+        to v. 12; his text 2. Chron. 12, 12. The causes of the first day
+        (not read) was, the great contempt of the gospell, holden forth in
+        its branches; of the second day (which were read), the sinns of
+        the king, and of his father's house, where sundry offences of K.
+        James the 6 were aknowledged, and of K. Charles the 1, and of K.
+        Ch. the 2, nowe king.' _The Diary of Mr. John Lamont of Newton_,
+        p. 25, Edinburgh, 1830, 4to. See also _Baillie's Letters and
+        Journals_, vol. iii. p. 107; _Nicoll's Diary_, Edinburgh, 4to,
+        1836, p. 38; _Row's Continuation of Blair's Autobiography_, edit.
+        Wodrow Society, p. 255; _Bower's History of the University of
+        Edinburgh_, vol. i. p. 253; _Presbytery Book of Strathbogie_,
+        edit. Spalding Club, p. 169; and, above all, the _Registers of the
+        Presbytery of Lanark_, published by the Abbotsford Club,
+        Edinburgh, 1839, 4to, pp. 88, 89.
+
+The spirit, of which acts like these are but symptoms, continued to
+animate the Scotch during the rest of the seventeenth century. And
+fortunately for them it did so. For, the reigns of Charles II. and James
+II. were but repetitions of the reigns of James I. and Charles I. From
+1660 to 1688, Scotland was again subjected to a tyranny, so cruel, and
+so exhausting, that it would have broken the energy of almost any other
+nation.[328] The nobles, whose power had been slowly but constantly
+declining,[329] were unable to resist the English, with whom, indeed,
+they rather seemed willing to combine, in order that they might have a
+share in plundering and oppressing their own country.[330] In this, the
+most unhappy period through which Scotland had passed since the
+fourteenth century, the government was extremely powerful; the upper
+classes, crouching before it, thought only of securing their own safety;
+the judges were so corrupt, that justice, instead of being badly
+administered, was not administered at all;[331] and the parliament,
+completely overawed, consented to what was termed the recissory act, by
+which, at a single stroke, all laws were repealed which had been enacted
+since 1633; it being considered that those twenty-eight years formed an
+epoch of which the memory should, if possible, be effaced.[332]
+
+  [328] Wodrow, who had before him the records of the Privy Council,
+        besides other evidence now lost, says, that the period from 1660
+        to 1688 was 'a very horrid scene of oppression, hardships, and
+        cruelty, which, were it not incontestably true, and well vouched
+        and supported, could not be credited in after ages.' _Wodrow's
+        History of the Church of Scotland from the Restoration to the
+        Revolution_, vol. i. p. 57. And the Reverend Alexander Shields,
+        quaintly, but truly, observes, 'that the said Government was the
+        most untender, unpeaceable, tyrannical, arbitrary and wicked, that
+        ever was in Scotland in any age or period.' _Shields' Scots
+        Inquisition_, Edinburgh, 1745, p. 24.
+
+  [329] When James I. ascended the throne of England, 'the principal
+        native nobility' accompanied him; and 'the very peace which ensued
+        upon the union of the crowns, may be considered as the
+        commencement of an era in which many of our national strongholds
+        were either transformed into simple residences or utterly
+        deserted.' _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_, 4to, 1860, pp.
+        137, 166. The nobles 'had no further occasion to make a figure in
+        war, their power in vassalage was of little use, and their
+        influence of course decayed. They knew little of the arts of
+        peace, and had no disposition to cultivate them.' _The Interest of
+        Scotland Considered_, Edinburgh, 1733, p. 85. Under Charles I.,
+        the movement continued; 'which fell out, partly through the
+        giddiness of the times, but more by the way his Majesty had taken
+        at the beginning of his reign; at which time he did recover from
+        divers of them their hereditary offices, and also pressed them to
+        quit their tithes (which formerly had kept the gentry in a
+        dependance upon them), whereby they were so weaken'd that now when
+        he stood most in need of them (except the chief of the clans) they
+        could command none but their vassals.' _Guthry's Memoirs_, edit.
+        1702, pp. 127, 128. Then came the civil wars, and the rule of
+        Cromwell, during which they suffered both in person and in
+        property. Compare _Chambers' Annals_, vol. ii. p. 225, with
+        _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 515, 516. In 1654,
+        Baillie writes (_Letters and Journals_, vol. iii. p. 249): 'Our
+        nobilitie, weell near all, are wracked.' In 1656, 'Our nobles
+        lying up in prisons, and under forfaultries, or debts, private or
+        publict, are for the most part either broken or breaking.'
+        _Ibid._, p. 317. And, in 1658, the same observer writes (vol. iii.
+        p. 387): 'Our noble families are almost gone: Lennox hes little in
+        Scotland unsold; Hamilton's estate, except Arran and the Baronrie
+        of Hamilton, is sold; Argyle can pay little annuelrent for seven
+        or eight hundred thousand merks; and he is no more drowned in debt
+        than publict hatred, almost of all, both Scottish and English; the
+        Gordons are gone; the Douglasses little better; Eglintoun and
+        Glencairn on the brink of breaking; many of our chief families
+        estates are cracking; nor is there any appearance of any human
+        relief for the tyme.'
+
+        The result of all this is thus described by Wodrow, under the year
+        1661: 'Our nobility and gentry were remarkably changed to the
+        worst: it was but few of such, who had been active in the former
+        years, were now alive, and those few were marked out for ruin. A
+        young generation had sprung up under the English government,
+        educated under penury and oppression; their estates were under
+        burden, and many of them had little other prospect of mending
+        their fortunes, but by the king's favour, and so were ready to act
+        that part he was best pleased with.' _Wodrow's History of the
+        Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 89.
+
+  [330] 'At the Restoration, Charles II. regained full possession of the
+        royal prerogative in Scotland; and the nobles, whose estates were
+        wasted, or their spirit broken, by the calamities to which they
+        have been exposed, were less able and less willing than ever to
+        resist the power of the crown. During his reign, and that of James
+        VII., the dictates of the monarch were received in Scotland with
+        most abject submission. The poverty to which many of the nobles
+        were reduced, rendered them meaner slaves and more intolerable
+        tyrants than ever. The people, always neglected, were now odious,
+        and loaded with every injury, on account of their attachment to
+        religious and political principles, extremely repugnant to those
+        adopted by their princes.' _Robertson's History of Scotland_, book
+        viii. pp. 257, 258.
+
+  [331] A writer of great authority, speaking of the time of William III.,
+        says: 'It is scarcely possible to conceive how utterly polluted
+        the fountain of justice had become during the two preceding
+        reigns. The Scottish bench had been profligate and subservient to
+        the utmost conceivable extent of profligacy and subserviency.'
+        _Burton's History of Scotland_, from 1689 to 1748, London, 1853,
+        vol. i p. 72. See also vol. ii. p. 37; and _Brown's History of
+        Glasgow_, vol. i. p. 194, Glasgow, 1795.
+
+  [332] _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 10. _Baillie's Letters
+        and Journals_, vol. iii. p. 458. As few persons take the trouble
+        to read Scotch Acts of Parliament, I will extract from this one,
+        its most argumentative passage. 'And forasmuch as now it hath
+        pleased Almighty God, by the power of his oune right hand, so
+        miracoulously to restore the Kings Maiestie to the Government of
+        his Kingdomes, and to the exercise of his Royall power and
+        Soveranity over the same: The estates of Parlia^t doe conceave
+        themselffs obleidged in dischairge of ther duetie and conscience
+        to God and the Kings Maiestie, to imploy all their power and
+        interest for vindicateing his Maiesties Authority from all these
+        violent invasions that have been made upon it; And so far as is
+        possible to _remove out of the way every thing that may retaine
+        any remembrance of these things_ which have been so enjurious to
+        his Màtie and his Authority, so prejudiciall and dishonourable to
+        the kingdome, and distructive to all just and true interests
+        within the same.' ... 'Not to retaine any remembrance thairof, but
+        that the same shall be held in _everlasting oblivion_.' _Acts of
+        the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. vii. p. 87, edit. folio, 1820.
+        The date of this Act is 28th March 1661.
+
+But, though the higher ranks ignominiously deserted their post, and
+destroyed the laws which upheld the liberties of Scotland, the result
+proved that the liberties themselves were indestructible. This was
+because the spirit remained, by which the liberties had been won. The
+nation was sound at the core; and while that was the case, legislators
+could, indeed, abolish the external manifestations of freedom, but could
+by no means touch the causes on which the freedom depended. Liberty was
+prostrate, but yet it lived. And the time would surely come, when a
+people, who loved it so dearly, would vindicate their rights. The time
+would come, when, in the words of the great poet of English liberty, the
+nation would rouse herself like a strong man after sleep, and, shaking
+her invincible locks, would be as an eagle muing her mighty youth,
+kindling her undazzled eyes at the midday beam, and purging and unscaling
+her sight at the heavenly fountain; while the timorous birds of her evil
+destiny, loving the twilight, should flutter about, amazed at what she
+meant.
+
+Still, the crisis was sad and dangerous. The people, deserted by every
+one except their clergy, were ruthlessly plundered, murdered, and hunted,
+like wild-beasts, from place to place. From the tyranny of the bishops,
+they had so recently smarted, that they abhorred episcopacy more than
+ever; and yet that institution was not only forced upon them, but
+government put at its head Sharp, a cruel and rapacious man, who, in
+1661, was raised to the archbishopric of St. Andrews.[333] He set up a
+court of ecclesiastical commission, which filled the prisons to
+overflowing; and when they would hold no more, the victims were
+transported to Barbadoes, and other unhealthy settlements.[334] The
+people, being determined not to submit to the dictation of government
+respecting their religious worship, met together in private houses; and,
+when that was declared illegal, they fled from their houses to the
+fields. But there, too, the bishops were upon them.[335] Lauderdale, who,
+for many years, was at the head of affairs, was greatly influenced by the
+new prelates, and aided them with the authority of the executive.[336]
+Under their united auspices, a new contrivance was hit upon; and a body
+of soldiers, commanded by Turner, a drunken and ferocious soldier, was
+let loose upon the people.[337] The sufferers, galled to madness, rose
+in arms. This was made the pretence, in 1667, for fresh military
+executions, by which some of the fairest parts of western Scotland were
+devastated, houses burned, men tortured, women ravished.[338] In 1670, an
+act of parliament was passed, declaring that whoever preached in the
+fields without permission should be put to death.[339] Some lawyers were
+found bold enough to defend innocent men, when they were tried for their
+lives; it was therefore determined to silence them also, and, in 1674, a
+great part of the Faculty of Advocates was expelled from Edinburgh.[340]
+In 1678, by the express command of government, the Highlanders were
+brought down from their mountains, and, during three months, were
+encouraged to slay, plunder, and burn at their pleasure, the inhabitants
+of the most populous and industrious parts of Scotland. For centuries,
+the bitterest animosity had existed between the Highlanders and
+Lowlanders; and now these savage mountaineers were called from their
+homes, that they might take full revenge. And well they glutted their
+ire. During three months, they enjoyed every license. Eight thousand[341]
+armed Highlanders, invited by the English government, and receiving
+beforehand an indemnity for every excess,[342] were left to work their
+will upon the towns and villages of Western Scotland. They spared neither
+age nor sex. They deprived the people of their property; they even
+stripped them of their clothes, and sent them out naked to die in the
+fields. Upon many, they inflicted the most horrible tortures. Children,
+torn from their mothers, were foully abused; while both mothers and
+daughters were subjected to a fate, compared to which death would have
+been a joyful alternative.[343]
+
+  [333] He was made 'primate' in 1661, but did not arrive in Scotland till
+        April 1662. _Wodrow's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i.
+        pp. 236, 247; and _Nicoll's Diary_, pp. 363, 364. 'That he was
+        decent, if not regular, in his deportment, endued with the most
+        industrious diligence, and not illiterate, was never disputed;
+        that he was vain, vindictive, perfidious, at once haughty and
+        servile, rapacious and cruel, his friends have never attempted to
+        disown.' _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 98, 99. The
+        formal establishment of episcopacy was in the autumn of 1661, as
+        we learn from an entry in Lamont's Diary. '1661. Sept. 5 being
+        Thursday, (the chancelour, Glencairne, and the E. of Rothes,
+        haueing come downe from court some dayes before,) the cownsell of
+        state satt att Edb., and the nixt day, being Fryday, they caused
+        emitte and be proclaimed ouer the Crosse, a proclamation in his
+        Maj. name, for establishing Episcopacie againe in the church of
+        Scotlande; which was done with great solemnitie, and was
+        afterwarde printed. _All persons, wither men or weomen, were
+        discharged to speake against that office, under the paine of
+        treason._' _The Diary of Mr. John Lamont_, p. 140. This, as we
+        learn from another contemporary, was on account of 'the Kinges
+        Majestie having stedfastlie resolvit to promove the estait, power,
+        and dignitie of Bischops, and to _remove all impedimentes contrary
+        thairto_.' _Nicoll's Diary_, 4to, p. 353; on 21st November 1661.
+        This curious diary, written by John Nicoll, and extending from
+        1650 to 1667, was printed at Edinburgh, in 1836, by the Bannatyne
+        Club, and is now not often met with.
+
+  [334] _Wodrow's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 383,
+        390-395. _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 38: 'A court
+        of ecclesiastical commission was procured by Sharp.' See also p.
+        41: 'Under the influence of Sharp and the prelates, which
+        Lauderdale's friends were unable to resist, the government seemed
+        to be actuated by a blind resentment against its own subjects.'
+        Compare _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. i. p. 365. 'The
+        truth is, the whole face of the government looked liker the
+        proceedings of an inquisition than of legal courts; and yet Sharp
+        was never satisfied.' Another contemporary, Kirkton, says of these
+        Commissioners: 'For ought I could hear, never one appeared before
+        them that escapt without punishment. Their custom was without
+        premonition or lybell, to ask a man a question, and judge him
+        presently, either upon his silence or his answer.' ... 'They many
+        times doubled the legal punishment; and not being satisfied with
+        the fyne appointed by law, they used to add religation to some
+        remote places, or deportation to Barbadoes, or selling into
+        slavery.' _Kirkton's History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 206.
+        See also _Naphtali, or the Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland_,
+        1667, pp. 126-130. But as particular cases bring such matters more
+        clearly before the mind, I will transcribe, from _Crookshank's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 154, the sentences
+        pronounced on a single occasion by this episcopal court. 'The
+        treatment of some of the parishioners of Ancrum is not to be
+        omitted. When their excellent minister, Mr. Livingstone, was taken
+        from them, one Mr. James Scot, who was under the sentence of
+        excommunication, was presented to that charge. On the day fixed
+        for his settlement, several people did meet together to oppose it;
+        and particularly a country woman, desiring to speak with him in
+        order to dissuade him from intruding himself upon a reclaiming
+        people, pulled him by the cloak, intreating him to hear her a
+        little; whereupon he turned and beat her with his staff. This
+        provoked two or three boys to throw a few stones, which neither
+        touched him nor any of his company. However, it was presently
+        looked upon as a treasonable tumult, and therefore the sheriff and
+        justices of the peace in that bounds fined and imprisoned some of
+        these people, which, one would think, might atone for a crime of
+        this nature. But the high-commission, not thinking that
+        sufficient, ordered those criminals to be brought before them.
+        Accordingly, the four boys and this woman, with two brothers of
+        hers of the name of Turnbull, were brought prisoners to Edinburgh.
+        The four boys confessed, that, upon Scot's beating the woman, they
+        had thrown each his stone. The commissioner told them that hanging
+        was too good for them. However, the sentence of this merciless
+        court only was, that they should be scourged through the city of
+        Edinburgh, burnt in the face with a hot iron, and then sold as
+        slaves to Barbadoes. The boys endured their punishment like men
+        and Christians, to the admiration of multitudes. The two brothers
+        were banished to Virginia; and the woman was ordered to be whipped
+        through the town of Jedburgh. Burnet, bishop of Glasgow, when
+        applied to that she might be spared lest she should be with child,
+        mildly answered, That he would make them claw the itch out of her
+        shoulders.'
+
+  [335] They were invested with such immense power, that 'the old set of
+        bishops made by the parliament, 1612, were but pigmies to the
+        present high and mighty lords.' _Wodrow's History of the Church of
+        Scotland_, vol. i. p. 262. See also, at p. 286, the remarks of
+        Douglas: 'It is no wonder then the complaint against their bishops
+        be, that their little finger is thicker than the loins of the
+        former.'
+
+  [336] In 1663, Middleton was dismissed; and was succeeded by Lauderdale,
+        who 'was dependent upon the prelates, and was compelled to yield
+        to their most furious demands.' _Laing's History of Scotland_,
+        vol. iv. p. 33. 'The influence, or rather the tyranny, which was
+        thus at the discretion of the prelates, was unlimited; and they
+        exercised it with an unsparing hand.' _Bower's History of the
+        University of Edinburgh_, vol. i. p. 284.
+
+  [337] 'Sir James Turner, that commanded them, was naturally fierce, but
+        was mad when he was drunk; and that was very often.' _Burnet's
+        History of his own Time_, vol. i. p. 364. Kirkton (_History of the
+        Church_, p. 221) says: 'Sir James Turner hade made ane expedition
+        to the west countrey _to subdue it to the bishops_, in the year
+        1664; another in the year 1665; and a third in the year 1666; and
+        this was the worst.' Full particulars will be found in _Wodrow's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 373-375, 411, vol.
+        ii. pp. 8, 17, vol. iii. pp. 264, 265. 'This method of dragooning
+        people to the church, as it is contrary to the spirit of
+        Christianity, so it was a stranger in Scotland, till Bishop Sharpe
+        and the prelates brought it in.' vol. i. p. 401.
+
+        Sir James Turner, whose Memoirs, written by himself, were not
+        published till thirty years ago, relates an anecdote of his own
+        drunkenness in a strain of maudlin piety well worthy of his
+        career. _Turner's Memoirs of his own Life_, Edinburgh, 1829, 4to,
+        pp. 42, 43. At p. 206, this impudent man writes: 'And yet I
+        confesse, my humour never was, nor is not yet, one of the calmest;
+        when it will be, God onlie knoues; yet by many sad passages of my
+        life, I know that _it hath beene good for me to be afflicted_.'
+        Perhaps, however, he may take the benefit of his assertion (p.
+        144), 'that I was so farre from exceeding or transgressing my
+        commission and instructions, that I never came the full length of
+        them.' Considering the cruelties he committed, what sort of
+        instructions could his superiors have given to him?
+
+  [338] 'Sir James Turner lately had forced Galloway to rise in arms, by
+        his cruelty the last and former years; but he was an easy master,
+        compared with General Dalziel, his ruffians, and Sir William
+        Bannatyne, this year.' _Wodrow's Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p.
+        62. Dalziel 'cruelly tortured whom he would.' p. 63. One woman 'is
+        brought prisoner to Kilmarnock, where she was sentenced to be let
+        down to a deep pit, under the house of the dean, full of toads and
+        other vile creatures. Her shrieks thence were heard at a great
+        distance.' p. 64. Two countrymen were 'bound together with cords,
+        and hanged up by their thumbs to a tree, there to hang all night.'
+        _Ibid._ Sir William Bannatyne's soldiers seized a woman, 'and
+        bound her, and put lighted matches betwixt her fingers for several
+        hours; the torture and pain made her almost distracted; she lost
+        one of her hands, and in a few days she died.' _Ibid._
+        'Oppressions, murders, robberies, rapes.' p. 65. 'He made great
+        fires, and laid down men to roast before them, when they would
+        not, or could not, give him the money he required, or the
+        information he was seeking.' p. 104. See also _Crookshank's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 204-207. The
+        History is based upon Wodrow's great work, but contains many facts
+        with which Wodrow was unacquainted. See _Crookshank_, vol. i. p.
+        11. Respecting the outrages in 1667, there are some horrible
+        details in a book published in that very year, under the title of
+        _Naphtali, or the Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland_. See,
+        especially, the summary at p. 174: 'wounding, beating, stripping
+        and imprisoning mens persons, violent breaking of their houses
+        both by day and night, and beating and wounding of wives and
+        children, ravishing and deflowring of women, forcing wives and
+        other persons by fired matches and other tortures to discover
+        their husbands and nearest relations, although it be not within
+        the compass of their knowledge, and driving and spoiling all their
+        goods that can be carried away, without respect to guilt or
+        innocency.'
+
+  [339] 'That whosoever without licence or authoritie forsaid shall preach,
+        expound Scripture, or pray at any of these meetings in the ffeild,
+        or in any house wher ther be moe persons nor the house contains,
+        so as some of them be without doors (which is hereby declared to
+        be a feild conventicle), or who shall convocat any number of
+        people to these meetings, shall be punished with death and
+        confiscation of ther goods.' _Acts of the Parliaments of
+        Scotland_, vol. viii. p. 9, edit. 1820, folio. This was on the
+        13th August 1670.
+
+  [340] The immediate pretence being, to do away with appeals. See
+        _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 72-74.
+
+  [341] 'Savage hosts of Highlanders were sent down to depopulate the
+        western shires, to the number of ten or eleven thousand, who acted
+        most outrageous barbarities, even almost to the laying some
+        counties desolate.' _A Cloud of Witnesses for the Royal
+        Prerogatives of Jesus Christ_, edit. Glasgow, 1779, p. 18. But
+        most authorities state the number to have been eight thousand. See
+        _Kirkton's History_, p. 386; _Arnot's History of Edinburgh_, p.
+        154; _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. ii. p. 134;
+        _Denholm's History of Glasgow_, p. 67; and _Life and Sufferings of
+        John Nisbet_, in _Select Biographies_, published by the Wodrow
+        Society, vol. ii. p. 381. Chalmers, however, in his _Caledonia_,
+        vol. iii. p. 592, says 10,000.
+
+  [342] 'They were indemnified against all pursuits, civil and criminal,
+        on account of killing, wounding, apprehending, or imprisoning,
+        such as should oppose them.' _Crookshank's History of the Church
+        of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 337, 338.
+
+  [343] Short and imperfect notices of this 'Highland Host,' as it was
+        called at the time, may be found in _Kirkton's History_, pp.
+        385-390, and in _Crookshank's History_, vol. i. pp. 354, 355. But
+        the fullest account of the enormities committed by these
+        barbarians, is in Wodrow's great work, collected from authentic
+        and official documents. See his _History of the Church of
+        Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 375-413, 421-432, vol. iii. pp. 76, 79,
+        486. They were provided beforehand with implements of torture.
+        'They had good store of iron shackles, as if they were to lead
+        back vast numbers of slaves, and thumb-locks, as they call them'
+        (_i.e._ thumb-screws), 'to make their examinations and trials
+        with.' vol. ii. p. 389. 'In some places they tortured people, by
+        scorching their bodies at vast fires, and other wise,' vol. ii. p.
+        422. Compare _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 88.
+        'Neither age nor sex was exempt from outrage, and torture was
+        freely employed to extort a confession of hidden wealth.' And, at
+        p. 91, 'The Highlanders, after exacting free quarters, and wasting
+        the country for three months, were dismissed to their hills with
+        impunity and wealth.'
+
+It was in this way, that the English government sought to break the
+spirit, and to change the opinions, of the Scotch people. The nobles
+looked on in silence, and, so far from resisting, had not even the
+courage to remonstrate. The parliament was equally servile, and
+sanctioned whatever the government demanded. Still, the people were firm.
+Their clergy, drawn from the middle classes, clung to them; they clung to
+their clergy, and both were unchanged. The bishops were hated as allies
+of the government, and were with reason regarded as public enemies. They
+were known to have favoured, and often to have suggested, the atrocities
+which had been committed;[344] and they were so pleased with the
+punishment inflicted upon their opponents, that no one was surprised,
+when, a few years later, they, in an address to James II., the most cruel
+of all the Stuarts, declared that he was the darling of heaven, and hoped
+that God might give him the hearts of his subjects, and the necks of his
+enemies.[345]
+
+  [344] 'Indeed, the whole of the severity, hardships, and bloodshed from
+        this year' (1661), 'until the revolution, was either actually
+        brought on by the bishops, procured by them, or done for their
+        support.' _Wodrow's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p.
+        223. 'It was our prelates who pushed the council to most of their
+        severities.' p. 247. 'The bishops, indeed, violently pushed
+        prosecutions.' _Crookshank's History of the Church_, vol. i.
+        p. 298. In 1666, 'As to the prelates, they resolved to use all
+        severities, and to take all imaginable cruel and rigorous ways and
+        courses, first against the rest of the prisoners, and then against
+        the whole west of Scotland.' _Row's Continuation of Blair's
+        Autobiography_, pp. 505, 506, edit. Edinburgh, 1848. This
+        interesting work is edited by Dr. M'Crie, and published by the
+        Wodrow Society.
+
+  [345] In 1688, 'the bishops concurred in a pious and convivial address to
+        James, as the darling of heaven, that God might give him the
+        hearts of his subjects and the necks of his enemies.' _Laing's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 193.
+
+The character of the prince, whom the bishops thus delighted to honour,
+is now well understood. Horrible as were the crimes which had been
+perpetrated, they were surpassed by what occurred, when he, in 1680,
+assumed the direction of affairs.[346] He had worked himself to that
+pitch of iniquity, as to derive actual enjoyment from witnessing the
+agonies of his fellow-creatures. This is an abyss of wickedness, into
+which even the most corrupt natures rarely fall. There have been, and
+always will be, many men who care nothing for human suffering, and who
+will inflict any amount of pain, in order to gain certain ends. But to
+take delight in the spectacle, is a peculiar and hideous abomination.
+James, however, was so dead to shame, that he did not care even to
+conceal his horrible tastes. Whenever torture was inflicted, he was sure
+to be present, feasting his eyes, and revelling with a fiendish joy.[347]
+It makes our flesh creep to think that such a man should have been the
+ruler of millions. But what shall we say to the Scotch bishops, who
+applauded him, of whose conduct they were daily witnesses? Where can we
+find language strong enough to stigmatize those recreant priests, who,
+having passed years in attempting to subjugate the liberties of their
+country, did, towards the close of their career, and just before their
+final fall, band together, and employ their united authority, as
+ministers of a holy and peaceful religion, to stamp with public approval,
+a prince, whose malignant cruelty made him loathed by his contemporaries,
+and whose revolting predilections, unless we ascribe them to a diseased
+brain, are not only a slur upon the age which tolerated them, but a
+disgrace to the higher instincts of our common nature?
+
+  [346] 'After the Duke of York came down in October'(1680), 'the
+        persecution turned yet more severe.' _Wodrow's History of the
+        Church of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 225. 'Persecution and tyranny,
+        mainly promoted by the Duke of York's instigation.' _Shields' Hind
+        let loose_, p. 147. 'Immediately upon his mounting the throne, the
+        executions and acts prosecuting the persecution of the poor
+        wanderers, were more cruel than ever.' p. 200.
+
+  [347] This was well known in Scotland; and is evidently alluded to by a
+        writer of that time, the Rev. Alexander Shields, who calls James,
+        not a man, but a monster. See _Shields' Hind let loose_, 1687, p.
+        365. 'This man, or monster rather, that is now mounted the
+        throne.' And a monster surely he was. Compare _Crookshank's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 66, where it is
+        mentioned that, when Spreul was tortured, 'the Duke of York was
+        pleased to gratify his eyes with this delightful scene.' Also,
+        _Wodrow's History_, vol. iii. p. 253, and _Laing's History of
+        Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 116. According to Burnet, 'the duke's
+        pleasure at witnessing human agony was a cold, and, as it were, a
+        speculative pleasure, as if he were present for the purpose of
+        contemplating some curious experiment. But James was so excitable
+        a man, that this is hardly likely. At all events, the remarks of
+        Burnet have a painful interest for those who study these dark,
+        and, as we may rejoice to think, these very rare, forms of human
+        malignity.' 'When any are to be struck in the boots, it is done in
+        the presence of the council; and upon that occasion, almost all
+        offer to run away. The sight is so dreadful, that without an order
+        restraining such a number to stay, the board would be forsaken.
+        But the duke, while he had been in Scotland, was so far from
+        withdrawing, that he looked on all the while with an unmoved
+        indifference, and _with an attention, as if he had been to look on
+        some curious experiment_. This gave a terrible idea of him to all
+        that observed it, as of a man that had no bowels nor humanity in
+        him.' _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. ii. pp. 416, 417.
+
+So utterly corrupt, however, were the ruling classes in Scotland, that
+such crimes seem hardly to have excited indignation. The sufferers were
+refractory subjects, and against them every thing was lawful. The usual
+torture, which was called the torture of the boots, was to place the leg
+in a frame, into which wedges were driven, until the bones were
+broken.[348] But when James visited Scotland, an opinion began to grow
+up, that this was too lenient, and that other means must be devised. The
+spirit which he communicated to his subordinates, animated his immediate
+successors, and, in 1684, during his absence, a new instrument was
+introduced, termed the thumbikins. This was composed of small steel
+screws, arranged with such diabolical art, that not only the thumb, but
+also the whole hand, could be compressed by them, producing pain more
+exquisite than any hitherto known, and having, moreover, the advantage of
+not endangering life; so that the torture could be frequently repeated on
+the same person.[349]
+
+  [348] Shields (_A Hind let loose_, p. 186) describes the boots, as 'a
+        cruel engine of iron, whereby, with wedges, the leg is tortured,
+        until the marrow come out of the bone.' Compare _Naphtali, or the
+        Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland_, 1667, p. 268: 'the
+        extraordinary compression both of flesh, sinews, and bones, by the
+        force of timber wedges and hammer.'
+
+  [349] In 1684, Carstairs was subjected to this torture. See his own
+        account, in a letter printed in _Wodrow's History of the Church of
+        Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 96-100. He writes (p. 99): 'After this
+        communing, the king's smith was called in, to bring in a new
+        instrument to torture by the thumbkins, that had never been used
+        before. For whereas the former was only to screw on two pieces of
+        iron above and below with finger and thumb, these were made to
+        turn about the screw with the whole hand. And under this torture,
+        I continued near an hour and a half.' See also the case of Spence,
+        in the same year, in _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. ii.
+        p. 418. 'Little screws of steel were made use of, that screwed the
+        thumbs with so exquisite a torment, that he sunk under this; for
+        Lord Perth told him, they would screw every joint of his whole
+        body, one after another, till he took the oath.' Laing (_History
+        of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 143) says, 'the thumbikins; small screws
+        of steel that compressed the thumb and the whole hand with an
+        exquisite torture;' an invention brought by Drummond and Dalziel
+        from Russia. For other notices, see _Fountainhall's Notes of
+        Scottish Affairs_ from 1680 till 1701, Edinburgh, 4to, 1822, pp.
+        41, 97, 101; _Bower's History of the University of Edinburgh_,
+        vol. ii. p. 30; _Crookshank's History of the Church of Scotland_,
+        vol. ii. p. 192; _A Cloud of Witnesses for the Royal Prerogatives
+        of Jesus Christ_, edit. Glasgow, 1779, p. 371; and _Life of Walter
+        Smith_, p. 85, in the second volume of _Walker's Biographia
+        Presbyteriana_, Edinburgh, 1827.
+
+After this, little more need be said.[350] From the mere mention of such
+things, the mind recoils with disgust. The reader of the history of that
+time sickens and faints at the contrivances by which these abject
+creatures sought to stifle public opinion, and to ruin, for ever, a
+gallant and high-spirited people. But now, as before, they laboured in
+vain. More yet was, however, to be borne. The short reign of James II.
+was ushered in by an act of singular barbarity. A few weeks after this
+bad man came to the throne, all the children in Annandale and Nithsdale,
+between the ages of six and ten, were seized by the soldiers, separated
+from their parents, and threatened with immediate death.[351] The next
+step was, to banish, by wholesale, large numbers of adults, who were
+shipped off to unhealthy settlements; many of the men first losing their
+ears, and the women being branded, some on the hand, some on the
+cheek.[352] Those, however, who remained behind, were equal to the
+emergency, and were ready to do what remained to be done. In 1688, as in
+1642, the Scotch people and the English people united against their
+common oppressor, who saved himself by sudden and ignominious flight. He
+was a coward as well as a despot, and from him there was no further
+danger. The bishops, indeed, loved him; but they were an insignificant
+body, and had enough to do to look to themselves. His only powerful
+friends were the Highlanders. That barbarous race thought, with regret,
+of those bygone days when the government had not only allowed them, but
+had ordered them, to plunder and oppress their southern neighbours. For
+this purpose, Charles II. had availed himself of their services; and it
+could hardly be doubted, that if the Stuart dynasty were restored, they
+would be again employed, and would again enrich themselves by pillaging
+the Lowlanders.[353] War was their chief amusement; it was also their
+livelihood; and it was the only thing that they understood.[354] Besides
+this, the mere fact that James no longer possessed authority,
+wonderfully increased their loyalty towards him. The Highlanders
+flourished by rapine, and traded in anarchy.[355] They, therefore, hated
+any government which was strong enough to punish crime; and the Stuarts
+being now far away, this nation of thieves loved them with an ardour
+which nothing but their absence could have caused. From William III.,
+they feared restraint; but the exiled prince could do them no hurt, and
+would look on their excesses as the natural result of their zeal. Not
+that they cared about the principle of monarchical succession, or
+speculated on the doctrine of divine right.[356] The only succession that
+interested them, was that of their chiefs. Their only notion of right,
+was to do what those chiefs commanded. Being miserably poor,[357] they,
+in raising a rebellion, risked nothing except their lives, of which, in
+that state of society, men are always reckless. If they failed, they
+encountered a speedy, and, as they deemed it, an honourable death. If
+they succeeded, they gained fame and wealth. In either case, they were
+sure of many enjoyments. They were sure of being able, for a time at
+least, to indulge in pillage and murder, and to practise, without
+restraint, those excesses which they regarded as the choicest guerdon of
+a soldier's career.
+
+  [350] 'In 1684, the Scottish nation was in the most distressing and
+        pitiable situation that can be imagined.' ... 'The state of
+        society had now become such, that, in Edinburgh, attention to
+        ordinary business was neglected, and every one was jealous of his
+        neighbour.' _Bower's History of the University of Edinburgh_,
+        vol. i. p. 307.
+
+  [351] 'Upon the 10th of March, all freeholders, heritors, and gentlemen
+        in Nithsdale and Annandale, and, I suppose, in most other shires
+        of the kingdom, but I name those as being the scene of the
+        severities now used, were summoned to attend the king's standard;
+        and the militia in the several shires were raised. Wherever
+        Claverhouse came, he resolved upon narrow and universal work. He
+        used to set his horse upon the hills and eminences, and that in
+        different parties, that none might escape; and there his foot went
+        through the lower, marshy, and mossy places, where the horse could
+        not do so well. The shire he parcelled out in so many divisions,
+        and six or eight miles square would be taken in at once. In every
+        division, the whole inhabitants, men and women, young and old,
+        without distinction, were all driven into one convenient place.'
+        ... 'All the children in the division were gathered together by
+        themselves, under ten years, and above six years of age, and a
+        party of soldiers were drawn out before them. Then they were bid
+        pray, for they were going to be shot. Some of them would answer,
+        Sir, we cannot pray.' ... 'At other times, they treated them most
+        inhumanly, threatening them with death, and at some little
+        distance would fire pistols without ball in their face. Some of
+        the poor children were frighted almost out of their wits, and
+        others of them stood all out with a courage perfectly above their
+        age. These accounts are so far out of the ordinary way of mankind,
+        that I would not have insert them, had I not before me several
+        informations agreeing in all these circumstances, written at this
+        time by people who knew the truth of them.' _Wodrow's History of
+        the Church of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 255, 256.
+
+  [352] 'Numbers were transported to Jamaica, Barbadoes, and the North
+        American settlements; but the women were not unfrequently burnt in
+        the cheek, and the ears of the men were lopt off, to prevent, or
+        to detect, their return,' _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv.
+        p. 162. 'Great multitudes banished,' _Wodrow's History of the
+        Church_, vol. iv. p. 211. In July 1685, 'the men are ordered to
+        have their ears cropt, and the women to be marked in their hand.'
+        p. 217. 'To have the following stigma and mark, that they may be
+        known as banished persons if they shall return to this kingdom,
+        _viz._ that the men have one of their ears cut off by the hand of
+        the hangman, and that the women be burnt by the same hand on the
+        cheek with a burned iron.' p. 218. These are extracts from the
+        proceedings of the privy-council.
+
+  [353] 'James II. favoured the Highland clans,' Note in _Fountainhall's
+        Scottish Affairs_ from 1680 till 1701, p. 100. He could hardly do
+        otherwise. The alliance was natural, and ready-made for him.
+
+  [354] Except robbing, which, however, in one form or other, is always a
+        part of war. In this, they were very apt. Burnet (_History of his
+        own Time_, vol. i. p. 67) pithily describes them as 'good at
+        robbing;' and Burton (_Lives of Lovat and Forbes_, p. 47) says,
+        'To steal even vestments was considerably more creditable than to
+        make them.' Otherwise, they were completely absorbed by their
+        passion for war. See _Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 175, 176, London, 1845.
+
+  [355] 'Revenge was accounted a duty, the destruction of a neighbour a
+        meritorious exploit, and rapine an honourable employment.'
+        _Browne's History of the Highlands_, vol. iv. p. 395. 'The spirit
+        of rivalry between the clans kept up a taste for hostility, and
+        converted rapine into a service of honour.' _Thomson's Memoirs of
+        the Jacobites_, vol. ii. p. 229.
+
+  [356] Hence, looking, as they did, merely at the physical qualities of
+        individuals, the appearance of the Pretender in 1715 disgusted
+        them, notwithstanding his splendid lineage. See some excellent
+        remarks in _Burton's History of Scotland_, from 1689 to 1748,
+        London, 1853, vol. ii. pp. 198, 199. At p. 383, Mr. Burton justly
+        observes, that 'those who really knew the Highlanders were aware
+        that the followers were no more innate supporters of King James's
+        claim to the throne of Britain, than of Maria Theresa's to the
+        throne of Hungary. They went with the policy of the head of the
+        clan, whatever that might be; and though upwards of half a
+        century's advocacy of the exiled house' (this refers to the last
+        rebellion in 1745) 'had made Jacobitism appear a political creed
+        in some clans, it was among the followers, high and low, little
+        better than a nomenclature, which might be changed with
+        circumstances.' Since Robertson, Mr. Burton and Mr. Chambers are,
+        I will venture to say, the two writers who have taken the most
+        accurate and comprehensive views of the history of Scotland.
+        Robertson's History stops short where the most important period
+        begins; and his materials were scanty. But what he effected with
+        those materials was wonderful. To my mind, his History of Scotland
+        is much the greatest of his works.
+
+  [357] A curious description of their appearance, given by the _Derby
+        Mercury_ in 1746 (in _Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites_, vol.
+        iii. p. 115), may be compared with the more general statement in
+        _Anderson's Prize Essay on the Highlands_, Edinburgh, 1827, p.
+        128. 'Cattle were the main resources of the tribe--the acquisition
+        of these the great object of their hostile forrays. The precarious
+        crops gave them wherewithal to bake their oaten cakes, or distil
+        their ale or whisky. When these failed, the crowded population
+        suffered every extreme of misery and want. At one time in
+        particular, in Sutherland, they were compelled to subsist on broth
+        made of nettles, thickened with a little oatmeal. At another,
+        those who had cattle, to have recourse to the expedient of
+        bleeding them, and mixing the blood with oatmeal, which they
+        afterwards cut into slices and fried.'
+
+So far, therefore, from wondering at the rebellions of 1715 and
+1745,[358] the only wonder is, that they did not break out sooner, and
+that they were not better supported. In 1745, when the sudden appearance
+of the rebels struck England with terror, and when they penetrated even
+to the heart of the kingdom, their numbers, even at their height,
+including Lowland and English recruits, never reached six thousand men.
+The ordinary amount was five thousand;[359] and they cared so little
+about the cause for which they professed to fight, that, in 1715, when
+they numbered much stronger than in 1745, they refused to enter England,
+and make head against the government, until they were bribed by the
+promise of additional pay.[360] So, too, in 1745, after they had won the
+battle of Preston-pans, the only result of that great victory was, that
+the Highlanders, instead of striking a fresh blow, deserted in large
+bodies, that they might secure the booty they had obtained, and which
+alone they valued. They heeded not whether Stuart or Hanoverian gained
+the day; and at this critical moment, they were unable, says the
+historian, to resist their desire to return to their glens, and decorate
+their huts with the spoil.[361]
+
+  [358] Several writers erroneously term them 'unnatural.' See, for
+        instance, _Rae's History of the Rebellion_, London, 1746, pp. 158,
+        169: and _Home's History of the Rebellion_, London, 1802, 4to,
+        p. 347.
+
+  [359] 'When the rebels began their march to the southward, they were not
+        6000 men complete,' _Home's History of the Rebellion in the Year
+        1745_, 4to, p. 137. At Stirling, the army, 'after the junction was
+        made, amounted to somewhat more than 9000 men, the greatest number
+        that Charles ever had under his command,' p. 164. But the actual
+        invaders of England were much fewer. 'The number of the rebels
+        when they began their march into England was a few above 5000
+        foot, with about 500 on horseback.' _Home_, p. 331. Browne
+        (_History of the Highlands_, vol. iii. p. 140) says: 'When
+        mustered at Carlisle, the prince's army amounted only to about
+        4500 men;' and Lord George Murray states that, at Derby, 'we were
+        not above five thousand fighting men, if so many.' _Jacobite
+        Memoirs of the Rebellion of 1745_, edited by Robert Chambers,
+        Edinburgh, 1834, p. 54. Another writer, relying mainly on
+        traditional evidence, says, 'Charles, at the head of 4000
+        Highlanders, marched as far as Derby.' _Brown's History of
+        Glasgow_, vol. ii. p. 41, Edinburgh, 1797. Compare _Johnstone's
+        Memoirs of the Rebellion_, 3rd edit., London, 1822, pp. xxxvii.
+        xxxviii. 30-32, 52. Johnstone says, p. 60, 'M. Patullo, our
+        muster-master, reviewed our army at Carlisle, when it did not
+        exceed four thousand five hundred men.' Afterwards, returning to
+        Scotland, 'our army was suddenly increased to eight thousand men,
+        the double of what it was when we were in England.' p. 111.
+
+  [360] 'Orders were given to proceed in the direction of Carlisle, and
+        recall the detachment sent forward to Dumfries. The Highlanders,
+        still true to their stagnant principles, refused obedience.' ...
+        'Pecuniary negotiations were now commenced, and they were offered
+        sixpence a day of regular pay--reasonable remuneration at that
+        period to ordinary troops, but to the wild children of the
+        mountain a glittering bribe, which the most steady obstinacy would
+        alone resist. It was partly effective.' _Burton's History of
+        Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 168. 'And from this day, the Highlanders
+        had sixpence a head per day payed them to keep them in good order
+        and under command.' _Patten's History of the late Rebellion_,
+        London, 1717, p. 73. See also, on the unwillingness of the
+        Highlanders to enter England, _Rae's History of the Rebellion_,
+        London, 1746, 2d edit. pp. 270, 271. Browne says (_History of the
+        Highlands_, vol. ii. pp. 300, 304): 'The aversion of the
+        Highlanders, from different considerations, to a campaign in
+        England, was almost insuperable;' but 'by the aid of great
+        promises and money, the greater part of the Highlanders were
+        prevailed upon to follow the fortunes of their commander.'
+
+  [361] 'Few victories have been more entire. It is said that scarcely two
+        hundred of the infantry escaped.' ... 'The Highlanders obtained a
+        glorious booty in arms and clothes, besides self-moving watches,
+        and other products of civilisation, which surprised and puzzled
+        them. Excited by such acquisitions, a considerable number could
+        not resist the old practice of their people to return to their
+        glens, and decorate their huts with their spoil.' _Burton's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 465. Compare _Home's History of
+        the Rebellion_, p. 123. This was an old practice of theirs, as
+        Montrose found out, a century earlier, 'when many of the
+        Highlanders, being loaded with spoil, deserted privately, and soon
+        after returned to their own country.' _Wishart's Memoirs of the
+        Marquis of Montrose_, Edinburgh, 1819, p. 189. So, too, Burnet
+        (_Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton_, p. 272): 'Besides, any
+        companies could be brought down from the Highlands might do well
+        enough for a while, but no order could be expected from them, for
+        as soon as they were loaded with plunder and spoil, they would run
+        away home to their lurking holes, and desert those who had trusted
+        them.' See also p. 354. A more recent writer, drawing a veil over
+        this little infirmity, remarks, with much delicacy, that 'the
+        Highlanders, brave as they were, had a custom of returning home
+        after a battle.' _Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites_, London,
+        1845, vol. i. p. 122. Not unfrequently they first robbed their
+        fellow-soldiers. In 1746, Bisset writes: 'The Highlanders, who
+        went off after the battel, carried off horses and baggage from
+        their own men, the Lowlanders.' _Diary of the Reverend John
+        Bisset_, in _Miscellany of the Spalding Club_, vol. i. p. 377,
+        Aberdeen, 1841, 4to.
+
+There are, indeed, few things more absurd than that lying spirit of
+romance, which represents the rising of the Highlanders as the outburst
+of a devoted loyalty. Nothing was further from their minds than this. The
+Highlanders have crimes enough to account for, without being burdened by
+needless reproach. They were thieves and murderers; but that was in their
+way of life, and they felt not the stigma. Though they were ignorant and
+ferocious, they were not so foolish as to be personally attached to that
+degraded family, which, before the accession of William III., occupied
+the throne of Scotland. To love such men as Charles II. and James II.,
+may, perhaps, be excused as one of those peculiarities of taste of which
+one sometimes hears. But to love all their descendants; to feel an
+affection so comprehensive as to take in the whole dynasty, and, for the
+sake of gratifying that eccentric passion, not only to undergo great
+hardships, but to inflict enormous evil upon two kingdoms, would have
+been a folly as well as a wickedness, and would convict the Highlanders
+of a species of insanity alien to their nature. They burst into
+insurrection, because insurrection suited their habits, and because they
+hated all government and all order.[362] But, so far from caring for a
+monarch, the very institution of monarchy was repulsive to them. It was
+contrary to that spirit of clanship to which they were devoted; and, from
+their earliest childhood, they were accustomed to respect none but their
+chiefs, to whom they paid a willing obedience, and whom they considered
+far superior to all the potentates of the earth.[363] No one, indeed, who
+is really acquainted with their history, will think them capable of
+having spilt their blood on behalf of any sovereign, be he whom he might;
+still less can we believe that they would quit their native land, and
+undertake long and hazardous marches, with the object of restoring that
+corrupt and tyrannical dynasty, whose offences smelt to heaven, and whose
+cruelties had, at length, kindled the anger even of humble and
+meek-minded men.
+
+  [362] 'Whoever desired, with the sword, to disturb or overturn a fixed
+        government, was sure of the aid of the chiefs, because a settled
+        government was ruinous to their power, and almost inimical to
+        their existence. The more it cultivated the arts of peace, and
+        throve on industrially created well-being, the more did it drive
+        into an antagonist position a people who did not change their
+        nature, who made no industrial progress, and who lived by the
+        swords which acquired for them the fruits of other men's industry.
+        With their interests, a peaceful, strong government was as
+        inconsistent as a well-guarded sheepfold with the interest of
+        wolves.' _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 105, 106.
+        'The Highlanders, in all reigns, have been remarkable for
+        disturbing the established government of Scotland by taking up
+        arms on every invasion for the invaders.' _Marchant's History of
+        the present Rebellion_, London, 1746, p. 18. See also _Macky's
+        Journey through Scotland_, London, 1732, p. 129; and a short, but
+        very curious, account of the Highlanders, in 1744, in _The
+        Miscellany of the Spalding Club_, vol. ii. pp. 87-89.
+
+  [363] An observer, who had excellent opportunities of studying their
+        character between the rebellion of 1715 and that of 1745, writes,
+        'The ordinary Highlanders esteem it the most sublime degree of
+        virtue to love their chief, and pay him a blind obedience,
+        although it be in opposition to the government, the laws of the
+        kingdom, or even to the law of God. He is their idol; and as _they
+        profess to know no king but him_ (I was going farther), so will
+        they say, they ought to do whatever he commands, without inquiry.'
+        _Letters from a Gentleman in the North of Scotland_, edit. London,
+        1815, vol. ii. pp. 83, 84. 'The Highlanders in Scotland are, of
+        all men in the world, the soonest wrought upon to follow their
+        leaders or chiefs into the field, having a wonderful veneration
+        for their Lords and Chieftains, as they are called there: _Nor do
+        these people ever consider the validity of the engaging cause_,
+        but blindly follow their chiefs into what mischief they please,
+        and that with the greatest precipitation imaginable.' _Patten's
+        History of the Rebellion_, London, 1717, p. 151. 'The power of the
+        chiefs over their clans was the true source of the two rebellions.
+        The clansmen cared no more about the legitimate race of the
+        Stuarts, than they did about the war of the Spanish succession.'
+        ... 'The Jacobite Highland chiefs ranged their followers on the
+        Jacobite side--the Hanoverians ranged theirs on the side of
+        government. Lovat's conduct was a sort of _experimentum crucis_;
+        he made his clan Hanoverian in one rebellion, and Jacobite in
+        another.' _Burton's Lives of Lovat and Forbes_, p. 150. Compare
+        the change of side of the Mackintoshes, in _Browne's History of
+        the Highlands_, vol. ii. p. 285. Even so late as the American war,
+        the sovereign was deemed subordinate to the chief. 'One Captain
+        Frazer from the northern district, brought down a hundred of his
+        clan, all of the name of Frazer. Few of them could understand a
+        word of English; and the only distinct idea they had of all the
+        mustering of forces which they saw around them, was that they were
+        going to fight for King Frazer and George ta Three.' _Penny's
+        Traditions of Perth_, pp. 49, 50, Perth, 1836.
+
+The simple fact is, that the outbreaks of 1715 and 1745 were, in our
+country, the last struggle of barbarism against civilization. On the one
+side, war and confusion. On the other side, peace and prosperity. These
+were the interests for which men really fought; and neither party cared
+for Stuarts or for Hanoverians. The result of such a contest in the
+eighteenth century, could hardly be doubtful. At the time, the
+rebellions caused great alarm, both from their suddenness, and from the
+strange and ferocious appearance of the Highland invaders.[364] But the
+knowledge we now possess, enables us to see, that, from the beginning,
+success was impossible. Though the government was extremely remiss, and,
+notwithstanding the information it received, allowed itself on both
+occasions to be taken by surprise, there was no real danger.[365] The
+English, not being particularly enamoured either with the Highlanders or
+with the Stuarts, refused to rise;[366] and it cannot be seriously
+supposed, that a few thousand half-naked banditti had it in their power
+to prescribe to the people of England what sovereign they should obey,
+and under what sort of government they should live.
+
+  [364] Which gave rise to a report that they were cannibals. 'The late
+        Mr. Halkston of Rathillet, who had been in this expedition' (the
+        Rebellion of 1745), 'told Mr. Young that the belief was general
+        among the people of England, that the Highlanders ate children.'
+        _Johnstone's Memoirs of the Rebellion_, 3rd edit. London, 1822,
+        p. 101. Such a rumour, notwithstanding its absurdity, was made
+        somewhat plausible by the revolting conduct of the Highlanders in
+        the first rebellion of 1715, when they committed, in the Lowlands,
+        horrible outrages on corpses which they dug up. See the
+        contemporary evidence, in _Correspondence of the Rev. Robert
+        Wodrow_, published by the Wodrow Society, vol. ii. pp. 86, 87, 93.
+        'They have even raised up some of my Lord Rothes's children and
+        mangled their dead bodies' ... 'till the stench put them away.' In
+        1745, they signalized their entrance into England in the following
+        manner. 'The rebels, during their stay in Carlisle, committed the
+        most shocking detestable villanies; for, not contented with
+        robbing families of their most valuable effects, they scrupled not
+        to act their brutal insolence on the persons of some young ladies,
+        even in the presence of their parents. A gentleman, in a letter to
+        his friend in London, writes thus: "That, after being in a manner
+        stripped of every thing, he had the misery to see three of his
+        daughters treated in such a manner that he could not relate it."'
+        _Marchant's History of the present Rebellion_, London, 1746,
+        pp. 181, 182.
+
+  [365] Even when they had penetrated to Derby, the best informed of their
+        own party despaired of success. See the Jacobitical account in
+        _The Lockhart Papers_, London, 4to, 1817, vol. ii. p. 458: 'The
+        next thing to be considered of, was what was now to be done; they
+        were now at Derby, with an army not half the number of what they
+        were reported to be, surrounded in a manner with regular troops
+        on all sides, and more than double their number. To go forward,
+        there was no encouragement, for their friends (if they had any)
+        had kept little or no correspondence with them from the time they
+        entered England.' The Chevalier de Johnstone, who took an active
+        part in the Rebellion, frankly says, 'If we had continued to
+        advance to London, and had encountered all the troops of England,
+        with the Hessians and Swiss in its pay, there was every
+        appearance of our being immediately exterminated, without the
+        chance of a single man escaping.' _Johnstone's Memoirs of the
+        Rebellion in 1745 and 1746_, p. 79.
+
+  [366] Lord George Murray, the commander-in-chief in 1745, was unwilling
+        to advance far south of Carlisle, 'without more encouragement from
+        the country than we had hitherto got.' See his own account, in
+        _The Jacobite Memoirs of the Rebellion of 1745_, edited by R.
+        Chambers, Edinburgh, 1834, p. 48. But his prudent advice was
+        overruled. The Highlanders pressed on; and that happened, which
+        any one, tolerably acquainted with England, might have foreseen.
+        Johnstone (_Memoirs of the Rebellion_, p. 70) says, 'In case of a
+        defeat in England, no one in our army could by any possibility
+        escape destruction, as the _English peasants were hostile towards
+        us in the highest degree_; and, besides, the army of Marshal Wade
+        was in our rear, to cut us off from all communication with
+        Scotland.' And at p. 81, 'In every place we passed through, we
+        found the English very ill disposed towards us, except at
+        Manchester, where there appeared some remains of attachment to the
+        house of Stuart.' The champion of arbitrary power would find a
+        different reception now, in that magnificent specimen of English
+        prosperity, and of true, open-mouthed, English fearlessness. But a
+        century ago, the men of Manchester were poor and ignorant; and the
+        statement of Johnstone respecting them is confirmed by Home, who
+        says, 'At Manchester, several gentlemen, and about 200 or 300 of
+        the common people, joined the rebel army; _these were the only
+        Englishmen (a few individuals excepted) who joined Charles in his
+        march through the country of England_.' _Home's History of the
+        Rebellion in 1745_, London, 1802, 4to, p. 145. In 1715, the
+        English equally held back, except at Manchester. See _Patten's
+        History of the late Rebellion_, London, 1717, pp. 89, 108.
+
+After 1745, there was no further interruption. The interests of
+civilization, that is, the interests of knowledge, of liberty, and of
+wealth, gradually assumed the upper hand, and reduced men like the
+Highlanders to utter insignificance. Roads were cut through their
+country; and, for the first time, travellers from the south began to
+mingle with them in their hitherto inaccessible wilds.[367] In those
+parts, the movement was, indeed, very slow; but, in the Lowlands, it was
+much more rapid. For, the traders and inhabitants of towns were now
+becoming prominent, and their authority helped to neutralize the old
+warlike and anarchical habits. Towards the end of the seventeenth
+century, a taste for commercial speculation sprung up, and a large amount
+of the energy of Scotland was turned into this new channel.[368] Early in
+the eighteenth century, the same tendency was displayed in literature;
+and works on mercantile and economical subjects became common.[369] A
+change in manners was also perceptible. About this period, the Scotch
+began to lose something of that rugged ferocity which had distinguished
+them of old. This improvement was evinced in several ways; one of the
+most remarkable being an alteration, which was first observed in 1710,
+when it was noticed that men were leaving off armour, which had hitherto
+been worn by every one who could afford it, as a useful precaution in a
+barbarous, and therefore a warlike society.[370]
+
+  [367] The establishment of roads caused great displeasure. Pennant, who
+        visited Scotland in 1769, says, 'These publick works were at first
+        very disagreeable to the old chieftains, and lessened their
+        influence greatly: for by admitting strangers among them, their
+        clans were taught that the Lairds were not the first of men.'
+        _Pennant's Tour in Scotland_, 4th edit. Dublin, 1775, vol. i.
+        p. 204. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, this feeling
+        began to die away. 'Till of late, the people of Kintail, as well
+        as other Highlands, had a strong aversion to roads. The more
+        inaccessible, the more secure, was their maxim.' _Sinclair's
+        Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. vi. p. 244, Edinburgh,
+        1793.
+
+  [368] 'Soon after the establishment of the revolution settlement, the
+        ardent feelings of the Scottish people were turned out of their
+        old channels of religious controversy and war in the direction of
+        commercial enterprise.' _Burton's Criminal Trials in Scotland_,
+        vol. i. p. 104. Compare _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol.
+        iv. pp. 286, 287, 418; and the note (at p. 419): 'The lords and
+        commons of Scotland were then desirous of getting into trade.'
+        This is under the year 1699. In 1698, Fletcher of Saltoun writes:
+        'by no contrivance of any man, but by an unforeseen and unexpected
+        change of the genius of this nation, all their thoughts and
+        inclinations, as if united and directed by a higher power, seemed
+        to be turned upon trade, and to conspire together for its
+        advancement.' _First Discourse on the Affairs of Scotland_, in
+        _Fletcher of Saltoun's Political Works_, Glasgow, 1749, p. 57. At
+        this, the clergy were uneasy. In 1709, the Reverend Robert Wodrow
+        expresses an opinion, in one of his letters, that 'the sin of our
+        too great fondness for trade, to the neglecting of our more
+        valuable interests, I humbly think will be written upon our
+        judgment.' _Wodrow's Correspondence_, Edinburgh, 1842, 8vo, vol.
+        i. p. 67. In the same year, some ships being taken by the French,
+        part of the loss fell upon Glasgow. Thereupon, Wodrow writes:
+        'It's said that in all there is about eighty thousand pound
+        sterling lost there, whereof Glasgow has lost ten thousand pound.
+        I wish trading persons may see the language of such a Providence.
+        I am sure the Lord is remarkably frouning upon our trade, in more
+        respects than one, since it was put in the room of religion, in
+        the late alteration of our constitution.' _Wodrow's Analecta_,
+        vol. i. p. 218, 4to, published by the Maitland Club.
+
+  [369] Laing (_History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 296), under the year
+        1703, says: 'Ever since the projected settlement at Darien, the
+        genius of the nation had acquired a new direction; and as the
+        press is the true criterion of the spirit of the times, the
+        numerous productions on political and commercial subjects, with
+        which it daily teemed, had supplanted the religious disputes of
+        the former age.' Unfortunately for Scotland, they were by no means
+        supplanted. Still, the movement was great, and not to be mistaken.
+
+  [370] 'It was only in 1710, that they began to throw off their armour,
+        and allow the soldier to merge into the quiet and industrious
+        craftsman.' _Penny's Traditions of Perth_, p. 335, Perth, 1836.
+        This particularly applies to the citizens of Perth.
+
+To trace the general progress in its various parts, or even to indicate
+the immediate consequences, would require a separate volume. One of the
+results is, however, too conspicuous to be passed over in silence, though
+it does not deserve all the importance that has been attached to it. This
+is, the abolition of hereditary jurisdictions, which, after all, was but
+a symptom of the great movement, and not a cause of it; being itself due,
+partly to the growth of the industrial spirit, and partly to that
+diminution of the power of the aristocracy, which had been visible as
+early as the beginning of the seventeenth century. During many ages,
+certain persons of noble birth had enjoyed the privilege of trying
+offences, and even of inflicting capital punishment, simply because their
+ancestors had done so before them; the judicial power being, in fact,
+part of their patrimony, and descending to them like the rest of their
+property.[371] An institution of this sort, which made a man a judge,
+not because he was apt for the office, but because he was born under
+particular circumstances, was a folly which the revolutionary temper of
+the eighteenth century was not likely to spare. The innovating spirit for
+which that age was remarkable, could hardly fail to attack so
+preposterous a custom; and its extinction was facilitated, both by the
+decline of the nobles who possessed the privilege, and by the rise of
+their natural opponents, the trading and commercial classes. The decay of
+the Scotch nobility, in the eighteenth century, may be traced to two
+special causes, in addition to those general causes, which were weakening
+the aristocracy nearly all over Europe. With the general causes, which
+were common to England and to most parts of the Continent, we are not now
+concerned. It is enough to say, that they were entirely dependent on that
+advance of knowledge, which, by increasing the authority of the
+intellectual class, undermines, and must eventually overthrow, mere
+hereditary and accidental distinctions. But those causes which were
+confined to Scotland, had a more political character, and though they
+were purely local, they harmonized with the whole train of events, and
+ought to be noticed, as links of a vast chain, which connects the present
+state of that singular country with its past history.
+
+  [371] On these 'hereditary or proprietary jurisdictions,' which conferred
+        the right, or, I would rather say, the power, of putting people to
+        death, see _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 425, vol.
+        ii. p. 402. The technical term for so monstrous a privilege, was
+        the right 'of pit and gallows.' _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
+        Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 94; and _Mackenzie's Laws and Customs of
+        Scotland in Matters Criminal_, pp. 70, 100, 187, 210. This meant,
+        that men were to be hung, and women to be drowned. See also
+        _Arnot's History of Edinburgh_, p. 224; _Fountainhall's Notes of
+        Scottish Affairs_, p. 139; _Hume's History of the House of
+        Douglas_, vol. i. p. 346; _Lettice's Scotland_, p. 271;
+        _Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. i. p. 417, vol. iv. p. 478, vol. vi.
+        pp. 195, 258, vol. viii. pp. 129, 348, vol. xiii. p. 563,
+        vol. xiv. p. 34, vol. xvii. pp. 442, 600, vol. xviii. p. 473.
+
+The first cause was the union of Scotland with England, in 1707, which
+struck a heavy blow at the Scotch aristocracy. By it, the legislature of
+the smaller country was absorbed in that of the larger, and the
+hereditary legislators suddenly sunk into insignificance. In the Scotch
+parliament, there were a hundred and forty-five peers, all of whom,
+except sixteen, were, by the Act of Union, deprived of the power of
+making laws.[372] These sixteen were sent off to London, and took their
+seats in the House of Lords, of which they formed a small and miserable
+fraction. On every subject, however important to their own country, they
+were easily outvoted; their manners, their gesticulations, and
+particularly their comical mode of pronouncing English, were openly
+ridiculed;[373] and the chiefs of this old and powerful aristocracy found
+themselves, to their utter amazement, looked on as men of no account, and
+they were often obliged to fawn and cringe at the levee of the minister,
+in order to procure a place for some needy dependent. Their friends and
+relations applied to them for offices, and generally applied in vain.
+Indeed, the Scotch nobles, being very poor, wanted for themselves more
+than the English government was inclined to give, and, in the eagerness
+of their clamour, they lost both dignity and reputation.[374] They were
+exposed to mortifying rebuffs, and their true position being soon known,
+weakened their influence at home, among a people already prepared to
+throw off their authority. To this, however, they were comparatively
+indifferent, as they looked for future fortune, not to Scotland, but to
+England. London became the centre of their intrigues and their
+hopes.[375] Those who had no seat in the House of Lords, longed to have
+one, and it was notorious, that the darling object of nearly every Scotch
+noble was to be made an English peer.[376] The scene of their ambition
+being shifted, they were gradually weaned from their old associations.
+Directly this was apparent, the foundation of their power was gone. From
+that moment, their real nationality vanished. It became evident that
+their patriotism was but a selfish passion. They ceased to love a country
+which could give them nothing, and, as a natural consequence, their
+country ceased to love them.
+
+  [372] Laing (_History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 345) says, that in 1706,
+        'the commons in the Scottish parliament were 160; the peers 145.'
+        Of these peers, the Treaty of Union declared that 'sixteen shall
+        be the number to sit and vote in the House of Lords.' _De Foe's
+        History of the Union between England and Scotland_, London, 1786,
+        4to, pp. 205, 538. The English House of Lords consisted of 179
+        members. See _The Lockhart Papers_, London, 1817, 4to, vol. i. pp.
+        343, 547. It was impossible to mistake the result of this sweeping
+        measure, by which, as was said at the time, 'Scotland was to
+        retrench her nobility.' _De Foe's History of the Union_, p. 495.
+        Compare p. 471: 'The nobility being thereby, as it were, degraded
+        of their characters.' In 1710, a Scotchman writes in his journal:
+        'It was one of the melancholyest sights to any that have any sense
+        of our antient Nobility, to see them going throu for votes, and
+        making partys, and giving their votes to others who once had their
+        oun vote; and I suspect many of them reu the bargain they made, in
+        giving their oun pouer away.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. p. 308.
+
+  [373] The Scotch, consequently, became so eager to do away with this
+        source of mirth, that even as late as the year 1761, when the
+        notorious lecturer, Sheridan, visited Edinburgh, 'such was the
+        rage for speaking with an English accent, that more than three
+        hundred gentlemen, among whom were the most eminent in the country
+        for rank and learning, attended him.' _Ritchie's Life of Hume_,
+        London, 1807, p. 94. It was, however, during about twenty years
+        immediately after the Union, that the Scotch members of
+        Parliament, both Lords and Commons, were most jeered at in London,
+        and were treated with marked disrespect, socially and politically.
+        Not only were they mocked and lampooned, but they were also made
+        tools of. In September 1711, Wodrow writes (_Analecta_, vol. i. p.
+        348, 4to, 1842): 'In the beginning of this (month), I hear a
+        generall dissatisfaction our Nobility, that wer at last
+        Parliament, have at their treatment at London. They complean they
+        are only made use of as tools among the English, and cast by when
+        their party designes are over.' The next year (1712), the Scotch
+        members of the House of Commons met together, and expressed their
+        'high resentment of the uncivil, haughty treatment they mett with
+        from the English.' _The Lockhart Papers_, London, 1817, 4to, vol.
+        i. p. 417. See, further, _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. ii.
+        p. 27. 'Without descending to rudeness, the polished
+        contemporaries of Wharton and St. John could madden the sensitive
+        and haughty Scots by light shafts of raillery, about their
+        pronunciation or knowledge of parliamentary etiquette.' Some
+        curious observations upon the way in which the Scotch pronounced
+        English, late in the seventeenth century, will be found in
+        _Morer's Short Account of Scotland_, London, 1702, pp. 13, 14. The
+        author of this book was chaplain to a Scotch regiment.
+
+  [374] Among many illustrations with which contemporary memoirs abound,
+        the following is by no means the worst. Burnet, as a Scotchman,
+        thinks proper to say that those of his countrymen who were sent to
+        parliament, 'were persons of such distinction, that they very well
+        deserved' the respect and esteem with which they were treated. To
+        which, Lord Dartmouth adds: 'and were very importunate to have
+        their deserts rewarded. A Scotch earl pressed Lord Godolphin
+        extremely for a place. He said there was none vacant. The other
+        said, his lordship could soon make one so, if he pleased. Lord
+        Godolphin asked him, if he expected to have any body killed to
+        make room? He said, No; but Lord Dartmouth commonly voted against
+        the court, and every body wondered that he had not been turned out
+        before now. Lord Godolphin told him, he hoped his lordship did not
+        expect that he should be the person to propose it; and advised him
+        never to mention it any more, for fear the queen should come to
+        hear of it; for if she did, his lordship would run great risk
+        never to have a place as long as she lived. But he could not
+        forbear telling every where, how ill the lord treasurer had used
+        him.' _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. v. p. 349, Oxford,
+        1823. Compare the account, in 1710, in _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol.
+        i. p. 293. 'Argyle is both picked (_i.e._ piqued) at Marlburrou,
+        and his brother Yla, for refusing him a regiment; and Godolphin
+        should have said to the queen that my Lord Yla was not to be
+        trusted with a regiment! The Earl of Marr was one of the greatest
+        cronnies Godolphine had, till the matter of his pension, after the
+        Secretary office was taken from him, came about. Godolphine caused
+        draw it during pleasure; Marr expected it during life, which the
+        Treasurer would not yield to, and therefore they brake.' The
+        history of the time is full of these wretched squabbles, which
+        show what the Scotch nobles were made of. Indeed, their rapacity
+        was so shameless, that, in 1711, several of them refused to
+        perform their legislative duties in London, unless they received
+        some offices which they expected. 'About the midle of this moneth,
+        I hear ther was a meeting of severall of our Scots Peers, at the
+        Viscount of Kilsyth's, where they concerted not to goe up to this
+        parliament till peremptorly writ for; and (also) some assurance be
+        given of the places they were made to hope for last session and
+        have missed.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. p. 365. In 1712, the
+        same Scotchman writes (_Analecta_, vol. ii. p. 8): 'Our Scots
+        Peers' secession from the House of Peers makes much noise; but
+        they doe not hold by it. They sometimes come and sometimes goe,
+        and _they render themselves base in the eyes of the English_.' See
+        also a letter 'concerning the Scots Peerage,' in _Somers' Tracts_,
+        vol. xii. p. 607, edit. Scott, London, 1814, 4to.
+
+  [375] A Scotch writer, twenty years after the Union, says: 'Most of our
+        gentlemen and people of quality, who have the best estates in our
+        country, live for the most part at London.' _Reasons for improving
+        the Fisheries and Linen Manufacture of Scotland_, London, 1727, p.
+        22. I do not know who wrote this curious little treatise; but the
+        author was evidently a native of Scotland. See p. 25. I have,
+        however, still earlier evidence to adduce. A letter from Wodrow,
+        dated 9th of August 1725, complains of 'the general sending our
+        youth of quality to England:' and a letter to him, in 1716,
+        describes the Anglicizing process going on among the Scotch
+        aristocracy, only nine years after the Union. 'Most of our Lords
+        and others here do so much depend on the English for their posts,
+        and _seeking somewhat or other_, that their mouths are almost
+        quite stopped; and really _most of them go into the English way in
+        all things_.' _Wodrow's Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 196, vol.
+        iii. p. 224. The Earl of Mar lost popularity in Scotland, on
+        account of the court he paid to Lord Godolphin; for, he 'appears
+        to have passed much more time in intrigues in London than among
+        the gardens of Alloa.' _Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites_, vol.
+        i. p. 36. Even Earl Ilay, in his anxiety to advance himself at the
+        English court, 'used to regret his being a Scots peer, and to wish
+        earnestly he was a commoner.' _Letters of Lord Grange_, in _The
+        Miscellany of the Spalding Club_, vol. iii. p. 39, Aberdeen, 4to,
+        1846.
+
+  [376] Indeed, their expectation ran so high, as to induce a hope, not
+        only that those Commissioners of the Union who were Scotch peers
+        should be made English ones, but that 'the whole nobility of
+        Scotland might in time be admitted.' _Laing's History of
+        Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 346. Compare _The Lockhart Papers_, vol. i.
+        pp. 298, 343: 'the Scots Peerage, many of whom had been bubled
+        with the hopes of being themselves created British Peers.' Also
+        _The Gordon Letters_, in _The Miscellany of the Spalding Club_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 227, 228.
+
+Thus it was that this great tie was severed. In this, as in all similar
+movements, there were, of course, exceptions. Some of the nobles were
+disinterested, and some of their dependents were faithful. But, looking
+at the Lowlands as a whole, there can be no doubt that, before the middle
+of the eighteenth century, that bond of affection was gone, which, in
+former times, made tens of thousands of Scotchmen ready to follow their
+superiors in any cause, and to sacrifice their lives at a nod. That
+spirit, which was once deemed ardent and generous, but which a deeper
+analysis shows to be mean and servile, was now almost extinct, except
+among the barbarous Highlanders, whose ignorance of affairs long
+prevented them from being influenced by the stream of events. That the
+proximate cause of this change was the Union, will probably be denied by
+no one who has minutely studied the history of the period. And that the
+change was beneficial, can only be questioned by those sentimental
+dreamers, with whom life is a matter rather of feeling than of judgment,
+and who, despising real and tangible interests, reproach their own age
+with its material prosperity, and with its love of luxury, as if they
+were the result of low and sordid desires unknown to the loftier temper
+of bygone days. To visionaries of this sort, it may well appear that the
+barbarous and ignorant noble, surrounded by a host of devoted retainers,
+and living with rude simplicity in his own dull and wretched castle,
+forms a beautiful picture of those unmercenary and uncalculating times,
+when men, instead of seeking for knowledge, or for wealth, or for
+comfort, were content with the frugal innocence of their fathers, and
+when, protection being accorded by one class, and gratitude felt by the
+other, the subordination of society was maintained, and its different
+parts were knit together by sympathy, and by the force of common
+emotions, instead of, as now, by the coarse maxims of a vulgar and
+selfish utility.
+
+Those, however, whose knowledge gives them some acquaintance with the
+real course of human affairs, will see that in Scotland, as in all
+civilized countries, the decline of aristocratic power forms an essential
+part of the general progress. It must, therefore, be esteemed a fortunate
+circumstance, that, among the Scotch, where that power had long been
+enormous, it was weakened in the eighteenth century, not only by general
+causes, which were operating elsewhere, but also by two smaller and more
+special causes. The first of these minor causes was, as we have just
+seen, the Union with England. The other cause was, comparatively
+speaking, insignificant, but still it produced decided effect,
+particularly in the northern districts. It consisted in the fact, that
+some of the oldest Highland nobles were concerned in the rebellion of
+1745, and that, when that rebellion was put down, those who escaped from
+the sword were glad to save their lives by flying abroad, leaving their
+dependents to shift for themselves.[377] They became attached to the
+court of the Pretender, or, at all events, intrigued for him. That,
+indeed, was their only chance, their estates at home being forfeited. For
+nearly forty years, several great families were in exile, and although,
+about 1784, they began to return,[378] other associations had been formed
+during their absence, and new ideas had arisen, both in their own minds,
+and in the minds of their retainers. A fresh generation had grown up, and
+fresh influences had been brought to bear. Strangers, with whom the
+people had no sympathy, had intruded upon the estates of the nobles, and
+though they might receive obedience, it was an obedience unaccompanied by
+deference. The real reverence was gone; the homage of the heart was no
+more. And as this state of things lasted for about forty years, it
+interrupted the whole train of thought; and the former habits were so
+completely broken, that, even when the chiefs were restored to their
+forfeited honours, they found that there was another part of their
+inheritance which they were unable to recover, and that they had lost for
+ever that unreserved submission, which, in times of yore, had been
+willingly paid to their fathers.[379]
+
+  [377] The Chevalier de Johnstone, in his plaintive remarks on the battle
+        of Culloden, says: 'The ruin of many of the most illustrious
+        families in Scotland immediately followed our defeat.'
+        _Johnstone's Memoirs of the Rebellion in 1745_, p. 211. He, of
+        course, could not perceive that, sad as such ruin was to the
+        individual sufferers, it was an immense benefit to the nation. Mr.
+        Skene, referring to the year 1748, says of the Highlanders: 'their
+        long-cherished ideas of clanship gradually gave way under the
+        absence and ruin of so many of their chiefs.' _Skene's
+        Highlanders_, vol. i. p. 147.
+
+  [378] 'About 1784, the exiled families began to return.' _Penny's
+        Traditions of Perth_, p. 41. See also _Macpherson's Annals of
+        Commerce_, vol. iv. p. 53. In 1784, 'a bill passed the Commons
+        without opposition,' to restore the 'Forfeited Estates' in the
+        north of Scotland. See _Parliamentary History_, vol. xxiv. pp.
+        1316-1322. On that occasion, Fox said (p. 1321) the proprietors
+        'had been sufficiently punished by forty years' deprivation of
+        their fortunes for the faults of their ancestors.'
+
+  [379] Dean Ramsay, in his _Reminiscences_ (5th edit. Edinburgh, 1859,
+        p. 57), notices that, owing to 'transfers of property and
+        extinction of old families in the Highlands, as well as from more
+        general causes,' the old clannish affection 'is passing away.' But
+        this intelligent observer has not indicated the connexion between
+        so important a fact and the Rebellion of 1745. In 1792, Heron
+        writes: 'The prejudices of clanship have almost died away.' ...
+        'The dependents of the family of Kenmure are still attached to its
+        representative with much of that affection and respect with which
+        the tribes of the Highlands have _till lately_ been accustomed to
+        adhere to their lord.' _Heron's Journey through the Western
+        Counties of Scotland_, 2nd edit. Perth, 1799, vol. i. p. 248,
+        vol. ii. p. 154. See also the remarks made, in the same year, in
+        _Lettice's Letters on a Tour through various parts of Scotland_,
+        London, 1794, p. 340. To trace the movement back still further,
+        Pennant writes, in 1769: 'But in many parts of the Highlands,
+        their character begins to be more faintly marked; they mix more
+        with the world; and _become daily less attached to their chiefs_.'
+        ... 'During the feudal reign, their love for their chieftain
+        induced them to bear many things, at _present intolerable_.' These
+        two important passages are in the 4th edition of _Pennant's Tour
+        in Scotland_, vol. i. p. 194, vol. ii. p. 307, Dublin, 1775. They
+        prove that, twenty-four years after the Rebellion of 1745, the
+        decay of affection was so manifest, as to strike a candid and
+        careful, but by no means philosophic, observer. For Pennant to
+        have discerned these changes, they must already have risen to the
+        surface. Other and corroborative evidence will be found in
+        _Sinclair's Account of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 545, Edinburgh,
+        1792; and vol. iii. pp. 377, 437, vol. xiii. p. 310, vol. xv.
+        p. 592, vol. xx. p. 33.
+
+Owing to these circumstances, the course of affairs in Scotland, during
+the eighteenth century, and especially during the first half of it, was
+marked by a more rapid decline of the influence of the higher ranks than
+was seen in any other country. It was, therefore, an easy task for the
+English government to procure a law, which, by abolishing hereditary
+jurisdictions, deprived the Scotch aristocracy, in 1748, of the last
+great ensign of their power.[380] The law, being suited to the spirit of
+the times, worked well; and in the Highlands, in particular, it was one
+immediate cause of the establishment of something like the order of a
+settled state.[381] But in this instance, as in every other, the real
+and overruling cause is to be found in the condition of the surrounding
+society. A few generations earlier, hardly any one would have thought of
+abolishing these mischievous jurisdictions, which were then deemed
+beneficial, and were respected, as belonging to the great families by
+natural and inalienable right. Such an opinion was the inevitable result
+of the state of things then existing. This being the case, it is certain
+that, if the legislature had, at that time, been so rash as to lay its
+hand on what the nation respected, popular sympathy would have been
+aroused, and the nobles would have been strengthened by what was intended
+to weaken them.[382] In 1748, however, matters were very different.
+Public opinion had changed; and this change of opinion was not only the
+cause of the new law, but was the reason of the new law being effective.
+And so it always is. They, indeed, whose knowledge is almost confined to
+what they see passing around them, and who, on account of their
+ignorance, are termed practical men, may talk as they will about the
+reforms which government has introduced, and the improvement to be
+expected from legislation. But whoever will take a wider and more
+commanding view of affairs, will soon discover that such hopes are
+chimerical. They will learn that lawgivers are nearly always the
+obstructors of society, instead of its helpers; and that, in the
+extremely few cases in which their measures have turned out well, their
+success has been owing to the fact, that, contrary to their usual custom,
+they have implicitly obeyed the spirit of their time, and have been, as
+they always should be, the mere servants of the people, to whose wishes
+they are bound to give a public and legal sanction.
+
+  [380] _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 535-537. _Struthers'
+        History of Scotland_, Glasgow, 1828, vol. ii. pp. 519-525.
+
+  [381] Macpherson (_Annals of Commerce_, vol. iii. p. 259) says, 'This
+        excellent statute may not unfitly be termed a new magna charta to
+        the free people of Scotland.'
+
+  [382] I cannot, therefore, agree with Macpherson, who asserts, in his
+        valuable work, that the abolition of these jurisdictions 'should
+        undoubtedly have been made an essential preliminary of the
+        consolidating union of the two kingdoms of England and Scotland,
+        concluded forty years before.' _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_,
+        vol. iii. p. 257. Compare _De Foe's History of the Union between
+        England and Scotland_, pp. 458, 459, London, 1786, 4to.
+
+Another striking peculiarity of Scotland, during the remarkable period
+we are now considering, was the sudden rise of trading and manufacturing
+interests. This preceded, by a whole generation, the celebrated statute
+of 1748, and was one of the causes of it, in so far as it weakened the
+great families, against whom that statute was directed. The movement may
+be traced back, as I have already noticed, to the end of the seventeenth
+century, and it was in active operation before the first twenty years of
+the eighteenth century had passed away. A mercantile and money-making
+spirit was diffused to an extent formerly unknown, and men becoming
+valued for their wealth as well as for their birth, a new standard of
+excellence was introduced, and new actors appeared on the scene.
+Heretofore, persons were respected solely for their parentage; now they
+were also respected for their riches. The old aristocracy, made uneasy by
+the change, did every thing they could to thwart and discourage these
+young and dangerous rivals.[383] Nor can we wonder at their feeling
+somewhat sore. The tendency which was exhibited, was, indeed, fatal to
+their pretensions. Instead of asking who was a man's father, the question
+became, how much he had got. And certainly, if either question is to be
+put, the latter is the more rational. Wealth is a real and substantial
+thing, which ministers to our pleasures, increases our comfort,
+multiplies our resources, and not unfrequently alleviates our pains. But
+birth is a dream and a shadow, which, so far from benefiting either body
+or mind, only puffs up its possessor with an imaginary excellence, and
+teaches him to despise those whom nature has made his superiors, and who,
+whether engaged in adding to our knowledge or to our wealth, are, in
+either case, ameliorating the condition of society, and rendering to it
+true and valuable service.
+
+  [383] In 1740, 'the rising manufacturing and trading interests of the
+        country' were 'looked down upon and discouraged by the feudal
+        aristocracy.' _Burton's Lives of Lovat and Forbes_, p. 361.
+
+This antagonism between the aristocratic and trading spirit, lies in the
+nature of things, and is essential, however it may be disguised at
+particular periods. Therefore it is, that the history of trade has a
+philosophic importance in reference to the progress of society, quite
+independent of practical considerations. On this account I have called
+the attention of the reader to what otherwise would be foreign to the
+objects of the present Introduction; and I will now trace, as briefly as
+possible, the beginning of that great industrial movement, to the
+extension of which the overthrow of the Scotch aristocracy is to be
+partly ascribed.
+
+The Union with England, which was completed in 1707, produced immediate
+and striking effects on trade. Its first effect was, to throw open to the
+Scotch a new and extensive commerce with the English colonies in America.
+Before the Union, no goods of any kind could be landed in Scotland from
+the American plantations, unless they had first been landed in England,
+and paid duty there; nor even, in that case, might they be conveyed by
+any Scotch vessel.[384] This was one of many foolish regulations by which
+our legislators interfered with the natural course of affairs, and
+injured the interests of their own country, as well as those of their
+neighbours. Formerly, however, such laws were considered to be extremely
+sagacious, and politicians were constantly contriving protective schemes
+of this sort, which, with the best intentions, inflicted incalculable
+harm. But if, as seems probable, one of their objects, in this instance,
+was to retard the improvement of Scotland, they were more than usually
+successful in effecting the purpose at which they aimed. For, the whole
+of the western coast, being cut off from direct intercourse with the
+American colonies, was debarred from the only foreign trade it could
+advantageously follow; since the European ports lay to the east, and
+could not be reached by the inhabitants of Western Scotland without a
+long circumnavigation, which prevented them from competing, on equal
+terms, with their countrymen, who, sailing from the other side, were
+already near the chief seats of commerce. The consequence was, that
+Glasgow and the other western ports remained almost stationary; having
+comparatively few means of gratifying that enterprising spirit, which
+rose among them late in the seventeenth century, and not daring to trade
+with those prosperous colonies which were just before them across the
+Atlantic, but from which they were entirely excluded by the jealous
+precautions of the English parliament.[385]
+
+  [384] 'Whereas Scotland had, before this, prohibited all the English
+        woollen manufactures, under severe penalties, and England, on the
+        other hand, had excluded the Scots from trading with Scots ships
+        to their colonies in America, directly from Scotland, and had
+        confiscated even their own English ships trading to the said
+        colonies from England, if navigated or manned with above one-third
+        Scots seamen,' &c. _De Foe's History of the Union_, p. 603. In
+        1696, the wise men in our English Parliament passed a law, 'that
+        on no pretence whatever any kind of goods from the English
+        American plantations should hereafter be put on shore, either in
+        the kingdoms of Ireland or Scotland, without being first landed in
+        England, and having also paid the duties there, under forfeiture
+        of ship and cargo.' _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. ii.
+        p. 684. Certainly, the more a man knows of the history of
+        legislation, the more he will wonder that nations should have been
+        able to advance in the face of the formidable impediments which
+        legislators have thrown in their way.
+
+  [385] 'A spirit for commerce appears to have been raised among the
+        inhabitants of Glasgow between the periods of 1660 and 1707, when
+        the union with England took place.' ... But, 'whatever their trade
+        was, at this time, it could not be considerable; the ports to
+        which they were obliged to trade, lay all to the eastward; the
+        circumnavigation of the island would, therefore, prove an almost
+        insurmountable bar to the commerce of Glasgow; the people upon the
+        east coast, from their situation, would be in possession of almost
+        the whole commerce of Scotland.' _Gibson's History of Glasgow_,
+        p. 205, Glasgow, 1777.
+
+When, however, by the Act of Union, the two countries became one, these
+precautions were discontinued, and Scotland was allowed to hold direct
+intercourse with America and the West India Islands. The result which
+this produced on the national industry, was almost instantaneous, because
+it gave vent to a spirit which had begun to appear among the people late
+in the seventeenth century, and because it was aided by those still more
+general causes, which, in most parts of Europe, predisposed that age to
+increased industry. The west of Scotland, being nearest to America, was
+the first to feel the movement. In 1707, the inhabitants of Greenock,
+without the interference of government, imposed on themselves a voluntary
+assessment, with the object of constructing a harbour. In this
+undertaking, they displayed so much zeal, that, by the year 1710, the
+whole of the works were completed; a pier and capacious harbour were
+erected, and Greenock was suddenly raised from insignificance to take an
+important part in the trade of the Atlantic.[386] For a while, the
+merchants were content to carry on their traffic with ships hired from
+the English. Soon, however, they became bolder; they began to build on
+their own account; and, in 1719, the first vessel belonging to Greenock
+sailed for America.[387] From that moment, their commerce increased so
+rapidly, that, by the year 1740, the tax which the citizens had laid on
+themselves sufficed, not only to wipe off the debt which had been
+incurred, but also to leave a considerable surplus available for
+municipal purposes.[388] At the same time, and by the action of the same
+causes, Glasgow emerged from obscurity. In 1718, its enterprising
+inhabitants launched in the Clyde the first Scotch vessel which ever
+crossed the Atlantic; thus anticipating the people of Greenock by one
+year.[389] Glasgow and Greenock became the two great commercial outlets
+of Scotland, and the chief centres of activity.[390] Comforts, and,
+indeed, luxuries, hitherto only attainable at enormous cost, began to be
+diffused through the country. The productions of the tropics could now be
+procured direct from the New World, which, in return, offered a rich and
+abundant market for manufactured goods. This was a further stimulus to
+Scotch industry, and its effects were immediately apparent. The
+inhabitants of Glasgow, finding a great demand among the Americans for
+linen, introduced its manufacture into their city in 1725, whence it
+extended to other places, and, in a short time, gave employment to
+thousands of workmen.[391] It is also from the year 1725, that Paisley
+dates its rise. So late as the beginning of the eighteenth century, this
+rich and prosperous city was still a straggling village, containing only
+a single street.[392] But, after the Union, its poor, and hitherto idle,
+inhabitants began to be moved by the activity which they saw on every
+side. Gradually, their views expanded; and the introduction among them,
+in 1725, of the manufacture of thread, was the first step in that great
+career in which they never stopped, until they had raised Paisley to be a
+vast emporium of industry, and a successful promoter of every art by
+which industry is nurtured.[393]
+
+  [386] 'The importance of the measure induced the inhabitants of Greenock
+        to make a contract with the superior, by which they agreed to an
+        assessment of 1_s._ 4_d._ sterling on every sack of malt, brewed
+        into ale, within the limits of the town; the money so levied to be
+        applied in liquidating the expence of forming a proper harbour at
+        Greenock. The work was begun at the epoch of the Union, in 1707;
+        and a capacious harbour, containing upwards of ten Scottish acres,
+        was formed by building an extensive circular pier, with a straight
+        pier, or tongue, in the middle, by which the harbour was divided
+        into two parts. This formidable work, the greatest of the kind, at
+        that time, in Scotland, incurred an expence of more than 100,000
+        marks Scots.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii. p. 807, London,
+        1824, 4to. _In M'Culloch's Geographical and Statistical
+        Dictionary_, London, 1849, vol. i. p. 930, it is stated, that 'the
+        inhabitants took the matter (1707) into their own hands, and
+        agreed with their superior to assess themselves at a certain rate,
+        to build a proper pier and harbour. The work was finished in 1710,
+        at an expence of 5,555_l._'
+
+  [387] 'The trade of Greenock has kept pace with the improvements made on
+        its harbour. The union of the kingdoms (1707) opened the colonies
+        to the enterprising inhabitants of this town, and generally of the
+        west of Scotland; but it was not till 1719 that the first vessel
+        belonging to Greenock crossed the Atlantic.' _M'Culloch's
+        Geographical and Statistical Dictionary_, vol. i. p. 930.
+
+  [388] 'Such was the effect of the new harbour in increasing the trade,
+        and the population, of the town, that the assessment, and port
+        dues, cleared off the whole debt before 1740, and left, in that
+        year, a clear surplus of 27,000 marks Scots, or 1,500_l._
+        sterling.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii. p. 807. 'After the
+        Union, however, the trade of the port increased so rapidly, that,
+        in the year 1740, the whole debt was extinguished, and there
+        remained a surplus, the foundation of the present town's funds, of
+        27,000 marks.' _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol.
+        v. p. 576, Edinburgh, 1793.
+
+  [389] 'By the Union, however, new views were opened up to the merchants
+        of the city; they thereby obtained the liberty of a free commerce
+        to America and the West Indies, from which they had been before
+        shut out; they chartered English vessels for these voyages, having
+        none at first fit for the purpose; sent out cargoes of goods for
+        the use of the colonies, and returned home laden with tobacco. The
+        business doing well, vessels were built belonging to the city, and
+        in the year 1718, the first ship, the property of Glasgow, crossed
+        the Atlantic.' _Denholm's History of Glasgow_, p. 405, 3rd edit.
+        Glasgow, 1804. Brown (_History of Glasgow_, vol. ii. p. 330,
+        Edinburgh, 1797) says, that the Glasgow merchants 'chartered
+        Whitehaven ships for many years:' but that, 'in 1716, a vessel of
+        sixty tons burden was launched at Crawford's dike, being the first
+        Clyde ship that went to the British Settlements in America with
+        goods and a supercargo.' But this date is probably two years too
+        early. Mr. M'Culloch, in his excellent _Geographical and
+        Statistical Dictionary_, London, 1849, vol. ii. p. 659, says: 'But
+        for a while, the merchants of Glasgow, who first embarked in the
+        trade to America, carried it on by means of vessels belonging to
+        English ports; and it was not till 1718 that a ship built in
+        Scotland (in the Clyde), the property of Scotch owners, sailed for
+        the American colonies.' Gibson, also (_History of Glasgow_, 1777,
+        p. 206), says: 'In 1718, the first vessel of the property of
+        Glasgow crossed the Atlantic.' And, to the same effect,
+        _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. v. p. 498,
+        Edinburgh, 1793.
+
+  [390] The progress was so rapid, that, in a work printed in 1732, it is
+        stated, that 'this city of Glasgow is a place of the greatest
+        trade in the kingdom, especially to the Plantations; from whence
+        they have twenty or thirty sail of ships every year, laden with
+        tobacco and sugar; an advantage this kingdom never enjoyed till
+        the Union. They are purchasing a harbour on the Frith, near
+        Alloway, to which they have but twelve miles by land; and then
+        they can re-ship their sugars and tobacco, for Holland, Germany,
+        and the Baltick Sea, without being at the trouble of sailing round
+        England or Scotland.' _Macky's Journey through Scotland_, pp. 294,
+        295, 2nd edit. London, 1732. The first edition of this book was
+        also printed in 1732. See _Watt's Bibliotheca Britannica_, vol. i.
+        p. 631 m., Edinburgh, 1824, 4to.
+
+  [391] Gibson, who was a Glasgow merchant, says, in his _History of
+        Glasgow_, p. 236, 'that the commerce to America first suggested
+        the idea of introducing manufactures into Glasgow, is to me very
+        evident; and that they were only attempted to be introduced about
+        the year 1725 is apparent.' Denholm (_History of Glasgow_, p. 412)
+        says: 'The linen manufacture, which began here in the year 1725,
+        was, for a long time, the staple, not only of this city, but of
+        the west of Scotland.' Compare _Heron's Journey through the
+        Western Counties of Scotland_, Perth, 1799, vol. ii. p. 412.
+
+  [392] 'Consisting only of one principal street about half a mile in
+        length.' _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. vii.
+        p. 62. But the local historian mentions, with evident pride, that
+        this one street contained 'handsome houses.' _Crawfurd's History
+        of the Shire of Renfrew_, part iii. p. 305, edit. Paisley, 1782,
+        4to.
+
+  [393] _Denholm's History of Glasgow_, pp. 546, 547; and _Sinclair's
+        Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp. 62-64. See also,
+        on the rise of Paisley, _Heron's Journey through the Western
+        Counties of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 399, 400; _Pennant's Tour in
+        Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 144; and _Crawfurd's History of the Shire
+        of Renfrew_, part iii. p. 321. At an earlier period, Paisley was
+        famous in a different way. In the middle ages it swarmed with
+        monks. Keith (_Catalogue of Scotch Bishops_, p. 252, Edinburgh,
+        1755, 4to) tells us that, 'it formerly was a Priory, and
+        afterwards changed into an Abbey of Black Monks.'
+
+Nor was it merely in the west, that this movement was displayed. In
+Scotland generally, the spirit of trade became so rife, that it began to
+encroach on the old theological spirit, which had long been supreme.
+Hitherto, the Scotch had cared for little except religious polemics. In
+every society, these had been the chief subjects of conversation; and on
+them, men had wasted their energies, without the least benefit either to
+themselves or to others. But, about this time it was observed, that the
+improvement of manufactures became a common topic of discourse.[394] Such
+a statement, made by a well-informed writer, who witnessed what he
+relates, is a curious proof of the change which was beginning, though
+very faintly, to steal over the Scotch mind. It shows that there was, at
+all events, a tendency to turn aside from subjects which are inaccessible
+to our understanding, and the discussion of which has no effect except to
+exasperate those who dispute, and to make them more intolerant than ever
+of theological opinions different from their own. Unhappily, there were,
+as I shall presently point out, other causes at work, which prevented
+this tendency from producing all the good that might have been expected.
+Still, so far as it went, it was a clear gain. It was a blow to
+superstition, inasmuch as it was an attempt to occupy the human mind with
+mere secular considerations. In a country like Scotland, this alone was
+extremely important. We must also add, that, though it was the effect of
+increased industry, it, as often happens, reacted upon, and
+strengthened, its cause. For, by diminishing, however little, the
+inordinate respect formerly paid to theological pursuits, it was, in the
+same proportion, an inducement to ambitious and enterprising men to
+abstain from those pursuits, and to engage in temporal matters, where
+ability, being less fettered by prejudice, has more scope, and enjoys
+more freedom of action. Of those men, some rose to the first rank in
+literature; while others, taking a different but equally useful turn,
+became as eminent in trade. Hence, Scotland, during the eighteenth
+century, possessed, for the first time, two powerful and active classes,
+whose aim was essentially secular--the intellectual class, and the
+industrial class. Before the eighteenth century, neither of these classes
+exercised an independent sway, or could, indeed, be said to have a
+separate existence. The intellect of the country was absorbed by the
+church; the industry of the country was controlled by the nobles. The
+effect which this change produced on the literature of Scotland will be
+traced in the last chapter of the present volume. Its effect on industry
+was equally remarkable, and, for the well-being of the nation, was
+equally valuable. But it does not possess that general scientific
+interest which belongs to the intellectual movement; and I shall,
+therefore, in addition to the evidence already given, confine myself to a
+few more facts illustrative of the history of Scotch industry down to the
+middle of the eighteenth century, by which time there was no longer any
+doubt that the flood of material prosperity had fairly set in.
+
+  [394] The author of _The Interest of Scotland Considered_, Edinburgh,
+        1733, says (p. xvi.) that since 1727, 'we have happily turned our
+        eyes upon the improvement of our manufactures, which is now a
+        common subject in discourse, and this contributes not a little to
+        its success.'
+
+During the seventeenth century, the only Scotch manufacture of any
+importance was that of linen, which, however, like every other branch of
+industry, was very backward, and was exposed to all sorts of
+discouragement.[395] But, after the Union, it received a sudden impetus,
+from two causes. One of these causes, as I have already noticed, was the
+demand from America, consequent upon the trade of the Atlantic being
+thrown open. The other cause was, the removal of the duty which England
+had imposed upon the importation of Scotch linen. These two
+circumstances, occurring nearly at the same time, produced such effect on
+the national industry, that De Foe, who had a wider knowledge of the
+details of trade than any man of that age, said that it seemed as if, for
+the future, the Scotch poor could never lack employment.[396]
+Unfortunately, this was not the case, and never will be, until society is
+radically changed. But the movement which provoked so bold a remark from
+so cautious an observer as De Foe, must have been very striking; and we
+know, from other sources, that, between 1728 and 1738, the manufacture of
+linen for exportation alone was more than doubled.[397] After that
+period, this and other departments of Scotch industry advanced with a
+constantly accelerating speed. It is mentioned, by a contemporary who was
+likely to be well informed, that, between 1715 and 1745, the trade and
+manufactures of Scotland increased more than they had done for ages
+before.[398] Such a statement, though valuable as corroborating other
+evidence, is too vague to be entirely relied on; and historians, who
+usually occupy themselves with insignificant details about courts and
+princes and statesmen, desert us in matters which are really important,
+so that it is now hardly possible to reconstruct the history of the
+Scotch people during this, the first epoch of their material prosperity.
+I have, however, gathered a few facts, which appear to rest on good
+authority, and which supply us with something like precise information as
+to dates. In 1739, the manufacture of linen was introduced into
+Kilbarchan,[399] and, in 1740, into Arbroath.[400] From the year 1742,
+the manufactures of Kilmarnock date their rise.[401] In 1748, the first
+linen was manufactured in Cullen;[402] and in the same year in
+Inverary.[403] In 1749, this great branch of industry and source of
+wealth was established, on a large scale, in Aberdeen;[404] while, about
+1750, it began to diffuse itself in Wemyss, in the county of Fife.[405]
+These things happening, within eleven years, in parts of the country so
+distant from each other, and so totally unconnected, indicate the
+existence of general causes, which governed the whole movement; though in
+this, as in all instances, every thing is popularly ascribed to the
+influence of a few powerful individuals. We have, however, other proofs
+that the progress was essentially national. Even in Edinburgh, where
+hitherto no claims had been respected except those of the nobles or
+clergy, the voice of this new trading interest began to be heard. In that
+poor and warlike capital, a society was now first established for the
+encouragement of manufactures; and we are assured that this was but a
+single manifestation of the enthusiasm which was generally felt on the
+subject.[406] Coinciding with this movement, and indeed forming part of
+it, we can discern the earliest symptoms of a monied class, properly so
+called. In 1749, there was established, at Aberdeen, the first county
+bank ever seen in Scotland; and, in the very same year, a similar
+establishment was formed at Glasgow.[407] These represented the east and
+the west, and, by the advances which they were able to make, each
+assisted the trade of its own district. Between eastern and western
+Scotland, the intercourse, as yet, was difficult and costly. But this
+likewise was about to be remedied by an enterprise, the mere conception
+of which would formerly have excited ridicule. After the Union, the idea
+arose of uniting the east with the west by a canal, which should join the
+Forth to the Clyde. The plan was deemed chimerical, and was abandoned. As
+soon, however, as the manufacturing and commercial classes had gained
+sufficient influence they adopted it, with that energy which is
+characteristic of their order, and which is more common among them than
+among any other rank of society. The result was, that, in 1768, the great
+work was fairly begun;[408] and the first step was taken towards what, in
+a material point of view, was an enterprise of vast importance, but, in a
+social and intellectual point of view, was of still superior value,
+inasmuch as, by supplying a cheap and easy transit through the heart of
+the most populous part of Scotland, it had a direct tendency to make
+different districts and different places feel that each had need of
+others, and thus encouraging the notion that all belonged to one common
+scheme, it assisted in diminishing local prejudice and assuaging local
+jealousy; while, in the same proportion, by enticing men to move out of
+the narrow circle in which they had habitually lived, it prepared them
+for a certain enlargement of mind, which is the natural consequence of
+seeing affairs under various aspects, and which is never found in any
+country in which the means of travelling are either very hazardous or
+very expensive.
+
+  [395] Morer, who was in Scotland in 1688 and 1689, says: 'But that which
+        employs great part of their land is hemp, of which they have
+        mighty burdens, and on which they bestow much care and pains to
+        dress and prepare it for making their linen, the most noted and
+        beneficial manufacture of the kingdom.' _Morer's Short Account of
+        Scotland_, London, 1702, pp. 3, 4.
+
+  [396] 'The duties upon linen from Scotland being taken off in England,
+        made so great a demand for Scots linen more than usual, that it
+        seemed the poor could want no employment.' _De Foe's History of
+        the Union between England and Scotland_, p. 604. Compare
+        _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. ii. p. 736: 'a prodigious
+        vent, not only in England, but for the American plantations.' This
+        concerns a later period.
+
+  [397] 'The surplus of linen made above the consumption, was, in 1728,
+        2,183,978 yards; in 1738, 4,666,011.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol.
+        i. p. 873. On the increase between 1728 and 1732, see the Table in
+        _The Interest of Scotland Considered_, Edinburgh, 1733, p. 97. In
+        a work published in 1732, it is stated that 'they make a great
+        deal of linnen all over the kingdom, not only for their own use,
+        but export it to England, and to the Plantations. In short, the
+        women are all kept employ'd, from the highest to the lowest of
+        them.' _Macky's Journey through Scotland_, London, 1732, p. 271.
+        This refers merely to the women of Scotland, whom Macky represents
+        as much more industrious than the men.
+
+  [398] In 1745, Craik writes to Lord Nithisdale, 'The present family have
+        now reigned over us these thirty years, and though during so long
+        a time they may have fallen into errors, or may have committed
+        faults, (as what Government is without?) yett I will defy the most
+        sanguine zealot to find in history a period equal to this in which
+        Scotland possessed so uninterrupted a felicity, in which liberty,
+        civil and religious, was so universally enjoyed by all people of
+        whatever denomination--nay, by the open and avowed ennemys of the
+        family and constitution, or a period in which all ranks of men
+        have been so effectually secured in their property. Have not
+        trade, manufactures, agriculture, and the spirit of industry in
+        our country extended themselves further during this period and
+        under this family than for ages before?' _Thomson's Memoirs of the
+        Jacobites_, London, 1845, vol. ii. pp. 60, 61.
+
+  [399] _Crawfurd's History of the Shire of Renfrew_, part ii. p. 114.
+
+  [400] _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. vii. p. 341,
+        compared with vol. xii. pp. 176, 177.
+
+  [401] _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii. p. 483.
+
+  [402] _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. xii. p. 145.
+
+  [403] _Ibid._ vol. v. p. 297.
+
+  [404] _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. ii. pp. 199, 200.
+
+  [405] _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. xvi. p. 520:
+        'About the year 1750.' I need hardly say, that some of these
+        dates, depending upon tradition, are given by the authors
+        approximatively.
+
+  [406] 'Betwixt the year 1750 and 1760, a great degree of patriotic
+        enthusiasm arose in Scotland to encourage arts and manufactures;
+        and the _Edinburgh Society_ was established in 1755 for the
+        express purpose of improving these.' _Bower's History of the
+        University of Edinburgh_, vol. iii. pp. 126, 7.
+
+  [407] 'The first county-bank that anywhere appeared, was the Aberdeen
+        Bank, which was settled in 1749: it was immediately followed by a
+        similar establishment in Glasgow during the same year.' _Chalmers'
+        Caledonia_, vol. iii. p. 9, 4to, 1824. Kennedy (_Annals of
+        Aberdeen_, 4to, 1818, vol. ii. p. 195) says: 'Banking was
+        originally projected in Aberdeen about the year 1752, by a few of
+        the principal citizens who were engaged in commerce and
+        manufactures. They commenced business, upon a limited scale, in an
+        office on the north side of the Castle Street, issued notes of
+        hand, of five pounds and of twenty shillings sterling, and
+        discounted bills and promissory notes, for the accommodation of
+        the public.' It is uncertain if Chalmers knew of this passage; but
+        he was a more accurate writer than Kennedy, and I, therefore,
+        prefer his authority. Besides, Kennedy vaguely says, 'about the
+        year 1752.'
+
+  [408] 'After having been frequently proposed, since the Union, this
+        canal was at length begun in 1768, and finished in 1790. The trade
+        upon it is already great, and is rapidly increasing.' _Sinclair's
+        Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 279, 280,
+        Edinburgh, 1792. See also vol. xii. p. 125; _Irving's History of
+        Dumbartonshire_, 1860, 4to, p. 247; and an interesting
+        contemporary notice in _Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire_,
+        Edinburgh, 1777, pp. 468-481. In 1767, Watt was employed as a
+        surveyor. See _Muirhead's Life of Watt_, 2nd edit. London, 1859,
+        p. 167.
+
+Such was the state of Scotland towards the middle of the eighteenth
+century; and surely a fairer prospect was never opened to any country.
+The land was at peace. It had nothing to fear, either from foreign
+invasion, or from domestic tyranny. The arts, which increase the comfort
+of man, and minister to his happiness, were sedulously cultivated; wealth
+was being created with unexampled speed, and the blessings which follow
+in the train of wealth were being widely diffused; while the insolence of
+the nobility was so effectually curbed, that industrious citizens could,
+for the first time, feel their own independence, could know that what
+they earned, that likewise they should enjoy, and could hold themselves
+erect, and with a manly brow, in the presence of a class before whom they
+had long crouched in abject submission.
+
+Besides this, a great literature now arose, a literature of rare and
+surpassing beauty. To narrate the intellectual achievements of the Scotch
+during the eighteenth century, in a manner at all commensurate with their
+importance, would require a separate treatise, and I cannot now stop even
+to mention what all educated persons are at least partly acquainted with;
+each student recognizing the value of what was done in his own pursuit.
+In the last chapter of this volume, I shall, however, attempt to give
+some idea of the general results considered as a whole; at present, it is
+enough to say, that in every branch of knowledge this once poor and
+ignorant people produced original and successful thinkers. What makes
+this the more remarkable, is its complete contrast to their former state.
+Down even to the beginning of the eighteenth century, Scotland could only
+boast of two authors whose works have benefited mankind. They were
+Buchanan and Napier. Buchanan was the first political writer who held
+accurate views respecting government, and who clearly defined the true
+relation between the people and their rulers. He placed popular rights on
+a solid basis, and vindicated, by anticipation, all subsequent
+revolutions. Napier, equally bold in another department, succeeded, by a
+mighty effort of genius, in detecting, and pushing to its extreme
+consequence, a law of the progression of numbers, which is so simple and
+yet so potent, that it unravels the most tedious and intricate
+calculations, and, thus economizing the labours of the brain, has saved
+an enormous and incalculable waste. These two men were, indeed, great
+benefactors of their species; but they stand alone, and if all the other
+authors Scotland produced down to the close of the seventeenth century
+had never been born, or if, being born, they had never written, society
+would have lost nothing, but would be in exactly the same position as it
+now is.
+
+Early, however, in the eighteenth century, a movement was felt all over
+Europe, and in that movement Scotland participated. A spirit of inquiry
+was abroad, so general and so searching, that no country could entirely
+escape from its action. Sanguine men were excited, and even grave men
+were stirred. It seemed as if a long night were about to close. Light
+broke forth where before there was nothing but darkness. Opinions which
+had stood the test of ages were suddenly questioned; and in every
+direction doubts sprung up, and proofs were demanded. The human mind,
+waxing bold, would not be satisfied with the old evidence. Things were
+examined at their foundation, and the basis of every belief was jealously
+scrutinized. For a time, this was confined to the higher intellects; but
+soon the movement spread, and, in the most advanced countries, worked
+upon nearly all classes. In England and in France, the result was
+extremely beneficial. It might have been hoped, that in Scotland
+likewise, the popular mind would gradually have become enlightened. But
+not so. Time rolled on; one generation succeeded another; the eighteenth
+century passed away; the nineteenth century came; and still the people
+made no sign. The gloom of the middle ages was yet upon them. While all
+around was light, the Scotch, enveloped in mist, crept on, groping their
+way, dismally and with fear. While other nations were shaking off their
+old superstitions, this singular people clung to theirs with undiminished
+tenacity. Now, indeed, their grasp is gradually slackening, but with
+extreme slowness, and threatening reactions frequently appear. This, as
+it always has been, and still is, the curse of Scotland, so also is it
+the chief difficulty with which the historian of Scotland has to contend.
+Everywhere else, when the rise of the intellectual classes, and that of
+the trading and manufacturing classes, have accompanied each other, the
+invariable result has been, a diminution of the power of the clergy, and,
+consequently, a diminution of the influence of superstition. The
+peculiarity of Scotland is, that, during the eighteenth century, and even
+down to the middle of the nineteenth century, the industrial and
+intellectual progress has continued without materially shaking the
+authority of the priesthood.[409] Strange and unequal combination! The
+country of bold and enterprising merchants, of shrewd manufacturers, of
+far-seeing men of business, and of cunning artificers; the country, too,
+of such fearless thinkers as George Buchanan, David Hume, and Adam Smith,
+is awed by a few noisy and ignorant preachers, to whom it allows a
+license, and yields a submission, disgraceful to the age, and
+incompatible with the commonest notions of liberty. A people, in many
+respects very advanced, and holding upon political subjects enlightened
+views, do, upon all religious subjects, display a littleness of mind, an
+illiberality of sentiment, a heat of temper, and a love of persecuting
+others, which shows that the Protestantism of which they boast has done
+them no good; that, in the most important matters, it has left them as
+narrow as it found them; and that it has been unable to free them from
+prejudices which make them the laughing-stock of Europe, and which have
+turned the very name of the Scotch Kirk into a by-word and a reproach
+among educated men.
+
+  [409] I will quote, in a single passage, the opinions of an eminent
+        German and of an eminent Scotchman. 'Dr. Spurzheim, when he last
+        visited Scotland, remarked that the Scotch appeared to him to be
+        the most priest-ridden nation in Europe; Spain and Portugal not
+        excepted. _After having seen other countries, I can understand the
+        force of this observation._' _Notes on the United States of North
+        America by George Combe_, vol. iii. p. 32, Edinburgh, 1841.
+
+I shall now endeavour to explain how all this arose, and how such
+apparent inconsistencies are to be reconciled. That they may be
+reconciled, and that the inconsistencies are merely apparent and not
+real, will be at once admitted by whoever is capable of a scientific
+conception of history. For, in the moral world, as in the physical world,
+nothing is anomalous; nothing is unnatural; nothing is strange. All is
+order, symmetry, and law. There are opposites, but there are no
+contradictions. In the character of a nation, inconsistency is
+impossible. Such, however, is still the backward condition of the human
+mind, and with so evil and jaundiced an eye do we approach the greatest
+problems, that not only common writers, but even men from whom better
+things might be hoped, are on this point involved in constant confusion,
+perplexing themselves and their readers by speaking of inconsistency, as
+if it were a quality belonging to the subject which they investigate,
+instead of being, as it really is, a measure of their own ignorance. It
+is the business of the historian to remove this ignorance, by showing
+that the movements of nations are perfectly regular, and that, like all
+other movements, they are solely determined by their antecedents. If he
+cannot do this, he is no historian. He may be an annalist, or a
+biographer, or a chronicler, but higher than that he cannot rise, unless
+he is imbued with that spirit of science which teaches, as an article of
+faith, the doctrine of uniform sequence; in other words, the doctrine
+that certain events having already happened, certain other events
+corresponding to them will also happen. To seize this idea with firmness,
+and to apply it on all occasions, without listening to any exceptions, is
+extremely difficult, but it must be done by whoever wishes to elevate the
+study of history from its present crude and informal state, and do what
+he may towards placing it in its proper rank, as the head and chief of
+all the sciences. Even then, he cannot perform his task unless his
+materials are ample, and derived from sources of unquestioned
+credibility. But if his facts are sufficiently numerous; if they are very
+diversified; if they have been collected from such various quarters that
+they can check and confront each other, so as to do away with all
+suspicion of their testimony being garbled; and if he who uses them
+possesses that faculty of generalization, without which nothing great can
+be achieved, he will hardly fail in bringing some part of his labours to
+a prosperous issue, provided he devotes all his strength to that one
+enterprise, postponing to it every other object of ambition, and
+sacrificing to it many interests which men hold dear. Some of the most
+pleasurable incentives to action, he must disregard. Not for him, are
+those rewards which, in other pursuits, the same energy would have
+earned; not for him, the sweets of popular applause; not for him, the
+luxury of power; not for him, a share in the councils of his country; not
+for him, a conspicuous and honoured place before the public eye. Albeit
+conscious of what he could do, he may not compete in the great contest;
+he cannot hope to win the prize; he cannot even enjoy the excitement of
+the struggle. To him, the arena is closed. His recompense lies within
+himself, and he must learn to care little for the sympathy of his
+fellow-creatures, or for such honours as they are able to bestow. So far
+from looking for these things, he should rather be prepared for that
+obloquy which always awaits those, who, by opening up new veins of
+thought, disturb the prejudices of their contemporaries. While ignorance,
+and worse than ignorance, is imputed to him, while his motives are
+misrepresented, and his integrity impeached, while he is accused of
+denying the value of moral principles, and of attacking the foundation of
+all religion, as if he were some public enemy, who made it his business
+to corrupt society, and whose delight it was to see what evil he could
+do; while these charges are brought forward, and repeated from mouth to
+mouth, he must be capable of pursuing in silence the even tenor of his
+way, without swerving, without pausing, and without stepping from his
+path to notice the angry outcries which he cannot but hear, and which he
+is more than human if he does not long to rebuke. These are the
+qualities, and these the high resolves, indispensable to him, who, on the
+most important of all subjects, believing that the old road is worn out
+and useless, seeks to strike out a new one for himself, and, in the
+effort, not only perhaps exhausts his strength, but is sure to incur the
+enmity of those who are bent on maintaining the ancient scheme
+unimpaired. To solve the great problem of affairs; to detect those
+hidden circumstances which determine the march and destiny of nations;
+and to find, in the events of the past, a key to the proceedings of the
+future, is nothing less than to unite into a single science all the laws
+of the moral and physical world. Whoever does this, will build up afresh
+the fabric of our knowledge, re-arrange its various parts, and harmonize
+its apparent discrepancies. Perchance, the human mind is hardly ready for
+so vast an enterprise. At all events, he who undertakes it will meet with
+little sympathy, and will find few to help him. And let him toil as he
+may, the sun and noontide of his life shall pass by, the evening of his
+days shall overtake him, and he himself have to quit the scene, leaving
+that unfinished which he had vainly hoped to complete. He may lay the
+foundation; it will be for his successors to raise the edifice. Their
+hands will give the last touch; they will reap the glory; their names
+will be remembered when he is forgotten. It is, indeed, too true, that
+such a work requires, not only several minds, but also the successive
+experience of several generations. Once, I own, I thought otherwise.
+Once, when I first caught sight of the whole field of knowledge, and
+seemed, however dimly, to discern its various parts and the relation they
+bore to each other, I was so entranced with its surpassing beauty, that
+the judgment was beguiled, and I deemed myself able, not only to cover
+the surface, but also to master the details. Little did I know how the
+horizon enlarges as well as recedes, and how vainly we grasp at the
+fleeting forms, which melt away and elude us in the distance. Of all that
+I had hoped to do, I now find but too surely how small a part I shall
+accomplish. In those early aspirations, there was much that was fanciful;
+perhaps there was much that was foolish. Perhaps, too, they contained a
+moral defect, and savoured of an arrogance which belongs to a strength
+that refuses to recognize its own weakness. Still, even now that they are
+defeated and brought to nought, I cannot repent having indulged in them,
+but, on the contrary, I would willingly recall them, if I could. For,
+such hopes belong to that joyous and sanguine period of life, when alone
+we are really happy; when the emotions are more active than the judgment;
+when experience has not yet hardened our nature; when the affections are
+not yet blighted and nipped to the core; and when the bitterness of
+disappointment not having yet been felt, difficulties are unheeded,
+obstacles are unseen, ambition is a pleasure instead of a pang, and the
+blood coursing swiftly through the veins, the pulse beats high, while the
+heart throbs at the prospect of the future. Those are glorious days; but
+they go from us, and nothing can compensate their absence. To me, they
+now seem more like the visions of a disordered fancy, than the sober
+realities of things that were, and are not. It is painful to make this
+confession; but I owe it to the reader, because I would not have him to
+suppose that either in this, or in the future volumes of my History, I
+shall be able to redeem my pledge, and to perform all that I promised.
+Something, I hope to achieve, which will interest the thinkers of this
+age; and something, perhaps, on which posterity may build. It will,
+however, only be a fragment of my original design. In the two last
+chapters I have attempted, and in the two next chapters I shall still
+further attempt, to solve a curious problem in the history of Scotland,
+which is intimately connected with other problems of a yet graver import:
+but though the solution will, I believe, be complete, the evidence of the
+solution will, most assuredly, be imperfect. I regret to add, that such
+imperfection is henceforth an essential part of my plan. It is essential,
+because I despair of supplying those deficiencies in my knowledge, of
+which I grow more sensible in proportion as my views become more
+extensive. It is also essential, because, after a fair estimate of my own
+strength, of the probable duration of my life, and of the limits to which
+industry can safely be pushed, I have been driven to the conclusion, that
+this Introduction, which I had projected as a solid foundation on which
+the history of England might subsequently be raised, must either be
+greatly curtailed, and consequently shorn of its force, or that, if not
+curtailed, there will hardly be a chance of my being able to narrate,
+with the amplitude and fulness of detail which they richly deserve, the
+deeds of that great and splendid nation with which I am best acquainted,
+and of which it is my pride to count myself a member. It is with the
+free, the noble, and the high-minded English people, that my sympathies
+are most closely connected; on them my affections naturally centre; from
+their literature, and from their example, my best lessons have been
+learnt; and it is now the most cherished and the most sacred desire of my
+heart, that I may succeed in writing their history, and in unfolding the
+successive phases of their mighty career, while I am yet somewhat equal
+to the task, and before my faculties have begun to dwindle, or the power
+of continuous attention has begun to decay.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER IV.
+
+  AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+The remaining part of this volume, I purpose to devote to an attempt to
+unravel still further that two-fold paradox, which forms the prominent
+peculiarity of the history of Scotland. The paradox consists, as we have
+seen, in the fact, first, that the same people have long been liberal in
+politics, and illiberal in religion; and, secondly, that the brilliant,
+inquisitive, and sceptical literature which they produced in the
+eighteenth century, was unable to weaken their superstition, or to instil
+into them wiser and larger maxims on religious matters. From an early
+period, there were, as I have endeavoured to show, many circumstances
+which predisposed the Scotch to superstition, and, so far, had a general
+connexion with the subject before us. But the remarkable phenomenon with
+which we are immediately concerned, may, I think, be traced to two
+distinct causes. The first cause was, that, for a hundred and twenty
+years after the establishment of Protestantism, the rulers of Scotland
+either neglected the Church or persecuted it, thereby driving the clergy
+into the arms of the people, from whom alone they could obtain sympathy
+and support. Hence an alliance between the two parties, more intimate
+than would otherwise have been possible; and hence, too, the rise of that
+democratic spirit which was the necessary consequence of such an union,
+and which the clergy encouraged, because they were opposed and thwarted
+by the upper classes. So far, the result was extremely beneficial, as it
+produced a love of independence and a hatred of tyranny, which, twice
+during the seventeenth century, saved the country from the yoke of a
+cruel despotism. But these very circumstances, which guarded the people
+against political despotism, exposed them all the more to ecclesiastical
+despotism. For, having no one to trust except their preachers, they
+trusted them entirely and upon all subjects. The clergy gradually became
+supreme, not only in spiritual matters, but also in temporal ones. Late
+in the sixteenth century, they had been glad to take refuge among the
+people; before the middle of the seventeenth century, they ruled the
+people. How shamefully they abused their power, and how, by encouraging
+the worst kind of superstition, they prolonged the reign of ignorance,
+and stopped the march of society, will be related in the course of this
+chapter; but, in fairness to them, we ought to acknowledge, that the
+religious servitude into which the Scotch fell during the seventeenth
+century, was, on the whole, a willing one, and that, mischievous as it
+was, it had at least a noble origin, inasmuch as the influence of the
+Protestant clergy is mainly to be ascribed to the fearlessness with which
+they came forward as leaders of the people, at a period when that post
+was full of danger, and when the upper classes were ready to unite with
+the crown in destroying the last vestiges of national liberty.
+
+To trace the operation of this cause of Scotch superstition, will be the
+business of the present chapter; while, in the next and concluding
+chapter, I shall examine the other cause, which I have as yet hardly
+mentioned. This latter inquiry will involve some considerations
+respecting the philosophy of method, still imperfectly appreciated among
+us, and on which the history of the Scotch mind will throw considerable
+light. For, it will appear, that, during the eighteenth century, the
+ablest Scotchmen, with hardly an exception, adopted a method of
+investigating truth, which cut them off from the sympathies of their
+countrymen, and prevented their works from producing the effect which
+they might otherwise have done. The result was, that though a very
+sceptical literature was produced, scepticism made no progress, and
+therefore superstition was undiminished. The highly-educated minds,
+indeed, were affected; but they formed a class apart, and there were no
+means of communication between them and the people. That this was owing
+to the method which literary men employed, I hope to prove in the next
+chapter; and if I succeed in doing so, it will be evident, that I have
+been guilty of no exaggeration in terming this the second great cause of
+the prolongation of Scotch superstition, since it was sufficiently
+powerful to prevent the intellectual classes from exercising their
+natural functions as the disturbers of old opinions.
+
+We have already seen, that almost immediately after the Reformation,
+ill-feeling arose between the upper classes and the spiritual leaders of
+the Protestant church, and that this ill-feeling increased until, in
+1580, it vented itself by the abolition of episcopacy. This bold and
+decisive measure made the breach irreparable. The preachers had now
+committed themselves too far to recede, even if they had desired to do
+so; and from that moment, uniting themselves heartily with the people,
+they took up a position which they have never since abandoned. During the
+remaining twenty-three years that James was in Scotland, they were
+occupied in exciting the people against their rulers; and as they became
+more democratic, so did the crown and nobles grow more hostile, and
+display, for the first time, a disposition to combine together in defence
+of their common interests. In 1603, James ascended the throne of England,
+and the struggle began in earnest. It lasted, with few interruptions,
+eighty-five years, and, during its continuance, the Presbyterian clergy
+never wavered; they were always steady to the good cause; always on the
+side of the people. This greatly increased their influence; and what
+favoured it still more was, that, besides being the champions of popular
+liberty, they were also the champions of national independence. When
+James I. and the two Charles's attempted to force episcopacy upon
+Scotland, the Scotch rejected it, not only because they hated the
+institution, but also because they looked on it as the mark of a foreign
+domination, which they were determined to resist. Their nearest and most
+dangerous enemy was England; and they spurned the idea of receiving
+bishops who must, in the first instance, be consecrated in London, and
+who, it was certain, would never have been admitted into Scotland unless
+England had been the stronger country. It was, therefore, on patriotic,
+as well as religious, grounds, that the Scotch clergy, during the
+seventeenth century, struggled against episcopacy;[410] and when they
+overthrew it, in 1638, their bold and determined conduct associated, in
+the popular mind, the love of country with the love of the church.
+Subsequent events strengthened this association.[411] In 1650, Cromwell
+invaded Scotland, overthrew the Scotch in the battle of Dunbar, and
+intrusted to Monk the task of curbing their spirit, by building
+fortresses, and establishing a long chain of military posts.[412] The
+nation, cowed and broken, gave way, and, for the first time for three
+centuries, felt the pressure of a foreign yoke. The clergy alone remained
+firm.[413] Cromwell, who knew that they were the chief obstacle to
+completing his conquest, hated them, and did every thing he could to ruin
+them.[414] But their power was too deeply seated to be shaken. From their
+pulpits, they continued to influence and animate the people. In face of
+the invaders, and in spite of them, the Scotch church continued to hold
+its General Assemblies, until the summer of 1653. Then, indeed, they had
+to yield to brute force; and the people, to their unutterable grief,
+beheld the venerated representatives of the Scotch kirk driven from their
+place of meeting by English soldiers, and led like criminals through the
+streets of Edinburgh.[415]
+
+  [410] In 1638, one of the most eminent of the Scotch clergy writes: 'Our
+        maine feare' is 'to have our religion lost, our throats cutted,
+        our poore countrey made ane English province, to be disposed upon
+        for ever hereafter at the will of a Bishope of Canterburie.'
+        _Baillie's Letters and Journals_, vol. i. p. 66. Compare p. 450.
+        'This kirk is a free and independant kirk, no less then the
+        kingdom is a free and independant kingdom; and as our own Patriots
+        can best judge what is for the good of the kingdom, so our own
+        Pastors should be most able to judge what form of worship
+        beseemeth our Reformation, and what serveth most for the good of
+        the People.' Two generations later, one of the most popular
+        arguments against the Union was, that it might enable the English
+        to force episcopacy upon Scotland. See _De Foe's History of the
+        Union between England and Scotland_, pp. 222, 284, 359. 'The
+        danger of the Church of Scotland, from the suffrages of English
+        bishops,' &c.
+
+  [411] The hatred which the Scotch naturally felt against the English for
+        having inflicted so much suffering upon them, was intense about
+        the middle of the seventeenth century, notwithstanding the
+        temporary union of the two nations against Charles. In 1652, 'the
+        criminal record is full of cases of murder of English soldiers.
+        They were cut off by the people whenever a fitting opportunity
+        occurred, and were as much detested in Scotland as the French
+        soldiers were in Spain during the Peninsular war.' _The
+        Spottiswoode Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 98, Edinburgh, 1845. See
+        also p. 167: 'a nationall quarrell, and not for the Stuarts.'
+
+  [412] _Browne's History of the Highlands_, vol. ii. pp. 75-77: 'the
+        English army was augmented to twenty thousand men, and citadels
+        erected in several towns, and a long train of military stations
+        drawn across the country to curb the inhabitants.'
+
+  [413] Clarendon, under the year 1655, says, 'Though Scotland was
+        vanquished, and subdued, to that degree, that there was no place
+        nor person who made the least show of opposing Cromwell; who, by
+        the administration of Monk, made the yoke very grievous to the
+        whole nation; yet the preachers kept their pulpit license; and,
+        more for the affront that was offered to presbytery, than the
+        conscience of what was due to majesty, many of them presumed to
+        pray for the king; and generally, though secretly, exasperated the
+        minds of the people against the present government.' _Clarendon's
+        History of the Rebellion_, p. 803.
+
+  [414] And, what they must have felt very acutely, he would not go to hear
+        them preach. A writer of that time informs us that, even in 1648,
+        when Cromwell was in Edinburgh, 'he went not to their churches;
+        but it is constantle reported that ewerie day he had sermons in
+        his oune ludginge, himself being the preacher, whensoewer the
+        spirit came upon him; which took him lyk the fitts of an ague,
+        somtyms twise, sometyms thryse in a day.' _Gordon's Britane's
+        Distemper_, p. 212. In 1650, according to another contemporary,
+        'he made stables of all the churches for hes horsses quhersoeuer
+        he came, and burned all the seatts and pewes in them; riffled the
+        ministers housses, and distrayed ther cornes.' _Balfour's Annales
+        of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 88. The clergy, on the other hand,
+        employing a resource with which their profession has always been
+        familiar, represented Cromwell as opposing Providence, because he
+        was opposing them. Rutherford (_Religious Letters_, reprinted
+        Glasgow, 1824, p. 346) says, that he fought 'against the Lord's
+        secret ones;' and Row (_Continuation of Blair's Autobiography_, p.
+        335), under the year 1658, triumphantly observes: 'In the
+        beginning of September this year, the Protector, that old fox,
+        died. It was observed, as a remarkable cast of divine providence,
+        that he died upon the 3d of September, which he, glorying of
+        routing of our armies at Dunbar and Worcester on that day, used to
+        call _his day_. On that same very day the Just Judge called him to
+        an account,' &c.
+
+  [415] See contemporary notices of this, in _Nicoll's Diary_, p. 110; and
+        in _The Diary of Mr. John Lamont of Newton_, pp. 56, 57. But the
+        best account is that given by Baillie, in a letter to Calamy,
+        dated Glasgow, 27th July 1653. He writes: 'That on the 20th of
+        July last, when our Generall Assemblie was sett in the ordinarie
+        tyme and place, Lieutenant-Colonell Cotterall besett the church
+        with some rattes of musqueteirs and a troup of horse; himself
+        (after our fast, wherein Mr. Dickson and Mr. Dowglas had two
+        gracious sermons) entered the Assemblie-house, and immediately
+        after Mr. Dickson the Moderator his prayer, required audience;
+        wherein he inquired, If we did sitt there by the authority of the
+        Parliament of the Commonwealth of England? or of the
+        Commanders-in-chiefe of the English forces? or of the English
+        Judges in Scotland? The Moderator replyed, That we were ane
+        Ecclesiasticall synod, ane Spirituall court of Jesus Christ, which
+        medled not with anything Civile; that our authoritie wes from God,
+        and established by the lawes of the land yet standing unrepealed;
+        that, by the Solemn League and Covenant, the most of the English
+        army stood obliedged to defend our Generall Assemblie. When some
+        speeches of this kind had passed, the Lieutenant-Colonell told us,
+        his order was to dissolve us; whereupon he commanded all of us to
+        follow him, else he would drag us out of the rowme. When we had
+        entered a Protestation of this unheard-of and unexampled violence,
+        we did ryse and follow him; he ledd us all through the whole
+        streets a myle out of the towne, encompassing us with
+        foot-companies of musqueteirs, and horsemen without; all the
+        people gazing and mourning as at the saddest spectacle they had
+        ever seen. When he had ledd us a myle without the towne, he then
+        declared what further he had in commission, That we should not
+        dare to meet any more above three in number; and that against
+        eight o'clock to-morrow, we should depart the towne, under paine
+        of being guiltie of breaking the publick peace: And the day
+        following, by sound of trumpet, we were commanded off towne under
+        the paine of present imprisonment. Thus our Generall Assemblie,
+        the glory and strength of our Church upon earth, is, by your
+        souldiarie, crushed and trod under foot, without the least
+        provocatione from us, at this time, either in word or deed.'
+        _Baillie's Letters and Journals_, vol. iii. pp. 225, 226.
+
+Thus it was that in Scotland, after the latter part of the sixteenth
+century, every thing tended to increase the reputation of the clergy, by
+raising them to the foremost rank among the defenders of their country.
+And it was but natural that the spiritual classes, finding themselves in
+the ascendant, should conduct the contest according to views habitual to
+their profession, and should be anxious for religious advantages, rather
+than for temporal benefits. The war which the Scotch waged against
+Charles I. partook more of the character of a crusade than any war ever
+carried on by a Protestant nation.[416] The main object was, to raise up
+presbyters, and to destroy bishops. Prelacy was the accursed thing, and
+that must be rooted out at every hazard. To this, all other
+considerations were subordinate.[417] The Scotch loved liberty, and hated
+England. Yet, even these two passions, notwithstanding their strength,
+were as nothing, in comparison with their intense desire to extend and to
+propagate, if need be at the point of the sword, their own Presbyterian
+polity. This was their first and paramount duty. They fought, indeed, for
+freedom, but, above all, they fought for religion. In their eyes, Charles
+was the idolatrous head of an idolatrous church, and that church they
+were resolved to destroy. They felt that their cause was holy, and they
+went forth full of confidence, convinced that the sword of Gideon was
+drawn on their side, and that their enemies would be delivered up to
+them.
+
+  [416] In August 1640, the army marched into England; and 'it was very
+        refreshfull to remark, that after we came to ane quarter at night,
+        there was nothing almost to be heard throughout the whole army but
+        singing of Psalms, prayer, and reading of Scripture by the
+        souldiers in their severall hutts.' _Select Biographies_, edited
+        by Mr. Tweedie for the Wodrow Society, vol. i. p. 163. 'The most
+        zealous among them boasted, they should carry the triumphant
+        banners of the covenant to Rome itself.' _Arnot's History of
+        Edinburgh_, p. 124. In 1644, the celebrated divine, Andrew Cant,
+        was appointed by the Commissioners of the General Assembly, 'to
+        preach at the opening of the Parliament, wherein he satisfied
+        their expectation fully. For, the main point he drove at in his
+        sermon, was to state an opposition betwixt King Charles and King
+        Jesus (as he was pleased to speak) and upon that account to press
+        resistance to King Charles for the interest of King Jesus. It may
+        be wondered that such doctrine should have relish'd with men
+        brought up in the knowledge of the Scriptures; and yet, such was
+        the madness of the times, that none who preach'd in public since
+        the beginning of the Troubles, had been so cried up as he was for
+        that sermon.' _Guthry's Memoirs_, pp. 136, 137.
+
+  [417] 'The rooting out of prelacy and the wicked hierarchy therein so
+        obviously described, is the main duty.' _Naphtali, or the
+        Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland_, pp. 53, 54. This refers to
+        the Covenant of 1643. So, too, the continuator of _Row's History
+        of the Kirk_, p. 521, says, under the year 1639, that the object
+        of the war was, 'to withstand the prelaticall faction and
+        malignant, countenanced by the kinge in his owne persone.' Compare
+        the outbreak of the Reverend Samuel Rutherford, against 'the
+        accursed and wretched prelates, the Antichrist's first-born, and
+        the first fruit of his foul womb.' _Rutherford's Religious
+        Letters_, p. 179.
+
+The rebellion, therefore, against Charles, which, on the part of the
+English, was essentially secular,[418] was, on the part of the Scotch,
+essentially religious. This was because with us, the laymen were stronger
+than the clergy; while with them, the clergy were stronger than the
+laymen. In 1643, both nations having united against the king, it was
+thought advisable that an intimate alliance should be concluded; but, in
+the negotiations which followed, it is noticed, by a contemporary
+observer, that though the English merely wished for a civil league, the
+Scotch demanded a religious covenant.[419] And as they would only
+continue the war on condition that this was granted, the English were
+obliged to give way. The result was the Solemn League and Covenant, by
+which what seemed a cordial union was effected between the two
+countries.[420] Such a compact was, however, sure to be short-lived, as
+each party had different objects; the aim of the English being
+political, while that of the Scotch was religious. The consequences of
+this difference were soon apparent. In January 1645, negotiations having
+been opened with the king, commissioners met at Uxbridge, with the view
+of concluding a peace. The attempt failed, as might have been expected,
+seeing that, not only were the pretensions of the king irreconcilable
+with those of his opponents, but that the pretensions of his opponents
+were irreconcilable with each other. At Uxbridge, during the conferences,
+the Scotch expressed their readiness to concede to him what he required,
+if he would gratify them in regard to the Church; while the English,
+occupying themselves with civil and political questions, cared less, says
+Clarendon, for what concerned the Church than for anything else.[421] A
+better illustration could hardly be found of the secular character of the
+English rebellion, as compared with the spiritual character of the Scotch
+rebellion. Indeed, the Scotch, so far from concealing this, boasted of
+it, and evidently thought that it proved how superior they were to their
+worldly-minded neighbours. In February 1645, the General Assembly issued
+an address to the nation, including not only those who were at home, but
+also those who served in armies out of Scotland. In this document, which,
+proceeding from such a quarter, necessarily exercised great influence,
+political considerations, as having to do merely with the temporal
+happiness of men, are treated as insignificant, and almost despicable.
+That Rupert was defeated, and that York and Newcastle were taken, were
+but trifling matters. They were only the means of accomplishing an end,
+and that end was the reformation of religion in England, and the
+establishment there of the pure Presbyterian polity.[422]
+
+  [418] Our civil war was not religious; but was a struggle between the
+        Crown and the Parliament. See a note in _Buckle's History of
+        Civilization_, vol. i. p. 359.
+
+  [419] In September 1643, Baillie, writing an account of the proceedings
+        of the Westminster Assembly in the preceding month, says, 'In our
+        committees also we had hard enough debates. The English were for a
+        civill League, we for a religious Covenant.' Letter to Mr. William
+        Spang, dated 22nd September 1643, in _Baillie's Letters and
+        Journals_, vol. ii. p. 90.
+
+  [420] 'The Solemn League and Covenant,' which 'is memorable as the first
+        approach towards an intimate union between the kingdoms, but,
+        according to the intolerant principles of the age, a federal
+        alliance was constructed on the frail and narrow basis of
+        religious communion.' _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp.
+        258, 259. The passage, however, which I have quoted, in the last
+        note, from Baillie, shows that England was not responsible for the
+        intolerant principles, or, consequently, for the narrow basis.
+
+  [421] The Chancellor of Scotland 'did as good as conclude "that if the
+        king would satisfy them in the business of the Church, they would
+        not concern themselves in any of the other demands."' ... 'And it
+        was manifest enough, by the private conferences with other of the
+        commissioners, that the parliament took none of the points in
+        controversy less to heart, or were less united in, than in what
+        concerned the Church.' _Clarendon's History of the Rebellion_,
+        edit. Oxford, 1843, p. 522. See also p. 527: 'that the Scots would
+        insist upon the whole government of the Church, and in all other
+        matters would defer to the king.'
+
+  [422] See this extraordinary document in _Acts of the General Assembly of
+        the Church of Scotland from 1638 to 1842_, pp. 122-128, Edinburgh,
+        1843. It is entitled 'A solemne and seasonable warning to the
+        noblemen, barons, gentlemen, burrows, ministers, and commons of
+        Scotland; as also to armies without and within this kingdom.' In
+        it (p. 123) occurs the following passage: 'And for our part, our
+        forces sent into that kingdom, in pursuance of that Covenant, have
+        been so mercifully and manifestly assisted and blessed from heaven
+        (though in the mids of many dangers and distresses, and much want
+        and hardship), and have been so farre instrumentall to the foyling
+        and scattering of two principall armies; first, the Marquesse of
+        Newcastle his army; and afterwards Prince Rupert's and his
+        together; and to the reducing of two strong cities, York and
+        Newcastle, that we have what to answer the enemy that reproacheth
+        us concerning that businesse, and that which may make iniquitie it
+        self to stop her mouth. But which _is more unto us than all
+        victories or whatsomever temporall blessing_, the reformation of
+        religion in England, and uniformity therein between both kingdoms
+        (a principal end of that Covenant), is so far advanced, that the
+        English Service-Book with the Holy-Dayes and many other ceremonies
+        contained in it, together with the Prelacy, the fountain of all
+        these, are abolished and taken away by ordinance of parliament,
+        and a directory for the worship of God in all the three kingdoms
+        agreed upon in the Assemblies, and in the Parliaments of both
+        kingdoms, without a contrary voice in either; the government of
+        the kirk by congregational elderships, classical presbyteries,
+        provincial and national assemblies, is agreed upon by the Assembly
+        of Divines at Westminster, which is also voted and concluded in
+        both Houses of the Parliament of England.'
+
+A war, undertaken with such holy objects, and conceived in so elevated a
+spirit, was supposed to be placed under the immediate protection of the
+Deity, on whose behalf it was carried on. In the language of the time, it
+was a war for God, and for God's church. Every victory that was obtained,
+was the result, not of the skill of the general, nor of the valour of
+the troops, but was an answer to prayer.[423] When a battle was lost, it
+was either because God was vexed at the sins of the people,[424] or else
+to show them that they must not trust to the arms of the flesh.[425]
+Nothing was natural; all was supernatural. The entire course of affairs
+was governed, not by their own antecedents, but by a series of miracles.
+To assist the Scotch, winds were changed, and storms were lulled. Such
+intelligence as was important for them to receive, was often brought by
+sea; and, on those occasions, it was expected that, if the wind were
+unfavourable, Providence would interfere, would shift it from one quarter
+to another, and, when the news had safely arrived, would allow it to
+return to its former direction.[426]
+
+  [423] In 1644, 'God ansuered our Wednesday's prayers: Balfour and Waller
+        had gotten a glorious victorie over Forth and Hopton, and routed
+        them totallie, horse and foot.' _Baillie's Letters and Journals_,
+        vol. ii. p. 155. In the same year, thanksgivings being offered at
+        Aberdeen for the victory of Leslie over Rupert, 'oure minister Mr.
+        William Strathauchin declairit out of pulpit that this victory wes
+        miraculous, wrocht by the fynger of God.' _Spalding's History of
+        the Troubles_, vol. ii. p. 254. In 1648, the Commissioners of the
+        General Assembly, in an address to the Prince of Wales, stated
+        that the Deity had been 'fighting for his people;' meaning by his
+        people, the Scotch people. They added, that the fact of their
+        enemies having been repulsed, was a proof of 'how sore the Lord
+        hath been displeased with their way.' _Clarendon State Papers_,
+        vol. ii. p. 424, Oxford, 1773, folio.
+
+  [424] Two Scotch notices are now before me of the fatal battle of Dunbar.
+        According to one, the defeat was intended to testify against 'the
+        great sin and wickedness' of the people. _Naphtali, or the
+        Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland_, p. 75. According to the
+        other, it was owing to the anger of the Deity at the Scotch
+        showing any favour to the partizans of Charles. For, says the
+        Reverend Alexander Shields, 'both at that time, and since that
+        time, the Lord never countenanced an expedition where that
+        malignant interest was taken in unto the state of the quarrel.
+        Upon this, our land was invaded by Oliver Cromwell, who defeat our
+        army at Dunbar, where the anger of the Lord was evidently seen to
+        smoke against us, for espousing that interest.' _Shields' Hind let
+        loose_, p. 75. These opinions were formed after the battle. Before
+        the battle, a different hypothesis was broached. Sir Edward
+        Walker, who was in Scotland at the time, tells us, that the clergy
+        assured the people that 'they had an army of saints, and that they
+        could not be beaten.' _Journal of Affairs in Scotland in 1650_, in
+        _Walker's Historical Discourses_, London, 1705, folio, p. 165.
+
+  [425] 'Each new victory of Montrose was expressly attributed to the
+        admonitory "indignation of the Lord" against his chosen people for
+        their sin, in "trusting too much to the arm of flesh."' _Napier's
+        Life of Montrose_, Edinburgh, 1840, p. 283. Compare _Guthrie's
+        Considerations contributing unto the Discovery of the Dangers that
+        threaten Religion_, pp. 274, 275, reprinted Edinburgh, 1846.
+        Guthrie was at the height of his reputation in the middle of the
+        seventeenth century. Lord Somerville says of the Scotch, when they
+        were making war against Charles I., that it was 'ordinary for
+        them, dureing the wholl tyme of this warre, to attribute ther
+        great successe to the goodnesse and justice of their cause, untill
+        Divyne Justice trysted them with some crosse dispensatione, and
+        then you might have heard this language from them, that it pleased
+        the Lord to give his oune the heavyest end of the tree to bear,
+        that the saints and people of God must still be sufferers while
+        they are here away; that that malignant party was God's rod to
+        punish them for their unthankfullnesse,' &c. _Somerville's Memorie
+        of the Somervilles_, vol. ii. pp. 351, 352.
+
+  [426] Baillie mentions, in 1644, an instance of these expectations being
+        fulfilled. He says (_Letters and Journals_, vol. ii. p. 138),
+        'These things were brought in at a very important nick of time, by
+        God's gracious providence: Never a more quick passage from Holy
+        Island to Yarmouth in thirtie houres; they had not cast anchor
+        halfe an houre till the wind turned contrare.' Compare p. 142: 'If
+        this were past, we look for a new lyfe and vigoure in all
+        affaires, especiallie if it please God to send a sweet northwind,
+        carrying the certain news of the taking of Newcastle, which we
+        dailie expect.'
+
+It was in this way that, in Scotland, every thing conspired to strengthen
+that religious element which the force of circumstances had, at an early
+period, made prominent, and which now threatened to absorb all the other
+elements of the national character. The clergy were supreme; and habits
+of mind natural and becoming to themselves, were diffused among all
+classes. The theories of a single profession outweighed those of all
+other professions; and not only war, but also trade, literature, science,
+and art, were held of no account unless they ministered to the general
+feeling. A state of society so narrow and so one-sided, has never been
+seen in any other country equally civilized. Nor did there appear much
+chance of abating this strange monopoly. As the seventeenth century
+advanced, the same train of events was continued; the clergy and the
+people always making common cause against the crown, and being, by the
+necessity of self-preservation, forced into the most intimate union with
+each other. Of this, the preachers availed themselves to strengthen their
+own influence; and for upwards of a century their exertions stopped all
+intellectual culture, discouraged all independent inquiry, made men in
+religious matters fearful and austere, and coloured the whole national
+character with that dark hue, which, though now gradually softening, it
+still retains.
+
+The Scotch, during the seventeenth century, instead of cultivating the
+arts of life, improving their minds, or adding to their wealth, passed
+the greater part of their time in what were called religious exercises.
+The sermons were so long and so frequent, that they absorbed all leisure,
+and yet the people were never weary of hearing them. When a preacher was
+once in the pulpit, the only limit to his loquacity was his strength.
+Being sure of a patient and reverential audience, he went on as long as
+he could. If he discoursed for two hours without intermission, he was
+valued as a zealous pastor, who had the good of his flock at heart; and
+this was about as much as an ordinary clergyman could perform, because,
+in uttering his sentiments, he was expected to display great vehemence,
+and to evince his earnestness by toiling and sweating abundantly.[427]
+This boundary was, however, often passed by those who were equal to the
+labour; and Forbes, who was vigorous as well as voluble, thought nothing
+of preaching for five or six hours.[428] But, in the ordinary course of
+nature, such feats were rare; and, as the people were in these matters
+extremely eager, an ingenious contrivance was hit upon whereby their
+desires might be satisfied. On great occasions, several clergymen were
+present in the same church, in order that, when one was fatigued, he
+might leave the pulpit, and be succeeded by another, who, in his turn,
+was followed by a third; the patience of the hearers being apparently
+inexhaustible.[429] Indeed, the Scotch, by the middle of the seventeenth
+century, had grown accustomed to look up to their minister as if he were
+a god, and to dwell with rapture upon every word that dropt from his
+lips. To hear a favourite preacher, they would incur any fatigue, and
+would undertake long journeys without sleep or food.[430] Their power of
+attention was marvellous. The same congregation would sometimes remain
+together for ten hours, listening to sermons and prayers, interspersed
+with singings and readings.[431] In an account of Scotland in 1670, it is
+stated that, in a single church in Edinburgh, thirty sermons were
+delivered every week.[432] Nor is this at all unlikely, considering the
+religious enthusiasm of the age. For, in those times, the people
+delighted in the most harassing and ascetic devotions. Thus, for
+instance, in 1653, when the sacrament was administered, they pursued the
+following course. On Wednesday, they fasted, and listened to prayers and
+sermons for more than eight hours. On Saturday they heard two or three
+sermons; and on Sunday, the number of sermons was so great that they
+stayed in church more than twelve hours; while, to conclude the whole,
+three or four additional ones were preached on Monday by way of
+thanksgiving.[433]
+
+  [427] No one, perhaps, carried this further than John Menzies, the
+        celebrated professor of divinity at Aberdeen. 'Such was his
+        uncommon fervour in the pulpit, that, we are informed, he "used to
+        change his shirt always after preaching, and to wet two or three
+        napkins with tears every sermon."' Note in _Wodrow's
+        Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 222. James Forbes, also, was 'an able
+        and zealous preacher, who after every sermon behooved to change
+        his shirt, he spoke with such vehemency and sweating.' _Select
+        Biographies_, published by the Wodrow Society, vol. i. p. 333.
+        Lord Somerville, who wrote in 1679, mentions 'their thundering
+        preachings.' _Memorie of the Somervilles_, vol. ii. p. 388. A
+        traditionary anecdote, related by the Dean of Edinburgh, refers to
+        a later period, but is characteristic of the class. 'Another
+        description I have heard of an energetic preacher more forcible
+        than delicate--"Eh, our minister had a great power o' watter, for
+        he grat, and spat, and swat like mischeef."' _Reminiscences of
+        Scottish Life and Character_, by E. B. Ramsay, Dean of Edinburgh,
+        p. 201.
+
+  [428] He 'was a very learned and pious man; he had a strange faculty of
+        preaching five or six hours at a time.' _Burnet's History of his
+        own Time_, vol. i. p. 38. Even early in the eighteenth century,
+        when theological fervour was beginning to decline, and sermons
+        were consequently shorter, Hugh Thomson came near to Forbes. 'He
+        was the longest preacher ever I heard, and would have preached
+        four (or) five hours, and was not generally under two hours; that
+        almost every body expected.' ... 'He was a piouse good man, and a
+        fervent affectionat preacher, and, when I heard him, he had a vast
+        deal of heads, and a great deal of matter, and generally very good
+        and practicall, but very long.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. iv.
+        p. 203.
+
+  [429] In 1653, Lamont casually mentions, in his journal, that 'the one
+        came doune from the pulpit and the other went vp, in the tyme that
+        the psalme after the first sermon was singing, so that ther was no
+        intermission of the exercise, nether were the peopell dismissed
+        till both sermons were ended.' _The Diary of Mr. John Lamont of
+        Newton_, p. 58. Burnet (_History of his own Time_, vol. i. p. 92)
+        says, 'I remember in one fast day there were six sermons preached
+        without intermission. I was there myself, and not a little weary
+        of so tedious a service.'
+
+  [430] When Guthrie preached at Fenwick, 'his church, although a large
+        country one, was overlaid and crowded every Sabbath-day, and very
+        many, without doors, from distant parishes, such as Glasgow,
+        Paisley, Hamilton, Lanerk, Kilbryde, Glasford, Strathaven,
+        Newmills, Egelsham and many other places, who hungered for the
+        pure gospel preached, and got a meal by the word of his ministry.
+        It was their usual practice to come to Fenwick on Saturday, and to
+        spend the greatest part of the night in prayer to God, and
+        conversation about the great concerns of their souls, to attend
+        the public worship on the Sabbath, to dedicate the remainder of
+        that holy day in religious exercises, and then to go home on
+        Monday the length of ten, twelve or twenty miles without grudging
+        in the least at the long way, want of sleep or other refreshments;
+        neither did they find themselves the less prepared for any other
+        business through the week.' _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_, 2nd
+        edit., Glasgow, 1781, p. 311. One woman went forty miles to hear
+        Livingstone preach. See her own statement, in _Wodrow's Analecta_,
+        vol. ii. p. 249.
+
+  [431] Spalding gives the following account of what happened at Aberdeen
+        in 1644. 'So heir in Old Abirdene, upone the sevint of July, we
+        had ane fast, entering the churche be nyne houris, and continewit
+        praying and preiching whill tua houris. Efter sermon, the people
+        sat still heiring reiding whill efternone's sermon began and
+        endit, whiche continewit till half hour to sex. Then the prayer
+        bell rang to the evening prayeris, and continewit whill seven.'
+        _Spalding's History of the Troubles_, vol. ii. p. 244, edit.
+        Edinburgh, 1829, 4to. See also p. 42: 'the people keipit churche
+        all day.' This was also at Aberdeen, in 1642.
+
+  [432] 'Out of one pulpit now they have thirty sermons per week, all
+        under one roof.' _A Modern Account of Scotland_, in _The Harleian
+        Miscellany_, vol. vi. p. 138, edit. Park, London, 1810, 4to.
+
+  [433] 'But where the greatest part was more sound, they gave the
+        sacrament with a new and unusual solemnity. On the Wednesday
+        before, they held a fast day, with prayers and sermons for about
+        eight or ten hours together: on the Saturday they had two or three
+        preparation sermons: and on the Lord's day they had so very many,
+        that the action continued above twelve hours in some places: and
+        all ended with three or four sermons on Monday for thanksgiving.'
+        _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. i. p. 108.
+
+Such eagerness, and yet such patience, indicate a state of society
+altogether peculiar, and for which we find no parallel in the history of
+any civilized country. This intense desire to hear whatever the preachers
+had to say, was, in itself, a homage of the most flattering kind, and was
+naturally accompanied by a belief that they were endowed with a light
+which was withheld from their less gifted countrymen. It is not
+surprising that the clergy, who, at no period, and in no nation, have
+been remarkable for their meekness, or for a want of confidence in
+themselves, should, under circumstances so eminently favourable to their
+pretensions, have been somewhat elated, and should have claimed an
+authority even greater than that which was conceded to them. And as this
+is intimately connected with the subsequent history of Scotland, it will
+be necessary to collect some evidence respecting their conduct, which
+will have the further advantage of exhibiting the true character of
+spiritual domination, and of showing how it works, not only on the
+intellectual, but also on the practical, life of a people.
+
+According to the Presbyterian polity, which reached its height in the
+seventeenth century, the clergyman of the parish selected a certain
+number of laymen on whom he could depend, and who, under the name of
+elders, were his councillors, or rather the ministers of his authority.
+They, when assembled together, formed what was called the Kirk-Session,
+and this little court, which enforced the decisions uttered in the
+pulpit, was so supported by the superstitious reverence of the people,
+that it was far more powerful than any civil tribunal. By its aid, the
+minister became supreme. For, whoever presumed to disobey him was
+excommunicated, was deprived of his property, and was believed to have
+incurred the penalty of eternal perdition.[434] Against such weapons, in
+such a state of society, resistance was impossible. The clergy interfered
+with every man's private concerns, ordered how he should govern his
+family, and often took upon themselves the personal control of his
+household.[435] Their minions, the elders, were everywhere; for each
+parish was divided into several quarters, and to each quarter one of
+these officials was allotted, in order that he might take special notice
+of what was done in his own district.[436] Besides this, spies were
+appointed, so that nothing could escape their supervision.[437] Not only
+the streets, but even private houses, were searched, and ransacked, to
+see if any one was absent from church while the minister was
+preaching.[438] To him, all must listen, and him all must obey. Without
+the consent of his tribunal, no person might engage himself, either as a
+domestic servant, or as a field labourer.[439] If any one incurred the
+displeasure of the clergy, they did not scruple to summon his servants
+and force them to state whatever they knew respecting him, and whatever
+they had seen done in his house.[440] To speak disrespectfully of a
+preacher was a grievous offence;[441] to differ from him was a
+heresy;[442] even to pass him in the streets without saluting him, was
+punished as a crime.[443] His very name was regarded as sacred, and not
+to be taken in vain. And that it might be properly protected, and held in
+due honour, an Assembly of the Church, in 1642, forbad it to be used in
+any public paper unless the consent of the holy man had been previously
+obtained.[444]
+
+  [434] 'The power of those kirk-sessions, which are now private
+        assemblages, in whose meetings and proceedings the public take no
+        interest whatever, is defined to be the cognizance of parochial
+        matters and cases of scandal; but in the sixteenth and seventeenth
+        centuries, especially during the Covenanting reign of terror after
+        the outbreak of the Civil War against Charles I., the
+        kirk-sessions of Scotland were the sources of excessive tyranny
+        and oppression--were arbitrary, inquisitorial, and revengeful, to
+        an extent which exceeds all belief. It is truly stated by the
+        author of the "Memoirs of Locheill"--"Every parish had a tyrant,
+        who made the greatest Lord in his district stoop to his authority.
+        The kirk was the place where he kept his court; the pulpit his
+        throne or tribunal from whence he issued out his terrible decrees;
+        and twelve or fourteen sour ignorant enthusiasts, under the title
+        of Elders, composed his council. If any, of what quality soever,
+        had the assurance to disobey his orders, the dreadful sentence of
+        excommunication was immediately thundered out against him, his
+        goods and chattels confiscated and seized, and he himself being
+        looked upon as actually in the possession of the devil, and
+        irretrievably doomed to eternal perdition."' Introduction to _The
+        Kirk-Session Register of Perth_, in _The Spottiswoode Miscellany_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 229-230, Edinburgh, 1845. In regard to the perdition
+        which the sentence of excommunication was supposed to involve, one
+        of the most influential Scotch divines of that time merely
+        expresses the prevailing notion, when he asserts, that whoever was
+        excommunicated was thereby given up to Satan. 'That he who is
+        excommunicated may be truly said to be delivered to Sathan is
+        undeniable.' _Gillespie's Aaron's Rod Blossoming, or the Divine
+        Ordinance of Church Government Vindicated_, 1646, 4to, p. 239.
+        'Excommunication, which is a shutting out of a Church-member from
+        the Church, whereby Sathan commeth to get dominion and power over
+        him.' _Ibid._ p. 297. 'Sure I am an excommunicate person may truly
+        be said to be delivered to Sathan.' p. 424.
+
+  [435] Clarendon, under the year 1640, emphatically says (_History of the
+        Rebellion_, p. 67), 'The preacher reprehended the husband,
+        governed the wife, chastised the children, and insulted over the
+        servants, in the houses of the greatest men.' The theory was, that
+        'ministers and elders must be submitted unto us as fathers.'
+        _Shields' Enquiry into Church Communion_, 2nd edit., Edinburgh,
+        1747, p. 66. In the middle of the seventeenth century, one of the
+        most famous of the Scotch preachers openly asserted the right of
+        his profession to interfere in family matters, on the ground that
+        such was the custom in the time of Joshua. 'The Ministers of God's
+        house have not only the ministry of holy things, as Word and
+        Sacraments, committed to their charge, but also the power of
+        ecclesiastical government to take order with scandalous offences
+        within the familie; both these are here promised to Joshua and the
+        Priests.' _Hutchison's Exposition of the Minor Prophets_, vol.
+        iii. p. 72, London, 1654. In 1603, the Presbytery of Aberdeen took
+        upon themselves to order that every master of a house should keep
+        a rod, that his family, including his servants, might be beaten if
+        they used improper language. 'It is concludit that thair salbe in
+        ewerie houss a palmar.' _Selections from the Records of the Kirk
+        Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_, printed for the
+        Spalding Club, 4to, Aberdeen, 1846, p. 194. It also appears
+        (p. 303) that, in 1674, the clergyman was expected to exercise
+        supervision over all visitors to private houses; since he ought to
+        be informed, 'iff ther be anie persone receaved in the familie
+        without testimoniall presented to the minister.'
+
+  [436] In 1650, it was ordered, 'That everie paroche be divydit in
+        severall quarteris, and each elder his owne quarter, over which he
+        is to have speciall inspectioun, and that everie elder visit his
+        quarter once everie month at least, according to the act of the
+        Generall Assemblie, 1649, and in thair visitatioun tak notice of
+        all disorderlie walkeris, especiallie neglectouris of God's
+        worship in thair families, sueareris, haunteris of aill houses,
+        especiallie at vnseasonable tymes, and long sitteris thair, and
+        drinkeris of healthis; and that he dilate these to the Sessioun.'
+        _Selections from the Minutes of the Synod of Fife_, printed for
+        the Abbotsford Club, Edinburgh, 1837, 4to, p. 168. 'The elders
+        each one in his own quarter, for trying the manners of the
+        people.' _The Government and Order of the Church of Scotland_,
+        Edinburgh, 1690, p. 14. This scarce little volume is reprinted
+        from the edition of 1641. See the advertisement at the beginning.
+
+  [437] In 1652, the Kirk-Session of Glasgow 'brot boyes and servants
+        before them, for breaking the Sabbath, and other faults. They had
+        clandestine censors, and gave money to some for this end.'
+        _Wodrow's Collections_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 74, Glasgow, 1848,
+        4to.
+
+  [438] 'It is thocht expedient that ane baillie with tua of the sessioun
+        pas throw the towne everie Sabboth day, and nott sic as thay find
+        absent fra the sermones ather afoir or efter none; and for that
+        effect that thay pas and _sersche sic houss as they think maist
+        meit_, and pas athort the streittis.' _Selections from the Records
+        of the Kirk Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 26.
+        'To pas throw the towne to caus the people resort to the hering of
+        the sermones.' p. 59. 'Ganging throw the towne on the ordinar
+        preiching dayes in the weik, als weill as on the Saboth day, to
+        caus the people resort to the sermones.' p. 77. See also p. 94;
+        and _Wodrow's Collections_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 37: 'the Session
+        allous the searchers to go into houses and apprehend absents from
+        the kirk.'
+
+  [439] 'Another peculiarity was the supervision wielded over the movements
+        of people to such a degree that they could neither _obtain lodging
+        nor employment_ except by a licence from the Kirk-Session, or, by
+        defying this police court, expose themselves to fine and
+        imprisonment.' _Lawson's Book of Perth_, p. xxxvii. Edinburgh,
+        1847.
+
+  [440] In 1652, Sir Alexander Irvine indignantly writes, that the
+        presbytery of Aberdeen, 'when they had tried many wayes, bot in
+        vaine, to mak probable this their vaine imaginatione, they, at
+        lenthe, when all other meanes failed thame, by ane unparalelled
+        barbaritie, enforced my serwandis to reweall upon oathe what they
+        sawe, herd, or knewe done within my house, beyond which no
+        Turkische inquisitione could pase.' _The Miscellany of the
+        Spalding Club_, vol. iii. p. 206, Aberdeen, 1846, 4to.
+
+  [441] In 1656, a servant was ordered to be brought before the
+        Kirk-Session of Aberdeen 'for her rayleing againest Mr. Andrew
+        Cant, minister, in saying that becaus the said Mr. Andrew spak
+        againest Yuill, he spak lyke ane old fool.' _Selections from the
+        Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_,
+        p. 138. In 1642, the Presbytery of Lanark had up a certain James
+        Baillie, because he stated the extremely probable circumstance,
+        'that two fooles mett togither, when the Minister and his sone
+        mett togither.' _Selections from the Registers of the Presbytery
+        of Lanark_, printed for the Abbotsford Club, Edinburgh, 1839, 4to,
+        p. 30.
+
+  [442] In 1644, 'If you dissent from them in a theological tenet, it is
+        heresy.' _Presbytery Displayed_, 1644, p. 39, reprinted London,
+        1663, 4to. In 1637, 'If ye depart from _what I taught you in a
+        hair-breadth_ for fear or favour of men, or desire of ease in this
+        world, I take heaven and earth to witness, that ill shall come
+        upon you in end.' _Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 116. In
+        1607, 'Mr. William Cowper, Minister, complained upon Robert Keir
+        that he had disdainfully spoken of his doctrine. The (Kirk)
+        Session ordained him to be warned to the morrow.' _Lawson's Book
+        of Perth_, p. 247.
+
+  [443] In 1619, a man was summoned before the Kirk-Session of Perth,
+        because, among other things, he would not perform 'that civil duty
+        of salutation, as becomes him to his pastor;' but 'passed by him
+        without using any kind of reverence.' _The Chronicle of Perth_,
+        Edinburgh, 1831, 4to, p. 80. The complaint was preferred by the
+        minister himself. Indeed, the Scotch clergy took these things so
+        much to heart, that they set up a theory to the effect that
+        whoever showed them any disrespect, was prompted thereto by Satan.
+        'It is Satan's great engine to draw men to contemne God and his
+        word, under pretext of disrespect and prejudice against the
+        Messengers only.' ... 'It may let us see their guilt who despise
+        most eminent ordinary Messengers.' _Hutcheson's Exposition of the
+        Minor Prophets_, vol. i. pp. 205, 233.
+
+  [444] The General Assembly of Saint Andrews, in 1642, passed 'an act
+        against using ministers' names in any of the public papers,
+        without their own consent.' _Stevenson's History of the Church of
+        Scotland_, p. 503.
+
+These and similar proceedings, being upheld by public opinion, were
+completely successful. Indeed, they could hardly have been otherwise,
+seeing that it was generally believed that whoever gainsaid the clergy,
+would be visited, not only with temporal penalties, but also with
+spiritual ones. For such a crime, there was punishment here, and there
+was punishment hereafter. The preachers willingly fostered a delusion by
+which they benefited. They told their hearers, that what was spoken in
+the pulpit was binding upon all believers, and was to be regarded as
+immediately proceeding from the Deity.[445] This proposition being
+established, other propositions naturally followed. The clergy believed
+that they alone were privy to the counsels of the Almighty, and that, by
+virtue of this knowledge, they could determine what any man's future
+state would be.[446] Going still further, they claimed the power, not
+only of foretelling his future state, but also of controlling it; and
+they did not scruple to affirm that, by their censures, they could open
+and shut the kingdom of heaven.[447] As if this were not enough, they
+also gave out that a word of theirs could hasten the moment of death, and
+by cutting off the sinner in his prime, could bring him at once before
+the judgment-seat of God.[448]
+
+  [445] 'Directions for a believer's walk, given by Christ's ministers from
+        his word, are his own, and are accounted by him as if he did
+        immediately speak them himself.' _Durham's Exposition of the Song
+        of Solomon_, p. 102. I quote from the Glasgow reprint of 1788.
+        That my references may be easily verified, and any error, if error
+        there be, detected, I mention that the exact edition used will, in
+        every case, be found specified in the List of Authors at the
+        beginning of this work. But, if it will give the reader any
+        additional confidence, I will venture to observe, that I am always
+        scrupulously careful in reference to quotations, having looked out
+        each passage afresh, as the sheets came from the printers hands.
+        Some of the circumstances narrated in this chapter are so
+        monstrous, that I hope to be excused in saying that I have taken
+        all possible pains to secure their literal accuracy.
+
+  [446] 'Yea, such was their arrogance, that, as if they had been privy to
+        the councils of God, or the dispensers of his vengeance to the
+        world, they presumed to pronounce upon their future state, and
+        doomed them, both body and soul, to eternal torments.' _Wishart's
+        Memoirs of the Marquis of Montrose_, p. 237. 'Ye heard of me the
+        whole counsel of God. _Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 16. 'I
+        am free from the blood of all men; for I have communicated to you
+        the whole counsel of God.' _Ibid._ p. 191. 'This is the great
+        business of Gospel Ministers, to declare the whole counsel of
+        God.' _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, p. 4. 'Asserting
+        that he had declared the whole counsel of God, and had keeped
+        nothing back.' _Life of the Rev. A. Peden_, p. 41, in vol. i. of
+        _Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana_.
+
+  [447] 'The power of the keys is given to the Ministers of the church,
+        wherewith not only by the preaching of the word, but also to
+        church censures (sic) they open and shut the kingdom of heaven.'
+        _Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error_, p. 282. 'To preach the
+        Word, impugne, rebuik, admonishe, exhort and correct, and that
+        under no less paine then casting both bodie and soull into
+        eternall hell's fire.' _Forbes' Certaine Records touching the
+        Estate of the Kirk_, p. 519. 'The next words, "Whatsoever ye shall
+        bind on Earth shall be bound in Heaven," being spoken to the
+        Apostles, and in them to other Ministers of Jesus Christ.'
+        _Gillespie's Aaron's Rod Blossoming_, p. 366. 'The keys of the
+        kingdom of Heaven' ... 'are committed and intrusted to the pastors
+        and other ruling officers of the Church.' _Ibid._ p. 260.
+
+  [448] 'Gird up the loins of your mind, and make you ready for meeting
+        the Lord; I have often summoned you, and now I summon you again,
+        to compear before your Judge, to make a reckoning of your life.'
+        _Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 235. 'Mr. Cameron, musing a
+        little, said, "You, and all who do not know my God in mercy, shall
+        know him in his judgments, which shall be sudden and surprising in
+        a few days upon you; and I, as a sent servant of Jesus Christ,
+        whose commission I bear, and whose badge I wear upon my breast,
+        give you warning, and leave you to the justice of God."
+        Accordingly, in a few days after, the said Andrew, being in
+        perfect health, took his breakfast plentifully, and before he rose
+        fell a-vomiting, and vomited his heart's blood in the very vessel
+        out of which he had taken his breakfast; and died in a most
+        frightful manner.' _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_, p. 406.
+
+Utterly horrible as such a pretension now appears, it was made, not only
+with impunity, but with advantage; and numerous instances are recorded,
+in which the people believed that it was strictly enforced. The
+celebrated John Welsh, sitting one night at table, round which a party
+were assembled at supper, began to discourse to the company respecting
+the state of their souls. Those who were present listened with humility;
+but to this general feeling there was one exception. For, it so happened
+that a Roman Catholic was in the room, and he, of course, disagreed with
+the opinions expressed by the Presbyterian divine. If he had been a
+cautious man, he would have kept his disagreement to himself; but being a
+hot-headed youth, and being impatient at seeing a single person engross
+the conversation, he lost his temper, and not only ridiculed Welsh, but
+actually made faces at him. Thereupon, Welsh charged the company to take
+heed, and see what the Lord was about to do to him who mocked. Scarcely
+had this threat been uttered, when it was carried into execution. He who
+had dared to jest at the minister, suddenly fell, sank under the table,
+and died there in presence of the whole party.[449]
+
+  [449] 'Sitting at supper with the Lord Ochiltree (who was uncle to
+        Mr. Welsh's wife), as his manner was, he entertained the company
+        with godly and edifying discourse, which was well received by all
+        the company save only one debauched Popish young gentleman, who
+        sometimes laughed, and sometimes mocked and made faces; whereupon
+        Mr. Welsh brake out into a sad abrupt charge upon all the company
+        to be silent, and observe the work of the Lord upon that profane
+        mocker, which they should presently behold; upon which immediately
+        the profane wretch sunk down and died beneath the table, but never
+        returned to life again, to the great astonishment of all the
+        company.' _History of Mr. John Welsh, Minister of the Gospel at
+        Ayr_, in _Select Biographies_, vol. i. p. 29. 'Mr. Welsh being by
+        the Captaine, set at the upper end, intertained the company with
+        grave and edifying discourse which all delighted to hear, save
+        this young Papist, who, with laughter and derision, laboured to
+        silence him, which was little regarded by Mr. Welsh. But after
+        supper, while the guests sate a little, this youth stood up at the
+        lower end of the table, and while Mr. Welsh proceeded from grave
+        to gracious entertainment of his company, the youth came to that
+        height of insolence as with the finger to point at him and with
+        the face to make flouting grimaces, whereby he grieved the holy
+        man, so as on a suddain he was forced to a silence. The whole
+        company, who had heard him with delight, were silent with him.
+        Within a little, Mr. Welsh, as moved by the spirit of God, broke
+        forth into these words: "Gentlemen, the spirit of God is provoked
+        against us, and I shall intreat you not to be afraid to see what
+        God shall do among you before you rise from the table, for he will
+        smite some of you with death before you go hence." All were
+        silently astonished, waiting to see the issue with fear. And while
+        every man feared himselfe, except the insolent youth, he fel down
+        dead suddenly at the foot of the table to shew the power of God's
+        jealousie against the mockers of his Spirit and the offers of his
+        grace.' _Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture_, pp. 374, 375.
+
+This happened early in the seventeenth century, and being bruited abroad,
+it became a great terror to all evil-doers. But, after a time, its effect
+appears to have been weakened; since another man was equally rash some
+forty or fifty years afterwards. It seems that a Scotch clergyman of
+considerable repute, Mr. Thomas Hog, was, like Welsh, sitting at supper,
+when it so chanced that the servants forgot to lay the knives. Mr. Hog,
+thinking the opportunity a favourable one, observed that such
+forgetfulness was of little moment, and that, while we thought so much of
+our comforts here, it was far more necessary to consider our condition
+hereafter. A gentleman present, amused, either by the manner of Mr. Hog,
+or by the skill with which he introduced the topics of his own
+profession, was unable to restrain himself, and burst out into a violent
+fit of laughter. The minister, however, was not to be checked, and he
+continued after such a fashion, that the laughter was repeated louder
+than ever. At length Mr. Hog turned round, and told his merry comrade
+that very shortly he should seek for mercy, but find it not. That same
+night, the scoffer was taken ill, and in great alarm sent for Mr. Hog. It
+was, however, useless. Before the clergyman could reach his room, the
+sinner was lying dead, a lost and ruined man.[450]
+
+  [450] 'When they sat doun to supper, it seems, knives were forgote; and
+        when the servant was rebuked, Mr. Hogg said, there was noe matter,
+        for he had one in his pocket, and it was a necessary companion for
+        a travailer; and, as his use was upon evry thing, he took occasion
+        to raise a spirituall discourse from it: "If we wer soe carefull
+        about accommodations in our way here, what care should we take in
+        our spirituall journey!" and the like; at which the factour takes
+        a kink of laughing. Mr. Hogg looked at him with a frown, and went
+        on in his discourse. Within a little, at somewhat or other, he
+        laughed out yet louder, and Mr. Hogg stoped a litle, and looked
+        him very stern in the face, and went on in his discourse, upon the
+        free grace of God; and, at some expression or other, the man fell
+        a laughing and flouting very loud: Upon which Mr. Hogg stoped, and
+        directed his discourse to him, to this purpose: "Alace!" sayes he,
+        "my soul is afflicted to say what I must say to you, sir, and I am
+        constrained and pressed in spirit to say it, and cannot help it.
+        Sir, you nou dispise the grace of God, and mock at it; but I tell
+        you, in the name of the Lord, that the time is coming, and that
+        very shortly, when you (will) seek ane offer of grace, but shall
+        not find it!" Upon which the man arose, laughing and flouting, and
+        went to his room. After he was away, the lady asked Mr. Hogg, What
+        he thought would come upon him? He answered, he kneu noe more then
+        he had said, and that he was constrained and oblidged to say it
+        against his inclination; and he could not accompt for some of
+        these impressions he sometimes felt, and after Providences would
+        clear, and that shortly; but what it was, when, or where, he kneu
+        not. The man told some of the servants that a phanatick Minister
+        had been pronouncing a curse on him, but he did not value him nor
+        it either. After Mr. Hogg had been somtime with the lady, he went
+        to his room; and after he had, as he used to doe, spent some time
+        in prayer, he putt off his cloaths, and just as he was stepping
+        into his bedd, a servant comes and knocks at the dore and cryes,
+        "For the Lord's sake, Mr. Hogg, come doun staires, presently, to
+        the factour's room!" He put on his cloaths, as quickly as
+        possible, and came doun, but the wretch was dead before he reached
+        him!' _Analecta, or Materials for a History of Remarkable
+        Providences, mostly relating to Scotch Ministers and Christians_,
+        by the Rev. Robert Wodrow, vol. i. pp. 265, 266. Compare _The Life
+        of Mr. Thomas Hog_, in _Howie's Biographia_, p. 543, where a
+        version is given, slightly different, but essentially the same.
+
+Nor was it merely in private houses that such examples were made.
+Sometimes the clergyman denounced the offender from the pulpit, and the
+punishment was as public as the offence. It is said that Gabriel Semple,
+when preaching, had a strange habit of putting out his tongue, and that
+this excited the mirth of a drunken man, who went into the church, and,
+by way of derision, put out his tongue also. But, to his horror, he
+found that, though he could put it out, he could not draw it in again.
+The result was, that the tongue stiffened; it lost all sensibility;
+and, paralysis coming on, the man died a few days after his
+transgression.[451]
+
+  [451] 'He tells me, that when in the South country, he heard this story,
+        which was not doubted about Geddart' (i.e. Jedburgh): 'Mr. Gabriel
+        Semple had gote a habite, when speaking and preaching, of putting
+        out his tongue, and licking his lipps very frequently. Ther was a
+        fellou that used to ape him, in a way of mock; and one day, in a
+        druken caball, he was aping him and putting out his tongue; and it
+        turned stiffe and sensless, and he could not drau it in again, but
+        in a feu dayes dyed. This accompt is soe odd, that I wish I may
+        have it confirmed from other hands.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. ii.
+        p. 187.
+
+Occasionally, the penalty was less severe, though the miracle was equally
+conspicuous. In 1682, a certain woman took upon herself to scold the
+famous divine, Peden, who was justly regarded as one of the great lights
+of the Scotch Church. 'I wonder,' said that eminent man, 'I wonder your
+tongue is not sore with so much idle clatter.' She indignantly replied,
+that she had never suffered, either from a sore tongue, or from a sore
+mouth. He told her that she soon would. And the consequence of his saying
+so was, that her tongue and gums swelled to that degree, that for some
+days she was unable to take her usual food.[452]
+
+  [452] 'About the same time, wading Douglas-water very deep,' (he) 'came
+        to a house there; the good wife of the house insisted (as most
+        part of women do not keep a bridle-hand) in chiding of him; which
+        made him to fret, and said, I wonder that your tongue is not sore
+        with so much idle clatter. She said, I never had a sore tongue nor
+        mouth all my days. He said, It will not be long so. Accordingly,
+        her tongue and gooms swelled so, that she could get no meat taken
+        for some days.' _Account of the Life and Death of Mr. Walter
+        Smith_, p. 93, in vol. ii. of _Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana_.
+
+She escaped with her life; others were more sharply handled. A clergyman
+was interrupted in the midst of his sermon by three gentlemen leaving the
+church. It is not stated that there was any thing offensive in their
+manner; but their object in going was to amuse themselves at some fair or
+race, and the minister, no doubt, thought that they should have been
+content with the gratification of hearing him. At all events, he was
+dissatisfied, and, after the sermon was over, he censured their conduct,
+and threatened them with the divine displeasure. His words were
+remembered, and, to the awe of his parishioners, every tittle was
+fulfilled. Of the three gentlemen, all died violent deaths; one of them
+broke his neck by falling from his horse, and another was found in his
+room with his throat cut.[453]
+
+  [453] 'I hear from Lady Henriett Campbell, who was present at a
+        Communion at Jeddart (Jedburgh), some years before Mr. Gabriel
+        Semple's death, that, either on the fast day, or Saturnday, ther
+        wer three gentlmen either in the parish or noturely knouen
+        thereabout, who rose in the time of the last sermon, and with
+        their servants went out of (the church), either to some fair or
+        some race, not farr off. After sermon, when Mr. Semple rose to
+        give the ordinary advertisments, he began with taking nottice of
+        this, and said, he had remarked three gentlmen rise in time of
+        sermon, and contemptuously and boldly leave God's service to goe
+        to a fair, or race, as he supposed; but sayes, "It's born in upon
+        me, and I am perswaded of it, the Lord will not suffer them to goe
+        off time, without some remarkable judgment, and I am much mistaken
+        if the most part that have seen them committ the sin, will not
+        hear of the punishment of such open despite to the ordinances of
+        Christ." This peremptoryness did very much surprize Lady
+        H(enriett), and coming home from sermon with my Lord Lothian and
+        his Lady, in coach, she expressed her surprize at it. My Lord
+        Lothian said, "The Minister is a man of God, and I am perswaded
+        not one word of his will fall to the ground!" Within some feu
+        moneths, my Lord or my Lady, writing to Lady H(enriett), signifyed
+        to her, that one of these gentlmen was found in his room, (if I
+        forgett not), with his throat cutt; and a second, being drunk,
+        fell off his horse, and broke his neck; and some while after, shee
+        heard the third had dyed some violent death.' _Wodrow's Analecta_,
+        vol. i. pp. 344, 345.
+
+Cases of this sort were frequent during the seventeenth century; and as
+in that credulous age they were firmly believed and widely circulated,
+the power of the clergy was consolidated by them. The Laird of Hilton
+once ventured to pull a minister out of a pulpit which was not his own,
+and into which he had unlawfully intruded. 'For the injury you have done
+to the servant of God,' cried the enraged preacher, 'you shall be brought
+into this church like a sticked sow.' And so indeed he was. Yet a little
+while, and Hilton became entangled in a quarrel, was run through the
+body, and his corpse, still bleeding, was carried into the very church
+where the outrage had been committed.[454]
+
+  [454] 'In the time of sermon, the Laird of Hiltoun comes in, and charges
+        him in the midst of his work, to come out of (the) pulpite, in the
+        king's name. Mr. Douglasse refused; whereupon the Laird comes to
+        the pulpit, and pulls him out by force! When he sau he behoved to
+        yeild, he said, "Hiltoun, for this injury you have done to the
+        servant of God, knou what you are to meet with! In a litle time
+        you shall be brought into this very church, like a sticked sou!"
+        And in some litle time after, Hilton was run throu the body, and
+        dyed by, if I mistake not, Annandale's brother, either in a douell
+        or a drunken toilzie, and his corpes wer brought in, all bleeding,
+        into that church. "Touch not mine annoynted, and doe my prophets
+        noe harm!"' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. ii. p. 154. In the same work
+        (vol. iv. p. 268) the Reverend Mr. Wodrow writes, that he had been
+        subsequently informed, 'that the story is very true about the
+        denuntiation upon the Laird of Hiltoun, as I have (I think)
+        published it; and ther is a man yet alive who was witness to it,
+        and in the church at the time.'
+
+Even when a clergyman was in prison, he retained the same power. His
+authority was delegated to him from on high, and no temporal misfortune
+could curtail it. In 1673, the Reverend Alexander Peden, when in
+confinement, heard a young girl laughing at him outside the door of his
+room, while he was engaged in those vociferous devotions for which he was
+celebrated. The mirth of the poor child cost her dear. Peden denounced
+against her the judgment of God. In consequence of that denunciation, the
+wind blew her from a rock on which she was walking, and swept her into
+the sea, where she was quickly drowned.[455]
+
+  [455] 'While prisoner in the Bass, one Sabbath morning, being about the
+        publick worship of God, a young lass, about the age of thirteen or
+        fourteen years, came to the chamber-door, mocking with loud
+        laughter: He said, Poor thing, thou mocks and laughs at the
+        worship of God; but ere long, God shall write such a sudden,
+        surprising judgment on thee, that shall stay thy laughing, and
+        thou shalt not escape it. Very shortly thereafter, she was walking
+        upon the rock, and there came a blast of wind, and sweeped her off
+        the rock into the sea, where she was lost.' _Life and Death of Mr.
+        Alexander Peden_, p. 43, in vol. i. of _Walker's Biographia
+        Presbyteriana_. See also _Howie's Biographia Presbyteriana_,
+        p. 487.
+
+Sometimes the vengeance of the clergy extended to the innocent offspring
+of the man who had offended them. A certain minister, whose name has not
+been preserved, met with opposition in his parish, and fell into
+pecuniary and other difficulties. He applied for aid to a trader, who,
+being wealthy, ought, he thought, to afford him assistance. The trader,
+however, thought otherwise, and refused. Upon this, the clergyman
+declared that God would visit him. The result was, that his business not
+only declined, but his mind became impaired, and he died an idiot. He had
+two sons and two daughters. Both his sons went mad. One of his daughters,
+likewise, lost her reason. The other daughter being married, even her
+husband became destitute, and the children of that marriage became
+beggars, that the heinous crime might be visited to the third
+generation.[456]
+
+  [456] 'He (Mr. Fordyce, in Aberdeen) tells me this following accompt,
+        which he had from personall observation: When he lived near
+        Frazerburge, in the North, there was a minister settled there,
+        _jure devoluto_, the toun being biggotted against Presbytery to a
+        pitch, and only two or three that had any seeming liking that way.
+        After the Minister is setled, he expected much encouragement from
+        one Ougstoun, I think his name was, who had professed much respect
+        for him in that way. A while after, in some difficulty, the
+        Minister came to him, and desired his countenance and assistance
+        in the difficulty. He at first put the Minister off with delay:
+        and within a litle plainly mocked him, and would doe nothing. The
+        Minister came from him to my informer, who lived a litle from the
+        place, and gave him ane account (of) what had befallen him, and
+        said, "I expected much from that man, and reaconed upon his help
+        and assistance, in soe comfortless a setlement as I have ventured
+        on; and he has not only disappointed me, but mocked me!" And the
+        Minister was like to sink under the thoughts of this carriage; and
+        after some silence, he said, very peremptorly, "I am much
+        mistaken, yea, I'le say it, God hath sent me, and spoken by me.
+        God will visite that man, and something more than ordinary will
+        befall him and his!" My informer was very much stunned and greived
+        at such a peremptory declaration. However, it was accomplished, to
+        my informer's personall knowledge. The man was a trader, who was
+        very rich, worth near four or five thousand pounds sterling in
+        stock. He had two sons and two daughters. Within some litle time,
+        one of his sons turned distracted, and I think continues soe
+        still. The other son, in some distemper, turned silly, and litle
+        better, and dyed. His daughters, one was maryed, and her husband
+        lost all his stock at sea, twice or thrice; his goodfather stocked
+        him once or twice, and all was still lost, and they and their
+        children are miserable. The other daughter fell into a distemper,
+        wherein she lost her reason. The man himself, after that time,
+        never throve; his means wasted away insensibly; and throu all
+        things, he fell under melancholy, and turned silly, and dyed
+        stupide. All this fell out in some feu years after what passed
+        above; and my relator kneu all this particularly, and had occasion
+        to be upon the man's bussiness and affairs.' _Wodrow's Analecta_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 175, 176. See also, in another work by this eminent
+        Scotch divine, an account of what happened, when 'a rash young
+        man' having destroyed the property of a clergyman, named Boyd, 'it
+        was observed that that family did never thrive afterwards, but
+        were in a decaying condition till they are reduced almost to
+        nothing.' _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of Ministers of the
+        Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. part. i. p. 215.
+
+To prosecute a minister, or even to assert one's rights against him
+before a civil tribunal, was not only a hazard, but a certain ruin. About
+the year 1665, James Fraser was sued in a court of law for a large sum of
+money, said to be due from his father's estate. As usually happens in
+these cases, the party sued, considered that he was unjustly treated, and
+that his opponent had no right to make the claim. So far, all was
+natural. But the peculiarity was, that Fraser, against whom the action
+was brought, was a young man preparing for the ministry, and, therefore,
+under the immediate protection of Providence. Such an one was not to be
+vexed with impunity; and we are assured by Fraser himself that God
+specially interposed to prevent his ruin; that one of his opponents was
+made unable to appear in court, and that the Lord, laying his hand upon
+the others, put them to death, in order that every obstacle might be at
+once removed.[457]
+
+  [457] See Fraser's Life of Himself, in vol. ii. of _Select Biographies_,
+        edited by the Rev. W. K. Tweedie. 'Nothing now remained of all my
+        father's great fortune but a small wadset of sixteen chalders,
+        liferented likewise by my mother. And about the same time a new
+        (though an unjust) adversary charges both her and me for 36,000
+        merks, and a reduction of our rights; so that our whole livelihood
+        was either gone or at the stake. For four years did this adversary
+        vex us, and was like to have undone us as to our temporal
+        condition, had not the Lord prevented.' p. 196. 'I, ignorant what
+        defences to make, had in my company a registrate horning, which I
+        accidentally and without premeditation (God putting it in my mind
+        at the same time) did cast in, by which he, being the king's
+        rebel, was incapacitate from pursuing me. And the Lord so ordered
+        it that he never after compeared to trouble me, by which means I
+        was delivered from a loss and a fashery, and had but one court to
+        wait upon.' p. 202. 'My condition during this time was a wrestling
+        condition with the sons of Zeruiah that were too strong for me;
+        little or no overcoming, yet violent wrestling.' ... 'For I
+        humbled myself under the sense of the calamities of our family,
+        and my own particular wants; I besought him to keep us from utter
+        destruction. And the Lord was pleased to hear; _he destroyed by
+        death my chief adversaries_, I found shifts to pay my many petty
+        debts, gained our law-action, and was restored to some of my
+        ancient possessions again.' pp. 227, 228.
+
+While stories of this sort were generally believed, it was but natural
+that an opinion should grow up that it was dangerous to meddle with a
+minister, or in any way to interfere with his conduct.[458] The clergy,
+intoxicated by the possession of power, reached to such a pitch of
+arrogance, that they did not scruple to declare, that whoever respected
+Christ, was bound, on that very account, to respect them.[459] They
+denounced the judgments of God upon all who refused to hear the opinions
+they propounded in their pulpits.[460] Nor did this apply merely to
+persons who usually formed their audience. Such was their conceit, and so
+greedy were they after applause, that they would not allow even a
+stranger to remain in their parish, unless he, too, came to listen to
+what they chose to say.[461] Because they had adopted the Presbyterian
+polity, they asserted that the Almighty had never failed to punish every
+one who tried to supersede it;[462] and as this was the perfection of the
+church, those who were blind to its merits, were given over to wrath, and
+were, indeed, the slaves of Satan.[463] The clergy, who held this
+language respecting their opponents, exhausted the choicest epithets of
+praise on themselves, and on their own pursuits. When one of them got
+into the pulpit, or took a pen in his hand, he seemed as if he could not
+find words strong enough to express his sense of the surpassing
+importance of that class of which he was himself a member.[464] They
+alone knew the truth; they alone were able to inform and enlighten
+mankind. They had their instruction direct from heaven; they were, in
+fact, the ambassadors of Christ; from him they received their
+appointment; and since no one else could reward them, so no one else had
+a right to rule them.[465] As they were messengers sent by the Almighty,
+they were rightly termed angels, and it was the duty of the people to
+listen to their minister, as if he really were an angel who had descended
+upon earth.[466] His parishioners, therefore, were bound, not only to
+acknowledge him and provide for him, but also to submit to him.[467]
+Indeed, no one could refuse obedience, who considered who the clergy
+were, and what functions they performed. Besides being ambassadors and
+angels, they were watchmen, who spied out every danger, and whose
+sleepless vigilance protected the faithful.[468] They were the joy and
+delight of the earth. They were musicians, singing the songs of
+sweetness; nay, they were sirens, who sought to allure men from the evil
+path, and save them from perishing.[469] They were chosen arrows, stored
+up in the quiver of God.[470] They were burning lights and shining
+torches. Without them, darkness would prevail; but their presence
+illumined the world, and made things clear.[471] Hence they were called
+stars, which title also expressed the eminence of their office, and its
+superiority over all others.[472] To make this still more apparent,
+prodigies were vouchsafed, and strange lights might occasionally be seen,
+which, hovering round the form of the minister, confirmed his
+supernatural mission.[473] The profane wished to jest at these things,
+but they were too notorious to be denied; and there was a well-known
+case, in which, at the death of a clergyman, a star was miraculously
+exhibited in the firmament, and was seen by many persons, although it was
+then midday.[474]
+
+  [458] 'So hazardous a thing it is to meddle with Christ's sent
+        servants.' _Life of Mr. William Guthrie, Minister at Fenwick_, by
+        the Rev. William Dunlop, reprinted in _Select Biographies_, vol.
+        ii. p. 62. To arrest a clergyman on a civil or criminal process,
+        was an act full of danger, inasmuch as the Deity would hardly fail
+        to avenge it. This applied even to the officers who executed the
+        arrest, as well as to him by whom it was ordered. See, for
+        instance, _Some Remarkable Passages of the Life and Death of Mr.
+        John Semple, Minister of the Gospel_, p. 171 (in _Walker's
+        Biographia Presbyteriana_, vol. i.). 'Some time thereafter, he gat
+        orders to apprehend Mr. Semple; he intreated to excuse him, for
+        Mr. Semple was the minister and man he would not meddle with; for
+        he was sure, if he did that, some terrible mischief would suddenly
+        befal him. Mr. Arthur Coupar, who was Mr. Semple's precentor, told
+        these passages to a Reverend Minister in the church, yet alive,
+        worthy of all credit, who told me.' Durham boasts that, 'when
+        Ministers have most to do, and _meet with most opposition_, God
+        often furnisheth them accordingly with more boldnesse, gifts, and
+        assistance than ordinary. Christ's witnesses are a terrible party;
+        for as few as these witnesses are, none of their opposits do gain
+        at their hand; _whoever hurteth them shall in this manner be
+        killed_. Though they be despicable in sackcloth, yet _better
+        oppose a king in his strength, and giving orders from his throne
+        covered in cloath of state, than them_: though they may burn some
+        and imprison others, yet their opposers will pay sickerly for it.
+        This is not because of any worth that is in them, or for their own
+        sake; But 1. for His sake and for His authority that sendeth them.
+        2. for the event of their word, which will certainly come to
+        passe, and that more terribly, and as certainly, as ever any
+        temporall judgement was brought on by Moses or Elias.' _Durham's
+        Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 416.
+
+  [459] 'These who are trusted by Christ to be keepers of the vineyard,
+        and his ministers, ought also to be respected by the people over
+        whom they are set; and Christ allows this on them. Where Christ is
+        respected and gets his due, there the keepers will be respected
+        and get their due.' _Durham's Exposition of the Song of Solomon_,
+        pp. 450, 451. Fergusson complacently says, that to affront a
+        clergyman by not believing his statement, or 'message,' as he
+        terms it, is a 'dishonour done to God.' _Fergusson's Exposition of
+        the Epistles of Paul_, p. 422.
+
+  [460] 'As it is true concerning vs, that necessitie lyeth vpon vs to
+        preach, and woe will bee to vs if wee preach not; so it is true
+        concerning you, that a necessitie lyeth vpon you to heare, and
+        _woe will be to you if you heare not_.' _Cowper's Heaven Opened_,
+        p. 156.
+
+  [461] The following order was promulgated by the Kirk-Session of Aberdeen
+        on the 12th July 1607. 'The said day, in respect it wes delatit to
+        the sessioun that thair is sindrie landvart gentillmen and vtheris
+        cum to this towne, quha mackis thair residence thairin, and
+        resortis not to the preching nather on Saboth nor vlk dayes;
+        thairfor, it is ordanit that thrie elderis of everie quarter
+        convene with the ministrie in the sessioun hous, immediatlie efter
+        the ending of the sermone on Tuysday nixt, and thair tak vp the
+        names of the gentillmen and vtheris skipperis duelling in this
+        burgh, quha kepis nocht the Kirk, nor resortis not to the hering
+        of Godis word; and thair names being taken vp, ordains ane off the
+        ministeris, with a baillie, to pas vnto thame and admoneis thame
+        to cum to the preichingis, and keip the Kirk, vthervayes to remowe
+        thame aff the towne.' _Selections from the Records of the Kirk
+        Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 58. It was not
+        enough to go occasionally to church; the attendance must be
+        regular; otherwise the clergy were dissatisfied, and punished the
+        delinquents. In the Presbytery Book of Strathbogie it is recorded
+        that, on the 29th September 1649, 'Mr. Johne Reidfurd being posed
+        quhat diligence he had vsed to the Lady Frendraught, reported,
+        shoe had hard three sermons, and so, as he thought, shoe intended
+        to continow ane hearer. The bretheren, considering her long
+        continowed contumacie and delay of her process, by _heiring a
+        sermon now and then_, thought not _that kind of heiring
+        satufactorie_, quherfor Mr. Robert Watson, and Mr. Robert Irving,
+        ver ordained to goe with Mr. Johne Reidfurd, and requyre the said
+        Lady to subscryv the Covenant, quherby shoe might testifie her
+        conformitie vith the Kirk of Scotland, quhilk, if shoe refused,
+        the said Mr. Johne vas ordained to pronounce the sentence of
+        excommunicatioun against hir before the Provinciall Assemblie, as
+        he vold be answerable therto.' _Extracts from the Presbytery Book
+        of Strathbogie_, p. 115. Neither distance, nor illness, might be
+        pleaded as a valid excuse. Under no circumstances, would the
+        preachers tolerate the affront of any one displaying an
+        unwillingness to hear their sermons. In 1650, 'compeired the Lord
+        Oliphant, being summondit for not keeping his parish kirk of
+        Abercherdour, vho declared his inabilitie of bodie many tymes, and
+        the want of houses for accommodating him and his familie so farr
+        distant from the same, vas the onlie caus, quhilk he promised to
+        amend in tym comming. Mr. John Reidfurd ordained to report the
+        same to the presbytrie, and vpon his continowed absence, to
+        processe him.' _Presbytery Book of Strathbogie_, p. 149. See more
+        on this subject in _Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark_, pp. 5,
+        33, 67; _Minutes of the Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar_,
+        pp. 67, 68, 90, 153; _Minutes of the Synod of Fife_, pp. 18, 55,
+        132; and _Spalding's History of the Troubles_, vol. ii. p. 57.
+        Spalding also mentions (p. 114) that at Aberdeen, in 1643, the
+        clergy discoursed every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, in the
+        afternoon; on which occasions, 'the people is compellit to attend
+        their Lectureis, or ther cryit out against.'
+
+  [462] 'And it may be truly said, as the Church of Scotland hath had no
+        detractors, but such as were ignorant of her, or misinformed about
+        her, or whom faction, partiality, prejudice, wickedness, or love
+        of unlawful liberty did inspire; so no person or party hath
+        endeavoured hithertil to root out Presbytery, but the Lord hath
+        made it a burdensome stone unto them.' _Naphtali_, sig. B 2 rev.
+        'The Lord's wrath shall so meet his enemies in the teeth,
+        wheresoever they turn, that they shall be forced to forsake their
+        pursuing of the Church.' _Dickson's Explication of the First Fifty
+        Psalms_, p. 115.
+
+  [463] 'The true children of the Kirk are indeed the excellent ones of
+        the earth, and princes indeed, wherever they live, in comparison
+        of all other men who are but the beastly slaves of Satan.'
+        _Dickson's Explication of the First Fifty Psalms_, p. 312. Another
+        high authority carefully identifies 'the true religion' with 'the
+        true presbyterial profession.' See _An Enquiry into Church
+        Communion by Mr. Alexander Shields, Minister of the Gospel at
+        Saint Andrews_, p. 126. His remark applies to the 'Burgess-oaths.'
+
+  [464] Fergusson gives an ingenious turn to this, and says that it was
+        their duty to praise their own profession, not for their own sake,
+        but for the sake of others. 'It is the duty of Christ's ministers
+        to commend and magnify their office, not for gaining praise and
+        esteem to themselves, 2 Cor. iii. 1, but that the malice of Satan
+        and his instruments may be hereby frustrated, 2 Cor. xi. 12, who
+        labours to bring that sacred calling into contempt; that so it may
+        have the less of success upon people's hearts.' _Fergusson's
+        Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 180.
+
+  [465] 'Neither is there any mediate authoritie betweene the Lord and his
+        ambassadours, in the affaires of their message; he only sendeth
+        them; he alone gives them to be pastors and doctors, etc.; he
+        alone shall judge them; he alone shall reward them; to him alone
+        they must give an accompt of their dispensation; and he himselfe
+        alone doth immediatlie rule them by his spirit and word.' _Forbes'
+        Certaine Records touching the Estate of the Kirk_, p. 435. In
+        reference to these amazing pretensions, the Scotch clergy were
+        constantly terming themselves the ambassadors of the Deity;
+        thereby placing themselves infinitely above all other men. See,
+        for instance, _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the
+        Revelation_, pp. 86, 100, 160. _Durham's Law Unsealed_, pp. 85,
+        96. _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, p. 402.
+        _Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, pp. 17, 273.
+        _Shields' Enquiry into Church Communion_, p. 72. _Binning's
+        Sermons_, vol. ii. p. 118, vol. iii. p. 178. _Abernethy's Physicke
+        for the Soule_, p. 122. _Monro's Sermons_, p. 207. _Gillespie's
+        Aaron's Rod Blossoming_, pp. 240, 413. _Cowper's Heaven Opened_,
+        p. 166. _Rutherford's Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty
+        of Conscience_, p. 41. _Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error_, p.
+        274. _Gray's Great and Precious Promises_, pp. 50, 74. _Fleming's
+        Fulfilling of the Scripture_, p. 429. _Cockburn's Jacob's Vow, or
+        Man's Felicity and Duty_, p. 401. _Hutcheson's Exposition of the
+        Book of Job_, pp. 461, 479.
+
+  [466] 'Ministers are called Angels, because they are God's Messengers,
+        intrusted by Him with a high and heavenly imployment; and it is a
+        title that should put Ministers in mind of their duty, to do God's
+        will on earth as the Angels do it in heaven, in a spiritual and
+        heavenly way, cheerfully, willingly and readily: and it _should
+        put people in mind of their duty, to take this word off Ministers
+        hands, as from Angels_.' _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the
+        Revelation_, p. 496. 'Therefore are Ministers called Angels, and
+        Angels, Ministers,' p. 596. Cockburn says that this is the reason
+        why 'we should behave ourselves decently and reverently' in
+        church; 'for if the presence of Kings overawe us, how much more
+        should the presence of God and Angels.' _Cockburn's Jacob's Vow,
+        or Man's Felicity and Duty_, p. 356. Another Scotch divine asserts
+        that he and his brethren are able to instruct the angels, and free
+        them from their ignorance. See the audacious passage in
+        _Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 180: '_This
+        may commend the ministers of the gospel not a little unto men_,
+        and beget reverence in them towards the same, that even the
+        blessed angels are in some sort bettered by it, and that it is
+        therefore respected by them: for Paul commendeth his office from
+        this, that by occasion thereof "unto the principalities and
+        powers, was made known the manifold wisdom of God." Though angels
+        be most knowing creatures, as enjoying the immediate sight and
+        presence of God, Matt. xviii. 10, yet _they are ignorant of some
+        things, which, by God's way of dispensing the Gospel to his
+        church, they come to a more full knowledge off_.' After this, it
+        is a slight matter to find Monro insisting that 'the people should
+        consider our character as the most difficult and most sacred.'
+        _Monro's Sermons_, p. 202.
+
+  [467] 'He is obliged to minister unto them in the gospel; and they are
+        obliged to submit to him, strengthen him, acknowledge him,
+        communicate to him in all good things, and to provide for him,'
+        &c. _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 90.
+        That the clergy are 'rulers and governors,' and that their
+        business is 'ruling and watching over the flock,' is likewise
+        affirmed in _Gillespie's Aaron's Rod Blossoming_, pp. 172, 313.
+        Compare _The Correspondence of the Rev. Robert Wodrow_, vol. i. p.
+        181: 'rule over the people and speak the word;' and _Rutherford's
+        Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty of Conscience_, p. 41:
+        'the commanding power in the Ambassadour of Christ.' See also the
+        'reverential estimation' inculcated in _Boston's Sermons_, p. 186.
+
+  [468] 'Called watchmen by a name borrowed from the practice of centinels
+        in armies or cities.' They are 'Satan's greatest eyesores.'
+        _Hutcheson's Exposition of the Minor Prophets_, vol. ii. p. 158,
+        vol. iii. p. 208. 'They being made watchmen, do thereby become the
+        butt of Satan's malice.' ... 'The Enemy's principal design is sure
+        to be against the watchman, because he prevents the surprising of
+        his people by Satan,' at least 'tis his business to do so.'
+        _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, p. 24. Compare
+        _Guthrie's Considerations contributing unto the Discovery of the
+        Dangers that threaten Religion_, p. 259; _Fergusson's Exposition
+        of the Epistles of Paul_, pp. 97, 106; _Durham's Exposition of the
+        Song of Solomon_, pp. 278, 443, and _Wodrow's Correspondence_,
+        vol. i. pp. 84, 244.
+
+  [469] One of the most popular of the Scotch preachers in the seventeenth
+        century, actually ranks himself, in this respect, as doing the
+        same work as the Son of God. 'Christ and his ministers are the
+        musicians that do apply their songs to catch men's ears and
+        hearts, if so be they may stop their course and not perish. These
+        are blessed syrens that do so.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. iii. p.
+        265.
+
+  [470] Rutherford terms himself, 'a chosen arrow hid in his quiver.'
+        _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_, p. 230. To read the coarse
+        materialism contained in this and other extracts, will, I know,
+        shock, and so far offend, many pure and refined minds, whose
+        feelings I would not needlessly wound. But no one can understand
+        the history of the Scotch intellect, who refuses to enter into
+        these matters; and it is for the reader to choose whether or not
+        he will remain ignorant of what I, as an historian, am bound to
+        disclose. His remedy is easy. He has only either to shut the book,
+        or else to pass on at once to the next chapter.
+
+  [471] 'The Lord calleth men to be preachers, and hath them in his hand
+        as starres, holding them out sometime to one part of the world,
+        and sometime to another, that we may communicate light to them
+        that are sitting in darkness.' _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 360.
+
+  [472] 'Ministers are called Stars, for these reasons: I. To signifie and
+        point out the eminence and dignity of the office, that it is a
+        glorious and shineing office. II. To point out what is the
+        especiall end of this office; It is to give light: as the use of
+        Stars is to give light to the world; so it's Ministers main
+        imployment to shine and give light to others; to make the world,
+        which is a dark night, to be lightsome.' _Durham's Commentarie
+        upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 43. See also pp. 151, 368;
+        and _Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error_, p. 176.
+
+  [473] The Rev. James Kirton says of the Rev. John Welsh, that some one
+        who observed him walking, 'saw clearly a strange light surround
+        him, and heard him speak strange words about his spiritual joy.'
+        _Select Biographies_, edited by the Rev. W. K. Tweedie, vol. i.
+        p. 12. But more than this remains to be told. The hearts of the
+        Scotch clergy were so lifted up with pride, that they
+        believed--horrible to relate--that they had audible and verbal
+        communications from the Almighty God, which bystanders could hear.
+        One of these stories, relating also to Welsh, will be found, as
+        tradition handed it down, in _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_,
+        p. 148. I cannot quote such blasphemy; and those who doubt my
+        statement had better refer to the second edition of Howie's work,
+        published at Glasgow in 1781. It may probably be met with in the
+        British Museum.
+
+  [474] 'Mr. Johne M'Birnie at Aberdeen, (but first at the South Ferrie,
+        over aganis the Castell of Broughtie,) a most zealous and painfull
+        pastor, a great opposer of hierarchie. He was a shyning torch and
+        a burning starre; wherefore the Lord miraculouslie made, at his
+        death, a starre to appeare in heaven at the noonetyde of the day;
+        whilk many yit alive testifies that they did evidentlie see it (at
+        Whitsunday 1609).' _Row's History of the Kirk of Scotland_,
+        p. 421.
+
+Nor was this to be regarded as a solitary occurrence. On the contrary, it
+usually happened, that when a Scotch minister departed from this life,
+the event was accompanied by portents, in order that the people might
+understand that something terrible was going on, and that they were
+incurring a serious, perhaps an irretrievable, loss. Sometimes the
+candles would be mysteriously extinguished, without any wind, and without
+any one touching them.[475] Sometimes, even when the clergyman was
+preaching, the supernatural appearance of an animal would announce his
+approaching end in face of the congregation, who might vainly mourn what
+they were unable to avert.[476] Sometimes the body of the holy man would
+remain for years unchanged and undecayed; death not having the power over
+it which it would have had over the corpse of a common person.[477] On
+other occasions, notice was given to him of his death, years before it
+occurred;[478] and, to strike greater awe into the public mind, it was
+remarked, that when one minister died, others were taken away at the same
+time, so that, the bereavement being more widely felt, men might, by the
+magnitude of the shock, be rendered sensible of the inestimable value of
+those preachers whose lives were happily spared.[479]
+
+  [475] Mr. James Stirling, minister of Barony, Glasgow, writes respecting
+        his father, Mr. John Stirling, minister at Kilbarchan, that the
+        'day he was burryed ther wer two great candles burning in the
+        chamber, and they did go out most surprisingly without any wind
+        causing them to go out.' _Analecta, or Materials for a History of
+        Remarkable Providences_, by the Rev. Robert Wodrow, vol. iii.
+        p. 37.
+
+  [476] 'This night, Glanderston told me, that it was reported for a truth
+        at Burroustoness, that about six weeks since Mr. David Williamson
+        was preaching in his own church in Edinburgh, and in the midle of
+        the sermon, a ratton came and sat doun on his Bible. This made him
+        stope; and after a little pause, he told the congregation that
+        this was a message of God to him, and broke off his sermon, and
+        took a formall fareweel of his people, and went home, and
+        continoues sick.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. p. 12.
+
+  [477] 'The same person' (_i.e._ the Rev. Mr. White) 'adds, that some
+        years ago, when Mr. Bruce's grave was opened, to lay in his
+        grandchild, his body was almost fresh and uncorrupted, to the
+        great wonder of many; and if I right remember, the grave was again
+        filled up, and another made. The fresh body had no noisome smell.
+        It was then nearly eighty years after he was buried. My informer
+        was minister of Larbert when this happened.' _Wodrow's Life of
+        Bruce_, p. 150, prefixed to _Bruce's Sermons_.
+
+  [478] 'He' (John Lockhart) 'tells me Mr. Robert Paton, minister at
+        Barnweel, his father-in-lau, had a particular for-notice, seven or
+        eight years before, of his death: That he signifyed so much to my
+        informer.' ... 'When my informer came, he did not apprehend any
+        hazard, and signifyed so much to his father-in-lau, Mr. Paton. He
+        answered, 'John, John, I am to dye at this time; and this is the
+        time God warned me of, as I told you.' In eight or ten dayes he
+        dyed. Mr. Paton was a man very much (beloved) and mighty in
+        prayer.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. iii. p. 451. Compare the case
+        of Henderson (in _Wodrow's Correspondence_, vol. iii. p. 33),
+        where the notice was much shorter, but 'all fell out as he had
+        foretold.'
+
+  [479] 'Generally, I observe that Ministers' deaths are not single, but
+        severall of them together.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. iii. p. 275.
+
+It was, moreover, generally understood, that a minister, during his abode
+in this world, was miraculously watched over and protected. He was
+peculiarly favoured by angels, who, though they did good offices to all
+members of the true church, were especially kind to the clergy;[480] and
+it was well known, that the celebrated Rutherford, when only four years
+old, having fallen into a well, was pulled out by an angel, who came
+there for the purpose of saving his life.[481] Another clergyman, who was
+in the habit of oversleeping himself, used to be roused to his duty in
+the morning, by three mysterious knocks at his door, which, if they did
+not produce a proper effect, were repeated close to his bed. These knocks
+never failed on Sunday, and on days when he had to administer the
+communion; and they lasted during the whole of his ministry, until he
+became old and infirm, when they entirely ceased.[482]
+
+  [480] The Rev. William Row (in his _Continuation of Blair's
+        Autobiography_, p. 153) says, 'Without all doubt, though it cannot
+        be proven from Scripture, that every one has a tutelar angel, yet
+        it is certain that the good angels do many good offices to the
+        people of God, _especially to his ministers and ambassadors_,
+        which we do not see, and do not remark or know.'
+
+  [481] 'Mr. James Stirling, and Mr. Robert Muir, and severall others in
+        the company, agreed on this accompt of Mr. Rutherford. When about
+        four years old, he was playing about his father's house, and a
+        sister of his, somewhat older than he, with him. Mr. Rutherford
+        fell into a well severall fathoms deep, and not full, but faced
+        about with heuen stone, soe that it was not possible for any body
+        to get up almost, far less a child. When he fell in, his sister
+        ran into the house near by, and told that Samuell was fallen into
+        the well; upon which his father and mother ran out, and found him
+        sitting on the grasse beside the well; and when they asked him,
+        Hou he gote out? he said, after he was once at the bottome, he
+        came up to the tope, and ther was a bonny young man pulled him out
+        by the hand. Ther was noe body near by at the time; and soe they
+        concluded it was noe doubt ane angell. The Lord had much to doe
+        with him.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. p. 57. See also vol. iii.
+        pp. 88, 89, where this circumstance is again mentioned as 'a
+        tradition anent him' in the place of his birth.
+
+  [482] 'Mr. William Trail, minister at ****, tells me that his father,
+        Mr. William Trail, minister at Borthwick, used every morning, when
+        he had publick work on his hand, to hear three knocks at his
+        chamber dore; and if, throu wearynes, or heaviness, he did sitt
+        these, ther wer ordinarily three knocks at his bed-head, which he
+        never durst sitt, but gott up to his work. This was ordinarily
+        about three in the morning. This, at first, in his youth, frighted
+        him; but at lenth it turned easy to him, and he believed these
+        knocks and awaknings proceed from a good art. That these never
+        failed him on Sabbaths and at Communions, when he was obliged to
+        rise early: That when he turned old and infirm, towards the close
+        of his dayes, they intirely ceased and left him.' _Wodrow's
+        Analecta_, vol. ii. p. 307. This work, in four quarto volumes, is
+        invaluable for the history of the Scotch mind; being a vast
+        repertory of the opinions and traditions of the clergy, during the
+        seventeenth, and early part of the eighteenth, century. Wodrow was
+        a man of ability, certainly above the average; his honesty is
+        unimpeachable, as the jealous scrutiny which the episcopalians
+        have made of his great work on the History of the Church of
+        Scotland, decisively proves; and he was in the constant habit of
+        personal and epistolary communication with the leading characters
+        of his age. I have, therefore, freely used his _Analecta_; also
+        his _Collections upon the Lives of Ministers_, which is likewise
+        in four quarto volumes; and his _Correspondence_, in three thick
+        octavo volumes. It would be difficult to find a more competent
+        witness respecting the sentiments of his ecclesiastical brethren.
+        It would be impossible to find a more candid one.
+
+By the propagation of these and similar stories, in a country already
+prepared for their reception, the Scotch mind became imbued with a belief
+in miraculous interposition, to an extent which would be utterly
+incredible if it were not attested by a host of contemporary and
+unimpeachable witnesses. The clergy, partly because they shared in the
+general delusion, and partly because they derived benefit from it, did
+every thing they could to increase the superstition of their countrymen,
+and to familiarize them with notions of the supernatural world, such as
+can only be paralleled in the monastic legends of the middle ages.[483]
+How they laboured to corrupt the national intellect, and how successful
+they were in that base vocation, has been hitherto known to no modern
+reader; because no one has had the patience to peruse their interminable
+discourses, commentaries, and the other religious literature in which
+their sentiments are preserved. As, however, the preachers were, in
+Scotland, more influential than all other classes put together, it is
+only by comparing their statements with what is to be found in the
+general memoirs and correspondence of the time, that we can at all
+succeed in reconstructing the history of a period, which, to the
+philosophic student of the human mind, is full of great, though
+melancholy, interest. I shall, therefore, make no apology for entering
+into still further details respecting these matters; and I hope to put
+the reader in possession of such facts as will connect the past history
+of Scotland with its present state, and will enable him to understand why
+it is, that so great a people are, in many respects, still struggling in
+darkness, simply because they still live under the shadow of that long
+and terrible night, which for more than a century, covered the land. It
+will also appear, that their hardness and moroseness of character, their
+want of gaiety, and their indifference to many of the enjoyments of life,
+are traceable to the same cause, and are the natural product of the
+gloomy and ascetic opinions inculcated by their religious teachers. For,
+in that age, as in every other, the clergy, once possessed of power,
+showed themselves harsh and unfeeling masters. They kept the people in a
+worse than Egyptian bondage, inasmuch as they enslaved mind as well as
+body, and not only deprived men of innocent amusements, but taught them
+that those amusements were sinful. And so thoroughly did they do their
+work, that, though a hundred and fifty years have elapsed since their
+supremacy began to wane, the imprint of their hands is everywhere
+discernible. The people still bear the marks of the lash; the memory of
+their former servitude lives among them; and they crouch before their
+clergy as they did of old, abandoning their rights, sacrificing their
+independence, and yielding up their consciences, to the dictates of an
+intolerant and ambitious priesthood.
+
+  [483] In illustration of this, a volume might be filled with extracts
+        from the writings of the Scotch divines of the seventeenth
+        century. The following passage is, perhaps, as good as any. 'Yea,
+        it can hardly be instanced any great change, or revolution in the
+        earth, which hath not had some such extraordinary herald going
+        before. Can the world deny how sometimes these prodigious signes
+        have been shaped out to point at the very nature of the stroke
+        then imminent, by a strange resemblance to the same, such as a
+        flaming sword in the air, the appearance of armies fighting even
+        sometimes upon the earth, to the view of many most sober and
+        judicious onlookers, also showers of blood, the noise of drummes,
+        and such like, which are known usually to go before warr and
+        commotions.' _Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture_, 1681,
+        p. 216.
+
+Of all the means of intimidation employed by the Scotch clergy, none was
+more efficacious than the doctrines they propounded respecting evil
+spirits and future punishment. On these subjects they constantly uttered
+the most appalling threats. The language, which they used, was calculated
+to madden men with fear, and to drive them to the depths of despair. That
+it often had this consequence, and produced most fatal results, we shall
+presently see. And, what made it more effectual was, that it completely
+harmonized with those other gloomy and ascetic notions which the clergy
+inculcated, and according to which, pleasures being regarded as sinful,
+sufferings were regarded as religious. Hence that love of inflicting
+pain, and that delight in horrible and revolting ideas, which
+characterized the Scotch mind during the seventeenth century. A few
+specimens of the prevailing opinions will enable the reader to understand
+the temper of the time, and to appreciate the resources which the Scotch
+clergy could wield, and the materials with which they built up the fabric
+of their power.
+
+It was generally believed, that the world was overrun by evil spirits,
+who not only went up and down the earth, but also lived in the air, and
+whose business it was to tempt and hurt mankind.[484] Their number was
+infinite, and they were to be found at all places and in all seasons. At
+their head was Satan himself, whose delight it was to appear in person,
+ensnaring or terrifying every one he met.[485] With this object, he
+assumed various forms. One day, he would visit the earth as a black
+dog;[486] on another day, as a raven;[487] on another, he would be heard
+in the distance, roaring like a bull.[488] He appeared sometimes as a
+white man in black clothes;[489] and sometimes he came as a black man in
+black clothes, when it was remarked that his voice was ghastly, that he
+wore no shoes, and that one of his feet was cloven.[490] His stratagems
+were endless. For, in the opinion of divines, his cunning increased with
+his age; and having been studying for more than five thousand years, he
+had now attained to unexampled dexterity.[491] He could, and he did,
+seize both men and women, and carry them away through the air.[492]
+Usually, he wore the garb of laymen, but it was said, that, on more than
+one occasion, he had impudently attired himself as a minister of the
+gospel.[493] At all events, in one dress or other, he frequently appeared
+to the clergy, and tried to coax them over to his side.[494] In that, of
+course, he failed; but, out of the ministry, few, indeed, could withstand
+him. He could raise storms and tempests; he could work, not only on the
+mind, but also on the organs of the body, making men hear and see
+whatever he chose.[495] Of his victims, some he prompted to commit
+suicide,[496] others to commit murder.[497] Still, formidable as he was,
+no Christian was considered to have attained to a full religious
+experience, unless he had literally seen him, talked to him, and fought
+with him.[498] The clergy were constantly preaching about him, and
+preparing their audience for an interview with their great enemy. The
+consequence was, that the people became almost crazed with fear. Whenever
+the preacher mentioned Satan, the consternation was so great, that the
+church resounded with sighs and groans.[499] The aspect of a Scotch
+congregation in those days, is, indeed, hard for us to conceive. Not
+unfrequently the people, benumbed and stupefied with awe, were rooted to
+their seats by the horrible fascination exercised over them, which
+compelled them to listen, though they are described as gasping for
+breath, and with their hair standing on end.[500] Such impressions were
+not easily effaced. Images of terror were left on the mind, and followed
+the people to their homes, and in their daily pursuits. They believed
+that the devil was always, and literally, at hand; that he was haunting
+them, speaking to them, and tempting them. There was no escape. Go where
+they would, he was there. A sudden noise, nay, even the sight of an
+inanimate object, such as a stone, was capable of reviving the
+association of ideas, and of bringing back to the memory the language
+uttered from the pulpit.[501]
+
+  [484] Durham, after mentioning 'old abbacies or monasteries, or castles
+        when walls stand and none dwelleth in them,' adds, 'If it be
+        asked, If there be such a thing, as the haunting of evill spirits
+        in these desolate places? We answer 1. That there are evill
+        spirits rangeing up and down through the earth is certain, even
+        though hell be their prison properly, yet have they a sort of
+        dominion and abode both in the earth and air; partly, as a piece
+        of their curse, this is laid on them to wander; partly as their
+        exercise to tempt men, or bring spirituall or temporall hurt to
+        them,' &c. _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_,
+        p. 582. So, too, Hutcheson (_Exposition of the Book of Job_, p.
+        9): 'We should remember that we sojourn in a world where Devils
+        are, and do haunt among us;' and Fleming (_Fulfilling of the
+        Scripture_, p. 217): 'But the truth itself is sure, that such a
+        party is at this day, encompassing the earth, and trafficking up
+        and down there, to prove which by arguments were to light a candle
+        to let men see that it is day, while it is known what _ordinary
+        familiar converse many have therewith_.' One of their favourite
+        abodes was the Shetland Islands, where, in the middle of the
+        seventeenth century, 'almost every family had a Brouny or evil
+        spirit so called.' See the account given by the Rev. John Brand,
+        in his work entitled _A Brief Description of Orkney, Zetland,
+        Pightland-Firth, and Caithness_, pp. 111, 112, Edinburgh, 1701.
+
+  [485] 'There is not one whom he assaulteth not.' _Abernethy's Physicke
+        for the Soule_, p. 101. 'On the right hand and on the left.'
+        _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 273. Even early in the eighteenth
+        century, the 'most popular divines' in Scotland, affirmed that
+        Satan 'frequently appears clothed in a corporeal substance.'
+        _Memoirs of Charles Lee Lewes, written by Himself_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 29, 30, London, 1805.
+
+  [486] 'This night James Lochheid told me, that last year, if I mistake
+        not, at the Communion of Bafrou, he was much helped all day. At
+        night, when dark somewhat, he went out to the feilds to pray; and
+        a terrible slavish fear came on him, that he almost lost his
+        senses. Houever, he resolved to goe on to his duty. By (the time)
+        he was at the place, his fear was off him; and lying on a
+        knou-side, a black dogg came to his head and stood. He said he
+        kneu it to be Satan, and shooke his hand, but found nothing, it
+        evanishing.' ... 'Lord help against his devices, and strenthen
+        against them!' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. p. 24. The _Registers
+        of the Presbytery of Lanark_, p. 77, contain a declaration, in
+        1650, that 'the devill appeared like a little whelpe,' and
+        afterwards, 'like a brown whelpe.'
+
+  [487] The celebrated Peden was present when 'there came down the
+        appearance of a raven, and sat upon one man's head.' ...
+        Thereupon, 'going home, Mr. Peden said to his land-lord, I always
+        thought there was Devilry among you, but I never thought that he
+        did appear visibly among you, till now I have seen it. O, for the
+        Lord's sake quit this way,' _The Life and Death of Mr. Alexander
+        Peden, late Minister of the Gospel at New Glenluce in Galloway_,
+        pp. 111, 112, in vol. i. of _Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana_.
+
+  [488] 'I heard a voice just before me on the other side of the hedge,
+        and it seemed to be like the groaning of an aged man. It continued
+        so some time. I knew no man could be there; for, on the other side
+        of the hedge, where I heard the groaning, there was a great stank
+        or pool. I nothing doubted but it was Satan, and I guessed his
+        design; but still I went on to beg the child's life. At length he
+        roared and made a noise like a bull, and that very loud. From all
+        this I concluded, that I had been provoking God some way or other
+        in the duty, and that he was angry with me, and had let the enemy
+        loose on me, and might give him leave to tear me in pieces. This
+        made me intreat of God, to shew me wherefore he contended, and
+        begged he would rebuke Satan. The enemy continued to make a noise
+        like a bull, and seemed to be coming about the hedge towards the
+        door of the summer-seat, bellowing as he came along.' _Stevenson's
+        Rare, Soul-Strengthening, and Comforting Cordial for Old and Young
+        Christians_, p. 29. This book was published, and prepared for the
+        press, by the Rev. William Cupples. See Mr. Cupples' letter at the
+        beginning.
+
+  [489] In 1684, with 'black cloaths, and a blue band, and white
+        handcuffs.' _Sinclair's Satan's Invisible World Discovered_, p. 8.
+
+  [490] 'He observed one of the black man's feet to be cloven, and that the
+        black man's apparel was black, and that he had a blue band about
+        his neck, and white hand-cuffs, and that he had hoggers upon his
+        legs without shoes; and that the black man's voice was hollow and
+        ghastly.' _Satan's Invisible World Discovered_, p. 9. 'The devil
+        appeared in the shape of a black man,' p. 31. See also _Brand's
+        Description of Orkney_, p. 126: 'all in black.'
+
+  [491] 'The acquired knowledge of the Devill is great, hee being an
+        advancing student, and still learning now above five thousand
+        yeares.' _Rutherford's Christ Dying and Drawing Sinners to
+        Himselfe_, p. 204. 'He knowes very well, partly by the quicknesse
+        of his nature, and partly by long experience, being now very neere
+        six thousand yeeres old.' _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 219. 'Hee,
+        being compared with vs, hath many vantages; as that he is more
+        subtill in nature, being of greater experience, and more ancient,
+        being now almost sixe thousand yeeres old.' _Ibid._ p. 403. 'The
+        diuell here is both diligent and cunning, and (now almost of sixe
+        thousand yeeres) of great experience.' _Abernethy's Physicke for
+        the Soule_, p. 142. 'Satan, such an ingenious and experimented
+        spirit.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. i. p. 67. 'His great sleight
+        and cunning.' _Ibid._ p. 110. Other eulogies of his skill may be
+        seen in _Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 475;
+        and in _Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture_, p. 45. A
+        'minister,' whose name is not mentioned, states that he is 'of an
+        excellent substance, of great natural parts, long experience, and
+        deep understanding.' _Sinclair's Satan's Invisible World
+        Discovered_, p. 78.
+
+  [492] In Professor Sinclair's work (_Satan's Invisible World
+        Discovered_, p. 141), we find, in 1684, 'an evident instance, that
+        the devil can transport the bodies of men and women through the
+        air. It is true, he did not carry her far off, but not for want of
+        skill and power.' Late in the seventeenth century, it was
+        generally believed that one of Satan's accomplices was literally
+        'strangled in his chair by the devil, least he should make a
+        confession to the detriment of the service.' _Crawfurd's History
+        of the Shire of Renfrew_, part iii. p. 319.
+
+  [493] See the account of a young preacher being deceived in this way, in
+        _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. pp. 103, 104. The Rev. Robert Blair
+        detected the cheat, and 'with ane awful seriousness appearing in
+        his countenance, began to tell the youth his hazard, and that the
+        man whom he took for a Minister was the Divel, who had trepanned
+        him, and brought him into his net; advised him to be earnest with
+        God in prayer, and likewise not to give way to dispair, for ther
+        was yet hope.' The preacher had, on this occasion, been so far
+        duped as to give the devil 'a written promise' to do whatever he
+        was requested. As soon as the Rev. Mr. Blair ascertained this
+        fact, he took the young man before the Presbytery, and narrated
+        the circumstance to the members. 'They were all strangely affected
+        with it, and resolved unanimously to dispatch the Presbitry
+        business presently, and to stay all night in town, and on the
+        morrow to meet for prayer in one of the most retired churches of
+        the Presbitry, acquainting none with their business, (but) taking
+        the youth alongst with them, whom they keeped alwise close by
+        them. Which was done, and after the Ministers had prayed all of
+        them round, except Mr. Blair, who prayed last, in time of his
+        prayer there came a violent rushing of wind upon the church, so
+        great that they thought the church should have fallen down about
+        their ears, and with that the youth's paper and covenant' (_i.e._
+        the covenant which he had signed at the request of Satan) 'droops
+        down from the roof of the church among the Ministers.'
+
+  [494] 'The devil strikes at them, that in them he may strike at the
+        whole congregation.' _Boston's Sermons_, p. 186. Fleming
+        (_Fulfilling of the Scripture_, p. 379) gives an account of his
+        appearing to one of the Scotch clergy. Compare _Wodrow's
+        Analecta_, vol. iv. p. 110. In 1624, Bruce writes, 'I heard his
+        voice as vively as ever I heard any thing, not being sleeping, but
+        waking.' _Life of Bruce_, p. 8, prefixed to _Bruce's Sermons_. The
+        only remedy was immediate resistance. 'It is the duty of called
+        ministers to go on with courage in the work of the Lord,
+        notwithstanding of any discouragement of that kind, receiving
+        manfully the first onset chiefly of Satan's fury, as knowing their
+        ceding to him will make him more cruel.' _Fergusson's Exposition
+        of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 74. In the seventeenth century, the
+        Scotch clergy often complimented each other on having baffled him,
+        and thereby put him in a passion. Thus, in 1626, Dickson writes to
+        Boyd: 'The devil is mad against you, he fears his kingdom.' _Life
+        of Robert Boyd, in Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of
+        Ministers_, vol. ii. part i. p. 238. See also pp. 165, 236.
+
+  [495] 'He can delude ears, eyes, &c., either by misrepresenting external
+        objects, or by inward disturbing of the faculties and organes,
+        whereby men and women may, and do often, apprehend that they hear,
+        see, &c. such and such things, which, indeed, they do not.'
+        _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 128.
+        'Raise tempests.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. i. p. 122. 'His power
+        and might, whereby through God's permission, he doth raise up
+        storms, commove the elements, destroy cattle,' &c. _Fergusson's
+        Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 264. 'Hee can work
+        curiously and strongly on the walls of bodily organs, on the shop
+        that the understanding soule lodgeth in, and on the necessary
+        tooles, organs, and powers of fancie, imagination, memory,
+        humours, senses, spirits, bloud,' &c. _Rutherford's Christ Dying_,
+        p. 212. Semple, giving notice of his intention to administer the
+        sacrament, told the congregation 'that the Devil would be so
+        envious about the good work they were to go about, that he was
+        afraid he would be permitted to raise a storm in the air with a
+        speat of rain, to raise the waters, designing to drown some of
+        them; but it will not be within the compass of his power to drown
+        any of you, no not so much as a dog.' _Remarkable Passages of the
+        Life and Death of Mr. John Semple_, _Minister of the Gospel_, pp.
+        168, 169, in vol. i. of _Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana_.
+
+  [496] _Sinclair's Satan's Invisible World Discovered_, p. 137. _Memoirs
+        of the Life and Experiences of Marion Laird of Greenock, with a
+        Preface by the Rev. Mr. Cock_, pp. 43, 44, 45, 84, 85, 172, 222,
+        223.
+
+  [497] 'I shall next show how the murderer Satan visibly appeared to a
+        wicked man, stirred him up to stab me, and how mercifully I was
+        delivered therefrom.' _The Autobiography of Mr. Robert Blair,
+        Minister of St. Andrews_, p. 65. See also _Fleming's Fulfilling of
+        the Scripture_, pp. 379, 380.
+
+  [498] 'One Mr. Thomas Hogg, a very popular presbyterian preacher in the
+        North, asked a person of great learning, in a religious
+        conference, whether or not he had seen the Devil? It was answered
+        him, "That he had never seen him in any visible appearance."
+        "Then, I assure you," saith Mr. Hogg, "that you can never be happy
+        till you see him in that manner; that is, until you have both a
+        personal converse and combat with him."' _Scotch Presbyterian
+        Eloquence_, pp. 28, 29.
+
+  [499] 'Ye go to the kirk, and when ye hear the devil or hell named in
+        the preaching, ye sigh and make a noise.' _The Last and Heavenly
+        Speeches of John, Viscount Kenmure_, in _Select Biographies_,
+        vol. i. p. 405.
+
+  [500] Andrew Gray, who died in 1656, used such language, 'that his
+        contemporary, the foresaid Mr. Durham, observed, That many times
+        he caused the very hairs of their head to stand up.' _Howie's
+        Biographia Scoticana_, p. 217. James Hutcheson boasted of this
+        sort of success. 'As he expressed it, "I was not a quarter of ane
+        hour in upon it, till I sau a dozen of them all gasping before
+        me." He preached with great freedome _all day_, and fourteen or
+        twenty dated their conversion from that sermon.' _Wodrow's
+        Analecta_, vol. i. p. 131. When Dickson preached, 'many were so
+        choaked and taken by the heart, that through terrour, the spirit
+        in such a measure convincing them of sin, in hearing of the word
+        they have been made to fall over, and thus carried out of the
+        church.' _Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture_, p. 347. There
+        was hardly any kind of resource which these men disdained.
+        Alexander Dunlop 'entered into the ministry at Paislay, about the
+        year 1643 or 1644.' ... 'He used in the pulpit, to have a kind of
+        a groan at the end of some sentences. Mr. Peebles called it a holy
+        groan.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. iii. pp. 16, 21.
+
+  [501] A schoolmaster, recording his religious experiences (_Wodrow's
+        Analecta_, vol. i. p. 246), says: 'If any thing had given a knock,
+        I would start and shiver, the seeing of a dogg made me affrayed,
+        the seeing of a stone in the feild made me affrayed, and as I
+        thought a voice in my head saying, "It's Satan."'
+
+Nor is it strange that this should be the case. All over Scotland, the
+sermons were, with hardly an exception, formed after the same plan, and
+directed to the same end. To excite fear, was the paramount object.[502]
+The clergy boasted, that it was their special mission to thunder out the
+wrath and curses of the Lord.[503] In their eyes, the Deity was not a
+beneficent being, but a cruel and remorseless tyrant. They declared that
+all mankind, a very small portion only excepted, were doomed to eternal
+misery. And when they came to describe what that misery was, their dark
+imaginations revelled and gloated at the prospect. In the pictures which
+they drew, they reproduced and heightened the barbarous imagery of a
+barbarous age. They delighted in telling their hearers, that they would
+be roasted in great fires, and hung up by their tongues.[504] They were
+to be lashed with scorpions, and see their companions writhing and
+howling around them.[505] They were to be thrown into boiling oil and
+scalding lead.[506] A river of fire and brimstone, broader than the
+earth, was prepared for them;[507] in that, they were to be immersed;
+their bones, their lungs, and their liver, were to boil, but never be
+consumed.[508] At the same time, worms were to prey upon them; and while
+these were gnawing at their bodies, they were to be surrounded by devils,
+mocking and making pastime of their pains.[509] Such were the first
+stages of suffering, and they were only the first. For the torture,
+besides being unceasing, was to become gradually worse. So refined was
+the cruelty, that one hell was succeeded by another; and, lest the
+sufferer should grow callous, he was, after a time, moved on, that he
+might undergo fresh agonies in fresh places, provision being made that
+the torment should not pall on the sense, but should be varied in its
+character, as well as eternal in its duration.[510]
+
+  [502] Only those who are extensively read in the theological literature
+        of that time, can form an idea of this, its almost universal
+        tendency. During about a hundred and twenty years, the Scotch
+        pulpits resounded with the most frightful denunciations. The sins
+        of the people, the vengeance of God, the activity of Satan, and
+        the pains of hell, were the leading topics. In this world,
+        calamities of every kind were announced as inevitable; they were
+        immediately at hand; that generation, perhaps that year, should
+        not pass away without the worst evils which could be conceived,
+        falling on the whole country. I will merely quote the opening of a
+        sermon which is now lying before me, and which was preached, in
+        1682, by no less a man than Alexander Peden. 'There is three or
+        four things that I have to tell you this day; and the first is
+        this, A bloody sword, a bloody sword, a bloody sword, for thee, O
+        Scotland, that shall reach the most part of you to the very heart.
+        And the second is this, Many a mile shall ye travel in thee, O
+        Scotland! and shall see nothing but waste places. The third is
+        this, The most fertile places in thee, O Scotland! shall be waste
+        as the mountain tops. And fourthly, The women with child in thee,
+        O Scotland! shall be dashed in pieces. And fifthly, There hath
+        been many conventicles in thee, O Scotland! but ere it be long,
+        God shall have a conventicle in thee, that shall make thee
+        Scotland tremble. Many a preaching hath God wared on thee, O
+        Scotland! but ere it be long God's judgments shall be as frequent
+        in Scotland as these precious meetings, wherein he sent forth his
+        faithful servants to give faithful warning in his name of their
+        hazard in apostatizing from God, and in breaking all his noble
+        vows. God sent out a Welsh, a Cameron, a Cargill, and a Semple to
+        preach to thee; but ere long God shall preach to thee by a bloody
+        sword.' _Sermons by Eminent Divines_, pp. 47, 48.
+
+  [503] To 'thunder out the Lord's wrath and curse.' _Durham's Commentarie
+        upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 191. 'It is the duty of
+        Ministers to preach judgments.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the
+        Minor Prophets_, vol. i. p. 93. 'If ministers when they threaten
+        be not the more serious and fervent, the most terrible threatening
+        will but little affect the most part of hearers.' _Fergusson's
+        Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 421.
+
+  [504] The clergy were not ashamed to propagate a story of a boy who, in
+        a trance, had been mysteriously conveyed to hell, and thence
+        permitted to revisit the earth. His account, which is carefully
+        preserved by the Rev. Robert Wodrow (_Analecta_, vol. i. p. 51)
+        was, that 'ther wer great fires and men roasted in them, and then
+        cast into rivers of cold water, and then into boyling water;
+        others hung up by the tongue.'
+
+  [505] 'Scortched in hell-fire and hear the howling of their
+        fellow-prisoners, and see the ugly devils, the bloody scorpions
+        with which Satan lasheth miserable soules.' _Rutherford's Christ
+        Dying_, pp. 491, 492.
+
+  [506] 'Boiling oil, burning brimstone, scalding lead.' _Sermons by
+        Eminent Divines_, p. 362.
+
+  [507] 'A river of fire and brimstone broader than the earth.'
+        _Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 35. 'See the poor wretches
+        lying in bundles, boiling eternally in that stream of brimstone.'
+        _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, p. 53.
+
+  [508] 'Tongue, lungs, and liver, bones and all, shall boil and fry in a
+        torturing fire.' _Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 17. 'They
+        will be universal torments, every part of the creature being
+        tormented in that flame. When one is cast into a fiery furnace,
+        the fire makes its way into the very bowels, and leaves no member
+        untouched: what part then can have ease, when the damned swim in a
+        lake of fire burning with brimstone?' _Boston's Human Nature in
+        its Four-fold State_, p. 458.
+
+  [509] 'While wormes are sporting with thy bones, the devils shall make
+        pastime of thy paines.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_, p.
+        97. 'They will have the society of devils in their torments, being
+        shut up with them in hell.' _Boston's Human Nature in its
+        Four-fold State_, p. 442. 'Their ears filled with frightful
+        yellings of the infernal crew.' _Ibid._ p. 460.
+
+  [510] This fundamental doctrine of the Scotch divines is tersely summed
+        up in _Binning's Sermons_, vol. iii. p. 130: 'You shall go out of
+        one hell into a worse; eternity is the measure of its continuance,
+        and the degrees of itself are answerable to its duration.' The
+        author of these sermons died in 1653.
+
+All this was the work of the God of the Scotch clergy.[511] It was not
+only his work, it was his joy and his pride. For, according to them, hell
+was created before man came into the world; the Almighty, they did not
+scruple to say, having spent his previous leisure in preparing and
+completing this place of torture, so that, when the human race appeared,
+it might be ready for their reception.[512] Ample, however, as the
+arrangements were, they were insufficient; and hell, not being big enough
+to contain the countless victims incessantly poured into it, had, in
+these latter days, been enlarged.[513] There was now sufficient room. But
+in that vast expanse there was no void, for the whole of it reverberated
+with the shrieks and yells of undying agony.[514] They rent the air with
+horrid sound, and, amid their pauses, other scenes occurred, if possible,
+still more excruciating. Loud reproaches filled the ear: children
+reproaching their parents, and servants reproaching their masters. Then,
+indeed, terror was rife, and abounded on every side. For, while the child
+cursed his father, the father, consumed by remorse, felt his own guilt;
+and both children and fathers made hell echo with their piercing screams,
+writhing in convulsive agony at the torments which they suffered, and
+knowing that other torments more grievous still were reserved for
+them.[515]
+
+  [511] And, according to them, the barbarous cruelty was the natural
+        result of His Omniscience. It is with pain, that I transcribe the
+        following impious passage. 'Consider, Who is the contriver of
+        these torments. There have been some very exquisite torments
+        contrived by the wit of men, the naming of which, if ye understood
+        their nature, were enough to fill your hearts with horror; but
+        _all these fall as far short of the torments ye are to endure, as
+        the wisdom of man falls short of that of God_.' ... '_Infinite
+        wisdom has contrived that evil_.' _The Great Concern of Salvation,
+        by the late Reverend Mr. Thomas Halyburton_, edit. Edinburgh,
+        1722, p. 154.
+
+  [512] 'Men wonder what he could be doing all that time, if we may call
+        it time which hath no beginning, and how he was employed.' ...
+        'Remember that which a godly man answered some wanton curious wit,
+        who, in scorn, demanded the same of him--"He was preparing hell
+        for curious and proud fools," said he.' _Binning's Sermons_,
+        vol. i. p. 194.
+
+  [513] 'Hell hath inlarged itselfe.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the
+        Soule_, p. 146.
+
+  [514] 'Eternal shriekings.' _Sermons by Eminent Divines_, p. 394.
+        'Screakings and howlings.' _Gray's Great and Precious Promises_,
+        p. 20. 'O! the screechs and yels that will be in hell.' _Durham's
+        Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 654. 'The
+        horrible scrieches of them who are burnt in it.' _Cowper's Heaven
+        Opened_, p. 175.
+
+  [515] 'When children and servants shall go, as it were, in sholes to the
+        Pit, cursing their parents and their masters who brought them
+        there. And parents and masters of families shall be in multitudes
+        plunged headlong in endless destruction, because they have not
+        only murdered their own souls, but also imbrued their hands in the
+        blood of their children and servants. O how doleful will the
+        reckoning be amongst them at that day! When the children and
+        servants shall upbraid their parents and masters. "Now, now, we
+        must to the Pit, and we have you to blame for it; your cursed
+        example and lamentable negligence has brought us to the Pit."' ...
+        'And on the other hand, how will the shrieks of parents fill every
+        ear? "I have damn'd myself, I have damn'd my children, I have
+        damn'd my servants. While I fed their bodies, and clothed their
+        backs, I have ruined their souls, and brought double damnation on
+        myself."' _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, pp. 527, 528.
+        See this further worked out in _Boston's Human Nature in its
+        Four-fold State_, pp. 378, 379: 'curses instead of salutations,
+        and tearing of themselves, and raging against one another, instead
+        of the wonted embraces.'
+
+Even now such language freezes the blood, when we consider what must have
+passed through the minds of those who could bring themselves to utter it.
+The enunciation of such ideas unfolds the character of the men, and lays
+bare their inmost spirit. We shudder, when we think of the dark and
+corrupted fancy, the vindictive musings, the wild, lawless, and uncertain
+thoughts which must have been harboured by those who could combine and
+arrange the different parts of this hideous scheme. No hesitation, no
+compunction, no feelings of mercy, ever seem to have entered their
+breasts. It is evident, that their notions were well matured; it is
+equally evident, that they delighted in them. They were marked by a unity
+of conception, and were enforced with a freshness and vigour of language,
+which shows that their heart was in their work. But before this could
+have happened, they must have been dead to every emotion of pity and
+tenderness. Yet, they were the teachers of a great nation, and were, in
+every respect, the most influential persons in that nation. The people,
+credulous and grossly ignorant, listened and believed. We, at this
+distance of time, and living in another realm of thought, can form but a
+faint conception of the effect which these horrible conceits produced
+upon them. They were convinced that, in this world, they were incessantly
+pursued by the devil, and that he, and other evil spirits, were
+constantly hovering around them, in bodily and visible shape, tempting
+them, and luring them on to destruction. In the next world, the most
+frightful and unheard-of punishments awaited them; while both this world
+and the next were governed by an avenging Deity, whose wrath it was
+impossible to propitiate. No wonder that, with these ideas before them,
+their reason should often give way, and that a religious mania should set
+in, under whose influence they, in black despair, put an end to their
+lives.[516]
+
+  [516] William Vetch, 'preaching in the town of Jedburg to a great
+        congregation, said, "There are two thousand of you here to day,
+        but I am sure fourscore of you will not be saved;" upon which,
+        three of his ignorant hearers being in despair, despatch'd
+        themselves soon after.' _Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence_, p. 23.
+        See also the life, or rather panegyric, of Vetch in _Howie's
+        Biographia Scoticana_, where this circumstance is not denied, but,
+        on the contrary, stated to be no 'disparagement to him,' p. 606.
+        The frame of mind which the teachings of the clergy encouraged,
+        and which provoked self-murder, is vividly depicted by Samuel
+        Rutherford, the most popular of all the Scotch divines of the
+        seventeenth century. 'Oh! hee lieth down, and hell beddeth with
+        him; hee sleepeth, and hell and hee dreame together; hee riseth,
+        and hell goeth to the fields with him; hee goes to his garden,
+        there is hell.' ... 'The man goes to his table, O! hee dare not
+        eat, hee hath no right to the creature; to eat is sin and hell; so
+        hell is in every dish. To live is sinne, _hee would faine chuse
+        strangling_; every act of breathing is sin and hell. Hee goes to
+        church, there is a dog as great as a mountaine before his eye:
+        Here be terrors.' _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, 1647, 4to, pp. 41,
+        42. Now, listen to the confessions of two of the tortured victims
+        of the doctrines enunciated by the clergy; victims who, after
+        undergoing ineffable agony, were more than once, according to
+        their own account, tempted to put an end to their lives. 'The
+        cloud lasted for two years and some months.' ... 'The arrows of
+        the Almighty did drink up my spirits; night and day his hand lay
+        heavy upon me, so that even my bodily moisture was turned into the
+        drought of summer. When I said sometimes that my couch would ease
+        my complaint, I was filled with tossings to the dawning of the
+        day.' ... 'Amidst all my downcastings, I had the roaring lion to
+        grapple with, who likes well to fish in muddy waters. He strongly
+        suggested to me that I should not eat, because I had no right to
+        food; or if I ventured to do it, the enemy assured me, that the
+        wrath of God would go down with my morsel; and that I had
+        forfeited a right to the divine favour, and, therefore, had
+        nothing to do with any of God's creatures.' ... 'However, so
+        violent were the temptations of the strong enemy, that I
+        frequently forgot to eat my bread, and durst not attempt it; and
+        when, through the persuasion of my wife, I at any time did it, the
+        enemy through the day did buffet me in a violent way, assuring me
+        that the wrath of God had gone over with what I had taken.' ...
+        'The enemy after all did so pursue me, that he violently suggested
+        to my soul, that, some time or other, God would suddenly destroy
+        me as with a thunderclap: which so filled my soul with fear and
+        pain, that, every now and then, I looked about me, to receive the
+        divine blow, still expecting it was a coming; yea, many a night I
+        durst not sleep, lest I had awakened in everlasting flames.'
+        _Stevenson's Rare Cordial_, pp. 11-13. Another poor creature,
+        after hearing one of Smiton's sermons, in 1740, says, 'Now, I saw
+        myself to be a condemned criminal; but I knew not the day of my
+        execution. I thought that there was nothing between me and hell,
+        but the brittle thread of natural life.' ... 'And in this dreadful
+        confusion, I durst not sleep, lest I had awakened in everlasting
+        flames.' ... 'And Satan violently assaulted me to take away my own
+        life, seeing there was no mercy for me.' ... 'Soon after this, I
+        was again violently assaulted by the tempter to take away my own
+        life; he presented to me a knife therewith to do it; no person
+        being in the house but myself. The enemy pursued me so close, that
+        I could not endure so much as to see the knife in my sight, but
+        laid it away.' ... 'One evening, as I was upon the street, Satan
+        violently assaulted me to go into the sea and drown myself; it
+        would be the easiest death. Such a fear of Satan then fell upon
+        me, as made my joints to shake, so that it was much for me to walk
+        home; and when I came to the door, I found nobody within; I was
+        afraid to go into the house, lest Satan should get power over me.'
+        _Memoirs of the Life and Experiences of Marion Laird of Greenock_,
+        pp. 13, 14, 19, 45, 223, 224.
+
+Little comfort, indeed, could men then gain from their religion. Not only
+the devil, as the author of all evil, but even He whom we recognise as
+the author of all good, was, in the eyes of the Scotch clergy, a cruel
+and vindictive being, moved with anger like themselves. They looked into
+their own hearts, and there they found the picture of their God.
+According to them, He was a God of terror, instead of a God of love.[517]
+To Him they imputed the worst passions of their own peevish and irritable
+nature. They ascribed to Him, revenge, cunning, and a constant
+disposition to inflict pain. While they declared that nearly all mankind
+were sinners beyond the chance of redemption, and were, indeed,
+predestined to eternal ruin, they did not scruple to accuse the Deity of
+resorting to artifice against these unhappy victims; lying in wait for
+them, that He might catch them unawares.[518] The Scotch clergy taught
+their hearers, that the Almighty was so sanguinary, and so prone to
+anger, that He raged even against walls and houses and senseless
+creatures, wreaking His fury more than ever, and scattering desolation on
+every side.[519] Sooner than miss His fell and malignant purpose, He
+would, they said, let loose avenging angels, to fall upon men and upon
+their families.[520] Independently of this resource, He had various ways
+whereby He could at once content Himself and plague His creatures, as was
+particularly shown in the devices which He employed to bring famine on a
+people.[521] When a country was starving, it was because God, in His
+anger, had smitten the soil, had stopped the clouds from yielding their
+moisture, and thus made the fruits of the earth to wither.[522] All the
+intolerable sufferings caused by a want of food, the slow deaths, the
+agony, the general misery, the crimes which that misery produced, the
+anguish of the mother as she saw her children wasting away and could give
+them no bread, all this was His act, and the work of His hands.[523] In
+His anger, He would sometimes injure the crops by making the spring so
+backward, and the weather so cold and rainy, as to insure a deficiency in
+the coming harvest.[524] Or else, he would deceive men, by sending them a
+favourable season, and, after letting them toil and sweat in the hope of
+an abundant supply, He would, at the last moment, suddenly step in, and
+destroy the corn just as it was fit to be reaped.[525] For, the God of
+the Scotch Kirk was a God who tantalized His creatures as well as
+punished them; and when He was provoked, He would first allure men by
+encouraging their expectations, in order that their subsequent misery
+might be more poignant.[526]
+
+  [517] Binning says, that 'since the first rebellion' (that is, the fall
+        of Adam), 'there is nothing to be seen but the terrible
+        countenance of an angry God.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. iii.
+        p. 254.
+
+  [518] 'He will, as it were, lie in wait to take all advantages of
+        sinners to undo them.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
+        Prophets_, vol. i. p. 247.
+
+  [519] 'His wrath rages against walls, and houses, and senselesse
+        creatures more now then at that time' (_i.e._ at the time when the
+        Old Testament was written). 'See what desolation he hath wrought
+        in Ireland, what eating of horses, of infants, and of killed
+        souldiers, hath beene in that land, and in Germany.' _Rutherford's
+        Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty of Conscience_,
+        pp. 244, 245.
+
+  [520] 'Albeit there were no earthly man to pursue Christ's enemies; yet
+        avenging angels, or evil spirits shall be let forth upon them and
+        their families to trouble them.' _Dickson's Explication of the
+        First Fifty Psalms_, p. 229.
+
+  [521] 'God hath many wayes and meanes whereby to plague man, and _reach
+        his contentments_.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
+        Prophets_, vol. i. p. 286. 'God hath variety of means whereby to
+        plague men, and to bring upon them any affliction he intendeth
+        against them; and particularly he hath several wayes whereby to
+        bring on famine. He can arme all his creatures to cut off men's
+        provision, one of them after another; he can make the change of
+        aire, and small insects do that worke when he pleaseth.' _Ibid._,
+        vol. i. p. 422. The same divine, in another elaborate treatise,
+        distinctly imputes to the Deity a sensation of pleasure in
+        injuring even the innocent. 'When God sends out a scourge, of
+        sword, famine, or pestilence, suddenly to overthrow and cut people
+        off, not only are the wicked reached thereby (which is here
+        supposed), but even the innocent, that is such as are righteous
+        and free of gross provocations; for, in any other sense, none are
+        innocent, or free of sin, in this life. Yea, further, in trying of
+        the innocent by these scourges, _the Lord seems to act as one
+        delighted with it_, and little resenting the great extremities
+        wherewith they are pressed.' _Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book
+        of Job_, 1669, folio, p. 123. Compare p. 359. 'It pleaseth the
+        Lord to exercise great variety in afflicting the children of men,'
+        &c. But, after all, mere extracts can give but a faint idea of the
+        dark and malignant spirit which pervades these writings.
+
+  [522] 'The present dearth and famine quhilk seases vpon many, quhairby
+        God his heavie wrath is evidentlie perceaved to be kindlit against
+        vs.' _Selections from the Minutes of the Synod of Fife_, p. 98.
+        'Smiting of the fruits of the ground.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on
+        the Minor Prophets_, vol. i. p. 277. 'Makes fruits to wither.'
+        _Ibid._, vol. ii. p. 183. 'Hee restraines the clouds, and bindeth
+        up the wombe of heaven, in extreme drought.' _Rutherford's Christ
+        Dying_, p. 52. 'Sometime hee maketh tho heauen aboue as brasse,
+        and the earth beneath as iron; so that albeit men labour and sow,
+        yet they receiue no increase: sometime againe hee giues in due
+        season the first and latter raine, so that the earth renders
+        abundance, but the Lord by blasting windes, or by the caterpillar,
+        canker-worme and grasse-hopper doth consume them, who come out as
+        exacters and officers sent from God to poind men in their goods.'
+        _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 433.
+
+  [523] 'Under the late dearth this people suffered greatly, the poor were
+        numerous, and many, especially about the town of Kilsyth, were at
+        the point of starving; yet, as I frequently observed to them, I
+        could not see any one turning to _the Lord who smote them_, or
+        crying to him because of their sins, while _they howled upon their
+        beds for bread_.' _Robe's Narratives of the Extraordinary Work of
+        the Spirit of God_, p. 68.
+
+  [524] _Nicoll's Diary_, pp. 152, 153. Much rain in the autumn, was 'the
+        Lord's displeasure upon the land.' _Minutes of the Presbyteries of
+        Saint Andrews and Cupar_, p. 179.
+
+  [525] 'Men sweat, till, sow much, and the sun and summer, and clouds,
+        warme dewes and raines smile upon cornes and meddowes, yet God
+        steppeth in betweene the mouth of the husbandman and the sickle,
+        and blasteth all.' _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, p. 87. Compare
+        _Baillie's Letters_, vol. iii. p. 52, on the 'continuance of very
+        intemperate rain upon the corns,' as one of the 'great signs of
+        the wrath of God.'
+
+  [526] 'When the Lord is provoked, he can not only send an affliction,
+        but so order it, by faire appearances of a better lot, and
+        heightening of the sinners expectation and desire, as may make it
+        most sad.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor Prophets_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 9, 10.
+
+Under the influence of this horrible creed, and from the unbounded sway
+exercised by the clergy who advocated it, the Scotch mind was thrown into
+such a state, that, during the seventeenth, and part of the eighteenth,
+century, some of the noblest feelings of which our nature is capable, the
+feelings of hope, of love, and of gratitude, were set aside, and were
+replaced by the dictates of a servile and ignominous fear. The physical
+sufferings to which the human frame is liable, nay, even the very
+accidents to which we are casually exposed, were believed to proceed, not
+from our ignorance, nor from our carelessness, but from the rage of the
+Deity. If a fire chanced to break out in Edinburgh, the greatest alarm
+was excited, because it was the voice of God crying out against a
+luxurious and dissolute city.[527] If a boil or a sore appeared on your
+body, that, too, was a divine punishment, and it was more than doubtful
+whether it might lawfully be cured.[528] The small-pox, being one of the
+most fatal as well as one of the most loathsome of all diseases, was
+especially sent by God; and, on that account, the remedy of inoculation
+was scouted as a profane attempt to frustrate His intentions.[529] Other
+disorders, which, though less terrible, were very painful, proceeded from
+the same source, and all owed their origin to the anger of the
+Almighty.[530] In every thing, His power was displayed, not by increasing
+the happiness of men, nor by adding to their comforts, but by hurting and
+vexing them in all possible ways. His hand, always raised against the
+people, would sometimes deprive them of wine by causing the vintage to
+fail;[531] sometimes, would destroy their cattle in a storm;[532] and
+sometimes, would even make dogs bite their legs when they least expected
+it.[533] Sometimes, He would display His wrath by making the weather
+excessively dry;[534] sometimes, by making it equally wet.[535] He was
+always punishing; always busy in increasing the general suffering, or, to
+use the language of the time, making the creature smart under the
+rod.[536] Every fresh war was the result of His special interference; it
+was not caused by the meddling folly or insensate ambition of statesmen,
+but it was the immediate work of the Deity, who was thus made responsible
+for all the devastations, the murders, and other crimes more horrible
+still, which war produces.[537] In the intervals of peace, which, at that
+period, were very rare, He had other means of vexing mankind. The shock
+of an earthquake was a mark of His displeasure;[538] a comet was a sign
+of coming tribulation;[539] and when an eclipse appeared, the panic was
+so universal, that persons of all ranks hastened to church to deprecate
+His wrath.[540] What they heard there, would increase their fear, instead
+of allaying it. For the clergy taught their hearers, that even so
+ordinary an event as thunder, was meant to excite awe, and was sent for
+the purpose of showing to men with how terrible a master they had to
+deal.[541] Not to tremble at thunder, was, therefore, a mark of impiety;
+and, in this respect, man was unfavourably contrasted with the lower
+animals, since they were invariably moved by this symptom of divine
+power.[542]
+
+  [527] In 1696, there was a fire in Edinburgh; whereupon Moncrief, in his
+        sermon next day, 'told us, "That God's voice was crying to this
+        city, and that he was come to the very ports, and was crying over
+        the walls to us; that we should amend our ways, lest he should
+        come to our city, and consume us in a terrible manner." I cannot
+        tell what this Dispensation of Providence wrought on me,' &c.
+        _Memoirs or Spiritual Exercises of Elizabeth West, written by her
+        own Hand_, pp. 41, 42. See also, at pp. 122, 123, the account of
+        another conflagration, where it is said, 'there was much of God to
+        be seen in this fire.' Compare a curious passage in _Calderwood's
+        History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp. 455, 456.
+
+  [528] The Rev. James Fraser had a boil, and afterwards a fever. 'During
+        this sickness he miraculously allayed the pain of my boil, and
+        speedily, and that without means, cured it; for however I bought
+        some things to prevent it, yet, looking on it as a punishment from
+        God, I knew not if I could be free to take the rod out of his
+        hand, and to counterwork him.' _Memoirs of the Rev. James Fraser
+        of Brea, Minister of the Gospel at Culross, written by Himself_,
+        in _Select Biographies_, vol. ii. p. 223. Durham declaims against
+        'Sinful shunning and shifting off suffering;' and Rutherford says,
+        'No man should rejoice at weakness and diseases; but I think we
+        may have a sort of gladness at boils and sores, because, without
+        them, Christ's fingers, as a slain Lord, should never have touched
+        our skin.' _Durham's Law Unsealed_, p. 160; _Rutherford's
+        Religious Letters_, p. 265. I do not know what effect these
+        passages may produce upon the reader; but it makes my flesh creep
+        to quote them. Compare _Stevenson's Rare, Soul-strengthening, and
+        Comforting Cordial_, p. 35.
+
+  [529] It was not until late in the eighteenth century, that the Scotch
+        clergy gave up this notion. At last, even they became influenced
+        by the ridicule to which their superstition exposed them, and
+        which produced more effect than any argument could have done. The
+        doctrines, however, which they and their predecessors had long
+        inculcated, had so corrupted the popular mind, that instances
+        will, I believe, be found even in the nineteenth century, of the
+        Scotch deeming precautions against small-pox to be criminal, or,
+        as they called it, flying in the face of Providence. The latest
+        evidence I can at this moment put my hand on, is in a volume
+        published in 1797. It is stated by the Rev. John Paterson, that,
+        in the parish of Auldearn, in the county of Nairn, 'Very few have
+        fallen a sacrifice to the small-pox, though the people are in
+        general averse to inoculation, from the general gloominess of
+        their faith, which teaches them, that all diseases which afflict
+        the human frame are instances of the Divine interposition, for the
+        punishment of sin; any interference, therefore, on their part,
+        they deem an usurpation of the prerogative of the Almighty.'
+        _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. xix. p. 618,
+        Edinburgh, 1797. See also vol. xiv. p. 52, Edinburgh, 1795. This
+        is well said. No doubt, so abject, and so pernicious, a
+        superstition among the people, was the result of 'the general
+        gloominess of their faith.' But the Rev. John Paterson has
+        forgotten to add, that the gloominess of which he complains, was
+        in strict conformity with the teachings of the most able, the most
+        energetic, and the most venerated of the Scotch clergy. Mr.
+        Paterson renders scant justice to his countrymen, and should
+        rather have praised the tenacity with which they adhered to the
+        instructions they had long been accustomed to receive.
+
+  [530] The Rev. John Welsh, when suffering from a painful disorder, and
+        also from other troubles, writes: 'My douleurs ar impossible to
+        expresse.' ... 'It is the Lord's indignation.' See his letter, in
+        _Miscellany of the Wodrow Society_, vol. i. p. 558. See also
+        _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 128. A pain in one's side was the
+        work of 'the Lord' (_Memoirs of Marion Laird_, p. 95); so was a
+        sore throat (_Wast's Memoirs_, p. 203); and so was the fever in
+        pleurisy. _Robe's Narratives of the Extraordinary Work of the
+        Spirit of God_, p. 66.
+
+  [531] In January 1653, 'This tyme, and mony monethis befoir, thair wes
+        great skairshtie of wynes. In this also appered Godis justice
+        toward this natioun for abusing of that blissing many yeiris
+        befoir.' _Nicoll's Diary_, p. 105.
+
+  [532] This idea was so deeply rooted, that we actually find a public
+        fast and humiliation ordered, on account of 'this present uncouth
+        storme of frost and snaw, quhilk hes continewit sa lang that the
+        bestiall ar dieing thik fauld.' _Records of the Kirk Session,
+        Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 82.
+
+  [533] 'There was a dog bit my leg most desperately. I no sooner received
+        this, but I saw the hand of God in it.' _Wast's Memoirs_, p. 114.
+
+  [534] 'The evident documentis of Goddis wrath aganes the land, be the
+        extraordinarie drouth.' _Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery,
+        and Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 78.
+
+  [535] 'The hynous synnes of the land produced much takines of Godis
+        wraith; namelie, in this spring tyme, for all Februar and a great
+        pairt of Marche wer full of havie weittis.' _Nicoll's Diary_,
+        p. 152.
+
+  [536] _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, p. 85. _Fleming's
+        Fulfilling of the Scripture_, pp. 101, 149, 176. _Balfour's _,
+        vol. i. p. 169. _Boston's Sermons_, p. 52. _Boston's Human Nature
+        in its Four-fold State_, pp. 67, 136. _Memoirs of Marion Laird_,
+        pp. 63, 90, 113, 163. _Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of Job_,
+        pp. 62, 91, 140, 187, 242, 310, 449, 471, 476, 527, 528.
+
+  [537] 'War is one of the sharp scourges whereby God punisheth wicked
+        nations; and it cometh upon a people, not accidentally, but _by
+        the especial providence of God_, who hath peace and war in his own
+        hand.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor Prophets_, vol. ii.
+        p. 3. In 1644, 'Civill war wracks Spaine, and lately wracked
+        Italie: it is coming by appearance shortlie upon France. The just
+        Lord, who beholds with patience the wickednesse of nations, at
+        last _arises in furie_.' ... 'The Swedish and Danish fleets, after
+        a hott fight, are making for a new onsett: great blood is feared
+        shall be shortly shed there, both by sea and land. The _anger of
+        the Lord_ against all christendome is great.' _Baillie's Letters
+        and Journals_, vol. ii. pp. 190, 223.
+
+  [538] 'Earthquakes, whereby God, when he is angry, overthrows and
+        overturns very mountains.' _Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of
+        Job_, p. 114. 'The ministris and sessioun convening in the
+        sessioun hous, considdering the fearfull erthquak that wes
+        yisternicht, the aucht of this instant, throughout this haill
+        citie about nine houris at evin, to be a document that God is
+        angrie aganes the land and aganes this citie in particular, for
+        the manifauld sinnis of the people,' &c. _Records of the Kirk
+        Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 64.
+
+  [539] 'Whatever natural causes may be adduced for those alarming
+        appearances, the system of comets is yet so uncertain, and they
+        have so frequently preceded desolating strokes and turns in public
+        affairs, that they seem designed in providence to stir up sinners
+        to seriousness. Those preachers from heaven, when God's messengers
+        were silenced, neither prince nor prelate could stop.' _Wodrow's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 421.
+
+  [540] 'People of all sortes rane to the churches to deprecat God's
+        wrath.' _Balfour's Annales_, vol. i. p. 403. This was in 1598.
+
+  [541] 'By it, he manifests his power and shows himself terrible.'
+        _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 33.
+        Compare _Row's History of the Kirk_, p. 333; and a passage in
+        _Laird's Memoirs_, p. 69, which shows how greedily their credulous
+        hearers imbibed such notions: 'There were several signal evidences
+        that the Lord's righteous judgments were abroad in the earth;
+        great claps of thunder,' &c.
+
+  [542] 'The stupidity and senselessnesse of man is greater than that of
+        the brute creatures, which are all more moved with the thunder,
+        then the hearts of men for the most part.' _Dickson's Explication
+        of the First Fifty Psalms_, p. 193. Hutcheson makes a similar
+        remark concerning earthquakes. 'The shaking and trembling of
+        insensible creatures, when God is angry, serves to condemn men,
+        who are not sensible of it, nor will stoop under his hand.'
+        _Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of Job_, p. 115.
+
+These visitations, eclipses, comets, earthquakes, thunder, famine,
+pestilence, war, disease, blights in the air, failures in the crops, cold
+winters, dry summers, these, and the like, were, in the opinion of the
+Scotch divines, outbreaks of the anger of the Almighty against the sins
+of men; and that such outbreaks were incessant is not surprising, when we
+consider that, in the same age, and according to the same creed, the most
+innocent, and even praiseworthy, actions were deemed sinful, and worthy
+of chastisement. The opinions held on this subject are not only curious,
+but extremely instructive. Besides forming an important part of the
+history of the human mind, they supply decisive proof of the danger of
+allowing a single profession to exalt itself above all other professions.
+For, in Scotland, as elsewhere, directly the clergy succeeded in
+occupying a more than ordinary amount of public attention, they availed
+themselves of that circumstance to propagate those ascetic doctrines,
+which, while they strike at the root of human happiness, benefit no one
+except the class which advocates them. That class, indeed, can hardly
+fail to reap advantage from a policy, which, by increasing the
+apprehensions to which the ignorance and timidity of men make them too
+liable, does also increase their eagerness to fly for support to their
+spiritual advisers. And the greater the apprehension, the greater the
+eagerness. Of this, the Scotch clergy, who were perfect masters of their
+own art, were well aware. Under their influence, a system of morals was
+established, which, representing nearly every act as sinful, kept the
+people in perpetual dread, lest unwittingly they were committing some
+enormous offence, which would bring upon their heads a signal and
+overwhelming punishment.
+
+According to this code, all the natural affections, all social pleasures,
+all amusements, and all the joyous instincts of the human heart were
+sinful, and were to be rooted out. It was sinful for a mother to wish to
+have sons;[543] and, if she had any, it was sinful to be anxious about
+their welfare.[544] It was a sin to please yourself, or to please others;
+for, by adopting either course, you were sure to displease God.[545] All
+pleasures, therefore, however slight in themselves, or however lawful
+they might appear, must be carefully avoided.[546] When mixing in
+society, we should edify the company, if the gift of edification had been
+bestowed upon us; but we should by no means attempt to amuse them.[547]
+Cheerfulness, especially when it rose to laughter, was to be guarded
+against; and we should choose for our associates grave and sorrowful men,
+who were not likely to indulge in so foolish a practice.[548] Smiling,
+provided it stopped short of laughter, might occasionally be allowed;
+still, being a carnal pastime, it was a sin to smile on Sunday.[549] Even
+on week-days, those who were most imbued with religious principles hardly
+ever smiled, but sighed, groaned, and wept.[550] A true Christian would
+be careful, in his movements, to preserve invariable gravity, never
+running, but walking soberly, and not treading out in a brisk and lively
+manner, as unbelievers are wont to do.[551] So, too, if he wrote to a
+friend, he must beware lest his letter should contain any thing like
+jocoseness; since jesting is incompatible with a holy and serious
+life.[552]
+
+  [543] Lady Colsfeild 'had born two or three daughters, and was sinfully
+        anxious after a son, to heir the estate of Colsfeild.' _Wodrow's
+        Analecta_, vol. iii. p. 293.
+
+  [544] Under the influence of this terrible creed, the amiable mother of
+        Duncan Forbes, writing to him respecting his own health and that
+        of his brother, speaks 'of my sinful God-provoking anxiety, both
+        for your souls and bodies.' _Burton's Lives of Lovat and Forbes_,
+        p. 724. The theological theory, underlying and suggesting this,
+        was, that 'grace bridles these affections.' _Boston's Human Nature
+        in its Four-fold State_, p. 184. Hence its rigid application on
+        days set apart for religious purposes. The Rev. Mr. Lyon (_History
+        of Saint Andrews_, vol. i. p. 458) mentions that some of the
+        Scotch clergy, in drawing up regulations for the government of a
+        colony, inserted the following clause: 'No husband shall kiss his
+        wife, and no mother shall kiss her child on the Sabbath day.'
+
+  [545] 'The more you please yourselves and the world, the further you are
+        from pleasing God.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. ii. p. 55. Elsewhere
+        (vol. ii. p. 45): 'Amity to ourselves is enmity to God.'
+
+  [546] 'Pleasures are most carefully to be auoided: because they both
+        harme and deceiue.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_, p. 251.
+        At p. 268, the same authority says, 'Beate downe thy body, and
+        bring it to subiection by abstaining, not only from vnlawfull
+        pleasures, but also from lawfull and indifferent delights.'
+
+  [547] According to _Hutcheson's Exposition of Job_, p. 6, 'there is no
+        time wherein men are more ready to miscarry, and discover any
+        bitter root in them, then when they are about the liberal use of
+        the creatures, and amidst occasions of mirth and cheerfulness.'
+        How this doctrine ripened, cannot be better illustrated than from
+        the sentiments entertained, so late as the early part of the
+        eighteenth century, by Colonel Blackader, a Scotch officer, who
+        was also an educated man, who had seen much of the world, and
+        might, to some degree, be called a man of the world. In December
+        1714, he went to a wedding, and, on his return home, he writes: 'I
+        was cheerful, and perhaps gave too great a swing to raillery, but
+        I hope not light or vain in conversation. I desire always to have
+        my speech seasoned with salt, and ministering profit to the
+        hearers. Sitting up late, and merry enough, though I hope
+        innocent; but I will not justify myself.' _The Life and Diary of
+        Lieut.-Col. J. Blackader, by Andrew Crichton_, p. 453. On another
+        occasion (p. 511), in 1720, he was at an evening party. 'The young
+        people were merry. I laid a restraint upon myself for fear of
+        going too far, and joined but little, only so as not to show
+        moroseness or ill-breeding. We sat late, but the conversation was
+        innocent, and no drinking but as we pleased. However, much time is
+        spent; which I dare not justify. _In all things we offend._' At p.
+        159, he writes, 'I should always be mixing something that may
+        edify in my discourse;' and, says his biographer (p. 437),
+        'Conversation, when it ceased to accomplish this object, he
+        regarded as _degenerating into idle entertainment_, which ought to
+        be checked rather than encouraged.'
+
+  [548] 'Frequent the gravest company, and the fellowship of those that are
+        sorrowfull.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_, p. 416. Compare
+        the attacks on 'too much carnal mirth and laughter,' in _Durham's
+        Law Unsealed_, p. 323; in _Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture_,
+        p. 226; and in _Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_,
+        p. 227. See also _Gray's Spiritual Warfare_, p. 42. Cowper says,
+        'Woe be unto them that now laugh, for assuredly they shall weepe,
+        the end of their joy shall be endleese mourning and gnashing of
+        teeth, they shall shed tears abundantly with Esau, but shall find
+        no place for mercy.' _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 271. Hutcheson,
+        in a train of unusual liberality, permits occasional laughter. He
+        says, 'There is a faculty of laughing given to men, which
+        certainly is given for use, at least at sometimes; and diversions
+        are sometime needfull for men who are serious and employed in
+        weighty affairs.' ... 'And particularly, laughter is sometimes
+        lawful for magistrates and others in publick charge, not only that
+        they may recreate themselves, but that, thereby, and by the like
+        insinuating carriage, they may gain the affection of the people.'
+        _Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of Job_, edit. folio, 1669,
+        pp. 389, 390.
+
+  [549] In 1650, when Charles II. was in Scotland, 'the clergy reprehended
+        him very sharply, if he smiled on those days' (Sundays).
+        _Clarendon's History of the Rebellion_, book xiii. p. 747, edit.
+        Oxford, 1843.
+
+  [550] It is said of Donald Cargill, that, 'his very countenance was
+        edifying to beholders; often sighing with deep groans.' _A Cloud
+        of Witnesses for the Royal Prerogatives of Jesus Christ_, p. 423.
+        The celebrated James Durham was 'a person of the utmost gravity,
+        and scarce smiled at anything.' _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_, p.
+        226. Of Livingston, we are told 'that he was a very affectionate
+        person, and weeped much; that it was his ordinary way, and might
+        be observed almost every Sabbath, that when he came into the
+        pulpite he sate doun a litle, and looked first to the one end of
+        the kirk, and then to the other; and then, ordinarly, the tear
+        shott in his eye, and he weeped, and oftimes he began his preface
+        and his work weeping.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. ii. p. 249. James
+        Alexander 'used to weep much in prayer and preaching; he was every
+        way most savoury.' _Ibid._, vol. iii. p. 39. As to the Rev. John
+        Carstairs, 'his band in the Sabbath would have been all wett, as
+        if it had been douked, with tears, before he was done with his
+        first prayer.' p. 48. Aird, minister of Dalserf, 'weeping much'
+        (_Ibid._, vol. iii. p. 56), 'Mr. James Stirling tells me he was a
+        most fervent, affectionat, weeping preacher.' p. 172; and the Rev.
+        Alexander Dunlop was noted for what was termed 'a holy groan,'
+        vol. iii. p. 21. See also, on weeping as a mark of religion,
+        _Wast's Memoirs_, pp. 83, 84; and _Robe's Narrative of the
+        Extraordinary Work of the Spirit of God_, pp. 21, 31, 75, 150. One
+        passage from the most popular of the Scotch preachers, I hesitate
+        as to the propriety of quoting; but it is essential that their
+        ideas should be known, if the history of Scotland is to be
+        understood. Rutherford, after stating whom it is that we should
+        seek to imitate, adds: 'Christ did never laugh on earth that we
+        read of, but he wept.' _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, 1647, 4to, p.
+        525. I publish this with no irreverent spirit; God forbid that I
+        should. But I will not be deterred from letting this age see the
+        real character of a system which aimed at destroying all human
+        happiness, exciting slavish and abject fear, and turning this
+        glorious world into one vast theatre of woe.
+
+  [551] 'Walk with a sober pace, not "tinkling with your feet."' _Memoirs
+        of the Rev. James Fraser, written by Himself_, in _Select
+        Biographies_, vol. ii. p. 280. 'It is somewhat like this, or less
+        than this, which the Lord condemneth, _Isa._ iii. 16, 'Walking
+        and mincing, or tripping and making a tinkling with their feet.'
+        What is that but disdaining the grave way of walking, to affect
+        an art in it? as many do now in our days; and shall this be
+        displeasing to the Lord, and not the other? seeing he loveth, and
+        is best pleased with, the native way of carrying the body.'
+        _Durham's Law Unsealed_, p. 324. 'The believer hath, or at least
+        ought to have, and, if he be like himself, will have, a well
+        ordered walk, and will be in his carriage stately and princely.'
+        _Durham's Exposition of the Song of Solomon_, p. 365.
+
+  [552] 'At home, writing letters to a friend. My vein is inclined to jest
+        and humour. The letter was too comical and jocose; and after I had
+        sent it away, I had a check that it was too light, and jesting
+        foolishly. I sent and got it back, and destroyed it. My temper
+        goes too far that way, and I ought to check it, and be more on my
+        guard, and study edification in every thing.' _Crichton's Life and
+        Diary of Blackader_, pp. 536, 537. Even amongst young children,
+        from eight years old and upwards, toys and games were bad; and it
+        was a good sign when they were discarded. 'Some very young, of
+        eight and nine years of age, some twelve and thirteen. They still
+        inclined more and more to their duty, so that they meet three
+        times a day, in the morning, at night, and at noon. Also they have
+        forsaken all their childish fancies and plays; so these that have
+        been awakened are known by their countenance and conversation,
+        their walk and behaviour.' _Robe's Narratives of the Extraordinary
+        Work of the Spirit of God_, pp. 79, 80.
+
+It was, moreover, wrong to take pleasure in beautiful scenery; for a
+pious man had no concern with such matters, which were beneath him, and
+the admiration of which should be left to the unconverted.[553] The
+unregenerate might delight in these vanities, but they who were properly
+instructed, saw Nature as she really was, and knew that as she, for about
+five thousand years, had been constantly on the move, her vigour was
+well-nigh spent, and her pristine energy had departed.[554] To the eye
+of ignorance, she still seemed fair and fresh; the fact, however, was,
+that she was worn out and decrepit; she was suffering from extreme old
+age; her frame, no longer elastic, was leaning on one side, and she soon
+would perish.[555] Owing to the sin of man, all things were getting
+worse, and nature was degenerating so fast, that already the lilies were
+losing their whiteness, and the roses their smell.[556] The heavens were
+waxing old;[557] the very sun, which lighted the earth, was becoming
+feeble.[558] This universal degeneracy was sad to think of; but the
+profane knew it not. Their ungodly eyes were still pleased by what they
+saw. Such was the result of their obstinate determination to indulge the
+senses, all of which were evil; the eye being, beyond comparison, the
+most wicked. Hence, it was especially marked out for divine punishment;
+and, being constantly sinning, it was afflicted with fifty-two different
+diseases, that is, one disease for each week in the year.[559]
+
+  [553] 'To the unmortified man, the world smelleth like the garden of
+        God' ... 'the world is not to him an ill-smelled stinking corps.'
+        _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, p. 498. But those who were properly
+        mortified, knew that 'the earth is but a potter's house' (_Ibid._,
+        p. 286); 'an old thred-bare-worn case' (_Ibid._, p. 530); a 'smoky
+        house' (_Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 100); a 'plaistered,
+        rotten world' (_Ibid._, p. 132); and 'an ashy and dirty earth'
+        (_Ibid._, p. 169). 'The earth also is spotted (like the face of a
+        woman once beautifull, but now deformed with scabs of leprosie)
+        with thistles, thornes, and much barren wilderness.' _Cowper's
+        Heaven Opened_, p. 255.
+
+  [554] 'Wearinesse and motion is laid on Moon and Sunne, and all
+        creatures on this side of the Moon. Seas ebbe and flow, and that's
+        trouble; winds blow, rivers move, heavens and stars these five
+        thousand yeares, except one time, have not had sixe minutes rest.'
+        ... 'The Sunne that never rests, but moves as swiftly in the night
+        as in the day.' _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, pp. 12, 157. 'This is
+        the world's old age; it is declining; albeit it seem a fair and
+        beautiful thing in the eyes of them who know no better, and unto
+        them who are of yesterday and know nothing, it looks as if it had
+        been created yesterday; yet the truth is, and a believer knows, it
+        is near the grave.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. iii. p. 372.
+
+  [555] 'This, then, I say, is the state all things ye see are in,--it is
+        their old age. The creation now is an old rotten house that is all
+        dropping through and leaning to the one side.' _Binning's
+        Sermons_, vol. iii. p. 398.
+
+  [556] 'The lilies and roses, which, no doubt, had more sweetnesse of
+        beauty and smell, before the sin of man made them vanity-sick.'
+        _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, p. 185.
+
+  [557] 'The heavens that are supposed to be incorruptible, yet they wax
+        old as doth a garment.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. i. p. 95.
+
+  [558] 'The neerer the sun drawes to the end of his daily course, the
+        lesse is his strength, for we see the Sunne in the evening decayes
+        in heat; so it is, the longer by reuolution he turnes about in his
+        sphere, he waxes alway the weaker; and, to vse the similitude of
+        the holy spirit, as a garment the older it groweth becomes the
+        lesse beautifull.' _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 255.
+
+  [559] 'It is so delicate by nature, that since it was the first sense
+        that offended, it is, aboue all the rest, made subject (as a
+        condigne punishment) to as many maladies, as there are weekes in a
+        yeere.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_, p. 501. The Scotch
+        divines were extremely displeased with our eyes. Rutherford
+        contemptuously calls them 'two clay windows.' _Rutherford's Christ
+        Dying_, p. 570. Gray, going still further, says, 'these cursed
+        eyes of ours.' _Gray's Great and Precious Promises_, p. 53.
+
+On this account, it was improper to care for beauty of any kind; or, to
+speak more accurately, there was no real beauty. The world afforded
+nothing worth looking at, save and except the Scotch Kirk, which was
+incomparably the most beautiful thing under heaven.[560] To look at that
+was a lawful enjoyment, but every other pleasure was sinful. To write
+poetry, for instance, was a grievous offence, and worthy of especial
+condemnation.[561] To listen to music was equally wrong; for men had no
+right to disport themselves in such idle recreation. Hence the clergy
+forbade music to be introduced even during the festivities of a
+marriage;[562] neither would they permit, on any occasion, the national
+entertainment of pipers.[563] Indeed, it was sinful to look at any
+exhibition in the streets, even though you only looked at it from your
+own window.[564] Dancing was so extremely sinful, that an edict,
+expressly prohibiting it, was enacted by the General Assembly, and read
+in every church in Edinburgh.[565] New Year's Eve had long been a period
+of rejoicing in Scotland, as in other parts of Europe. The Church laid
+her hands on this also, and ordered that no one should sing the songs
+usual on that day, or should admit such singers into his own private
+house.[566]
+
+  [560] 'The true visible Kirk where God's ordinances are set up, as he
+        hath appointed, where his word is purely preached, is the most
+        beautifull thing under heaven.' _Dickson's Explication of the
+        First Fifty Psalms_, p. 341.
+
+  [561] I have one very late, and, on that account, very curious, instance
+        of the diffusion of this feeling in Scotland. In 1767, a vacancy
+        occurred in the mastership of the grammar-school of Greenock. It
+        was offered to John Wilson, the author of 'Clyde.' But, says his
+        biographer, 'the magistrates and minister of Greenock thought fit,
+        before they would admit Mr. Wilson to the superintendance of the
+        grammar school, to stipulate that he should abandon "the profane
+        and unprofitable art of poem-making."' _Lives of Eminent Scotsmen
+        by the Society of Ancient Scots_, 1821, vol. v. p. 169.
+
+  [562] 'Sept. 22. 1649.--The quhilk day the Sessioune caused mak this
+        act, that ther sould be no pypers at brydels, and who ever sould
+        have a pyper playing at their brydell on their mariage day, sall
+        loose their consigned money, and be farder punisched as the
+        Sessioune thinks fitt.' _Extracts from the Registers of the
+        Presbytery of Glasgow, and of the Kirk Sessions of the Parishes of
+        Cambusnethan Humbie and Stirling_, p. 34. This curious volume is a
+        quarto, and without date; unless, indeed, one of the title-pages
+        is wanting in my copy.
+
+  [563] See the Minutes of the Kirk Session of Glasgow, in _Wodrow's
+        Collections upon the Lives of Ministers_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 76;
+        also the case of 'Mure, pyper,' in _Selections from the Minutes of
+        the Presbyteries of Saint Andrews and Cupar_, p. 72.
+
+  [564] This notion lingered on, probably to the beginning of this
+        century; certainly to late in the last. In a work published in
+        Scotland in 1836, it is stated, that a clergyman was still alive,
+        who was 'severely censured,' merely because, when Punch was
+        performing, 'the servant was sent out to the showman to request
+        him to come below the windows of her master's house, that the
+        clergyman and his wife might enjoy the sight.' _Traditions of
+        Perth by George Penny_, Perth, 1836, p. 124.
+
+  [565] '17 Feb. 1650. Ane act of the commissioun of the Generall Assemblie
+        wes red in all the churches of Edinburgh dischargeing promiscuous
+        dansing.' _Nicoll's Diary_, p. 3. See also _Acts of the General
+        Assembly of the Church of Scotland_, 1638-1842, p. 201; _Register
+        of the Kirk Session of Cambusnethan_, p. 35; _Minutes of the
+        Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar_, pp. 55, 181; _Minutes of
+        the Synod of Fife_, pp. 150, 169, 175; and a choice passage in _A
+        Collection of Sermons by Eminent Divines_, p. 51.
+
+  [566] See _Selections from the Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery,
+        and Synod of Aberdeen_, pp. 77, 78, forbidding any one to 'giwe
+        ony meatt or drink to these sangsteris or lat thame within thair
+        houss.' The singers were to be 'put in prisoun.'
+
+At the christening of a child, the Scotch were accustomed to assemble
+their relations, including their distant cousins, in whom, then as now,
+they much abounded. But this caused pleasure, and pleasure was sinful. It
+was, therefore, forbidden; the number of guests was limited; and the
+strictest supervision was exercised by the clergy, to prevent the
+possibility of any one being improperly happy on such occasions.[567]
+
+  [567] In 1643 the Presbytery of St. Andrews ordered that 'because of the
+        great abuse that is likewayes among them by conveening multitudes
+        at baptismes and contracts, the ministers and sessions are
+        appointed to take strict order for restraineing these abuses, that
+        in number they exceid not sixe or seven. As also ordaines that the
+        hostlers quho mak such feists salbe censured by the sessions.'
+        _Minutes of the Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar_, p. 11. See
+        also _Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery, and Synod of
+        Aberdeen_, pp. 109, 110, complaining of the custom 'that everie
+        base servile man in the towne, when he has a barne to be baptesed,
+        invitis tuelff or sextene persones to be his gossopes and
+        godfatheris to his barne,' &c.; and enacting 'that it shall not be
+        lesume to any inhabitant within this burt quhasoever, to invite
+        any ma persones to be godfatheris to thair barne in ony tyme
+        cumming bot tua or four at the most, lyk as the Kirk officier is
+        expresslie commandit and prohibitt that from hence furth he tak vp
+        no ma names to be godfatheris, nor giwe any ma vp to the redar bot
+        four at the most, vnder all hiest censure he may incur be the
+        contrairie, and this ordinance to be intimat out of pulpitt, that
+        the people pretend no ignorance thairof.'
+
+Not only at baptisms, but also at marriages, the same spirit was
+displayed. In every country, it has been usual to make merry at
+marriages; partly from a natural feeling, and partly, perhaps, from a
+notion that a contract so often productive of misery, might, at all
+events, begin with mirth. The Scotch clergy, however, thought otherwise.
+At the weddings of the poor, they would allow no rejoicing;[568] and at
+the weddings of the rich, it was the custom for one of them to go for the
+express purpose of preventing an excess of gaiety. A better precaution
+could hardly be devised; but they did not trust exclusively to it. To
+check the lusts of the flesh, they, furthermore, took into account the
+cookery, the choice of the meats, and the number of the dishes. They
+were, in fact, so solicitous on these points, and so anxious that the
+nuptial feast should not be too attractive that they fixed its cost, and
+would not allow any person to exceed the sum which they thought proper
+to name.[569]
+
+  [568] They forbade music and dancing; and they ordered that not more
+        than twenty-four persons should be present. See the enactment, in
+        1647, respecting 'Pennie bryddells,' in _Minutes of the
+        Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar_, p. 117. In 1650, 'The
+        Presbyterie being sadly weghted with the report of the
+        continwance, and exhorbitant and unnecessarly numerous confluences
+        of people at pennie brydles, and of inexpedient and wnlawfull
+        pypeing and dancing at the same, so scandalous and sinfull in this
+        tyme of our Churches lamentable conditioun; and being apprehensive
+        that ministers and Kirk Sessiouns have not bein so vigilant and
+        active (as neid werre), for repressing of these disorders, doe
+        therfor most seriously recommend to ministers and Kirk Sessiouns
+        to represse the same.' _Ibid._ pp. 169, 170. See, further,
+        _Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark_, p. 29; and _Extracts from
+        the Presbytery Book of Strathbogie_, pp. 4, 144.
+
+  [569] See two curious instances of limitation of price, in _Irving's
+        History of Dumbartonshire_, p. 567; and in _Wodrow's Collections
+        upon the Lives of Ministers_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 34.
+
+Nothing escaped their vigilance. For, in their opinion, even the best man
+was, at his best time, so full of turpitude, that his actions could not
+fail to be wicked.[570] He never passed a day without sinning, and the
+smallest sin deserved eternal wrath.[571] Indeed, every thing he did was
+sinful, no matter how pure his motives.[572] Man had been gradually
+falling lower and lower, and had now sunk to a point of debasement, which
+made him inferior to the beasts that perish.[573] Even before he was
+born, and while he was yet in his mother's womb, his guilt began.[574]
+And when he grew up, his crimes multiplied thick and fast; one of the
+most heinous of them being the practice of teaching children new
+words,--a horrible custom, justly visited by divine wrath.[575] This,
+however, was but one of a series of innumerable and incessant offences;
+so that the only wonder was, that the earth could restrain herself at the
+hideous spectacle which man presented, and that she did not open her
+mouth, as of old, and swallow him even in the midst of his
+wickedness.[576] For, it was certain, that in the whole creation, there
+was nothing so deformed and monstrous as he.[577]
+
+  [570] 'What a vile, haughty, and base creature he is--how defiled and
+        desperately wicked his nature--how abominable his actions; in a
+        word, what a compound of darkness and wickedness he is--a heap of
+        defiled dust, and a mass of confusion--a sink of impiety and
+        iniquity, _even the best of mankind_, those of the rarest and most
+        refined extraction, _take them at their best estate_.' _Binning's
+        Sermons_, vol. ii. p. 302. Compare _Boston's Human Nature in its
+        Four-fold State_, pp. 26, 27.
+
+  [571] 'The least sin cannot but deserve God's wrath and curse eternally.'
+        _Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error_, p. 71. 'All men, even the
+        regenerate, sin daily.' _Ibid._ p. 153.
+
+  [572] 'Our best works have such a mixture of corruption and sin in them,
+        that they deserve his curse and wrath.' _Ibid._ p. 130.
+
+  [573] 'But now, falling away from God, hee hath also so farre degenerated
+        from his owne kind, that he is become inferiour to the beasts.'
+        _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 251. 'O! is not man become so brutish
+        and ignorant, that he may be sent unto the beasts of the field to
+        be instructed of that which is his duty?' _Gray's Spiritual
+        Warfare_, p. 28. 'Men are naturally more bruitish than beasts
+        themselves.' _Boston's Human Nature in its Four-fold State_,
+        p. 58. 'Worse than the beast of the field.' _Halyburton's Great
+        Concern of Salvation_, p. 71.
+
+  [574] 'Infants, even in their mother's belly, have in themselves
+        sufficient guilt to deserve such judgments;' _i.e._ when women
+        with child are 'ript up.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
+        Prophets_, vol. i. p. 255.
+
+  [575] 'And in our speech, our Scripture and old Scots names are gone out
+        of request; instead of _Father_ and _Mother_, _Mamma_ and _Papa_,
+        training children to speak nonsense, and what they do not
+        understand. These few instances, amongst many that might be given,
+        are additional causes of God's wrath.' _The Life and Death of Mr.
+        Alexander Peden, late Minister of the Gospel at New Glenluce, in
+        Galloway_, in _Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana_, vol. i. p. 140.
+
+  [576] 'Yea, if the Lord did not restraine her, shee would open her mouth
+        and swallow the wicked, as she did Corah, Dathan, and Abiram.'
+        _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 257. Compare _Hutcheson's Exposition
+        on the Minor Prophets_, vol. i. p. 507.
+
+  [577] 'There is nothing so monstrous, so deformed in the world, as man.'
+        _Binning's Sermons_, vol. i. p. 234. 'There is not in all the
+        creation such a miserable creature as man.' _Ibid._ vol. iii. p.
+        321. 'Nothing so miserable.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_,
+        p. 37.
+
+Such being the case, it behoved the clergy to come forward, and to guard
+men against their own vices, by controlling their daily actions, and
+forcing them to a right conduct. This they did vigorously. Aided by the
+elders, who were their tools and the creatures of their power, they, all
+over Scotland, organized themselves into legislative bodies, and, in the
+midst of their little senate, they enacted laws which the people were
+bound to obey. If they refused, woe be to them. They became unruly sons
+of the Church, and were liable to be imprisoned, to be fined, or to be
+whipped,[578] or to be branded with a hot iron,[579] or to do penance
+before the whole congregation, humbling themselves, bare-footed, and
+with their hair cut on one side,[580] while the minister, under pretence
+of rebuking them, enjoyed his triumph.[581] All this was natural enough.
+For the clergy were the delegates of heaven, and the interpreters of its
+will. They, therefore, were the best judges of what men ought to do; and
+any one whom they censured was bound to submit with humility and
+repentance.[582]
+
+  [578] 'December 17th, 1635. Mention made of a correction house, which
+        the Session ordeans persons to be taken to, both men and women,
+        and appoints them to be whipt every day during the Session's
+        will.' _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of Ministers_, vol.
+        ii. part ii. p. 67.
+
+  [579] On the 22nd October 1648, the Kirk Session of Dunfermline ordered
+        that a certain Janet Robertson 'shall be cartit and scourged
+        through the town, and markit with an hot iron.' _Chalmers' History
+        of Dunfermline_, p. 437.
+
+  [580] 'As they punish by pecuniary fines, so corporally too, by
+        imprisoning the persons of the delinquents, using them
+        disgracefully, carting them through cities, making them stand in
+        logges, as they call them, pillaries (which in the country
+        churches are fixed to the two sides of the main door of the Parish
+        Church), cutting the halfe of their hair, shaving their beards,
+        &c., and it is more than ordinary, by their "original" and "proper
+        power," to banish them out of the bounds and limits of the parish,
+        or presbytery, as they list to order it.' _Presbytery Displayd_,
+        p. 4.
+
+  [581] The Scotch clergy of the seventeenth century were not much given
+        to joking; but on one of these occasions a preacher is said to
+        have hazarded a pun. A woman, named Ann Cantly, being made to do
+        penance, 'Here' (said the minister), 'Here is one upon the stool
+        of repentance, they call her _Cantly_; she saith herself, she is
+        an honest woman, but I trow _scantly_.' _Scotch Presbyterian
+        Eloquence_, p. 125. From what I have read of Scotch theology, I
+        can bear testimony to the accuracy of this book, so far as its
+        general character is concerned. Indeed, the author, through fear
+        of being entirely discredited, has often rather understated his
+        case.
+
+  [582] As Durham says, in his _Exposition of the Song of Solomon_,
+        p. 451, 'It is no burden to an honest believer to acknowledge
+        Christ's ministers, to obey their doctrine, and submit to their
+        censures.'
+
+The arbitrary and irresponsible tribunals, which now sprung up all over
+Scotland, united the executive authority with the legislative, and
+exercised both functions at the same time. Declaring that certain acts
+ought not to be committed, they took the law into their own hands, and
+punished those who had committed them. According to the principles of
+this new jurisprudence, of which the clergy were the authors, it became a
+sin for any Scotchman to travel in a Catholic country.[583] It was a sin
+for any Scotch innkeeper to admit a Catholic into his inn.[584] It was a
+sin for any Scotch town to hold a market either on Saturday or on Monday,
+because both days were near Sunday.[585] It was a sin for a Scotch woman
+to wait at a tavern;[586] it was a sin for her to live alone;[587] it was
+also a sin for her to live with unmarried sisters.[588] It was a sin to
+go from one town to another on Sunday, however pressing the business
+might be.[589] It was a sin to visit your friend on Sunday;[590] it was
+likewise sinful either to have your garden watered,[591] or your beard
+shaved.[592] Such things were not to be tolerated in a Christian land. No
+one, on Sunday, should pay attention to his health, or think of his body
+at all. On that day, horse-exercise was sinful;[593] so was walking in
+the fields, or in the meadows, or in the streets, or enjoying the fine
+weather by sitting at the door of your house.[594] To go to sleep on
+Sunday, before the duties of the day were over, was also sinful, and
+deserved church censure.[595] Bathing, being pleasant as well as
+wholesome, was a particularly grievous offence; and no man could be
+allowed to swim on Sunday.[596] It was, in fact, doubtful whether
+swimming was lawful for a Christian at any time, even on week-days, and
+it was certain that God had, on one occasion, shown His disapproval, by
+taking away the life of a boy while he was indulging in that carnal
+practice.[597]
+
+  [583] A man, named Alexander Laurie, was brought before the Kirk Session
+        of Perth, 'and being inquired by the minister if, in his last
+        being out of this country, he had been in Spain, answered that he
+        was in Portugal, but was never present at mass, neither gave
+        reverence to any procession, and that he was never demanded by any
+        concerning his religion. The said Alexander being removed and
+        censured, it was thought good by the (Kirk) Session that he should
+        be admonished not to travel in these parts again, except that they
+        were otherwise reformed in religion.' _Extracts from the
+        Kirk-Session Register of Perth_, in _The Spottiswoode Miscellany_,
+        vol. ii. p. 274. Still earlier, that is, in 1592, the clergy
+        attempted to interfere even with commerce, 'allegeing that the
+        marchands could not mak vayage in Spayne without danger of their
+        sawlis, and tharefore willit thayme in the nayme of God to
+        absteyne.' _The Historie of King James the Sext_, p. 254.
+
+  [584] See the case of Patrick Stewart, and Mr. Lawson's note upon it, in
+        _Lawson's Book of Perth_, p. 238. In this instance, the 'Roman
+        Catholic gentleman' had been excommunicated, which made matters
+        still worse.
+
+  [585] The Presbytery of Edinburgh, 'by their transcendent sole
+        authority, discharged any market to be kept on Monday; the reason
+        was, because it occasioned the travelling of men and horse the
+        Lord's-day before, which prophaned the Sabbath.' _Presbytery
+        Displayd_, p. 10. In 1650, Saturday was also taken in by another
+        ecclesiastical senate. 'The Presbyterie doe appoint the severall
+        brethren in burghes, to deale with such as have not changed ther
+        Mondayes and Satterdayes mercats to other dayes of the weeke, that
+        they may doe the same _primo quoque tempore_.' _Minutes of the
+        Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar_, p. 53.
+
+  [586] In 1650, 'For "the down-bearing of sin," women were not allowed to
+        act as waiters in taverns, but "allenarly men-servands and boys."'
+        _Chambers' Annals_, vol. ii. p. 196. This order 'wes red and
+        publictlie intimat in all the kirkis of Edinburgh.' _Nicoll's
+        Diary_, p. 5.
+
+  [587] 'Forsameikle as dilatation being made, that Janet Watson holds an
+        house by herself where _she may give occasion of slander_,
+        therefore Patrick Pitcairn, elder, is ordained to admonish her in
+        the session's name, either to marry, or then pass to service,
+        otherwise that she will not be suffered to dwell by herself.'
+        _Kirk-Session Records of Perth_, in _The Chronicle of Perth_,
+        p. 86.
+
+  [588] 'Ordains the two sisters, Elspith and Janet Stewart, that they be
+        not found in the house again with their sister, but every one of
+        them shall go to service, or where they may be best entertained
+        without slander, under the penalty of warding their persons and
+        banishment of the town.' _Kirk-Session Register_, in _Lawson's
+        Book of Perth_, p. 169.
+
+  [589] 'Compeirit William Kinneir, and confest his travelling on the
+        Sabbath day, which he declairit was out of meer necessitie,
+        haveing two watters to croce, and ane tempestuos day, quhilk
+        moowit him to fear that he wold not get the watters crost, and so
+        his credit might faill. He was sharpelie admonished, and promist
+        newer to doe the lyke again.' _Selections from the Records of the
+        Kirk-Session of Aberdeen_, p. 136.
+
+  [590] 'Compearit Thomas Gray, and confest that one Sunday in the
+        morning, he went to Culter to visit a friend, and stayed thair all
+        night. The sessioune warnit him, _apud acta_, to the next day, and
+        appointed Patrick Gray, his master, to be cited to the next day,
+        to give furder informatioune in the matter. (Sharply rebuked
+        before the pulpit.)' _Selections from the Records of the
+        Kirk-Session of Aberdeen_, p. 146.
+
+  [591] 'It was reported that Margaret Brotherstone did water her kaill
+        wpon the Sabbath day, and thairwpon was ordained to be cited.' ...
+        'Compeired Margaret Brotherstone, and confessed her breach of
+        Sabbath in watering of her kaill, and thairwpon ordained to give
+        evidence in publick of her repentance the next Lord's day.'
+        _Extracts from the Register of the Kirk-Session of Humbie_, p. 42.
+
+  [592] Even so late as the middle of the eighteenth century, 'clergymen
+        were sometimes libelled' ... 'for shaving' on Sunday. _Sinclair's
+        Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. xvi. p. 34, Edinburgh,
+        1795. At an earlier period, no one might be shaved on that day.
+        See _The Spottiswoode Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 276; and _Lawson's
+        Book of Perth_, pp. 224, 225.
+
+  [593] 'Compeired John Gordon of Avachie, and confessed that he had
+        transgressed in travailing on the Sabbath day with horse, going
+        for a milston. Referred to the session of Kinor for censure.'
+        _Extracts from the Presbytery Book of Strathbogie_, p. 236. See
+        also the case mentioned in _Letters from a Gentleman in the North
+        of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 172; 'This riding on horseback of a
+        Sunday was deemed a great scandal.'
+
+  [594] In 1647, the punishment was ordered of whoever was guilty of
+        'sitting or walking idle upon the streetes and feildes' on Sunday.
+        _Selections from the Minutes of the Synod of Fife_, p. 152. In
+        1742, 'sitting idle at their doors' and 'sitting about doors' was
+        profane. _Robe's Naratives of the Extraordinary Work of the Spirit
+        of God_, pp. 109, 110. In 1756, at Perth, 'to stroll about the
+        fields, or even to walk upon the inches, was looked upon as
+        extremely sinful, and an intolerable violation of the fourth
+        commandment.' _Penny's Traditions of Perth_, p. 36.
+
+  [595] In 1656, 'Cite Issobell Balfort, servand to William Gordone,
+        tailyeor, beeing found sleeping at the Loche side on the Lord's
+        day in tyme of Sermon.' _Selections from the Records of the
+        Kirk-Session of Aberdeen_. p. 137. It was a sin even for children
+        to feel tired of the interminable sermons which they were forced
+        to hear. Halyburton, addressing the young people of his
+        congregation, says, 'Have not you been glad when the Lord's day
+        was over; or, at least, _when the preaching was done_, that ye
+        might get your liberty. Has it not been a burden to you, to sit so
+        long in the church? Well, _this is a great sin_.' See this
+        noticeable passage, in _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_,
+        p. 100.
+
+  [596] In 1719, the Presbytery of Edinburgh indignantly declares, 'Yea,
+        some have arrived at that height of impiety, as not to be ashamed
+        of washing in waters, and swimming in rivers upon the holy
+        Sabbath.' _Register of Presbytery of Edinburgh, 29th April 1719_,
+        in _Arnot's History of Edinburgh_, p. 204.
+
+  [597] So late as 1691, the Kirk-Session of Glasgow attempted to prevent
+        all boys from swimming, whatever the day might be. But as the
+        Church was then on the decline, it was necessary to appeal to the
+        civil authority for help. What the result was, I have not been
+        able to ascertain. There is, however, a curious notice, in
+        _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of Ministers_, vol. ii. part
+        ii. p. 77, stating that, on 'August 6th, 1691, the Session
+        recommends it to the magistrates to think on some overtures for
+        discharging boyes from swimming, in regard one was lately lost.' I
+        have met with other evidence respecting this; but I cannot
+        remember the passages.
+
+That it was a sin to cleanse one's body, might, indeed, have been taken
+for granted; seeing that the Scotch clergy looked on all comforts as
+sinful in themselves, merely because they were comforts.[598] The great
+object of life was, to be in a state of constant affliction.[599]
+Whatever pleased the senses, was to be suspected.[600] A Christian must
+beware of enjoying his dinner; for none but the ungodly relished their
+food.[601] By a parity of reasoning, it was wrong for a man to wish to
+advance himself in life, or in any way to better his condition.[602]
+Either to make money, or to save it, was unsuited to Christians; and even
+to possess much of it was objectionable, because it not only ministered
+to human pleasures, but encouraged those habits of foresight and of
+provision for the future, which are incompatible with complete
+resignation to the Divine will. To wish for more than was necessary to
+keep oneself alive, was a sin as well as a folly, and was a violation of
+the subjection we owe to God.[603] That it was contrary to His desire,
+was, moreover, evident, from the fact that He bestowed wealth liberally
+upon misers and covetous men; a remarkable circumstance, which, in the
+opinion of Scotch divines, proved that He was no lover of riches,
+otherwise He would not give them to such base and sordid persons.[604]
+
+  [598] The Rev. James Fraser says, 'The world is a dangerous thing and a
+        great evil, and the comforts of it a hell.' _Select Biographies_,
+        vol. ii. p. 220. Compare _Gray's Spiritual Warfare_, p. 22.
+
+  [599] 'It is good to be continually afflicted here.' _Select
+        Biographies_, vol. ii. p. 220. Gray, advocating the same doctrine,
+        sums up his remarks by a suggestion, that, 'I think David had
+        never so sweet a time as then, when he was pursued as a partridge
+        by his son Absalom.' _Gray's Great and Precious Promises_, p. 14.
+
+  [600] 'Suspect that which pleaseth the senses.' _Abernethy's Physicke
+        for the Soule_, p. 63.
+
+  [601] Durham, in his long catalogue of sins, mentions as one, 'the
+        preparing of meat studiously, that is, when it is too riotously
+        dressed, for pleasing men's carnal appetite and taste, or palate,
+        by the fineness of it, and other curiosities of that kind.'
+        _Durham's Law Unsealed_, p. 333. See also p. 48, on
+        'palate-pleasers;' and Dickson's opinion of the 'rarest dishes and
+        best meats.' _Dickson's Explication of the Psalms_, p. 84.
+        According to another of the Scotch divines, whoever makes one good
+        meal and has enough left for a second, is in imminent peril. 'He
+        that is full, and hath enough to make him fuller, will easily deny
+        God, and be exalted against him: his table shall be a snare to his
+        body, and a snare to his soule.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the
+        Soule_, p. 421.
+
+  [602] For, says Abernethy (_Physicke for the Soule_, p. 488), 'men are
+        loth to lend their eare to the Word, when they abound in
+        prosperity.' So, too, Hutcheson, in his _Exposition of the Book of
+        Job_, p. 387: 'Such is the weakness even of godly men, that they
+        can hardly live in a prosperous condition, and not be overtaken
+        with some security, carnal confidence, or other miscarriage.'
+
+  [603] See this theory worked out in _Cockburn's Jacob's Vow, or Man's
+        Felicity and Duty_, pp. 71-75. He says, 'And certainly to crave
+        and be desirous of more than what is competent for the maintenance
+        and support of our lives, is both inconsistent with that
+        dependence and subjection we owe to God, and doth also bespeak a
+        great deal of vanity, folly, and inconsiderateness.' Boston,
+        striking at the very foundation of that practice of providing for
+        the future, which is the first and most important maxim in all
+        civil wisdom, and which peculiarly distinguishes civilized nations
+        from barbarians, asks his hearers, 'Why should men rack their
+        heads with cares how to provide for to-morrow, while they know not
+        if they shall then need anything?' _Boston's Human Nature in its
+        Four-fold State_, p. 300. Hutcheson thinks that those who are
+        guilty of such impious prudence, deserve to be starved. 'When men
+        are not content with food and rayment, but would still heap up
+        more, it is just with God to leave them not so much as bread; and
+        to suffer men to have an evil eye upon them, and to pluck at them,
+        even so long as they have meat.' _Hutcheson's Exposition of the
+        Book of Job_, p. 296. Binning, going still further, threatens
+        eternal ruin. 'Ye may have things necessary here,--food and
+        raiment; and if ye seek more, if ye will be rich, and will have
+        superfluities, then ye shall fall into many temptations, snares,
+        and hurtful lusts which shall drown you in perdition.' _Binning's
+        Sermons_, vol. iii. p. 355.
+
+  [604] 'If God loved riches well, do ye think he would give them so
+        liberally, and heap them up upon some base covetous wretches?
+        Surely no.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. iii. p. 366. Gray, in his
+        zeal against wealth, propounds another doctrine, which I do not
+        remember to have seen elsewhere. He says, 'All that the owner of
+        riches hath, is, the seeing of them; which a man, who is a passer
+        by, may likeways have, though he be not possessor of them.'
+        _Gray's Spiritual Warfare_, p. 128. I hope that the reader will
+        not suspect me of having maliciously invented any of these
+        passages. The books from which they are quoted, are, with only two
+        or three exceptions, all in my library, and may be examined by
+        persons who are curious in such matters.
+
+To be poor, dirty, and hungry, to pass through life in misery, and to
+leave it with fear, to be plagued with boils, and sores, and diseases of
+every kind, to be always sighing and groaning, to have the face streaming
+with tears, and the chest heaving with sobs, in a word, to suffer
+constant affliction, and to be tormented in all possible ways; to undergo
+these things was deemed a proof of goodness, just as the contrary was a
+proof of evil. It mattered not what a man liked; the mere fact of his
+liking it, made it sinful. Whatever was natural, was wrong. The clergy
+deprived the people of their holidays, their amusements, their shows,
+their games, and their sports; they repressed every appearance of joy,
+they forbade all merriment, they stopped all festivities, they choked up
+every avenue by which pleasure could enter, and they spread over the
+country an universal gloom.[605] Then, truly, did darkness sit on the
+land. Men, in their daily actions and in their very looks, became
+troubled, melancholy, and ascetic. Their countenance soured, and was
+downcast. Not only their opinions, but their gait, their demeanour, their
+voice, their general aspect, were influenced by that deadly blight which
+nipped all that was genial and warm. The way of life fell into the sear
+and yellow leaf; its tints gradually deepened; its bloom faded, and
+passed off; its spring, its freshness, and its beauty, were gone; joy and
+love either disappeared or were forced to hide themselves in obscure
+corners, until at length the fairest and most endearing parts of our
+nature, being constantly repressed, ceased to bear fruit, and seemed to
+be withered into perpetual sterility.
+
+  [605] 'The absence of external appearances of joy in Scotland, in
+        contrast with the frequent holidayings and merry-makings of the
+        continent, has been much remarked upon. We find in the records of
+        ecclesiastical discipline clear traces of the process by which
+        this distinction was brought about. To the puritan kirk of the
+        sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, every outward demonstration
+        of natural good spirits was a sort of sin, to be as far as
+        possible repressed.' ... 'The whole sunshine of life was, as it
+        were, squeezed out of the community.' _Chambers' Annals of
+        Scotland_, vol. i. p. 336, vol. ii. p. 156.
+
+Thus it was, that the national character of the Scotch was, in the
+seventeenth century, dwarfed and mutilated. With nations, as with
+individuals, the harmony and free development of life can only be
+attained by exercising its principal functions boldly and without fear.
+Those functions are of two kinds; one set of them increasing the
+happiness of the mind, another set increasing the happiness of the body.
+If we could suppose a man completely perfect, we should take for granted
+that he would unite these two forms of pleasure in the highest degree,
+and would extract, both from body and mind, every enjoyment consistent
+with his own happiness, and with the happiness of others. But, as no such
+character is to be found, it invariably occurs, that even the wisest of
+us are unable to hold the balance; we, therefore, err, some in
+over-indulging the body, some in over-indulging the mind. Comparing one
+set of indulgences with the other, there can be no doubt that the
+intellectual pleasures are, in many respects, superior to the physical;
+they are more numerous, more varied, more permanent, and more ennobling;
+they are less liable to cause satiety in the individual, and they produce
+more good to the species. But for one person who can enjoy intellectual
+pleasures, there are at least a hundred who can enjoy physical pleasures.
+The happiness derived from gratifying the senses, being thus diffused
+over a wider area, and satisfying, at any given moment, a greater number
+of persons than the other form of happiness is capable of, does, on that
+account, possess an importance which many who call themselves
+philosophers are unwilling to recognize. Too often have philosophic and
+speculative thinkers, by a foolish denunciation of such pleasures, done
+all in their power to curtail the quantity of happiness of which humanity
+is susceptible. Forgetting that we have bodies as well as minds, and
+forgetting, too, that in an immense majority of instances the body is
+more active than the mind, that it is more powerful, that it plays a more
+conspicuous part, and is fitted for greater achievements, such writers
+commit the enormous error of despising that class of actions to which
+ninety-nine men out of every hundred are most prone, and for which they
+are best fitted. And for committing this error they pay the penalty of
+finding their books unread, their systems disregarded, and their scheme
+of life adopted, perhaps, by a small class of solitary students, but shut
+out from that great world of reality for which it is unsuited, and in
+which it would produce the most serious mischief.
+
+If, then, we review the history of opinion in connexion with the history
+of action, we may probably say, that the ascetic notions of philosophers,
+such, for instance, as the doctrines of the Stoics, and similar theories
+of mortification, have not worked the harm which might have been
+expected, and have not succeeded in abridging, to any perceptible extent,
+the substantial happiness of mankind. There are, I apprehend, two reasons
+why they have failed. In the first place, these philosophers have, with
+hardly an exception, had little real acquaintance with human nature, and
+have, therefore, been unable to touch those chords, and appeal to those
+hidden motives, by influencing which one man gains over another to his
+side. And, in the second place, they, fortunately for us, have never
+possessed authority, and have, therefore, been unable either to enforce
+their doctrine by penalties, or to recommend it by rewards.
+
+But, though philosophers have failed in their effort to lessen the
+pleasures of mankind, there is another body of men, who, in making the
+same attempt, have met with far greater success. I mean, of course, the
+theologians, who, considered as a class, have, in every country and in
+every age, deliberately opposed themselves to gratifications which are
+essential to the happiness of an overwhelming majority of the human race.
+Raising up a God of their own creation, whom they hold out as a lover of
+penance, of sacrifice, and of mortification, they, under this pretence,
+forbid enjoyments which are not only innocent, but praiseworthy. For,
+every enjoyment by which no one is injured, is innocent; and every
+innocent enjoyment is praiseworthy, because it assists in diffusing that
+spirit of content and of satisfaction which is favourable to the practice
+of benevolence towards others. The theologians, however, for reasons
+which I have already stated, cultivate an opposite spirit, and, whenever
+they have possessed power, they have always prohibited a large number of
+pleasurable actions, on the ground that such actions are offensive to the
+Deity. That they have no warrant for this, and that they are simply
+indulging in peremptory assertions on subjects respecting which we have
+no trustworthy information, is well known to those who, impartially, and
+without preconceived bias, have studied their arguments, and the evidence
+which they adduce. On this, however, I need not dilate; for, inasmuch as
+men are, almost every year, and certainly every generation, becoming more
+accustomed to close and accurate reasoning, just in the same proportion
+is the conviction spreading, that theologians proceed from arbitrary
+assumptions, for which they have no proof, except by appealing to other
+assumptions, equally arbitrary and equally unproven. Their whole system
+reposes upon fear, and upon fear of the worst kind; since, according to
+them, the Great Author of our being has used His omnipotence in so cruel
+a manner as to endow his creatures with tastes, instincts, and desires,
+which He not only forbids them to gratify, but which, if they do gratify,
+shall bring on themselves eternal punishment.
+
+What the theologians are to the closet, that are the priests to the
+pulpit. The theologians work upon the studious, who read; the clergy act
+upon the idle, who listen. Seeing, however, that the same man often
+performs both offices, and seeing, too, that the spirit and tendency of
+each office are the same, we may, for practical purposes, consider the
+two classes as identical; and, putting them together, and treating them
+as a whole, it must be admitted by whoever will take a comprehensive view
+of what they have actually done, that they have been, not only the most
+bitter foes of human happiness, but also the most successful ones. In
+their high and palmy days, when they reigned supreme, when credulity was
+universal and doubt unknown, they afflicted mankind in every possible
+way; enjoining fasts, and penances, and pilgrimages, teaching their
+simple and ignorant victims every kind of austerity, teaching them to
+flog their own bodies, to tear their own flesh, and to mortify the most
+natural of their appetites. This was the state of Europe in the middle
+ages. It is still the state of every part of the world where the
+priesthood are uncontrolled. Such ascetic and self-tormenting observances
+are the inevitable issue of the theological spirit, if that spirit is
+unchecked. Now, and owing to the rapid march of our knowledge, it is
+constantly losing ground, because the scientific and secular spirit is
+encroaching on its domain. Therefore, in our time, and especially in our
+country, its most repulsive features are disguised, and it is forced to
+mask its native ugliness. Among our clergy, a habit of grave and decent
+compromise has taken the place of that bold and fiery war which their
+predecessors waged against a sensual and benighted world. Their threats
+have perceptibly diminished. They now allow us a little pleasure, a
+little luxury, a little happiness. They no longer tell us to mortify
+every appetite, and to forego every comfort. The language of power has
+departed from them. Here and there, we find vestiges of the ancient
+spirit; but this is only among uneducated men, addressing an ignorant
+audience. The superior clergy, who have a character to lose, are grown
+cautious; and, whatever their private opinion may be, they rarely venture
+on those terrific denunciations with which their pulpits once resounded,
+and which, in times of yore, made the people shrink with fear, and
+humbled every one except him by whom the denunciation was uttered.
+
+Still, though much of this has vanished, enough remains to show what the
+theological spirit is, and to justify a belief, that nothing but the
+pressure of public opinion prevents it from breaking out into its former
+extravagance. Many of the clergy persist in attacking the pleasures of
+the world, forgetting that, not only the world, but all which the world
+contains, is the work of the Almighty, and that the instincts and
+desires, which they stigmatise as unholy, are part of his gifts to man.
+They have yet to learn, that our appetites, being as much a portion of
+ourselves as any other quality we possess, ought to be indulged,
+otherwise the whole individual is not developed. If a man suppresses part
+of himself, he becomes maimed and shorn. The proper limit to
+self-indulgence is, that he shall neither hurt himself nor hurt others.
+Short of this, everything is lawful. It is more than lawful; it is
+necessary. He who abstains from safe and moderate gratification of the
+senses, lets some of his essential faculties fall into abeyance, and
+must, on that account, be deemed imperfect and unfinished. Such an one is
+incomplete; he is crippled; he has never reached his full stature. He may
+be a monk; he may be a saint; but a man he is not. And now, more than
+ever, do we want true and genuine men. No previous age has had so much
+work to do, and, to accomplish that work, we need robust and vigorous
+natures, whose every function has been freely exercised without let or
+hindrance. Never before, was the practice of life so arduous; never were
+the problems presented to the human mind so numerous, or so complicated.
+Every addition to our knowledge, every fresh idea, opens up new
+difficulties, and gives birth to new combinations. Under this accumulated
+pressure, we shall assuredly sink, if we imitate the credulity of our
+forefathers, who allowed their energies to be cramped and weakened by
+those pernicious notions, which the clergy, partly from ignorance, and
+partly from interest, have, in every age, palmed on the people, and have,
+thereby, diminished the national happiness, and retarded the march of
+national prosperity.
+
+In the same way, we constantly hear of the evils of wealth, and of the
+sinfulness of loving money; although it is certain that, after the love
+of knowledge, there is no one passion which has done so much good to
+mankind as the love of money. It is to the love of money that we owe all
+trade and commerce; in other words, the possession of every comfort and
+luxury which our own country is unable to supply. Trade and commerce have
+made us familiar with the productions of many lands, have awakened
+curiosity, have widened our ideas by bringing us in contact with nations
+of various manners, speech, and thought, have supplied an outlet for
+energies which would otherwise have been pent up and wasted, have
+accustomed men to habits of enterprise, forethought, and calculation,
+have, moreover, communicated to us many arts of great utility, and have
+put us in possession of some of the most valuable remedies with which we
+are acquainted, either to save life or to lessen pain. These things we
+owe to the love of money. If theologians could succeed in their desire to
+destroy that love, all these things would cease, and we should relapse
+into comparative barbarism. The love of money, like all our appetites, is
+liable to abuse; but to declaim against it as evil in itself, and, above
+all, to represent it as a feeling, the indulgence of which provokes the
+wrath of God, is to betray an ignorance, natural, perhaps, in former
+ages, but shameful in our time, particularly when it proceeds from men
+who give themselves out as public teachers, and profess that it is their
+mission to enlighten the world.
+
+Injurious, however, as all this is to the best interests of society, it
+is nothing in comparison with the doctrines formerly advocated by the
+Scotch divines. What their ideas were, I have shown from their own
+sermons, the reading of which has been the most painful literary task I
+ever undertook, since, in addition to the narrowness and the dogmatism
+which even the best of such compositions contain, there is, in these
+productions, a hardness of heart, an austerity of temper, a want of
+sympathy with human happiness, and a hatred of human nature, such as have
+rarely been exhibited in any age, and, I rejoice to think, have never
+been exhibited in any other Protestant country. These things, I have
+resuscitated from the oblivion in which they had long been buried, partly
+because it was necessary to do so in order to understand the history of
+the Scotch mind, and partly because I desired to show what the tendency
+of theologians is, when that tendency is uncontrolled. Protestants,
+generally, are too apt to suppose that there is something in their creed
+which protects them against those hurtful extravagances which have been,
+and, to a certain extent, still are, practised in the Catholic Church.
+Never was a greater mistake. There is but one protection against the
+tyranny of any class; and that is, to give that class very little power.
+Whatever the pretensions of any body of men may be, however smooth their
+language, and however plausible their claims, they are sure to abuse
+power, if much of it is conferred on them. The entire history of the
+world affords no instance to the contrary. In Catholic countries, France
+alone excepted, the clergy have more authority than in Protestant
+countries. Therefore, in Catholic countries, they do more harm than in
+Protestant countries, and their peculiar views are developed with greater
+freedom. The difference depends, not on the nature of the creed, but on
+the power of the class. This is very apparent in Scotland, where the
+clergy, being supreme, did, Protestants though they were, imitate the
+ascetic, the unsocial, and the cruel doctrines, which, in the Catholic
+Church, gave rise to convents, fastings, scourgings, and all the other
+appliances of an uncouth and ungenial superstition.
+
+Indeed, the Scotch divines, in some of their theories, went beyond any
+section of the Catholic Church, except the Spanish. They sought to
+destroy, not only human pleasures, but also human affections. They held
+that our affections are necessarily connected with our lusts, and that we
+must, therefore, wean ourselves from them as earthly vanities.[606] A
+Christian had no business with love or sympathy. He had his own soul to
+attend to, and that was enough for him. Let him look to himself. On
+Sunday, in particular, he must never think of benefiting others; and the
+Scotch clergy did not hesitate to teach the people, that on that day it
+was sinful to save a vessel in distress, and that it was a proof of
+religion to leave ship and crew to perish.[607] They might go; none but
+their wives and children would suffer, and that was nothing in comparison
+with breaking the Sabbath. So, too, did the clergy teach, that on no
+occasion must food or shelter be given to a starving man, unless his
+opinions were orthodox.[608] What need for him to live? Indeed, they
+taught that it was a sin to tolerate his notions at all, and that the
+proper course was, to visit him with sharp and immediate punishment.[609]
+Going yet further, they broke the domestic ties, and set parents against
+their offspring. They taught the father to smite the unbelieving child,
+and to slay his own boy sooner than allow him to propagate error.[610] As
+if this were not enough, they tried to extirpate another affection, even
+more sacred and more devoted still. They laid their rude and merciless
+hands on the holiest passion of which our nature is capable, the love of
+a mother for her son. Into that sanctuary, they dared to intrude; into
+that, they thrust their gaunt and ungentle forms. If a mother held
+opinions of which they disapproved, they did not scruple to invade her
+household, take away her children, and forbid her to hold communication
+with them.[611] Or if, perchance, her son had incurred their displeasure,
+they were not satisfied with forcible separation, but they laboured to
+corrupt her heart, and harden it against her child, so that she might be
+privy to the act. In one of these cases, mentioned in the records of the
+church of Glasgow, the Kirk-Session of that town summoned before them a
+woman, merely because she had received into her house her own son, after
+the clergy had excommunicated him. So effectually did they work upon her
+mind, that they induced her to promise, not only that she would shut her
+door against her child, but that she would aid in bringing him to
+punishment. She had sinned in loving him; she had sinned, even, in giving
+him shelter; but, says the record, 'she promised not to do it again, and
+to tell the magistrates when he comes next to her.'[612]
+
+  [606] 'A Christian should mortifie his affections, which are his
+        predominant lusts, to which our affections are so much joined, and
+        our soul doth so much go out after.' _Gray's Spiritual Warfare_,
+        p. 29. 'That blessed work of weaning of affections from all things
+        that are here.' _Gray's Great and Precious Promises_, p. 86.
+
+  [607] 'One of our more northern ministers, whose parish lies along the
+        coast between Spey and Findorn, made some fishermen do penance for
+        sabbath-breaking, in going out to sea, though purely with
+        endeavour to save a vessel in distress by a storm.' _Letters from
+        a Gentleman in the North of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 173.
+
+  [608] 'The master of a family may, and ought to, deny an act of humanity
+        or hospitality to strangers that are false teachers.'
+        _Rutherford's Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty of
+        Conscience_, p. 176. 'The Holy Ghost forbiddeth the master of
+        every Christian family to owne a hereticke as a guest.' _Ibid._,
+        p. 219. See also p. 235.
+
+  [609] 'We hold that tolleration of all religions is not farre from
+        blasphemy.' _Rutherford's Free Disputation against Pretended
+        Liberty of Conscience_, p. 20. 'If wolves be permitted to teach
+        what is right in their own erroneous conscience, and there be no
+        "Magistrate to put them to shame," _Judg._ xviii. 7, and no King
+        to punish them, then godlinesse and all that concernes the first
+        Table of the Law must be marred.' _Ibid._, p. 230. 'Wilde and
+        atheisticall liberty of conscience,' p. 337. 'Cursed toleration,'
+        p. 400. See also, in the same work (pp. 110, 244), Rutherford's
+        remarks on the murder of Servetus. In 1645, Baillie, who was then
+        in London, writes, 'The Independents here plead for a tolleration
+        both for themselfes and other sects. My Dissuasive is come in time
+        to doe service here. We hope God will assist us to remonstrate the
+        wickedness of such an tolleration.' And on account of the
+        Independents wishing to show common charity towards persons who
+        differed in opinions from themselves, Baillie writes next year
+        (1646), 'The Independents has the least zeale to the truth of God
+        of any men we know.' _Baillie's Letters and Journals_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 328, 361. Blair, who was in London in 1649, was sorely vexed
+        with 'the most illegal, irreligious, and wicked proceedings and
+        actings of the sectarian army;' one of their crimes being the
+        attempt 'to ruin religion by their toleration.' _Continuation of
+        the Autobiography of Mr. Robert Blair, Minister of St. Andrews_,
+        p. 213. For other evidence of this persecuting spirit, see
+        _Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error_, pp. 159, 163, 199-202;
+        _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_, p. 215; _Durham's Exposition
+        of the Song of Solomon_, p. 147; _Durham's Commentarie upon the
+        Book of the Revelation_, pp. 141, 143, 330; and _Shields' Hind let
+        loose_, p. 168.
+
+  [610] 'A third benefit (which is a branch of the former), is zeal in the
+        godly against false teachers, who shall be so tender of the truth
+        and glory of God, and the safety of the Church (all which are
+        endangered by error), that it shall overcome natural affection in
+        them; so that parents shall not _spare their own children_, being
+        seducers, but shall either by an heroick act (such as was in
+        Phinehas, _Numb._ XXV. 8), _themselves judge him worthy to die,
+        and give sentence and execute it_, or cause him to be punished, by
+        bringing him to the Magistrate,' &c.... 'The toleration of a false
+        religion in doctrine or worship, and the exemption of the
+        erroneous from civil punishment, is no more lawful under the New
+        Testament than it was under the Old.' _An Exposition of the
+        Prophecie of Zechariah_, in _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
+        Prophets_, vol. iii. p. 203, 8vo. 1654.
+
+  [611] _Selections from the Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark_,
+        pp. x. 33, 56, 63, 65, 73.
+
+  [612] I copy the exact words from _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives
+        of Ministers of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 71.
+        An order had been previously obtained from the government,
+        'requiring the magistrates to expell furth of the Toun all
+        excomunicated persons.'
+
+She promised not to do it again. She promised to forget him, whom she had
+born of her womb and suckled at her breast. She promised to forget her
+boy, who had ofttimes crept to her knees, who had slept in her bosom, and
+whose tender frame she had watched over and nursed. All the dearest
+associations of the past, all that the most exquisite form of human
+affection can give or receive, all that delights the memory, all that
+brightens the prospect of life, all vanished, all passed away from the
+mind of this poor woman, at the bidding of her spiritual masters. At one
+fell swoop, all were gone. So potent were the arts of these men, that
+they persuaded the mother to conspire against her son, that she might
+deliver him up to them. They defiled her nature, by purging it of its
+love. From that day her soul was polluted. She was lost to herself, as
+well as lost to her son. To hear of such things is enough to make one's
+blood surge again, and raise a tempest in our inmost nature. But to have
+seen them, to have lived in the midst of them, and yet not to have
+rebelled against them, is to us utterly inconceivable, and proves in how
+complete a thraldom the Scotch were held, and how thoroughly their minds,
+as well as their bodies, were enslaved.
+
+What more need I say? What further evidence need I bring to elucidate the
+real character of one of the most detestable tyrannies ever seen on the
+earth? When the Scotch Kirk was at the height of its power, we may search
+history in vain for any institution which can compete with it, except the
+Spanish Inquisition. Between these two, there is a close and intimate
+analogy. Both were intolerant, both were cruel, both made war upon the
+finest parts of human nature, and both destroyed every vestige of
+religions freedom. One difference, however, there was, of vast
+importance. In political matters, the Church, which was servile in Spain,
+was rebellious in Scotland. Hence the Scotch always had one direction in
+which they could speak and act with unrestrained liberty. In politics,
+they found their vent. There, the mind was free. And this was their
+salvation. This saved them from the fate of Spain, by securing to them
+the exercise of those faculties which otherwise would have lain dormant,
+if, indeed, they had not been entirely destroyed by that long and
+enfeebling servitude in which their clergy retained them, and from which,
+but for this favourable circumstance, no escape would have been open.
+
+
+
+
+                                CHAPTER V.
+
+  AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+To complete the history and analysis of the Scotch mind, I have now to
+examine the peculiar intellectual movement which appeared in the
+eighteenth century, and which, for several reasons, deserves careful
+attention. It was essentially a reaction against that theological spirit
+which predominated during the seventeenth century. Such a reaction would
+hardly have been possible, except for the fact which I have already
+noticed, namely, that the political activity which produced the rebellion
+against the Stuarts, saved the Scotch mind from stagnating, and prevented
+that deep slumber into which the progress of superstition would naturally
+have thrown it. The long and stubborn conflict with a despotic
+government, kept alive a certain alertness and vigour of understanding,
+which survived the struggle that gave it birth. When the contest was
+ended, and peace was restored, the faculties which, for three
+generations, had been exercised in resisting the executive authority,
+sought other employment, and found another field in which they could
+disport themselves. Hence it was, that the boldness which, in the
+seventeenth century, was practical, became, in the eighteenth century,
+speculative, and produced a literature, which attempted to unsettle
+former opinions, and to disturb the ancient landmarks of the human mind.
+The movement was revolutionary, and bore the same relation to
+ecclesiastical tyranny, which the previous movement had borne to
+political tyranny. But this new rebellion had one striking
+characteristic. In nearly every other country, when the intellect has
+fairly arrayed itself against the exclusive pretensions of the Church,
+it has happened that the secular philosophy, which has been engendered,
+has been an inductive philosophy, taking for its basis individual and
+specific experience, and seeking, by that means, to overthrow the general
+and traditional notions, on which all church power is founded. The plan
+has been, to refuse to accept principles which could not be substantiated
+by facts; while the opposite and theological plan is, to force the facts
+to yield to the principles. In the former case, experience precedes
+theory; in the latter case, theory precedes experience, and controls it.
+In theology, certain principles are taken for granted; and, it being
+deemed impious to question them, all that remains for us is to reason
+from them downwards. This is the deductive method. On the other hand, the
+inductive method will concede nothing, but insists upon reasoning
+upwards, and demands that we shall have the liberty of ascertaining the
+principles for ourselves. In a complete scheme of our knowledge, and when
+all our resources are fully developed and marshalled into order, as they
+must eventually be, the two methods will be, not hostile, but
+supplementary, and will be combined into a single system. At present,
+however, we are very far from such a result; and not only is every mind
+more prone to one method than to another, but we find, historically, that
+different ages and different countries have been characterised by the
+extent to which one of these two schemes has predominated; and we also
+find, that a study of this antagonism is the surest way of understanding
+the intellectual condition of any period.
+
+That the inductive philosophy is even more marked by its secular
+tendencies than by its scientific ones, will be evident to whoever
+observes the epochs in which it has been most active, and has possessed
+most adherents. Of this, the history of the French mind, in the
+eighteenth century, affords a good instance, where, after the death of
+Louis XIV., we may clearly trace the connexion between the growth of the
+inductive method, and the subsequent overthrow of the Gallican Church. In
+England, too, the rise of the Baconian philosophy, with its determination
+to subordinate ancient principles to modern experience, was the heaviest
+blow which has ever been inflicted on the theologians, whose method is to
+begin, not with experience, but with principles, which are said to be
+inscrutable, and which we are bound to believe without further
+difficulty. And I need hardly remind the reader, that scarcely was that
+philosophy established among us, when it produced those bold inquiries
+which quickly ended in the downfall of the English Church under Charles
+I. From that terrible defeat, our clergy did, for a time, partly rally;
+but as their apparent success, in the reign of Charles II., was owing to
+political changes, and not to social ones, they were unable to recover
+their hold over society, and, unless the nation should retrograde, there
+is no possibility that they ever should recover it. Over the inferior
+order of minds, they still wield great influence; but the Baconian
+philosophy, by bringing their favourite method into disrepute, has sapped
+the very base of their system. From the moment that their mode of
+investigation was discredited, the secret of their power was gone. From
+the moment that men began to insist on inquiring into the validity of
+first principles, instead of accepting them without inquiry, and humbly
+submitting to them as matters of faith and of necessary belief; from that
+moment, the theologians, driven from one post to another, and constantly
+receding before the pressure of advancing knowledge, have been forced to
+abandon entrenchment after entrenchment, until what they have retained of
+their former territory is hardly worth the struggle. As a last resource,
+they, at the close of the eighteenth century, determined to use the
+weapons of their opponents; and Paley and his successors, enlarging the
+scheme which Ray and Derham had feebly sketched, endeavoured, by a
+skilful employment of the inductive method, to compensate their party for
+the failure of the deductive one. But their project, though ably
+conceived, has come to naught. It is now generally admitted, that nothing
+can be made of it, and that it is impossible to establish the old
+theological premises by a chain of inductive reasoning. Respecting this,
+the most eminent philosophers agree with the most eminent theologians;
+and, since the time of Kant in Germany, and of Coleridge in England,
+none of our ablest men, even among divines themselves, have recurred to a
+plan which Paley, indeed, pursued with vigour, but of which our
+Bridgewater Treatises, our Prize-Essays, and such schoolboy productions,
+are poor and barren imitations.[613] No great thinkers now follow this
+course in matters of religion. On the contrary, they prefer the safer, as
+well as the more philosophic, method, of dealing with these subjects on
+transcendental grounds, frankly confessing that they elude the grasp of
+that inductive philosophy which, in the department of science, has
+achieved such signal triumphs.
+
+  [613] Of course, I say this merely in reference to their theological
+        bearings. Some of the Bridgewater Treatises, such as Bell's,
+        Buckland's, and Prout's, had great scientific merit at the time of
+        their appearance, and may even now be studied with advantage; but
+        the religious portion of them is pitiable, and shows either that
+        their heart was not in their work, or else that the subject was
+        too wide for them. At all events, it is to be hoped that we shall
+        never again see men of equal eminence hiring themselves out as
+        paid advocates, and receiving fees to support particular opinions.
+        It is truly disgraceful that such great speculative questions,
+        instead of being subjected to fair and disinterested argument,
+        with a view of eliciting the truth, should be turned into a
+        pecuniary transaction, in which any one of much money and little
+        wit, can bribe as many persons as he likes, to prejudice the
+        public ear in favour of his own theories.
+
+The opposition of these two methods, and the inapplicability of the
+inductive method to theological pursuits being thus apparent, it is not
+strange that the Scotch should have adopted one of the methods with great
+zeal, and to the almost complete exclusion of the other. Scotland, being
+essentially theological, followed the theological plan. The intellectual
+history of that country, in the seventeenth century, is almost entirely
+the history of theology. With the single exception of Napier, who was
+born in the middle of the sixteenth century, all the most vigorous
+thinkers were divines. In physical science, scarcely anything was
+done.[614] There was no poetry, no drama, no original philosophy, no
+fine compositions, no secular literature, now worth reading.[615] The
+only men of real influence were the clergy. They governed the nation and
+the pulpit was the chief engine of their power. From the pulpit, they
+moved all classes and all sorts intellects; the highest as well as the
+lowest. There, they instructed them, and threatened them; saying whatever
+they liked, and knowing that what they said would be believed.[616] But
+all their sermons, and all their controversial writings, are eminently
+deductive; not of them attempts an inductive argument. The idea of such a
+thing never entered their heads. They assumed the truth of their own
+religion and moral notions, most of which they had borrowed from
+antiquity; they made those notions the major premises of their
+syllogisms, and from them they reasoned downwards till they obtained
+their conclusions. They never suspected that premises, taken from ancient
+times might be the result of the inductions of those times and that, as
+knowledge advanced, the inductions might need revising. They assumed,
+that God has given us first principles, and that He, having revealed them
+it would ill become us to scrutinize them. That He had revealed them,
+they took for granted, and deemed it unnecessary to prove.[617] Their
+method being entirely deductive, all they were concerned with was to
+beware that no error crept in between the premises and the conclusions.
+And this part of their task they accomplished with great ability. They
+were acute dialecticians, and rarely blundered in what is termed the
+formal part of logic. In dealing with their premises after they obtained
+them, they were extremely skilful; how they obtained them, they were very
+heedless. That was a point they never examined with anything approaching
+to impartiality. According to their method, all that was requisite was,
+to draw inferences from what had been supernaturally communicated. On the
+other hand, the inductive method would have taught them that the first
+question was, whether or not they had been supernaturally communicated?
+They, as deductive reasoners, assumed the very preliminaries which
+inductive reasoners would have disputed. They proceeded from generals to
+particulars, instead of from particulars to generals. And they would not
+allow either themselves or others to sift the general propositions, which
+were to cover and control the particular facts. It was enough for them
+that the wider propositions were already established, and were to be
+treated according to the rules of the old and syllogistic logic. Indeed,
+they were so convinced of the impropriety of the inductive method, that
+they did not hesitate to assert, that it was by means of the syllogism
+that the Deity communicated His wishes to man.[618]
+
+  [614] 'It is humiliating to have to remark, that the notices of comets
+        which we derive from Scotch writers down to this time (1682)
+        contain nothing but accounts of the popular fancies regarding
+        them. Practical astronomy seems to have then been unknown in our
+        country; and hence, while in other lands, men were carefully
+        observing, computing, and approaching to just conclusions
+        regarding these illustrious strangers of the sky, our diarists
+        could only tell us how many _yards_ long they seemed to be, what
+        _effects_ were apprehended from them in the way of war and
+        pestilence, and how certain pious divines "improved" them for
+        spiritual edification. Early in this century Scotland had produced
+        one great philosopher, who had supplied his craft with the
+        mathematical instruments by which complex problems, such as the
+        movement of comets, were alone to be solved. It might have been
+        expected that the country of Napier, seventy years after his time,
+        would have had many sons capable of applying his key to such
+        mysteries of nature. But no one had arisen--nor did any rise for
+        fifty years onward, when at length Colin Maclaurin unfolded in the
+        Edinburgh University the sublime philosophy of Newton. There could
+        not be a more expressive signification of the character of the
+        seventeenth century in Scotland. Our unhappy contentions about
+        external religious matters had absorbed the whole genius of the
+        people, rendering to us the age of Cowley, of Waller, and of
+        Milton, as barren of elegant literature, as that of Horrocks, of
+        Halley, and of Newton, was of science.' _Chambers' Domestic Annals
+        of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 444, 445.
+
+  [615] 'Thus, during the whole seventeenth century, the English were
+        gradually refining their language and their taste; in Scotland,
+        the former was much debased, and the latter almost entirely lost.'
+        _History of Scotland_, book viii., in _Robertson's Works_, p. 260.
+
+        'But the taste and science, the genius and the learning of the
+        age, were absorbed in the gulph of religious controversy. At a
+        time when the learning of Selden, and the genius of Milton,
+        conspired to adorn England, the Scots were reduced to such writers
+        as Baillie, Rutherford, Guthrie, and the two Gillespies.' _Laing's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 510. 'From the Restoration down
+        to the Union, the only author of eminence whom Scotland produced
+        was Burnet.' _Ibid._, vol. iv. p. 406.
+
+        'The seventeenth century, fatal to the good taste of Italy, threw
+        a total night over Scotland.' ... 'Not one writer who does the
+        least credit to the nation flourished during the century from 1615
+        to 1715, excepting Burnet, whose name would, indeed, honour the
+        brightest period. In particular, no poet whose works merit
+        preservation arose. By a singular fatality, the century which
+        stands highest in English history and genius, is one of the
+        darkest in those of Scotland.' _Ancient Scotish Poems, edited by
+        John Pinkerton_, vol. i. pp. iii. iv., London, 1786.
+
+  [616] Ray, who visited Scotland in 1661, could not suppress a little
+        professional envy, when he saw how much higher ecclesiastics were
+        rated there than in England. He says, 'the people here frequent
+        their churches much better than in England, and have their
+        ministers in more esteem and veneration.' _Ray's Memorials, edited
+        by Dr. Lankester for the Ray Society_, p. 161.
+
+  [617] 'Believing ignorance is much better than rash and presumptuous
+        knowledge. Ask not a reason of these things, but rather adore and
+        tremble at the mystery and majesty of them.' _Binning's Sermons_,
+        vol. i. p. 143. Even Biblical criticism was prohibited; and
+        Dickson says of the different books of the Bible, 'We are not to
+        trouble ourselves about the name of the writer, or time of writing
+        of any part thereof, especially because God of set purpose
+        concealeth the name sundry times of the writer, and the time when
+        it was written.' _Dickson's Explication of the Psalms_, p. 291.
+
+  [618] 'Christ from heaven proposeth a syllogism to Saul's fury.'
+        _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, p. 180. 'The conclusion of a
+        practical syllogism, whereby the believer concluded from the
+        Gospel that he shall be saved.' _Durham's Law Unsealed_, p. 97.
+        'All assurance is by practical syllogism, the first whereof must
+        needs be a Scripture truth.' _Gray's Precious Promises_, p. 139.
+
+It was naturally to be expected, that the clergy, holding these views
+respecting the best means of arriving at truth, should do all in their
+power to bring over the nation to their side, and should labour to make
+their own method of investigation entirely supersede the opposite method.
+Nor was this a very difficult task. The prevailing credulity was one
+great point in their favour, inasmuch as it made men more willing to
+accept propositions than to scrutinise them. When the propositions were
+accepted, nothing was left but to reason from them; and the most active
+intellects in Scotland, being constantly engaged in this process,
+acquired complete mastery over it, and the dexterity they displayed
+increased its repute. Besides this, the clergy, who were its zealous
+champions, had monopolized all the sources of education, both public and
+private. In no other Protestant country, have they exercised such control
+over the universities; not only the doctrines taught, but also the mode
+of teaching them, being, in Scotland, placed under the supervision of the
+Church.[619] This power they, of course, used to propagate their own plan
+of obtaining truth; and, as long as their power remained undiminished, it
+was hardly possible that the opposite, or inductive, plan should gain a
+hearing. Over grammar-schools, the clergy possessed an authority fully
+equal to that which they had in the universities.[620] They also
+appointed and removed, at their own pleasure, teachers of every grade,
+from village schoolmasters to tutors in private families.[621] In this
+way, each generation, as it arose, was brought under their influence, and
+made subject to their notions. Taking the mind of Scotland while it was
+young and flexible, they bent it to their own method. Hence, that method
+became supreme; it reigned every where; not a voice was lifted up against
+it; and no one had an idea that there was more than one path by which
+truth could be reached, or that the human understanding was of any use,
+except to deal deductively with premisses, which were not to be
+inductively examined.
+
+  [619] Bower (_History of the University of Edinburgh_, vol. i. p. 217)
+        says, 'The history of the universities and of the church is, in
+        modern Europe, and perhaps in every other civilized portion of the
+        globe, very nearly connected. They are more nearly connected in
+        Scotland than in any other civilized country called Protestant;
+        because the General Assembly have the legal power of inquiring
+        into the economy of the institutions, both as it respects the mode
+        of teaching, and the doctrines, whether religious, moral, or
+        physical, which are taught.' Spalding, under the year 1639, gives
+        an instance of the power of the General Assembly in 'the College
+        of Old Aberdeen.' _Spalding's History of the Troubles_, vol. i. p.
+        178. See also, on the authority exercised by the General Assembly
+        over the universities, a curious little book, called _The
+        Government and Order of the Church of Scotland_, Edinburgh, 1690,
+        p. 25.
+
+  [620] In 1632, the 'ministers' of Perth were greatly displeased because
+        John Row was made master of the grammar-school without their
+        consent. _The Chronicle of Perth_, p. 33, where it is stated that,
+        consequently, 'thair wes much outcrying in the pulpett.'
+
+  [621] See, for instance, _Minutes of the Presbyteries of St. Andrews and
+        Cupar_, pp. 66, 83, 84, 118. One of the entries is, that in
+        January 1648, 'The Presbyterie ordained that all young students,
+        who waittes on noblemen or gentlemen within thir bounds, aither to
+        teach ther children, or catechise and pray in ther families, to
+        frequent the Presbyterie, that the brether may cognosce what they
+        ar reading, and what proficiencie they make in ther studies, and
+        to know also ther behaviour in the said families, and of their
+        affectione to the Covenant and present religione.' p. 118. Compare
+        _Selections from the Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark_,
+        pp. 56, 65.
+
+The inductive or analytic spirit being thus unknown, and the deductive or
+synthetic spirit being alone favoured, it happened that, when, early in
+the eighteenth century, the circumstances already mentioned gave rise to
+a great intellectual movement, that movement, though new in its results,
+was not new in the method by which the results were obtained. A secular
+philosophy was, indeed, established, and the ablest men, instead of being
+theological, became scientific. But so completely had the theological
+plan occupied Scotland, that even philosophers were unable to escape from
+its method, and, as I am about to show, the inductive method exercised no
+influence over them. This most curious fact is the key to the history of
+Scotland in the eighteenth century, and explains many events which would
+otherwise appear incompatible with each other. It also suggests an
+analogy with Germany, where the deductive method has, for a long period,
+been equally prevalent, owing to precisely the same causes. In both
+countries, the secular movement of the eighteenth century was unable to
+become inductive; and this intellectual affinity between two such
+otherwise different nations, is, I have no doubt, the principal reason
+why the Scotch and German philosophies have so remarkably acted and
+reacted upon each other; Kant and Hamilton being the most finished
+specimens of their intercourse. To this, England forms a complete
+contrast. For more than a hundred and fifty years after the death of
+Bacon, the greatest English thinkers, Newton and Harvey excepted, were
+eminently inductive; nor was it until the nineteenth century that signs
+were clearly exhibited of a counter-movement, and an attempt was made to
+return in some degree to the deductive method.[622] This we are, in many
+respects, justified in doing, because, in the progress of our knowledge,
+we have, by a long course of induction, arrived at several conclusions
+which we may safely treat deductively; that is to say, we may make them
+the major premisses of new arguments. The same process has been seen in
+France, where the exclusively inductive philosophy of the eighteenth
+century preceded a partial resuscitation of deductive philosophy in the
+nineteenth century. In Scotland, however, there have been no such
+vicissitudes. In that country, men have always been deductive; even the
+most original thinkers being unable to liberate themselves from the
+universal tendency, and being forced to accept a method which time had
+consecrated, and which was interwoven with all the associations of the
+national mind.
+
+  [622] This I have already touched upon in the first volume, pp. 808,
+        809. Hereafter, and in my special history of the English mind, I
+        shall examine it carefully and in detail. The revival of the old
+        logic is a great symptom of it. Works like those of Whately, De
+        Morgan, and Mansel, could not have been produced in tho eighteenth
+        century, or, at all events, if by some extraordinary combination
+        of events they had been produced, they would have found no
+        readers. As it is, they have exercised a very extensive and very
+        salutary influence; and, although Archbishop Whately was not well
+        acquainted with the history of formal logic, his exposition of its
+        ordinary processes is so admirably clear, that he has probably
+        contributed more than any other man towards impressing his
+        contemporaries with a sense of the value of deductive reasoning.
+        He has, however, not done sufficient justice to the opposite
+        school, and has, indeed, fallen into the old academical error of
+        supposing that all reasoning is by syllogism. We might just as
+        well say that all movement is by descent.
+
+To understand the investigation into which we are about to enter, the
+reader must firmly seize, and keep before his eyes, the essential
+difference between deduction, which reasons from principles, and
+induction, which reasons to principles. He must remember, that induction
+proceeds from the smaller to the greater; deduction, from the greater to
+the smaller. Induction is from particulars to generals, and from the
+senses to the ideas; deduction is from generals to particulars, and from
+the ideas to the senses. By induction, we rise from the concrete to the
+abstract; by deduction, we descend from the abstract to the concrete.
+Accompanying this distinction, there are certain qualities of mind,
+which, with extremely few exceptions, characterize the age, nation, or
+individual, in which one of these methods is predominant. The inductive
+philosopher is naturally cautious, patient, and somewhat creeping; while
+the deductive philosopher is more remarkable for boldness, dexterity, and
+often rashness. The deductive thinker invariably assumes certain
+premisses, which are quite different from the hypotheses essential to the
+best induction. These premisses are sometimes borrowed from antiquity;
+sometimes they are taken from the notions which happen to prevail in the
+surrounding society; sometimes they are the result of a man's own
+peculiar organization; and sometimes, as we shall presently see, they are
+deliberately invented, with the object of arriving, not at truth, but at
+an approximation to truth. Finally, and to sum up the whole, we may say
+that a deductive habit, being essentially synthetic, always tends to
+multiply original principles or laws; while the tendency of an inductive
+habit is to diminish those laws by gradual and successive analysis.
+
+These being the two fundamental divisions of human inquiry, it is surely
+a most remarkable fact in the history of Scotland, that, during the
+eighteenth century, all the great thinkers belonged to the former
+division, and that, in the very few instances of induction which their
+works contain, it is evident, from the steps they subsequently took, that
+they regarded such inductions as unimportant in themselves, and as only
+valuable in so far as they supplied the premisses for another and
+deductive investigation. As the various departments of our knowledge have
+never yet been co-ordinated and treated as a whole, probably no one is
+aware of the universality of this movement in Scotland, and of the extent
+to which it pervaded every science, and governed every phase of thought.
+To prove, therefore, the force with which it acted, I now purpose to
+examine its working in all the principal forms of speculation, whether
+physical or moral, and to show that in each the same method was adopted.
+In doing this, I must, for the sake of clearness, proceed according to a
+natural arrangement of the different topics; but I will, whenever it is
+possible, also follow the chronological order in which the Scotch mind
+unfolded itself; so that we may understand, not only the character of
+that remarkable literature, but likewise the steps of its growth, and the
+astonishing vigour with which it emancipated itself from the shackles
+which superstition had imposed.
+
+The beginning of the great secular philosophy of Scotland is undoubtedly
+due to Francis Hutcheson.[623] This eminent man, though born in Ireland,
+was of Scotch family, and was educated in the University of Glasgow,
+where he received the appointment of Professor of Philosophy in the year
+1729.[624] By his lectures, and by his works, he diffused a taste for
+bold inquiries into subjects of the deepest importance, but concerning
+which it had previously been supposed nothing fresh was to be learned;
+the Scotch having hitherto been taught, that all truths respecting our
+own nature, which were essential to be known, had been already revealed.
+Hutcheson, however, did not fear to construct a system of morals
+according to a plan entirely secular, and no example of which had been
+exhibited in Scotland before his time. The principles from which he
+started, were not theological, but metaphysical. They were collected from
+what he deemed the natural constitution of the mind, instead of being
+collected, as heretofore, from what had been supernaturally communicated.
+He, therefore, shifted the field of study. Though he was a firm believer
+in revelation, he held that the best rules of conduct could be
+ascertained without its assistance, and could be arrived at by the
+unaided wit of man; and that, when arrived at, they were, in their
+aggregate, to be respected as the Law of Nature.[625] This confidence in
+the power of the human understanding was altogether new in Scotland, and
+its appearance forms an epoch in the national literature. Previously, men
+had been taught that the understanding was a rash and foolish thing,
+which ought to be repressed, and which was unfit to cope with the
+problems presented to it.[626] Hutcheson, however, held that it was quite
+able to deal with them, but that, to do so, it must be free and
+unfettered. Hence, he strenuously advocated that right of private
+judgment which the Scotch Kirk had not only assailed, but had almost
+destroyed. He insisted that each person had a right to form his opinion
+according to the evidence he possessed, and that, this right being
+inalienable, none but weak minds would abstain from exercising it.[627]
+Every one was to judge according to his own light, and nothing could be
+gained by inducing men to profess sentiments contrary to their
+convictions.[628] So far, however, was this from being understood, that
+we found all the little sects quarrelling among themselves, and abusing
+each other, merely because their views were different. It was strange to
+hear how the professors of one creed would stigmatize the professors of
+other creeds as idolatrous, and would demand that penalties should be
+inflicted on them. In point of fact, all had much that was good; and
+their only real evil was, this love of persecution.[629] But the vulgar
+deemed every one a heretic who did not believe what they believed; and
+this way of thinking had been too much countenanced by the clergy, many
+of whom felt their vanity offended at the idea of laymen pretending to be
+wiser than their spiritual teachers, and venturing to disagree with what
+they said.[630]
+
+  [623] See a letter from Sir James Mackintosh to Parr, in _Mackintosh's
+        Memoirs_, London, 1835, vol. i. p. 334. 'To Hutcheson the taste
+        for speculation in Scotland, and all the philosophical opinions
+        (except the Berkleian Humism) may be traced.' M. Cousin (_Histoire
+        de la Philosophie_, première série, vol. iv. p. 35, Paris, 1846)
+        observes, that before Hutcheson 'il n'avait paru en Ecosse ni un
+        écrivain ni un professeur de philosophie un peu remarquable.'
+
+  [624] _Tytler's Memoirs of Kames_, Edinburgh, 1814, vol. i. p. 223.
+        _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. iii. London, 1755, 4to.
+
+  [625] 'The intention of Moral Philosophy is to direct men to that course
+        of action which tends most effectually to promote their greatest
+        happiness and perfection; as far as it can be done by observations
+        and conclusions discoverable from the constitution of nature,
+        without any aids of supernatural revelation: these maxims or rules
+        of conduct are therefore reputed as laws of nature, and the system
+        or collection of them is called the LAW OF NATURE.' _Hutcheson's
+        Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 1.
+
+  [626] 'The natural understanding is the most whorish thing in the
+        world.' ... 'The understanding, even in the search of truth
+        amongst the creatures, is a rash, precipitate, and unquiet thing.'
+        _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, p. 181. 'Innocent Adam,' indeed, says
+        Boston, 'Innocent Adam had a stock of gracious abilities, whereby
+        he might have, by the force of moral considerations, brought
+        himself to perform duty aright. But where is that with us?'
+        _Boston's Sermons_, p. 65.
+
+  [627] 'A like natural right every intelligent being has about his own
+        opinions, speculative or practical, to judge according to the
+        evidence that appears to him. This right appears from the very
+        constitution of the rational mind, which can assent or dissent
+        solely according to the evidence presented, and naturally desires
+        knowledge. The same considerations show this right to be
+        unalienable: it cannot be subjected to the will of another: though
+        where there is a previous judgment formed concerning the superior
+        wisdom of another, or his infallibility, the opinion of this
+        other, to a weak mind, may become sufficient evidence. As to
+        opinions about the Deity, religion, and virtue, this right is
+        further confirmed by all the noblest desires of the soul; as there
+        can be no virtue, but rather impiety in not adhering to the
+        opinions we think just, and in professing the contrary.'
+        _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. pp. 295, 296. See also
+        vol. ii. p. 311. 'Every rational creature has a right to judge for
+        itself in these matters: and as men must assent according to the
+        evidence that appears to them, and cannot command their own assent
+        in opposition to it, this right is plainly unalienable.'
+
+  [628] 'Thus no man can really change his sentiments, judgments, and
+        inward affections, at the pleasure of another, nor can it tend to
+        any good to make him profess what is contrary to his heart.'
+        _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. pp. 261, 262.
+
+  [629] 'Arians and Socinians are idolaters and denyers of God, say the
+        orthodox. They retort upon the orthodox, that they are Tritheists;
+        and so do other sects; and thus they spirit up magistrates to
+        persecute. While yet it is plain that in all these sects there are
+        all the same motives to all social virtues from a belief of a
+        moral providence, the same acknowledgments that the goodness of
+        God is the source of all the good we enjoy or hope for, and the
+        same gratitude and resignation to him recommended. Nor do any of
+        their schemes excite men to vices, except that horrid tenet, too
+        common to most of them, the right of persecuting.' _Hutcheson's
+        Moral Philosophy_, vol. ii. p. 316. See also vol. i. p. 160; and
+        _Hutcheson's Inquiry into our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue_, London,
+        1738, p. 283.
+
+  [630] 'We all know the notions entertained by the vulgar concerning all
+        hereticks; we know the pride of schoolmen and many ecclesiasticks;
+        how it galls their insolent vanity that any man should assume to
+        himself to be wiser than they in tenets of religion by differing
+        from them.' _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 167.
+
+Such large views of liberty were far in advance of the country in which
+they were propounded, and could exercise no influence, except over a few
+thinking men. These, and similar doctrines, were, however, repeated by
+Hutcheson, in his lectures, every year.[631] And strange, indeed, they
+must have seemed. To those who received them, they were utterly
+subversive of the prevailing theological spirit, which regarded
+toleration as impious, and which, seeking to confine the human mind
+within the limits of foregone conclusions, deemed it a duty to chastise
+those who overstepped them. In opposition to this, Hutcheson let in the
+elements of inquiry, of discussion, and of doubt. There is also another
+point in which his philosophy is memorable, as the beginning of the great
+rebellion of the Scotch intellect. We saw, in the last chapter, how
+successfully the teachers of the people had inculcated doctrines of the
+darkest asceticism, and how naturally those doctrines had arisen out of
+the enormous authority possessed by the Church. Against such notions,
+Hutcheson set his face strenuously. He rightly supposed, that an
+admiration of every kind of beauty, so far from being sinful, is
+essential to a complete and well-balanced mind; and the most original
+part of his philosophy consists of the inquiries which he made into the
+working and origin of our ideas on that subject. Hitherto, the Scotch
+had been taught that the emotions which beauty excites, were owing to the
+corruption of our nature, and ought to be repressed. Hutcheson, on the
+other hand, insisted that they were good in themselves; that they were
+part of the general scheme of human affairs, and that they deserved a
+special and scientific study.[632] And with such skill did he investigate
+them, that, in the opinion of one of the highest living authorities, he
+is the originator of all subsequent inquiries into these matters; his
+being the first attempt to deal with the subject of beauty in a broad and
+comprehensive spirit.[633]
+
+  [631] 'As he had occasion every year in the course of his lectures to
+        explain the origin of government, and compare the different forms
+        of it, he took peculiar care, while on that subject, to inculcate
+        the importance of civil and religious liberty to the happiness of
+        mankind.' _Leechman's Life of Hutcheson_, p. xxxv., prefixed to
+        Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy.
+
+  [632] 'The ideas of beauty and harmony, like other sensible ideas, are
+        necessarily pleasant to us, as well as immediately so.'
+        _Hutcheson's Inquiry into our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue_, p. 11.
+        'Our sense of beauty seems designed to give us positive pleasure.'
+        p. 71. 'Beauty gives a favourable presumption of good moral
+        dispositions.' p. 257. 'But it is plain we have not in our power
+        the modelling of our senses or desires, to form them for a private
+        interest; they are fixed for us by the Author of our nature,
+        subservient to the interest of the system; so that each individual
+        is made, previously to his own choice, a member of a great body,
+        and affected with the fortunes of the whole; or at least of many
+        parts of it; nor can he break himself off at pleasure.'
+        _Hutcheson's Essay on the Passions_, pp. 105, 106.
+
+  [633] 'Fille de la scholastique, la philosophie moderne est demeurée
+        longtemps étrangère aux grâces, et les _Recherches_ d'Hutcheson
+        présentent, je crois, le premier traité spécial sur le beau, écrit
+        par un moderne. Elles ont paru en 1725. Cette date est presque
+        celle de l'avénement de l'esthétique dans la philosophie
+        européenne. L'ouvrage du père André, en France, est de 1741, celui
+        de Baumgarten, en Allemagne, est de 1750. Ce n'est pas un petit
+        honneur à Hutcheson d'avoir le premier soumis l'idée du beau à une
+        analyse méthodique et régulière.' _Cousin, Histoire de la
+        Philosophie_, première série, vol. iv. p. 84.
+
+Not only in speculative views, but also in practical recommendations,
+Hutcheson displayed the same tendency; every where endeavouring to break
+down that gloomy fabric which superstition had built up.[634] His
+predecessors, and, indeed, nearly all his contemporaries who exercised
+much influence, represented pleasure as immoral, and opposed themselves
+to the fine arts, which they considered dangerous, as ministering to our
+pleasures, and thereby distracting our minds from serious concerns.
+Hutcheson, however, declared that the fine arts were to be cherished;
+for, he said, they are not only agreeable, but also reputable, and to
+employ our time with them is honourable.[635] That such is the case is
+obvious enough to us, but it was long, indeed, since similar language had
+been heard in Scotland from a great public teacher, and it was completely
+opposed to the prevailing notions. But Hutcheson went even further. Not
+content with raising his voice in favour of wealth,[636] which the Scotch
+clergy stigmatized as one of the most pernicious and carnal of all
+things, he fearlessly asserted that all our natural appetites are lawful,
+and that the gratification of them is consistent with the highest
+virtue.[637] In his eyes, they were lawful, because they were natural;
+while, according to the theological theory, their being natural made them
+unlawful. And here lies the fundamental difference between the practical
+views of Hutcheson and those previously received. He, like every great
+thinker since the seventeenth century, loved human nature, and respected
+it; but he neither loved nor respected those who unduly trammelled it,
+and thereby weakened its vigour, as well as impaired its beauty. He
+placed more confidence in mankind, than in the rulers of mankind. The
+Scotch divines, who preceded him, were the libellers of their species;
+they calumniated the whole human race. According to them, there was
+nothing in us but sin and corruption; and, therefore, all our desires
+were to be checked. It is the peculiar glory of Hutcheson, that he was
+the first man in Scotland who publicly combated these degrading notions.
+With a noble and lofty aim did he undertake his task. Venerating the
+human mind, he was bent on vindicating its dignity against those who
+disputed its titles. Unhappily, he could not succeed; the prejudices of
+his time were too strong. Still, he did all that was in his power. He
+opposed the tide which he was unable to stem; he attacked what it was
+impossible to destroy; and he cast from his philosophy, with vehement
+scorn, those base prejudices, which, by aspersing all that is great and
+magnanimous, had long blinded the eyes of their contemporaries, and, by
+bringing into fresh prominence the old and mischievous dogma of moral
+degeneracy, had represented our nature as a compound of vices, and had
+been unable to see how many virtues we really possess, how much of the
+spirit of self-sacrifice, and of free disinterested benevolence has
+always existed; how much of good even the worst of us retain; and how,
+among the ordinary and average characters of whom the world is composed,
+the desire of benefiting others is more frequent than the desire of
+hurting them, kindness is more common than cruelty, and the number of
+good deeds does, on the whole, far outweigh the number of bad ones.[638]
+
+  [634] In his _Inquiry into Beauty and Virtue_, p. 107, he so completely
+        opposed the prevailing notions, as to assert that 'our perception
+        of pleasure is necessary, and nothing is advantageous or naturally
+        good to us, but what is apt to raise pleasure, mediately, or
+        immediately.' Compare what he says at p. 91 respecting
+        'superstitious prejudices against actions apprehended as offensive
+        to the Deity.'
+
+  [635] 'Hence a taste for the ingenious arts of musick, sculpture,
+        painting, and even for the manly diversions, is reputable.'
+        _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 83. At p. 129 he says,
+        that in them 'our time is agreeably and honourably employed.' See
+        also vol. ii. p. 115.
+
+  [636] 'Wealth and power are truly useful, not only for the natural
+        conveniences or pleasures of life, but as a fund for good
+        offices.' _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 104. Compare
+        _Hutcheson on Beauty and Virtue_, pp. 93-95; and his _Essay on the
+        Passions and Affections_, pp. 8, 9, 99. 'How weak also are the
+        reasonings of some recluse moralists, who condemn in general all
+        pursuits of wealth or power, as below a perfectly virtuous
+        character; since wealth and power are the most effectual means,
+        and the most powerful instruments, even of the greatest virtues,
+        and most generous actions.'
+
+  [637] 'The chief happiness of any being must consist in the full
+        enjoyment of all the gratifications its nature desires and is
+        capable of.' _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 100. 'The
+        highest sensual enjoyments may be experienced by those who employ
+        both mind and body vigorously in social virtuous offices, and
+        allow all the natural appetites to recur in their due seasons.' p.
+        121. 'Nay, as in fact it is for the good of the system that every
+        desire and sense natural to us, even those of the lowest kinds,
+        should be gratified as far as their gratification is consistent
+        with the nobler enjoyments, and in a just subordination to them;
+        there seems a natural notion of _right_ to attend them all.' pp.
+        254, 255.
+
+  [638] ''Tis pleasant to observe how those authors who paint out our
+        nature as a compound of sensuality, selfishness, and cunning,
+        forget themselves on this subject in their descriptions of youth,
+        when the natural temper is less disguised than in the subsequent
+        parts of life. 'Tis made up of many keen, inconstant passions,
+        many of them generous; 'tis fond of present pleasure, but 'tis
+        also profusely kind and liberal to favourites; careless about
+        distant interests of its own; full of confidence in others;
+        studious of praise for kindness and generosity; prone to
+        friendships, and void of suspicion.' _Hutcheson's Moral
+        Philosophy_, vol. ii. p. 11. 'Men are often subject to anger, and
+        upon sudden provocations do injuries to each other, and that only
+        from self love without malice; but the greatest part of their
+        lives is employed in offices of natural affection, friendship,
+        innocent self love, or love of a country.' _Hutcheson's Essay on
+        the Passions_, pp. 97, 98. And at p. 165: 'There are no doubt many
+        furious starts of passion, in which malice may seem to have place
+        in our constitution; but how seldom and how short, in comparison
+        of years spent in fixed kind pursuits of the good of a family, a
+        party, a country?' ... 'Here men are apt to let their imaginations
+        run out upon all the robberies, piracies, murders, perjuries,
+        frauds, massacres, assassinations, they have ever either heard of,
+        or read in history; thence concluding all mankind to be very
+        wicked; as if a court of justice were the proper place for making
+        an estimate of the morals of mankind, or an hospital of the
+        healthfulness of a climate. Ought they not to consider that the
+        number of honest citizens and farmers far surpasses that of all
+        sorts of criminals in any state; and that the innocent or kind
+        actions of even criminals themselves, surpass their crimes in
+        numbers? That it is the rarity of crimes, in comparison of
+        innocent or good actions, which engages our attention to them, and
+        makes them be recorded in history; while incomparably more honest,
+        generous, domestic actions are overlooked, only because they are
+        so common; as one great danger, or one month's sickness, shall
+        become a frequently repeated story, during a long life of health
+        and safety.'
+
+Thus much as to the tendency of Hutcheson's philosophy.[639] We have now
+to ascertain his method, that is to say, the plan which he adopted in
+order to obtain his results. This is a very important part of our present
+inquiry; and we shall find that, in the study of moral philosophy, as in
+the study of all subjects not yet raised to sciences, there are not only
+two methods, but that each method leads to different consequences. If we
+proceed by induction, we arrive at one conclusion; if we proceed by
+deduction, we arrive at another. This difference in the results, is
+always a proof that the subject, in which the difference exists, is not
+yet capable of scientific treatment, and that some preliminary
+difficulties have to be removed, before it can pass from the empirical
+stage into the scientific one. As soon as those difficulties are got rid
+of, the results obtained by induction, will correspond with those
+obtained by deduction; supposing, of course, that both lines of argument
+are fairly managed. In such case, it will be of no importance whether we
+reason from particulars to generals, or from generals to particulars.
+Either plan will yield the same consequences, and this agreement between
+the consequences, proves that our investigation is, properly speaking,
+scientific. Thus, for instance, in chemistry, if, by reasoning
+deductively from general principles, we could always predict what would
+happen when we united two or more elements, even supposing those elements
+were new to us; and if, by reasoning inductively from each element, we
+could arrive at the same conclusion, one process would corroborate the
+other, and, by their mutual verification, the science would be complete.
+In chemistry, we cannot do this; therefore, chemistry is not yet a
+science, although, since the introduction into it, by Dalton, of the
+ideas of weight and number, there is every prospect of its becoming one.
+On the other hand, astronomy is a science, because, by employing the
+deductive weapon of mathematics, we can compute the motions and
+perturbations of bodies; and, by employing the inductive weapon of
+observation, the telescope reveals to us the accuracy of our previous,
+and, as it were, foregone, inferences. The fact agrees with the idea; the
+particular event confirms the general principle; the principle explains
+the event; and their unanimity authorizes us to believe that we must be
+right, since, proceed as we may, the conclusion is the same; and the
+inductive plan, of striking averages, harmonizes with the deductive plan,
+of reasoning from ideas.
+
+  [639] In 1731, Wodrow, who was the last really great specimen of the old
+        Presbyterian divines, and who was not a little shocked at the
+        changes he saw going on around him, writes: 'When Dr. Calamy heard
+        of Mr. Hutcheson's being called to Glasgow, he smiled, and said, I
+        think to Thomas Randy, that he was not for Scotland, as he thought
+        from his book; and that he would be reckoned there as unorthodox
+        as Mr. Simson. The Doctor has a strange way of fishing out privat
+        storyes and things that pass in Scotland.' _Wodrow's Analecta_,
+        vol. iv. p. 227. It is interesting to compare with this, the
+        remarks which that worldly-minded clergyman, the Rev. Alexander
+        Carlyle, has made upon Hutcheson. See _Carlyle's Autobiography_,
+        Edinburgh, 1860, 2d edit. pp. 82-85.
+
+But, in the study of morals there is no such harmony. Partly from the
+force of prejudice, and partly from the complexity of the subject, all
+attempts at a scientific investigation of morals have failed. It is not,
+therefore, surprising that, in this field, the inductive inquirer arrives
+at one conclusion, and the deductive inquirer at another. The inductive
+inquirer endeavours to attain his object by observing the actions of men,
+and subjecting them to analysis, in order to learn the principles which
+regulate them. The deductive inquirer, beginning at the other end,
+assumes certain principles as original, and reasons from them to the
+facts which actually appear in the world. The former proceeds from the
+concrete to the abstract; the latter, from the abstract to the concrete.
+The inductive moralist looks at the history of past society, or at the
+condition of the present, and takes for granted that the first step is,
+to assemble the facts, and then to generalize them. The deductive
+inquirer, using the facts rather to illustrate his principles, than to
+suggest them, appeals, in the first place, not to external facts, but to
+internal ideas, and he makes those ideas the major premiss of a
+syllogistic argument. Both parties agree, that we have the power of
+judging some actions to be right, and others to be wrong. But as to how
+we get that power, and as to what that power is, they are at utter
+variance. The inductive philosopher says, that its object is happiness,
+that we get it by association, and that it is due to the action and
+reaction of social causes, which are susceptible of analysis. The
+deductive philosopher says, that this power of distinguishing between
+right and wrong, aims, not at happiness, but at truth; that it is
+inherent, that it cannot be analyzed, that it is a primary conviction,
+and that we may assume it and reason from it, but can never hope to
+explain it by reasoning to it.
+
+It requires but a slight acquaintance with the works of Hutcheson to see
+that he belongs to the latter of these two schools. He assumes, that all
+men have what he terms a moral faculty, which, being an original
+principle, does not admit of analysis.[640] He further assumes, that the
+business of this faculty is to regulate all our powers.[641] From these
+two assumptions, he reasons downwards to the visible facts of our
+conduct, and deductively constructs the general scheme of life. His plan
+being entirely synthetic, he depreciates the analytic method, and
+complains of it as an artful attempt to diminish the number of our
+perceptive powers.[642] The truth is, that every such diminution would
+have taken away some of his original principles, and would thereby have
+prevented him from using them as the major premisses of separate
+arguments. And if you deprive a deductive reasoner of his major
+premisses, you leave him nothing on which to stand. Hutcheson, therefore,
+like all the philosophers of his school, was extremely jealous of the
+invasions of the inductive spirit, with its constant tendency to attack
+convictions supposed to be primary, and seek to resolve them into their
+elements. He repulsed such encroachments upon his major premisses,
+because the power and beauty of his method were displayed in reasoning
+from the premisses, and not in reasoning to them. According to him, the
+moral faculty, and the authority which it exercised, were impervious to
+analysis; it was impossible to track them higher, or to resolve them into
+simpler constituents; and it was in vain that many attempted to refer
+them to circumstances external to themselves, such as education, custom,
+or the association of ideas.[643]
+
+  [640] In his _Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 52, he calls it 'an original
+        determination or sense in our nature, not capable of being
+        referred to other powers of perception.'
+
+  [641] 'This moral sense from its very nature appears to be designed for
+        regulating and controlling all our powers.' _Hutcheson's Moral
+        Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 61.
+
+  [642] See, in his _Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 79, his complaint
+        against those who 'would reduce all our perceptive powers to a
+        very small number, by one artful reference or another.'
+
+  [643] ''Tis in vain here to alledge instruction, education, custom, or
+        association of ideas, as the original of moral approbation.'
+        _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 57. Compare his work on
+        _Beauty and Virtue_, p. 84.
+
+Hence, the judgments which men pass upon the conduct of others, or of
+themselves, are, in their origin, altogether inexplicable; each judgment
+being merely a different form of one great moral faculty. Inasmuch,
+however, as that faculty escapes observation, and is only known by its
+results, it is evident that, for all purposes of reasoning, the judgments
+must be deemed primary, and arguments are to be constructed from them, as
+if they were the ultimate and highest conditions of our nature. In this
+way, Hutcheson was led to that love of multiplying original principles,
+which Sir James Mackintosh has justly noticed as a characteristic of his
+philosophy, and, after him, of the Scotch philosophy in general;[644]
+though the distinguished author of this remark has failed to perceive
+that such characteristic was but a single part of a far larger scheme,
+and was intimately connected with those habits of deductive thought which
+a long train of preceding circumstances had indelibly imprinted on the
+Scotch mind.
+
+  [644] 'To him may also be ascribed that proneness to multiply ultimate
+        and original principles in human nature, which characterised the
+        Scottish School till the second extinction of a passion for
+        metaphysical speculation in Scotland.' _Mackintosh's Dissertation
+        on Ethical Philosophy_, edit. Whewell, Edinburgh, 1837, p. 208.
+
+In Hutcheson, the tendency was so strong, as to make him believe, that,
+by arguing from a certain number of original principles, he could
+construct the theory and explain the march of human affairs, with little
+or no aid from the experience of the past, or, indeed, of the present.
+His views, for instance, respecting the nature and objects of
+legislation, criminal, as well as civil, might have been written by a
+recluse who had never quitted his hermitage, and whose purity was still
+unsoiled by the realities of the world. Starting from the so-called
+nature of things, his first steps were ideal, and from them he sought to
+advance to the actual. In his account of the duties of life, as they
+existed before the power of government was consolidated, he quotes no
+evidence to show what really happened among barbarous tribes who were in
+that state; but he contents himself with deductive inferences from the
+principles he had previously laid down.[645] Difficult questions relating
+to the laws of property, are treated in the same manner; that is to say,
+the conclusions respecting them are arrived at on speculative grounds,
+and not by comparing how the different enactments have worked in
+different countries.[646] Experience is either shut out, or made
+subordinate to theory; and facts are adduced to illustrate the inference,
+but not to suggest it. So, too, the proper relation between the people
+and their rulers, and the amount of liberty which the people should
+possess, instead of being inductively generalized from an historical
+inquiry into the circumstances which had produced most happiness, might,
+in the opinion of Hutcheson, be ascertained by reasoning from the nature
+of government, and from the ends for which it was instituted.[647]
+
+  [645] See his ingenious chapter, entitled 'A deduction of the more
+        special laws of nature and duties of life, previous to civil
+        government, and other adventitious states.' _Moral Philosophy_,
+        vol. i. p. 227; and compare vol. ii. pp. 294-309, 'How civil power
+        is acquired.'
+
+  [646] See, for example, his remarks on 'the right of possession.' _Moral
+        Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 344; on 'rights by mortgage,' p. 350; and
+        on inheritance, p. 356.
+
+  [647] In his _Moral Philosophy_, vol. ii. pp. 346, 347, he sums up a
+        long argument on 'the nature of civil laws,' by saying: 'Thus the
+        general duties of magistrates and subjects are discoverable from
+        the nature of the trust committed to them, and the end of all
+        civil power.'
+
+The next great attempt to study the actions of men scientifically, and to
+generalize the principles of their conduct without the intervention of
+supernatural ideas, was made by Adam Smith, who, in 1759, published his
+_Theory of Moral Sentiments_, and, in 1776, his _Wealth of Nations_. To
+understand the philosophy of this, by far the greatest of all the Scotch
+thinkers, both works must be taken together, and considered as one;
+since they are, in reality, the two divisions of a single subject. In
+the _Moral Sentiments_, he investigates the sympathetic part of human
+nature; in the _Wealth of Nations_, he investigates its selfish part. And
+as all of us are sympathetic as well as selfish; in other words, as all
+of us look without as well as within, and as this classification is a
+primary and exhaustive division of our motives to action, it is evident,
+that if Adam Smith had completely accomplished his vast design, he would
+at once have raised the study of human nature to a science, leaving
+nothing for subsequent inquirers except to ascertain the minor springs of
+affairs, all of which would find their place in this general scheme, and
+be deemed subordinate to it. In his attempt to perform this prodigious
+task, and to traverse the enormous field which he saw lying before him,
+he soon perceived that an inductive investigation was impossible, because
+it would require the labour of many lives even to assemble the materials
+from which the generalization was to be made. Moved by this reflection,
+and, probably, moved still more by the intellectual habits which
+prevailed around him, he resolved on adopting the deductive method
+instead of the inductive; but, in seeking for the premisses from which he
+was to reason, and on which his structure was to be built, he resorted to
+a peculiar artifice, which is perfectly valid, and which he had an
+undoubted right to employ, though, to make it available, requires such
+delicate tact, and involves so many refinements, that extremely few
+writers have used it with effect on social questions either before or
+since.
+
+The plan to which I allude is, that when any subject becomes unmanageable
+by the inductive method, whether from the impossibility of experimenting
+upon it, or from its extreme natural complexity, or from the presence of
+immense and bewildering details collected around it, we may, in all such
+cases, make an imaginary separation of inseparable facts; and reason upon
+trains of events which have no real and independent existence, and which
+are nowhere to be found except in the mind of the inquirer. A result
+obtained in this way, cannot be strictly true; but, if we have reasoned
+accurately, it will be as near truth as were the premisses from which we
+started. To make it perfectly true, we must confront it with other
+results, which we have arrived at in a similar way, and from the same
+subject. These separate inferences may eventually be coördinated into a
+single system; so that, while each inference contains only an imperfect
+truth, the whole of the inferences, when put together, will contain
+perfect truth.
+
+Such hypothetical arguments are evidently based upon an intentional
+suppression of facts; and the artifice is necessary, because, without the
+suppression, the facts would be unmanageable. Each argument leads to a
+conclusion which approximates to truth; hence, whenever the premisses are
+so comprehensive as almost to exhaust the facts to which they refer, the
+conclusion will be so near to complete truth as to be of the greatest
+value, even before it is coördinated with other conclusions drawn from
+the same department of inquiry.
+
+Geometry exhibits the most perfect example of this logical stratagem. The
+object of the geometrician is, to generalize the laws of space; in other
+words, to ascertain the necessary and universal relations of its various
+parts. Inasmuch, however, as space would have no parts unless it were
+divided, the geometrician is forced to assume such a division; and he
+takes the simplest possible form of it, a division by lines. Now, a line
+considered as a fact, that is, as it is found in the actual world, must
+always have two qualities, length and breadth. However slight these
+qualities may be, every line has them both. But if the geometrician took
+both into consideration, he would find himself in the presence of a
+problem too complicated for the resources of the human understanding to
+deal with; or, at all events, too complicated for the present resources
+of our knowledge. He, therefore, by a scientific artifice, deliberately
+strikes off one of these qualities, and asserts that a line is length
+without breadth. He knows that the assertion is false, but he also knows
+that it is necessary. For, if you deny it, he can prove nothing. If you
+insist upon his letting into his premisses the idea of breadth, he is
+unable to proceed, and the whole fabric of geometry falls to the ground.
+Since, however, the breadth of the faintest line is so slight as to be
+incapable of measurement, except by an instrument used under the
+microscope, it follows that the assumption, that there can be lines
+without breadth, is so nearly true, that our senses, when unassisted by
+art, cannot detect the error. Formerly, and until the invention of the
+micrometer, in the seventeenth century, it was impossible to detect it at
+all. Hence, the conclusions of the geometrician approximate so close to
+truth, that we are justified in accepting them as true. The flaw is too
+minute to be perceived. But that there is a flaw, appears to me certain.
+It appears certain, that whenever something is kept back in the
+premisses, something must be wanting in the conclusion. In all such
+cases, the field of inquiry has not been entirely covered; and part of
+the preliminary facts being suppressed, it must, I think, be admitted,
+that complete truth is unattainable, and that no problem in geometry has
+yet been exhaustively solved.[648]
+
+  [648] That is, so far as the facts are concerned. Geometry, considered
+        in the most elevated manner, rests on ideas, and from that point
+        of view is impregnable, unless the axioms can be overthrown. But
+        if geometricians will insist on having definitions as well as
+        axioms, they gain, no doubt, increased clearness, but they lose
+        something in accuracy. I apprehend that, without definitions,
+        geometry could not be a science of space, but would be a science
+        of magnitudes, ideally conceived and consequently as pure as
+        ratiocination could make it. This does not touch the question as
+        to the empirical origin of the axioms.
+
+Still, the amazing triumphs effected in this branch of mathematics, show
+how powerful a weapon that form of deduction is, which proceeds by an
+artificial separation of facts, in themselves inseparable. So little,
+however, is the philosophy of the method understood, that when, late in
+the eighteenth century, political economy assumed a scientific form, many
+persons, who were otherwise well instructed, reproached its cultivators
+with their hard-heartedness; such objectors being unable to see, that the
+science could not be constructed if it were necessary to take in the
+whole range of generous and benevolent affections. The political
+economist aims at discovering the laws of wealth, which are far too
+complicated to be studied under every aspect. He, therefore, selects one
+of those aspects, and generalizes the laws as they are exhibited in the
+selfish parts of human nature. And he is right in doing so, simply
+because men, in the pursuit of wealth, consider their own gratification
+oftener than the gratification of others. Hence, he, like the
+geometrician, blots out one part of his premisses, in order that he may
+manipulate the remaining part with greater ease. But we must always
+remember, that political economy, though a profound and beautiful
+science, is only a science of one department of life, and is founded upon
+a suppression of some of the facts in which all large societies abound.
+It suppresses, or, what comes to the same thing, it ignores, many high
+and magnanimous feelings which we could ill afford to lose. We are not,
+therefore, to allow its conclusions to override all other conclusions. We
+may accept them in science, and yet reject them in practice. Thus, the
+political economist, when confining himself to his own department, says,
+with good reason, that it is both absurd and mischievous for government
+to undertake to supply the working-classes with employment. This
+assertion, he, as a political economist, can prove; and yet,
+notwithstanding its scientific truth, it may be practically right for a
+government to do the exact opposite. It may be right for a government to
+supply the employment, when the people are so ignorant as to demand it,
+and when, at the same time, they are so powerful as to plunge the country
+into anarchy if the demand is refused. Here, the view of the politician
+takes in all the premisses of which the political economist had only
+taken in a portion. In the same way, as a matter of economic science, it
+is wrong for any one to relieve the poor; since nothing is better
+established, than that to relieve poverty increases it, by encouraging
+improvidence. But, in spite of this, the antagonistic principle of
+sympathy will come into play, and will, in some minds, operate with such
+force, as to make it advisable, that he who feels it should give alms,
+because, if he abstains from giving them, the violence which he does to
+his own nature may inflict more mischief on himself, than his bestowal of
+charity would inflict on the general interests of society.
+
+It will not, I hope, be considered that, in these remarks, I have
+digressed from the main argument of the present chapter, since, although,
+in making them, I have aimed at clearing up a general question respecting
+the nature of scientific proof, I have only done so with the more
+particular object of illustrating the philosophy of Adam Smith, and of
+explaining the method which that most profound and original thinker
+pursued. We shall now be able to see how entirely his plan was deductive,
+and what a peculiar form of deduction it was. In his two great works, he
+first lays down certain ideas, and from them he marches on to the facts
+of the external world. And, in each work, he reasons from only part of
+his premisses; supplying the other part in the other work. None of us are
+exclusively selfish, and none of us are exclusively sympathetic. But Adam
+Smith separates in speculation qualities which are inseparable in
+reality. In his _Moral Sentiments_, he ascribes our actions to sympathy;
+in his _Wealth of Nations_, he ascribes them to selfishness. A short view
+of these two works will prove the existence of this fundamental
+difference, and will enable us to perceive that each is supplementary to
+the other; so that, in order to understand either, it is necessary to
+study both.
+
+In the _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, Adam Smith lays down one great
+principle from which he reasons, and to which all the others are
+subordinate. This principle is, that the rules which we prescribe to
+ourselves, and which govern our conduct, are solely arrived at by
+observing the conduct of others.[649] We judge ourselves, because we had
+previously judged them. Our notions are obtained from without, and not
+from within. If, therefore, we lived entirely alone, we could have no
+idea of merit or demerit, and it would be impossible for us to form an
+opinion as to whether our sentiments were right or wrong.[650] To acquire
+this knowledge, we must look abroad. Inasmuch, however, as we have no
+direct experience of what other persons actually feel, we can only gain
+the information by conceiving what we should feel if we were in their
+place.[651] Hence, all men are, in imagination, constantly changing
+situations with others; and though the change is ideal, and lasts but for
+a moment, it is the foundation of that great and universal impulse which
+is called Sympathy.[652]
+
+  [649] 'Our continual observations upon the conduct of others, insensibly
+        lead us to form to ourselves certain general rules concerning what
+        is fit and proper either to be done or to be avoided.' ... 'It is
+        thus that the general rules of morality are formed. They are
+        ultimately founded upon experience of what, in particular
+        instances, our moral faculties, our natural sense of merit and
+        propriety, approve or disapprove of. We do not originally approve
+        or condemn particular actions; because, upon examination, they
+        appear to be agreeable or inconsistent with a certain general
+        rule. The general rule, on the contrary, is formed by finding from
+        experience that all actions of a certain kind, or circumstanced in
+        a certain manner, are approved of or disapproved of.' _Smith's
+        Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. pp. 219, 220. At p. 153: 'We
+        either approve or disapprove of our own conduct according as we
+        feel that, when we place ourselves in the situation of another
+        man, and view it, as it were, with his eyes and from his station,
+        we either can or cannot entirely enter into and sympathize with
+        the sentiments and motives which influenced it.'
+
+  [650] 'Were it possible that a human creature could grow up to manhood
+        in some solitary place, without any communication with his own
+        species, he could no more think of his own character, of the
+        propriety or demerit of his own sentiments and conduct, of the
+        beauty or deformity of his own mind, than of the beauty and
+        deformity of his own face.' _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_,
+        vol. i. p. 154. 'Our first moral criticisms are exercised upon the
+        characters and conduct of other people.' p. 156.
+
+  [651] 'As we have no immediate experience of what other men feel, we can
+        form no idea of the manner in which they are affected, but by
+        conceiving what we ourselves should feel in the like situation.'
+        _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 2.
+
+  [652] 'That imaginary change of situation, upon which their sympathy is
+        founded, is but momentary.' _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_,
+        vol. i. p. 21. Compare vol. ii. p. 206.
+
+By proceeding from these premisses, a vast number of social phenomena may
+be explained. We naturally sympathize with joy more than with
+sorrow.[653] Hence, that admiration for prosperous and successful
+persons, which is quite independent of any benefit we expect from them;
+and hence, too, the existence of different ranks and of social
+distinctions, all of which emanate from the same source.[654] Hence,
+also, the feeling of loyalty, which is a product, not of reason, nor of
+fear, nor of a sense of public convenience, but rather of sympathy with
+those above us, begetting an extraordinary compassion for even their
+ordinary sufferings.[655] Custom and fashion play a great part in the
+world, but they owe their origin entirely to sympathy;[656] and so do the
+various systems of philosophy which have flourished at different times,
+the disagreement between which depends on the fact, that each philosopher
+has sympathized with different ideas, some sympathizing with the notion
+of fitness or congruity, some with that of prudence, some with that of
+benevolence, and every one developing the conception paramount in his own
+mind.[657] To sympathy, again, we must ascribe the establishment of
+rewards and punishments, and the whole of our criminal laws, none of
+which would have existed but for our disposition to sympathize with those
+who either do good or suffer harm; for the circumstance of society being
+protected by penal laws, is a subsequent and subordinate discovery,
+which confirms our sense of their propriety, but did not suggest it.[658]
+The same principle causes the difference of character exhibited by
+different classes, such as the irritability of poets, compared with the
+coolness of mathematicians;[659] it likewise causes that social
+difference between the sexes, which makes men more remarkable for
+generosity, and women for humanity.[660] All these results illustrate the
+workings of sympathy, and are the remote, but still the direct,
+operations of that principle. Indeed, we can trace to it some of the
+minutest divisions of character; pride and vanity, for instance, being
+dependent on it, although those two passions are often confused together,
+and are sometimes strangely blended in the same mind.[661]
+
+  [653] 'I will venture to affirm that, when there is no envy in the case,
+        our propensity to sympathize with joy is much stronger than our
+        propensity to sympathize with sorrow.' _Smith's Theory of Moral
+        Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 58. 'It is because mankind are disposed to
+        sympathize more entirely with our joy than with our sorrow, that
+        we make parade of our riches, and conceal our poverty.' p. 65.
+
+  [654] 'Upon this disposition of mankind to go along with all the
+        passions of the rich and the powerful, is founded the distinction
+        of ranks, and the order of society. Our obsequiousness to our
+        superiors more frequently arises from our admiration for the
+        advantages of their situation, than from any private expectations
+        of benefit from their good will.' _Smith's Theory of Moral
+        Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 69. See also vol. ii. p. 72.
+
+  [655] See the striking remarks in _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i.
+        p. 70-72.
+
+  [656] _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. ii. pp. 23 seq.
+
+  [657] _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. ii. pp. 131-244. This sketch of
+        the different systems of philosophy is perhaps the ablest part of
+        the book, notwithstanding two or three errors which it contains.
+
+  [658] _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. pp. 89, 92, 115,
+        116. The utmost which he will concede to the notion of social
+        convenience, is that 'we frequently have occasion to confirm our
+        natural sense of the propriety and fitness of punishment, by
+        reflecting how necessary it is for preserving the order of
+        society.' p. 122.
+
+  [659] _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. pp. 172-174.
+
+  [660] 'Humanity is the virtue of a woman, generosity of a man. The fair
+        sex, who have commonly much more tenderness than ours, have seldom
+        so much generosity.' _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol.
+        ii. p. 19. Sufficient facts have not yet been collected to enable
+        us to test the truth of this remark, and the loose experience of
+        individual observers is worth very little on so wide a subject.
+        Still, I venture to doubt the truth of Adam Smith's distinction. I
+        suspect that women are, on the whole, more generous than men, as
+        well as more tender. But to establish a proposition of this sort,
+        would require the most extensive research, made by a careful and
+        analytic mind; and, at present, there is not even any tolerably
+        good work on the mental characteristics which distinguish the
+        sexes, and there never will be one until physiology is united with
+        biography.
+
+  [661] _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. ii. pp. 115-122.
+
+Sympathy, then, is the main-spring of human conduct. It arises, not so
+much from witnessing the passions of other persons, as from witnessing
+the situation which excites those passions.[662] To this single process
+we are indebted, not only for the highest principles, but also for the
+deepest emotions. For, the greatest affection of which we are capable, is
+merely sympathy fixed into habit; and the love which exists between the
+nearest relations, is not inherent, but is derived from this mighty and
+controlling principle, which governs the whole course of affairs.[663]
+
+  [662] 'Sympathy, therefore, does not arise so much from the view of the
+        passion, as from that of the situation which excites it.' _Smith's
+        Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 6.
+
+  [663] 'What is called affection, is, in reality, nothing but habitual
+        sympathy.' _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. ii. p. 63.
+        'In some tragedies and romances, we meet with many beautiful and
+        interesting scenes, founded upon what is called the force of
+        blood, or upon the wonderful affection which near relations are
+        supposed to conceive for one another, even before they know that
+        they have any such connection. This force of blood, however, I am
+        afraid, exists nowhere but in tragedies and romances.' p. 66.
+
+By this bold hypothesis, Adam Smith, at one stroke, so narrowed the field
+of inquiry, as to exclude from it all considerations of selfishness as a
+primary principle, and only to admit its great antagonist, sympathy. The
+existence of the antagonism, he distinctly recognizes. For, he will not
+allow that sympathy is in any way to be deemed a selfish principle.[664]
+Although he knew that it is pleasurable, and that all pleasure contains
+an element of selfishness, it did not suit the method of his philosophy
+to subject the principle of sympathy to such an inductive analysis as
+would reveal its elements. His business was, to reason from it, and not
+to it. Concentrating his energy upon the deductive process, and
+displaying that dialectic skill which is natural to his countrymen, and
+of which he himself was one of the most consummate masters the world has
+ever seen, he constructed a system of philosophy, imperfect indeed,
+because the premisses were imperfect, but approaching truth as closely as
+it was possible for any one to do who abstained from giving due
+consideration to the selfish part of human nature. Into the workings of
+its sympathetic part, he looked with a minuteness, and he reasoned from
+it with a subtlety, which make his work the most important that has ever
+been written on this interesting subject. But, inasmuch as his plan
+involved a deliberate suppression of preliminary and essential facts, the
+results which he obtained do not strictly correspond to those which are
+actually observed in the world.[665] This, however, as I have shown, is
+not a valid objection; since such discrepancy between the ideal and the
+actual, or between the abstract and the concrete, is the necessary
+consequence of that still early condition of our knowledge, which forces
+us to study complicated questions piecemeal, and to raise them to
+sciences by separate and fragmentary investigations.
+
+  [664] 'Sympathy, however, cannot, in any sense, be regarded as a selfish
+        principle.' _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. ii. p. 206. In
+        vol. i. p. 9, he complains of 'those who are fond of deducing all
+        our sentiments from certain refinements of self-love.'
+
+  [665] This is noticed by Sir James Mackintosh, whose sketch of Adam Smith
+        is hasty, and somewhat superficial, but who, nevertheless, truly
+        observes, that Smith 'has exposed himself to objections founded on
+        experience, to which it is impossible to attempt any answer.'
+        _Mackintosh's Dissertation on Ethical Philosophy_, pp. 239, 240.
+        See also a letter from Hume to Adam Smith, in _Burton's Life and
+        Correspondence of Hume_, vol. ii. p. 60.
+
+That Adam Smith saw this necessity, and that his seeing it was the cause
+of the method he pursued, is evident from the fact, that in his next
+great work he followed the same plan, and, though he argued from new
+premisses, he carefully avoided arguing from any of the old ones.
+Convinced that, in his theory of morals, he had reasoned as accurately as
+possible from the principles supplied by sympathy, his capacious and
+insatiable mind, deeming that nothing had been done while aught remained
+to do, urged him to pass on to the opposite passion of selfishness, and
+treat it in the same manner, so that the whole domain of thought might be
+covered. This he did in his _Wealth of Nations_, which, though even a
+greater work than his _Moral Sentiments_, is equally one-sided, in
+reference to the principles which it assumes. It assumes that selfishness
+is the main regulator of human affairs, just as his previous work had
+assumed sympathy to be so. Between the two works there elapsed an
+interval of seventeen years; the _Wealth of Nations_ not being published
+till 1776. But what shows that to their author both were part of a single
+scheme, is the notable circumstance, that, so early as 1753, he had laid
+down the principles which his later work contains.[666] This was while
+his former work was still in meditation, and before it had seen the
+light. It is, therefore, clear, that the study which he made, first of
+one passion, and then of its opposite, was not a capricious or accidental
+arrangement, but was the consequence of that vast idea which presided
+over all his labours, and which, when they are rightly understood, gives
+to them a magnificent unity. And a glorious object of ambition it was.
+His aspiring and comprehensive genius, sweeping the distant horizon, and
+taking in the intermediate space at a glance, sought to traverse the
+whole ground in two separate and independent directions, indulging the
+hope, that, by supplying in one line of argument the premisses which were
+wanting in the other, their opposite conclusions would be compensatory
+rather than hostile, and would serve as a broad and permanent basis on
+which one great science of human nature might be safely built.
+
+  [666] 'Mr. Smith's political lectures, comprehending the fundamental
+        principles of his "Inquiry," were delivered at Glasgow as early as
+        the year 1752 or 1753.' _Dugald Stewart's Life of Adam Smith_,
+        p. lxxviii., prefixed to _Smith's Posthumous Essays_, London, 4to,
+        1795.
+
+The _Wealth of Nations_ is, as I have elsewhere observed,[667] probably
+the most important book which has ever been written, whether we consider
+the amount of original thought which it contains, or its practical
+influence. Its practical recommendations were extremely favourable to
+those doctrines of freedom which the eighteenth century ushered in; and
+this secured to them an attention which otherwise they would not have
+received. While, therefore, the _Wealth of Nations_ was the proximate
+cause of a great change in legislation,[668] a deeper analysis will show,
+that the success of the book, and, consequently, the alteration of the
+laws, depended upon the operation of more remote and general causes. It
+must also be confessed, that those same causes predisposed the mind of
+Adam Smith to the doctrines of liberty, and gave him a sort of prejudice
+in favour of conclusions which limited the interference of the
+legislator. Thus much he borrowed from his age; but one thing he did not
+borrow. His wide and organizing mind was all his own. This would have
+made him great under any circumstances; to make him powerful, required a
+peculiar conjunction of events. That conjunction he enjoyed, and he
+turned it to good account. The influence of his contemporaries was enough
+to make him liberal; his own capacity was enough to make him
+comprehensive. He had, in a most remarkable degree, that exuberance of
+thought, which is one of the highest forms of genius, but which leads
+those who possess it into distant excursions, which, though they have one
+common aim, are often stigmatized as digressions, simply because they who
+criticize are unable to discern the great principle which pervades the
+whole, and unites the various parts into a single scheme. This has been
+especially the case with Adam Smith, whose immortal work has often been
+exposed to such shallow objections. And certainly, the _Wealth of
+Nations_ displays a breadth of treatment which those who cannot
+sympathize with, are very likely to ridicule. The phenomena, not only of
+wealth, but also of society in general, classified and arranged under
+their various forms; the origin of the division of labour, and the
+consequences which that division has produced; the circumstances which
+gave rise to the invention of money, and to the subsequent changes in its
+value; the history of those changes traced in different ages, and the
+history of the relations which the precious metals bear to each other; an
+examination of the connection between wages and profits, and of the laws
+which govern the rise and fall of both; another examination of the way in
+which these are concerned, on the one hand, with the rent of land, and,
+on the other hand, with the price of commodities; an inquiry into the
+reason why profits vary in different trades, and at different times; a
+succinct, but comprehensive, view of the progress of towns in Europe
+since the fall of the Roman Empire; the fluctuations, during several
+centuries, in the prices of the food of the people, and a statement of
+how it is, that, in different stages of society, the relative cost of
+land and of meat varies; the history of corporation laws and of municipal
+enactments, and their bearing on the four great classes of apprentices,
+manufacturers, merchants, and landlords; an account of the immense power
+and riches formerly enjoyed by the clergy, and of the manner in which, as
+society advances, they gradually lose their exclusive privileges; the
+nature of religious dissent, and the reason why the clergy of the
+established Church can never contend with it on terms of equality, and,
+therefore, call on the State to help them, and wish to persecute when
+they cannot persuade; why some sects profess more ascetic principles, and
+others more luxurious ones; how it was, that, during the feudal times,
+the nobles acquired their power, and how that power has, ever since, been
+gradually diminishing; how the rights of territorial jurisdiction
+originated, and how they died away; how the sovereigns of Europe obtained
+their revenue, what the sources of it are, and what classes are most
+heavily taxed in order to supply it; the cause of certain virtues, such
+as hospitality, flourishing in barbarous ages, and decaying in civilized
+ones; the influence of inventions and discoveries in altering the
+distribution of power among the various classes of society; a bold and
+masterly sketch of the peculiar sort of advantages which Europe derived
+from the discovery of America and of the passage round the Cape; the
+origin of universities, their degeneracy from their original plan, the
+corruption which has gradually crept over them, and the reason why they
+are so unwilling to adopt improvements, and to keep pace with the wants
+of the age; a comparison between public and private education, and an
+estimate of their relative advantages;--these, and a vast number of other
+subjects, respecting the structure and development of society, such as
+the feudal system, slavery, emancipation of serfs, origin of standing
+armies, and of mercenary troops, effects produced by tithes, laws of
+primogeniture, sumptuary laws, international treaties concerning trade,
+rise of European banks, national debts, influence of dramatic
+representations over opinions, influence of foreign travels over
+opinions, colonies, poor-laws,--all topics of a miscellaneous character,
+and many of them diverging from each other,--all are fused into one great
+system, and irradiated by the splendour of one great genius. Into that
+dense and disorderly mass, did Adam Smith introduce symmetry, method, and
+law. At his touch, anarchy disappeared, and darkness was succeeded by
+light. Much, of course, he took from his predecessors, though nothing
+like so much as is commonly supposed. On this sort of borrowing, the best
+and strongest of us are dependent. But, after making every possible
+allowance for what he gathered from others, we must honestly say, that no
+single man ever took so great a step upon so important a subject, and
+that no single work which is now preserved, contains so many views, which
+were novel at the time, but which subsequent experience has ratified.
+What, however, for our present purpose, is most important to observe, is,
+that he obtained these results by arguing from principles which the
+selfish part of human nature exclusively supplied, and that he omitted
+those sympathetic feelings of which every human being possesses at least
+some share, but which he could not take into consideration, without
+producing a problem, the number of whose complications it would have been
+hopeless to unravel.
+
+  [667] _History of Civilization_, vol. i. p. 214.
+
+  [668] 'Perhaps the only book which produced an immediate, general, and
+        irrevocable change in some of the most important parts of the
+        legislation of all civilized states.' _Mackintosh's Ethical
+        Philosophy_, p. 232. But this is too strongly expressed, as the
+        economical history of France and Germany decisively proves.
+
+To avoid, therefore, being baffled, he simplified the problem, by erasing
+from his view of human nature those premisses which he had already
+handled in his _Theory of Moral Sentiments_. At the beginning of the
+_Wealth of Nations_, he lays down two propositions: 1st, that all wealth
+is derived, not from land, but from labour; and 2d, that the amount of
+the wealth depends, partly on the skill with which the labour is
+conducted, and partly on the proportion between the number of those who
+labour and the number of those who do not labour. The rest of the work,
+is an application of these principles, to explain the growth and
+mechanism of society. In applying them, he everywhere assumes, that the
+great moving power of all men, all interests, and all classes, in all
+ages, and in all countries, is selfishness. The opposite power of
+sympathy he entirely shuts out; and I hardly remember an instance in
+which even the word occurs in the whole course of his work. Its
+fundamental assumption is, that each man exclusively follows his own
+interest, or what he deems to be his own interest. And one of the
+peculiar features of his book is, to show that, considering society as a
+whole, it nearly always happens that men, in promoting their own
+interest, will unintentionally promote the interest of others. Hence, the
+great practical lesson is, not to restrain selfishness, but to enlighten
+it; because there is a provision in the nature of things, by which the
+selfishness of the individual accelerates the progress of the community.
+According to this view, the prosperity of a country depends on the amount
+of its capital; the amount of its capital depends on the habit of saving,
+that is, on parsimony, as opposed to generosity; while the habit of
+saving is, in its turn, governed by the desire we all feel of bettering
+our condition,--a desire so inherent in our nature, that it comes with us
+from the womb, and only leaves us in the grave.[669]
+
+  [669] 'Parsimony, and not industry, is the immediate cause of the
+        increase of capital. Industry, indeed, provides the subject which
+        parsimony accumulates; but whatever industry might acquire, if
+        parsimony did not save and store up, the capital would never be
+        the greater.' ... 'But the principle which prompts to save, is the
+        desire of bettering our condition; a desire which, though
+        generally calm and dispassionate, comes with us from the womb, and
+        never leaves us till we go into the grave.' _Smith's Wealth of
+        Nations_, book ii. chap. iii. pp. 138, 140, edit. Edinb. 1839.
+
+This constant effort of every man, to better his own condition, is so
+salutary, as well as so powerful, that it is often capable of securing
+the progress of society, in spite of the folly and extravagance of the
+rulers of mankind.[670] If it were not for this propensity, improvement
+would be impossible. For human institutions are constantly stopping our
+advance, by thwarting our natural inclinations.[671] And no wonder that
+this should be the case, seeing that the men who are at the head of
+affairs, and by whom the institutions are contrived, have, perhaps, a
+certain rough and practical sagacity; but being, from the narrowness of
+their understandings, incapable of large views, their councils are
+determined by those mere casual fluctuations which alone they are able to
+perceive.[672] They do not see that we have prospered, not on account of
+their enactments, but in the teeth of them; and that the real cause of
+our prosperity is the fact that we enjoy undisturbed the fruit of our own
+labour.[673] Whenever this right is tolerably secure, every man will be
+bent on procuring for himself either present enjoyment or future profit;
+and if he does not aim at one of these objects, he is void of common
+understanding.[674] If he possess capital, he will probably aim at both,
+but, in doing so, he will never consider the interest of others; his sole
+motive will be his own private profit.[675] And it is well that such
+should be the case. For, by thus pursuing his personal interest, he aids
+society more than if his views were generous and exalted. Some people
+affect to carry on trade for the good of others; but this is mere
+affectation, though, to say the truth, it is an affectation not very
+common among merchants, and many words are not needed to dissuade them
+from so foolish a practice.[676]
+
+  [670] 'The uniform, constant, and uninterrupted effort of every man to
+        better his condition, the principle from which public and
+        national, as well as private, opulence is originally derived, is
+        frequently powerful enough to maintain the natural progress of
+        things towards improvement, in spite both of the extravagance of
+        government and of the greatest errors of administration. Like the
+        unknown principle of animal life, it frequently restores health
+        and vigour to the constitution, in spite not only of the disease,
+        but of the absurd prescriptions of the doctor.' _Wealth of
+        Nations_, book ii. chap. iii. p. 141. 'The natural effort of every
+        individual to better his own condition, when suffered to exert
+        itself with freedom and security, is so powerful a principle, that
+        it is alone, and without any assistance, not only capable of
+        carrying on the society to wealth and prosperity, but of
+        surmounting a hundred impertinent obstructions with which the
+        folly of human laws too often encumbers its operations.' Book iv.
+        chap. v. p. 221.
+
+  [671] See an admirable passage, p. 156, too long to quote, beginning,
+        'If human institutions had never thwarted those natural
+        inclinations,' &c.
+
+  [672] 'That insidious and crafty animal, vulgarly called a statesman or
+        politician, whose councils are directed by the momentary
+        fluctuations of affairs.' _Wealth of Nations_, book iv. chap. ii.
+        p. 190.
+
+  [673] 'That security which the laws in Great Britain give to every man,
+        that he shall enjoy the fruits of his own labour, is alone
+        sufficient to make any country flourish, notwithstanding these and
+        twenty other absurd regulations of commerce.' _Wealth of Nations_,
+        book iv. chap. v. p. 221.
+
+  [674] 'In all countries where there is a tolerable security, every man
+        of common understanding will endeavour to employ whatever stock he
+        can command, in procuring either present enjoyment or future
+        profit.' _Wealth of Nations_, book ii. chap. i. p. 115.
+
+  [675] 'The consideration of his own private profit is the sole motive
+        which determines the owner of any capital to employ it either in
+        agriculture, in manufactures, or in some particular branch of the
+        wholesale or retail trade.' _Wealth of Nations_, book ii. chap. v.
+        p. 154.
+
+  [676] 'By pursuing his own interest, he frequently promotes that of the
+        society more effectually than when he really intends to promote
+        it. I have never known much good done by those who affected to
+        trade for the public good. It is an affectation, indeed, not very
+        common among merchants, and very few words need be employed in
+        dissuading them from it.' _Wealth of Nations_, book iv. chap. ii.
+        p. 184.
+
+In this way, Adam Smith completely changes the premisses which he had
+assumed in his earlier work. Here, he makes men naturally selfish;
+formerly, he had made them naturally sympathetic.[677] Here, he
+represents them as pursuing wealth for sordid objects, and for the
+narrowest personal pleasures; formerly he represented them as pursuing it
+out of regard to the sentiments of others, and for the sake of obtaining
+their sympathy.[678] In the _Wealth of Nations_, we hear no more of this
+conciliatory and sympathetic spirit; such amiable maxims are altogether
+forgotten, and the affairs of the world are regulated by different
+principles. It now appears that benevolence and affection have no
+influence over our actions. Indeed, Adam Smith will hardly admit common
+humanity into his theory of motives. If a people emancipate their slaves,
+it is a proof, not that the people are acted on by high moral
+considerations, nor that their sympathy is excited by the cruelty
+inflicted on these unhappy creatures. Nothing of the sort. Such
+inducements to conduct are imaginary, and exercise no real sway. All that
+the emancipation proves, is, that the slaves were few in number, and,
+therefore, small in value. Otherwise, they would not have been
+emancipated.[679]
+
+  [677] In his _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 21, he says that
+        mankind are 'naturally sympathetic.'
+
+  [678] 'Nay, it is chiefly for this regard to the sentiments of mankind,
+        that we pursue riches and avoid poverty.' _Theory of Moral
+        Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 66. 'To become the natural object of the
+        joyous congratulations and sympathetic attentions of mankind, is,
+        in this manner, the circumstance which gives to prosperity all its
+        dazzling splendour.' p. 78.
+
+  [679] 'The late resolution of the Quakers in Pennsylvania, to set at
+        liberty all their negro slaves, may satisfy us that their number
+        cannot be very great. Had they made any considerable part of their
+        property, such a resolution could never have been agreed to.'
+        _Wealth of Nations_, book iii. chap. ii. p. 159.
+
+So, too, while in his former work, he had ascribed the different systems
+of morals to the power of sympathy, he, in this work, ascribes them
+entirely to the power of selfishness. He observes, that, among the lower
+ranks of society, dissipation is more fatal to individuals, than it is
+among the higher ranks. The extravagance which dissipation produces, may
+injure the fortune of a wealthy man, but the injury is usually capable of
+being repaired, or, at all events, he can indulge his vices for years
+without completely destroying his fortune, and without bringing himself
+to utter ruin. To the labourer, a similar indulgence would be fatal in a
+single week; it would not merely reduce him to beggary, and perhaps send
+him to jail, but it would destroy his future prospects, by taking away
+that character for sobriety and regularity on which his employment
+depends. Hence, the better class of common people, guided by their
+interest, look with aversion on excesses which they know to be fatal;
+while the upper ranks finding that a moderate amount of vice hurts
+neither their purse nor their reputation consider such license to be one
+of the advantages which their fortune confers, and they value, as one of
+the privileges belonging to their station, the liberty of indulging
+themselves without being censured. Therefore it is, that they who dissent
+from the established Church have a purer system of morals, or, at all
+events, an austerer one, than they who agree with it. For, new religious
+sects usually begin among the common people, the thinking part of whom
+are, by their interest, driven to strict views of the duties of life.
+Consequently, the advocates of the new opinion profess a similar
+strictness, seeing that it is the surest means of increasing their
+proselytes. Thus it is that sectaries and heretics, governed by interest
+rather than by principle, adopt a code of morals which is suited to their
+own purpose, and the rigidity of which is strongly contrasted with the
+laxer code of more orthodox believers.[680] Owing to the operation of the
+same principle, we also find, that, among the orthodox themselves, the
+clergy embrace a stricter system of morals in countries where church
+benefices are nearly equal than they do in countries where the benefices
+are very unequal. This is because, when all the benefices are nearly
+equal, none can be very rich, and, consequently, even the most
+conspicuous among the clergy will have but small incomes. But a man who
+has little to spend can have no influence, unless his morals are
+exemplary. Having no wealth to give him weight the vices of levity would
+make him ridiculous. To avoid contempt, and also to avoid the expense
+which a looseness of conduct occasions, and which his narrow
+circumstances cannot afford, he has but one remedy, and that remedy he
+adopts. He retains his influence, and saves his pocket, by protesting
+against pleasures which he cannot conveniently enjoy; in this, as in all
+other cases, pursuing that plan of life which his own interest urges him
+to follow.[681]
+
+  [680] 'In every civilized society, in every society where the
+        distinction of ranks has once been completely established, there
+        have been always two different schemes or systems of morality
+        current at the same time; of which the one may be called the
+        strict or austere; the other the liberal, or, if you will, the
+        loose system. The former is generally revered and admired by the
+        common people; the latter is commonly more esteemed and adopted by
+        what are called the people of fashion. The degree of
+        disapprobation with which we ought to mark the vices of levity,
+        the vices which are apt to arise from great prosperity, and from
+        the excess of gaiety and good humour, seems to constitute the
+        principal distinction between those two opposite schemes or
+        systems. In the liberal, or loose system, luxury, wanton, and even
+        disorderly mirth, the pursuit of pleasure to some degree of
+        intemperance, the breach of chastity, at least in one of the two
+        sexes, provided they are not accompanied with gross indecency, and
+        do not lead to falsehood and injustice, are generally treated with
+        a good deal of indulgence, and are easily either excused or
+        pardoned altogether. In the austere system, on the contrary, these
+        excesses are regarded with the utmost abhorrence and detestation.
+        The vices of levity are always ruinous to the common people, and a
+        single week's thoughtlessness and dissipation is often sufficient
+        to undo a poor workman for ever, and to drive him, through
+        despair, upon committing the most enormous crimes. The wiser and
+        better sort of the common people, therefore, have always the
+        utmost abhorrence and detestation of such excesses, which their
+        experience tells them are so immediately fatal to people of their
+        condition. The disorder and extravagance of several years, on the
+        contrary, will not always ruin a man of fashion; and people of
+        that rank are very apt to consider the power of indulging in some
+        degree of excess, as one of the advantages of their fortune; and
+        the liberty of doing so without censure or reproach, as one of the
+        privileges which belong to their station. In people of their own
+        station, therefore, they regard such excesses with but a small
+        degree of disapprobation, and censure them either very slightly or
+        not at all.
+
+        'Almost all religious sects have begun among the common people,
+        from whom they have generally drawn their earliest as well as
+        their most numerous proselytes. The austere system of morality
+        has, accordingly, been adopted by those sects almost constantly,
+        or with very few exceptions; for there have been some. It was the
+        system by which they could best recommend themselves to that order
+        of people, to whom they first proposed their plan of reformation
+        upon what had been before established. Many of them, perhaps the
+        greater part of them, have even endeavoured to gain credit by
+        refining upon this austere system, and by carrying it to some
+        degree of folly and extravagance; and this excessive rigour has
+        frequently recommended them, more than any thing else, to the
+        respect and veneration of the common people.' ... 'In little
+        religious sects, accordingly, the morals of the common people have
+        been almost always remarkably regular and orderly; generally much
+        more so than in the established church. The morals of those little
+        sects, indeed, have frequently been rather disagreeably rigorous
+        and unsocial.' _Wealth of Nations_, book v. chap. i. pp. 332, 333.
+
+  [681] 'Where the church benefices are all nearly equal, none of them can
+        be very great; and this mediocrity of benefice, though it may, no
+        doubt, be carried too far, has, however, some very agreeable
+        effects. Nothing but exemplary morals can give dignity to a man of
+        small fortune. The vices of levity and vanity necessarily render
+        him ridiculous, and are, besides, almost as ruinous to him as they
+        are to the common people. In his own conduct, therefore, he is
+        obliged to follow that system of morals which the common people
+        respect the most. He gains their esteem and affection, by that
+        plan of life which his own interest and situation would lead him
+        to follow.' _Wealth of Nations_, book v. chap. i. p. 340.
+
+In these striking generalizations, which, though they contain a large
+amount of truth, are far from containing the whole truth, no room is left
+for the magnanimous parts of our nature to act; but the system of morals,
+prevailing at any one time or in any one class, is solely ascribed to the
+dictates of unalloyed selfishness. Adam Smith, by reasoning from this
+principle, with that exquisite subtlety which characterized his mind,
+explains many other circumstances which society presents, and which at
+first sight appear incongruous. According to the old notions, which,
+indeed, are not yet quite extinct, those who received wages were under a
+personal obligation to those who paid them; that is to say, they were
+under a moral obligation, over and above the obligation of performing
+certain services. It was believed that a master could not only select
+what servants he chose, but could pay them what he chose; or, at all
+events, that it was the will of the masters, considered as a body, which
+fixed the usual and average rate of wages.[682] The lower classes were,
+therefore, much indebted to the higher ones for giving them so much as
+they did; and it was incumbent upon all persons, who received wages, to
+take them with humble thankfulness, and with a feeling of gratitude, on
+account of the favour bestowed upon them by the generosity of their
+superiors.
+
+  [682] Besides the evidence supplied by economical treatises, the laws in
+        our statute-book, respecting wages, show the general conviction,
+        that their rate could be fixed by the upper classes.
+
+This doctrine, so convenient to the upper classes of society, and so
+natural to the universal ignorance which formerly prevailed on these
+matters, began to be shaken by the speculative thinkers of the
+seventeenth century; but it was reserved for the eighteenth century to
+overthrow it, by letting in the great idea of necessity, and proving,
+that the rate of wages established in a country, was the inevitable
+consequence of the circumstances in which that country was placed, and
+had no connexion with the wishes of any individual, or, indeed, with the
+wishes of any class. To all instructed persons, this is now a familiar
+truth. Its discovery has excluded the notion of gratitude from the
+pecuniary relation between employers and employed, and has made known
+that servants or workmen who receive wages, have no more reason to be
+grateful than those who pay them. For, no choice having been exercised in
+fixing the wages, no favour can be conferred in their payment. The whole
+process is compulsory, and is the result of what had previously happened.
+Scarcely had the eighteenth century passed away, when this most important
+discovery was completed. It was decisively proved, that the reward of
+labour depends solely on two things; namely, the magnitude of that
+national fund out of which all labour is paid, and the number of the
+labourers among whom the fund is to be divided.
+
+This vast step in our knowledge is due, mainly, though not entirely, to
+Malthus, whose work on Population, besides marking an epoch in the
+history of speculative thought, has already produced considerable
+practical results, and will probably give rise to others more
+considerable still. It was published in 1798; so that Adam Smith, who
+died in 1790, missed what to him would have been the intense pleasure of
+seeing how, in it, his own views were expanded rather than corrected.
+Indeed, it is certain, that without Smith there would have been no
+Malthus; that is, unless Smith had laid the foundation, Malthus could not
+have raised the superstructure. It was Adam Smith, who, far more than any
+other man, introduced the conception of uniform and necessary sequence
+into the apparently capricious phenomena of wealth, and who studied those
+phenomena by the aid of principles, of which selfishness alone supplied
+the data. According to his view, the employers of labour have, as
+employers, no benevolence, no sympathy, no virtue of any kind. Their sole
+aim is, their own selfish interest. They are constantly engaged in a
+tacit, if not in an open, combination, to prevent the lower ranks from
+being benefited by a rise of wages; and they sometimes combine for the
+purpose even of depressing those wages below their actual rate.[683]
+Having no bowels, they think only of themselves. The idea of their
+wishing to mitigate the inequalities of fortune, is to be exploded as one
+of the chimeras of that protective spirit, which imagined that society
+could not go on, unless the richer classes relieved the poorer ones, and
+sympathized with their troubles. This antiquated notion is further
+rebutted by the fact, that wages are always higher in summer than in
+winter, although the expenses which a labourer incurs in winter, being
+heavier than in summer, he ought, on principles of common humanity, to
+receive more money during the more expensive season.[684] In the same
+way, in years of scarcity, the dearness of food causes many persons to go
+to service, in order to support their families. The masters, instead of
+charitably paying such servants more on account of the unfortunate
+position in which they are placed, avail themselves of that position to
+pay them less. They make better terms for themselves; they lower wages
+just at the moment when sympathy for misfortune would have raised them;
+and, as they find that their servants, besides being worse remunerated,
+are, by poverty, made more submissive, they consider that scarcity is a
+blessing, and that dear years are to be commended as more favourable to
+industry than cheap ones.[685]
+
+  [683] 'We rarely hear, it has been said, of the combinations of masters,
+        though frequently of those of workmen. But whoever imagines, upon
+        this account, that masters rarely combine, is as ignorant of the
+        world as of the subject. Masters are always and every where in a
+        sort of tacit, but constant and uniform, combination, not to raise
+        the wages of labour above their actual rate. To violate this
+        combination is every where a most unpopular action, and a sort of
+        reproach to a master among his neighbours and equals. We seldom,
+        indeed, hear of this combination, because it is the usual, and,
+        one may say, the natural state of things which nobody ever hears
+        of. Masters, too, sometimes enter into particular combinations to
+        sink the wages of labour even below this rate.' _Wealth of
+        Nations_, book i. chap. viii. p. 28.
+
+  [684] 'First, in almost every part of Great Britain, there is a
+        distinction, even in the lowest species of labour, between summer
+        and winter wages. Summer wages are always highest. But, on account
+        of the extraordinary expense of fuel, the maintenance of a family
+        is most expensive in winter. Wages, therefore, being highest when
+        this expense is lowest, it seems evident that they are not
+        regulated by what is necessary for this expense, but by the
+        quantity and supposed value of the work.' _Wealth of Nations_,
+        book i. chap. viii. p. 31.
+
+  [685] 'In years of scarcity, the difficulty and uncertainty of
+        subsistence make all such people eager to return to service. But
+        the high price of provisions, by diminishing the funds destined
+        for the maintenance of servants, disposes masters rather to
+        diminish than to increase the number of those they have.' ...
+        'Masters of all sorts, therefore, frequently make better bargains
+        with their servants in dear than in cheap years, and find them
+        more humble and dependent in the former than in the latter. They
+        naturally, therefore, commend the former as more favourable to
+        industry.' _Wealth of Nations_, book i. chap. viii. p. 35.
+
+Adam Smith, therefore, though he failed in grasping the remote cause of
+the rate of wages, clearly saw that the approximate cause was, not the
+generosity of human nature, but its selfishness, and that the question
+was one of supply and demand; each side striving to extract as much as
+possible from the other.[686] By the aid of the same principle, he
+explained another curious fact, namely, the extravagant rewards bestowed
+on some of the most despicable classes of society, such, for instance, as
+opera-dancers, who always receive enormous pay for insignificant
+services. He observes, that one of the reasons why we pay them so highly,
+is, because we despise them. If to be a public dancer were a creditable
+occupation, more persons would be brought up to it, and the supply of
+public dancers becoming greater, competition would lower their wages. As
+it is, we look on them disdainfully. By way of compensating the disdain,
+we have to bribe them largely to induce them to follow their
+pursuit.[687] Here we see, that the reward which one class bestows on
+another, instead of being increased by sympathy, is increased by scorn;
+so that the more we contemn the tastes and the way of life of our
+fellow-creatures, the more liberal we are in recompensing them.
+
+  [686] 'The workmen desire to get as much, the masters to give as little,
+        as possible. The former are disposed to combine in order to raise,
+        the latter in order to lower, the wages of labour.' _Wealth of
+        Nations_, b. i. c. viii. p. 27.
+
+  [687] 'It seems absurd at first sight, that we should despise their
+        persons, and yet reward their talents with the most profuse
+        liberality. While we do the one, however, we must of necessity do
+        the other. Should the public opinion, or prejudice, ever alter
+        with regard to such occupation, their pecuniary recompense would
+        quickly diminish. More people would apply to them, and the
+        competition would quickly reduce the price of their labour. Such
+        talents, though far from being common, are by no means so rare as
+        imagined. Many people possess them in great perfection, who
+        disdain to make this use of them; and many more are capable of
+        acquiring them, if any thing could be made honourably by them.'
+        _Wealth of Nations_, book i. ch. x. p. 44.
+
+Passing to another, and somewhat different, class, Adam Smith threw new
+light on the cause of that hospitality for which the clergy were famous
+during the Middle Ages, and for the magnificence of which they have
+received great praise. He shows that, although they undoubtedly relieved
+a large amount of distress, this is not to be ascribed to them as a
+merit, since it resulted from the peculiarity of their position, and
+since, moreover, they did it for their own advantage. In the Middle Ages,
+the clergy possessed enormous wealth, and their revenues were mostly
+paid, not in money, but in kind, such as corn, wine, and cattle. Trade
+and manufactures being hardly known, the clergy could find no use for
+these commodities except to feed other people. By employing them in that
+way, they benefited themselves in the most effectual manner. They gained
+a reputation for extensive charity; they increased their influence; they
+multiplied the number of their adherents; and they not only advanced
+themselves to temporal power, but they secured to their spiritual threats
+a respect, which, without this contrivance, it would have been impossible
+for them to obtain.[688]
+
+  [688] 'Over and above the rents of those estates, the clergy possessed
+        in the tithes a very large portion of the rents of all the other
+        estates in every kingdom of Europe. The revenues arising from both
+        those species of rents were, the greater part of them, paid in
+        kind, in corn, wine, cattle, poultry, &c. The quantity exceeded
+        greatly what the clergy could themselves consume; and there were
+        neither arts nor manufactures, for the produce of which they could
+        exchange the surplus. The clergy could derive advantage from this
+        immense surplus in no other way than by employing it, as the great
+        barons employed the like surplus of their revenues, in the most
+        profuse hospitality, and in the most extensive charity. Both the
+        hospitality and the charity of the ancient clergy, accordingly,
+        are said to have been very great.' ... 'The hospitality and
+        charity of the clergy, too, not only gave them the command of a
+        great temporal force, but increased very much the weight of their
+        spiritual weapons. Those virtues procured them the highest respect
+        and veneration among all the inferior ranks of people, of whom
+        many were constantly, and almost all occasionally, fed by them.'
+        _Wealth of Nations_, book v. chap. i. p. 336.
+
+The reader will now be able to understand the nature of that method of
+investigation which is adopted in the _Wealth of Nations_, and of which I
+have given more instances than I should otherwise have done, partly
+because the question of philosophic method lies at the very root of our
+knowledge, and partly because no attempt has hitherto been made to
+analyze the intellect of Adam Smith, by considering his two great works
+as the opposite, but yet the compensatory, parts of a single scheme. And,
+as he is by far the greatest thinker Scotland has produced, I need hardly
+apologize, in a history of the Scotch mind, for devoting so much
+attention to his system, and endeavouring to examine it at its base. But,
+having done so, it would be a needless prolixity to treat with equal
+fulness the productions of those other eminent Scotchmen who lived at the
+same time, and nearly all of whom pursued a method essentially, though
+not entirely, the same; that is to say, they preferred the deductive
+process of reasoning from principles, to the inductive process of
+reasoning to them. In that peculiar form of deduction which consists in a
+deliberate suppression of part of the principles, Adam Smith stands
+alone. For, though others attempted to follow that plan, they did so
+irregularly, and at intervals, and did not, like him, see the importance
+of keeping close to their method, and of invariably abstaining from
+letting into the premisses of their arguments, considerations which would
+complicate the problem that they wished to solve.
+
+Among the contemporaries of Adam Smith, one of the first, in eminence, as
+well as in reputation, is David Hume. His views respecting political
+economy were published in 1752,[689] that is, the very year in which Adam
+Smith taught the principles subsequently unfolded in the _Wealth of
+Nations_. But Hume, though a most accomplished reasoner, as well as a
+profound and fearless thinker, had not the comprehensiveness of Adam
+Smith, nor had he that invaluable quality of imagination without which no
+one can so transport himself into past ages as to realize the long and
+progressive movements of society, always fluctuating, yet, on the whole,
+steadily advancing. How unimaginative he was, appears, not only from the
+sentiments he expressed, but likewise from many traits in his private
+life.[690] It appears, also, in the very colour and mechanism of his
+language; that beautiful and chiselled style in which he habitually
+wrote, polished as marble, but cold as marble too, and wanting that fiery
+enthusiasm and those bursts of tempestuous eloquence, which, ever and
+anon, great objects naturally inspire, and which rouse men to their
+inmost depths. This it was, which, in his _History of England_,--that
+exquisite production of art, which, in spite of its errors, will be
+admired as long as taste remains among us,--prevented him from
+sympathizing with those bold and generous natures, who, in the
+seventeenth century, risked their all to preserve the liberty of their
+country. His imagination was not strong enough to picture the whole of
+that great century, with its vast discoveries, its longings after the
+unknown, its splendid literature, and what was better than all these, its
+stern determination to vindicate freedom, and to put down tyranny. His
+clear and powerful understanding saw these things separately, and in
+their various parts, but could not fuse them into a single form, because
+he lacked that peculiar faculty which assimilates the past to the
+present, and enables the mind to discern both with almost equal ease.
+That Great Rebellion, which he ascribed to the spirit of faction, and the
+leaders of which he turned into ridicule, was but the continuation of a
+movement which can be clearly traced to the twelfth century, and of which
+such events as the invention of printing, and the establishment of the
+Reformation, were merely successive symptoms. For all this, Hume cared
+nothing. In regard to philosophy, and in regard to the purely speculative
+parts of religious doctrines, his penetrating genius enabled him to
+perceive that nothing could be done, except by a spirit of fearless and
+unrestrained liberty. But this was the liberty of his own class; the
+liberty of thinkers, and not of actors. His absence of imagination
+prevented him from extending the range of his sympathy beyond the
+intellectual classes, that is, beyond the classes of whose feelings he
+was directly cognizant. It would, therefore, appear, that his political
+errors were due, not, as is commonly said, to his want of research, but
+rather to the coldness of his temperament.[691] It was this which made
+him stop where he did, and which gave to his works the singular
+appearance of a profound and original thinker, in the middle of the
+eighteenth century, advocating practical doctrines, so illiberal, that,
+if enforced, they would lead to despotism, and yet, at the same time,
+advocating speculative doctrines, so fearless and enlightened, that they
+were not only far in advance of his own age, but have, in some degree,
+outstripped even the age in which we live.
+
+  [689] _Burton's Life of Hume_, vol. i. p. 354.
+
+  [690] See Mr. Burton's valuable _Life of Hume_, Edinburgh, 1846, vol. i.
+        pp. 58, 267, vol. ii. pp. 14, 134.
+
+  [691] What confirms me in this view, is the fact, that the older Hume
+        grew, and the more he read on history, the more he became imbued
+        with these errors; which would not have been the case if the
+        errors had, as many of his critics say, been the result of an
+        insufficient acquaintance with the evidence. Mr. Burton, by
+        comparing the different editions of his _History of England_, has
+        shown that he gradually became less favourable to popular liberty;
+        softening, or erasing, in later editions, those expressions which
+        seemed favourable to freedom. _Burton's Life of Hume_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 74-77. See also pp. 144, 434. In his _Own Life_, p. xi (in
+        vol. i. of _Hume's Works_ Edinb. 1826), he says: 'In a hundred
+        alterations, which farther study, reading, or reflection engaged
+        me to make in the reigns of the two first Stuarts, I have made all
+        of them invariably the Tory side.' In one of his essays, he
+        observes (_Philosophical Works_, vol. iv. p. 172) that 'there is
+        no enthusiasm among philosophers;' a remark perfectly true, so far
+        as he was concerned, but very unjust towards the class of men to
+        whom it refers.
+
+Among his speculative views, the most important are his theory of
+causation as discarding the idea of power, and his theory of the laws of
+association. Neither of these theories are, in their primary conception,
+quite original, but his treatment made them as valuable as if they had
+been entirely his own. His theory of miracles, in connexion, on the one
+hand, with the principles of evidence, and, on the other hand, with the
+laws of causation, is worked out with consummate skill, and, after having
+received the modifications subsequently imposed by Brown, has now become
+the foundation on which the best inquirers into these matters take their
+stand.[692] His work on the principles of morals, by generalizing the
+laws of expediency, prepared the way for Bentham, who afterwards
+incorporated with them an estimate of the more remote consequences of
+human actions; Hume, having chiefly confined himself to their more
+immediate consequences. The doctrine of utility was common to each; but
+while Hume applied it mainly to the individual, Bentham applied it to the
+surrounding society. Though Bentham was more comprehensive, yet Hume,
+having come first, was more original. The praise of originality must also
+be accorded to his economical theories, in which he advocated those
+principles of free trade, which politicians began to adopt many years
+after his death.[693] In opposition to the notions then prevailing, he
+distinctly asserted, that all commodities, though apparently bought by
+money, are in reality bought by labour.[694] Money, therefore, is not the
+subject of commerce, and is of no use except to facilitate it.[695]
+Hence, it is absurd for a nation to trouble itself about the balance of
+trade, or to make regulations to discourage the exportation of the
+precious metals.[696] Neither does the average rate of interest depend on
+their scarcity or abundance, but upon the operation of more general
+causes.[697] As a necessary consequence of these positions, Hume inferred
+that the established policy was wrong, which made trading states look
+upon each other as rivals, while, in point of fact, the question, if
+considered from a certain height, was one, not of rivalry, but of
+coöperation; every country being benefited by the increasing wealth of
+its neighbours.[698] Those who know the character of commercial
+legislation, and the opinions of even the most enlightened statesmen a
+century ago, will consider these views as extremely remarkable to have
+been propounded in the year 1752. But what is more remarkable still, is,
+that their author subsequently detected the fundamental error which Adam
+Smith committed, and which vitiates many of his conclusions. The error
+consists in his having resolved price into three components, namely,
+wages, profit, and rent; whereas it is now known that price is a compound
+of wages and profit, and that rent is not an element of it, but a result
+of it. This discovery is the corner-stone of political economy; but it is
+established by an argument so long and so refined, that most minds are
+unable to pursue it without stumbling, and the majority of those who
+acquiesce in it are influenced by the great writers to whom they pay
+deference, and whose judgment they follow. It is, therefore, a striking
+proof of the sagacity of Hume, that in an age when the science was but
+dawning, and when he could receive little help from his predecessors, he
+should have discovered a mistake of this sort, which lies so far beneath
+the surface. Directly the _Wealth of Nations_ appeared, he wrote to Adam
+Smith, disputing his position that rent is a part of price;[699] and this
+letter, written in the year 1776, is the first indication of that
+celebrated theory of rent, which, a little later, Anderson, Malthus, and
+West, saw, and imperfectly developed, but which it was reserved for the
+genius of Ricardo to build up on a broad and solid foundation.
+
+  [692] Brown, in his great work,--one of the greatest which this century
+        has produced,--candidly confesses that his own book is 'chiefly
+        reflective of the lights, which he' (Hume) 'has given.' _Brown's
+        Inquiry into the Relation of Cause and Effect_, London, 1835, p.
+        253. See also p. vii.
+
+  [693] While the politicians of his own time despised his views, the
+        politicians of our time seem inclined to overrate them. Lord
+        Brougham, for instance, in his Life of Hume, says, of his
+        political economy, 'Mr. Hume is, beyond all doubt, the author of
+        the modern doctrines which now rule the world of science.'
+        _Brougham's Works_, Glasgow, 1856, vol. ii. p. 176. But so far
+        from this being the case, the science of political economy has,
+        since the time of Hume, received such additions, that if that
+        illustrious philosopher were to rise from the dead, he would
+        hardly be able to recognize it. To him, many of its largest and
+        most fundamental principles were entirely unknown. Hume knew
+        nothing of the causes which govern the accumulation of wealth, and
+        compel that accumulation to proceed with different speed in
+        different states of society; a fruitful and important study almost
+        entirely neglected until entered upon by Rae. Neither did Hume
+        know anything of the law of the ratio between population and
+        wages; nor of the ratio between wages and profits. He even
+        supposes (_Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 299, Edinburgh,
+        1826) that it is possible for the labouring classes by combination
+        'to heighten their wages;' and again (p. 319) that the richer a
+        nation is, and the more trade it has, the easier it will be for a
+        poor country to undersell its manufactures, because the poor
+        nation enjoys the advantage of a 'low price of labour.' Elsewhere,
+        he asserts that coin can be depreciated without raising prices,
+        and that a country, by taxing a foreign commodity, could increase
+        its own population. 'Were all our money, for instance, recoined,
+        and a penny's worth of silver taken from every shilling, the new
+        shilling would probably purchase every thing that could have been
+        bought by the old; the prices of every thing would thereby be
+        insensibly diminished; foreign trade enlivened; and domestic
+        industry, by the circulation of a great number of pounds and
+        shillings, would receive some increase and encouragement.'
+        _Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 324. 'A tax on German linen
+        encourages home manufactures, and thereby multiplies our people
+        and industry.' p. 365. These are cardinal errors, which go to the
+        very root of political economy; and when we fairly estimate what
+        has been done by Malthus and Ricardo, it will be evident that
+        Hume's doctrines do not 'rule the world of science.' This is no
+        disparagement of Hume, who, on the contrary, effected wonderful
+        things, considering the then state of knowledge. The mistake is,
+        in imagining that such a rapidly advancing science as political
+        economy can be governed by doctrines propounded more than a
+        century ago.
+
+  [694] 'Every thing in the world is purchased by labour, and our passions
+        are the only causes of labour.' _Essay I. on Commerce, in Hume's
+        Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 294. Hence, he saw the fallacy
+        of the assertion of the French economists, 'that all taxes fall
+        ultimately upon land.' p. 388.
+
+  [695] 'Money is not, properly speaking, one of the subjects of commerce,
+        but only the instrument which men have agreed upon to facilitate
+        the exchange of one commodity for another.' _Essay on Money in
+        Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 317. 'It is, indeed, evident
+        that money is nothing but the representation of labour and
+        commodities, and serves only as a method of rating or estimating
+        them.' p. 321.
+
+  [696] See _Essay V. on the Balance of Trade_, in _Hume's Philosophical
+        Works_, vol. iii. pp. 348-367.
+
+  [697] _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. pp. 333-335. Even now, a
+        knowledge of this truth is so little diffused, that, lately, when
+        Australia and California began to yield immense quantities of
+        gold, a notion was widely circulated that the interest of money
+        would consequently fall; although nothing can be more certain than
+        that if gold were to become as plentiful as iron, the interest of
+        money would be unaffected. The whole effect would fall upon price.
+        The remarks on this subject in _Ritchie's Life of Hume_, London,
+        1807, pp. 332, 333, are interesting, as illustrating the slow
+        progress of opinion, and the difficulty which minds, not specially
+        trained, experience when they attempt to investigate these
+        subjects.
+
+  [698] 'Nothing is more usual, among states which have made some advance
+        in commerce, than to look on the progress of their neighbours with
+        a suspicious eye, to consider all trading states as their rivals,
+        and to suppose that it is impossible for any of them to flourish,
+        but at their expense. In opposition to this narrow and malignant
+        opinion, I will venture to assert, that the increase of riches and
+        commerce in any one nation, instead of hurting, commonly promotes
+        the riches and commerce of all its neighbours.' ... 'I go farther,
+        and observe, that where an open communication is preserved among
+        nations, it is impossible but the domestic industry of every one
+        must receive an increase from the improvements of the others.'
+        _Essay on the Jealousy of Trade_, in _Hume's Philosophical Works_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 368, 369.
+
+  [699] This letter, which I have referred to in my first volume, p. 229,
+        was published, for, I believe, the first time, in 1846, in
+        _Burton's Life and Correspondence of Hume_, vol. ii. p. 486. It
+        is, however, very difficult to determine what Adam Smith's opinion
+        really was upon this subject, and how far he was aware that rent
+        did not enter into price. In one passage in the _Wealth of
+        Nations_ (book i. chap. vi. p. 21) he says of wages, profit, and
+        rent, 'in every society, the price of every commodity finally
+        resolves itself into some one or other, or all of those three
+        parts; and _in every improved society, all the three enter, more
+        or less, as component parts, into the price of the far greater
+        part of commodities_.' But in book i. chap. xi. p. 61, he says,
+        'High or low wages and profit are the causes of high or low price;
+        high or low rent is the effect of it.' This latter opinion we now
+        know to be the true one; it is, however, incompatible with that
+        expressed in the first passage. For, if rent is the effect of
+        price, it cannot be a component of it.
+
+It is very observable, that Hume and Adam Smith, who made such immense
+additions to our knowledge of the principles of trade, had no practical
+acquaintance with it.[700] Hume had, at an early period of his life, been
+in a mercantile house; but he threw up that employment in disgust, and
+buried himself in a provincial town, to think, rather than to
+observe.[701] Indeed, one of the capital defects of his mind, was a
+disregard of facts. This did not proceed, as is too often the case, from
+that worst form of moral obliquity, an indifference to truth; since he,
+on the contrary, was an ardent lover of it, and was, moreover, a man of
+the purest and most exemplary character, utterly incapable of falsehood,
+or of prevarication of any kind.[702] In him, a contempt for facts was
+merely the exaggerated result of a devotion to ideas. He not only
+believed, with perfect justice, that ideas are more important than facts,
+but he supposed that they should hold the first place in the order of
+study, and that they should be developed before the facts are
+investigated. The Baconian philosophy, which, though it allows a
+preliminary and tentative hypothesis, strongly insists upon the necessity
+of first collecting the facts, and then proceeding to the ideas, excited
+his aversion; and this, I have no doubt, is the reason why he, who was
+usually so lenient in his judgments, and was so keen an admirer of
+intellectual greatness is, nevertheless, grossly unfair towards Bacon,
+with whose method it was impossible for him to sympathize, though he
+could not deny its utility, in physical science.[703] If Hume had
+followed the Baconian scheme, of always rising from particulars to
+generals, and from each generalization to that immediately above it, he
+would hardly have written one of his works. Certainly, his economical
+views would never have appeared, since political economy is as
+essentially a deductive science as geometry itself.[704] Reversing the
+inductive process, he was in favour of beginning with what he termed
+general arguments, by which he hoped to demonstrate the inaccuracy of
+opinions which facts were supposed to have proved.[705] He did not stop
+to investigate the facts from which the inference had been drawn, but he
+inverted the order by which the inference was to be obtained. The same
+dislike to make the facts of trade the basis of the science of trade, was
+displayed by Adam Smith, who expresses his want of confidence in
+statistics, or, as it was then termed, political arithmetic.[706] It is,
+however, evident, that statistical facts are as good as any other facts,
+and, owing to their mathematical form, are very precise.[707] But when
+they concern human actions, they are the result of all the motives which
+govern those actions; in other words, they are the result, not merely of
+selfishness, but also of sympathy. And as Adam Smith, in the _Wealth of
+Nations_, dealt with only one of these passions, namely, selfishness, he
+would have found it impossible to conduct his generalization from
+statistics, which are necessarily collected from the products of both
+passions. Such statistical facts were, in their origin, too complex to be
+generalized; especially as they could not be experimented upon, but could
+only be observed and arranged. Adam Smith, perceiving them to be
+unmanageable, very properly rejected them as the basis of his science,
+and merely used them by way of illustration, when he could select what he
+liked. The same remark applies to other facts which he drew from the
+history of trade, and, indeed, from the general history of society. All
+of these are essentially subsequent to the argument. They make the
+argument more clear, but not more certain. For, it is no exaggeration to
+say, that, if all the commercial and historical facts in the _Wealth of
+Nations_ were false, the book would still remain, and its conclusions
+would hold equally good, though they would be less attractive. In it,
+every thing depends upon general principles, and they, as we have seen,
+were arrived at in 1752, that is, twenty-four years before the work was
+published in which those principles were applied. They must, therefore,
+have been acquired independently of the facts which Adam Smith,
+subsequently incorporated with them, and which he learnt during that long
+period of twenty-four years. And the ten years which he employed in
+composing his great work, were not spent in one of those busy haunts of
+men, where he might have observed all the phenomena of industry, and
+studied the way in which the operations of trade affect human character,
+and are affected by it. He did not resort to one of those vast marts and
+emporiums of commerce, where the events were happening which he was
+seeking to explain. That was not his method. On the contrary, the ten
+years, during which he was occupied in raising to a science the most
+active department of life, were passed in complete seclusion in
+Kirkaldy, his quiet little birthplace.[708] He had always been remarkable
+for absence of mind, and was so little given to observation, as to be
+frequently oblivious of what was passing around him.[709] In that
+obliviousness, he, amid the tranquil scenes of his childhood, could now
+indulge without danger. There, cheered, indeed, by the society of his
+mother, but with no opportunity of observing human nature upon a large
+scale, and far removed from the hum of great cities, did this mighty
+thinker, by the force of his own mind, unravel the numerous and
+complicated phenomena of wealth, detect the motives which regulate the
+conduct of the most energetic and industrious portion of mankind, and lay
+bare the schemes and the secrets of that active life from which he was
+shut out, while he, immured in comparative solitude, was unable to
+witness the very facts which he succeeded in explaining.
+
+  [700] Hence, when the _Wealth of Nations_ appeared, one of our wise men
+        gravely said that 'Dr. Smith, who had never been in trade, could
+        not be expected to write well on that subject, any more than a
+        lawyer upon physic.' See _Boswell's Life of Johnson_, edit.
+        Croker, 1848, p. 478, where this remark is ascribed to Sir John
+        Pringle.
+
+  [701] 'He was sent to a mercantile house at Bristol in 1734; but he
+        found the drudgery of this employment intolerable, and he retired
+        to Rheims.' _Brougham's Life of Hume_, Glasgow, 1856, p. 169. See
+        also _Ritchie's Life of Hume_, p. 6. In _Roberts' Memoirs of
+        Hannah More_, 2d ed. 1834, vol. i. p. 16, it is said that 'two
+        years of his life were spent in a merchant's counting-house in
+        Bristol, whence he was dismissed on account of the promptitude of
+        his pen in the correction of the letters intrusted to him to
+        copy.' The latter part of this story is improbable; the former
+        part is certainly incorrect; since Hume himself says, 'In 1734, I
+        went to Bristol, with some recommendations to eminent merchants,
+        but _in a few months_ found that scene totally unsuitable to me. I
+        went over to France, with a view of prosecuting my studies in a
+        country retreat.' _Own Life_, p. v.
+
+  [702] What Sir James Mackintosh says of him is only a faint echo of the
+        general voice of his contemporaries. 'His temper was calm, not to
+        say cold; but though none of his feelings were ardent, all were
+        engaged on the side of virtue. He was free from the slightest
+        tincture of malignity or meanness; his conduct was uniformly
+        excellent.' _Mackintosh's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 162. A greater
+        than Mackintosh, and a man who knew Hume intimately, expresses
+        himself in much warmer terms. 'Upon the whole,' writes Adam
+        Smith,--'Upon the whole, I have always considered him, both in his
+        lifetime and since his death, as approaching as nearly to the idea
+        of a perfectly wise and virtuous man as perhaps the nature of
+        human frailty will permit.' _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. i.
+        p. xxv. Some notices of Hume will be found in an interesting work
+        just published. _Autobiography of Alexander Carlyle_, Edinburgh,
+        1860, pp. 272-278. But Carlyle, though a man of considerable
+        practical skill, was incapable of large views, and was, therefore,
+        unable, I will not say to measure, but even to conceive, the size
+        of such an understanding as that possessed by David Hume. Of his
+        want of speculative power, a decisive instance appears in his
+        remarks on Adam Smith. He gravely says (_Autobiography_, p. 281),
+        'Smith's fine writing is chiefly displayed in his book on _Moral
+        Sentiments_, which is the pleasantest and most eloquent book on
+        the subject. His _Wealth of Nations_, from which he was judged to
+        be an inventive genius of the first order, is tedious and full of
+        repetition. His separate essays in the second volume have the air
+        of being occasional pamphlets, without much force or
+        determination. On political subjects, his opinions were not very
+        sound.' It is rather too much when a village-preacher writes in
+        this strain of the greatest man his country has ever produced.
+
+  [703] He speaks of him in the following extraordinary terms. 'If we
+        consider the variety of talents displayed by this man; as a public
+        speaker, a man of business, a wit, a courtier, a companion, an
+        author, a philosopher; he is justly the object of great
+        admiration. If we consider him merely as an author and
+        philosopher, the light in which we view him at present, though
+        very estimable, _he was yet inferior to his contemporary Galileo,
+        perhaps even to Kepler_.' ... 'The national spirit which prevails
+        among the English, and which forms their great happiness, is the
+        cause why they bestow on all their eminent writers, and on Bacon
+        among the rest, such praises and acclamations as may often appear
+        partial and excessive.' _Hume's History of England_, vol. vi. pp.
+        194, 195, London, 1789.
+
+  [704] See the note in vol. i. p. 250, of _Buckle's History of
+        Civilization_.
+
+  [705] Thus, for instance, in his remarkable _Essay on the Balance of
+        Trade_, he says (_Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 349), 'Every
+        man who has ever reasoned on this subject, has always _proved his
+        theory, whatever it was, by facts and calculations_, and by an
+        enumeration of all the commodities sent to all foreign kingdoms;'
+        therefore (p. 350), 'It may here be proper to form a general
+        argument to prove the impossibility of this event, so long as we
+        preserve our people and our industry.'
+
+  [706] 'I have no great faith in political arithmetic.' _Wealth of
+        Nations_, book iv. chap. v. p. 218.
+
+  [707] Indeed, the only possible objection to them is that the language
+        of their collectors is sometimes ambiguous; so that, by the same
+        return, one statistician may mean one thing, and another
+        statistician may mean something quite different. This is well
+        exemplified in medical statistics; whence several writers,
+        unacquainted with the philosophy of scientific proof, have
+        supposed that medicine is incapable of mathematical treatment. In
+        point of fact, however, the only real impediment is the shameful
+        state of clinical and pathological terminology, which is in such
+        confusion as to throw doubt upon all extensive numerical
+        statements respecting disease.
+
+  [708] 'Upon his return to England in the autumn of 1766, he went to
+        reside with his mother at his native town of Kirkaldy, and
+        remained there for ten years. All the attempts of his friends in
+        Edinburgh to draw him thither were vain; and from a kind and
+        lively letter of Mr. Hume upon the subject, complaining that,
+        though within sight of him on the opposite side of the Frith of
+        Forth, he could not have speech of him, it appears that no one was
+        aware of the occupations in which those years were passed.'
+        _Brougham's Life of Adam Smith_, p. 189. Occasionally, however, he
+        saw his literary friends. See _Dugald Stewart's Biographical
+        Memoirs_, p. 73, Edinb. 1811, 4to.
+
+  [709] 'He was certainly not fitted for the general commerce of the
+        world, or for the business of active life. The comprehensive
+        speculations with which he had been occupied from his youth, and
+        the variety of materials which his own invention constantly
+        supplied to his thoughts, rendered him habitually inattentive to
+        familiar objects and to common occurrences; and he frequently
+        exhibited instances of absence, which have scarcely been surpassed
+        by the fancy of La Bruyère.' _Stewart's Biographical Memoirs_, p.
+        113. See also _Ramsay's Reminiscences_, 5th edit. Edinb. 1859, p.
+        236. Carlyle, who knew him well, says, 'he was the most absent man
+        in company that I ever saw, moving his lips, and talking to
+        himself, and smiling, in the midst of large companies.'
+        _Autobiography of the Rev. Alexander Carlyle_, 2nd edit. Edinb.
+        1860, p. 279.
+
+The same determination to make the study of principles precede that of
+facts, is exhibited by Hume in one of his most original works, the
+_Natural History of Religion_. In reference to the title of this
+treatise, we must observe that, according to the Scotch philosophers, the
+natural course of any movement is by no means the same as its actual
+course. This discrepancy between the ideal and the real, was the
+unavoidable result of their method.[710] For, as they argued deductively
+from fixed premisses, they could not take into account the perturbations
+to which their conclusions were liable, from the play and friction of the
+surrounding society. To do that, required a separate inquiry. It would
+have been needful to investigate the circumstances which caused the
+friction, and thus prevented the conclusions from being, in the world of
+fact, the same as they were in the world of speculation. What we call
+accidents, are constantly happening, and they prevent the real march of
+affairs from being identical with the natural march. And, as long as we
+are unable to predict those accidents, there will always be a want of
+complete harmony between the inferences of a deductive science and the
+realities of life; in other words, our inferences will tend towards
+truth, but never completely attain it.[711]
+
+  [710] A Scotch philosopher of great repute, but, as it appears to me, of
+        ability not quite equal to his repute, has stated very clearly and
+        accurately this favourite method of his countrymen. 'In examining
+        the history of mankind, as well as in examining the phenomena of
+        the material world, when we cannot trace the process by which an
+        event _has been_ produced, it is often of importance to be able to
+        show how it _may have been_ produced by natural causes.' ... 'To
+        this species of philosophical investigation, which has no
+        appropriated name in our language, I shall take the liberty of
+        giving the title of _Theoretical_ or _Conjectural History_; an
+        expression which coincides pretty nearly in its meaning with that
+        of _Natural History_ as employed by Mr. Hume, and with what some
+        French writers have called Histoire Raisonnée.' _Dugald Stewart's
+        Biographical Memoirs_, pp. 48, 49. Hence (p. 53), 'in most cases,
+        it is of more importance to ascertain the progress that is most
+        simple, than the progress that is most agreeable to fact; for,
+        paradoxical as the proposition may appear, it is certainly true,
+        that _the real progress is not always the most natural_. It may
+        have been determined by particular accidents, which are not likely
+        again to occur, and which cannot be considered as forming any part
+        of that general provision which nature has made for the
+        improvement of the race.'
+
+  [711] Part of this view is well expressed in _Hume's Treatise of Human
+        Nature_, book iii. part ii. 'This, however, hinders not but that
+        philosophers may, if they please, extend their reasoning to the
+        supposed _state of nature_; provided they allow it to be a mere
+        philosophical fiction, which never had, and never could have, any
+        reality.' ... 'The same liberty may be permitted to moral, which
+        is allowed to natural philosophers; and 'tis very usual with the
+        latter to consider any motion as compounded and consisting of two
+        parts separate from each other, though, at the same time, they
+        acknowledge it to be in itself uncompounded and inseparable.'
+        _Philosophical Works_, vol. ii. p. 263.
+
+With peculiar propriety, therefore, did Hume term his work a _Natural
+History of Religion_. It is an admirable specimen of the deductive
+method. Its only fault is that he speaks too confidently of the accuracy
+of the results to which, on such a subject, that method could attain. He
+believed, that, by observing the principles of human nature, as he found
+them in his own mind, it was possible to explain the whole course of
+affairs, both moral and physical.[712] These principles were to be
+arrived at by experiments made on himself; and having thus arrived at
+them, he was to reason from them deductively, and so construct the entire
+scheme. This he contrasts with the inductive plan, which he calls a
+tedious and lingering process; and while others might follow that slow
+and patient method of gradually working their way towards first
+principles, his project was, to seize them at once, or, as he expresses
+himself, not to stop at the frontier, but to march directly on the
+capital, being possessed of which, he could gain an easy victory over
+other difficulties, and could extend his conquests over the
+sciences.[713] According to Hume, we are to reason, not in order to
+obtain ideas, but we are to have clear ideas before we reason.[714] By
+this means, we arrive at philosophy; and her conclusions are not to be
+impugned, even if they do happen to clash with science. On the contrary,
+her authority is supreme, and her decisions, being essentially true, must
+always be preferred to any generalization of the facts which the external
+world presents.[715]
+
+  [712] And, conversely, that whatever was 'demonstratively false,' could
+        'never be distinctly conceived by the mind.' _Philosophical
+        Works_, vol. iv. p. 33. Here, and sometimes in other passages,
+        Hume, though by no means a Cartesian, reminds us of Descartes.
+
+  [713] 'Here, then, is the only expedient from which we can hope for
+        success in our philosophical researches, _to leave the tedious,
+        lingering method_, which we have hitherto followed, and instead of
+        taking now and then a castle or a village on the frontier, to
+        march up directly to the capital, or centre of these sciences, to
+        human nature itself; which, being once masters of, we may every
+        where else hope for an easy victory. From this station we may
+        extend our conquests over all those sciences which more
+        immediately concern human life, and may afterwards proceed, at
+        leisure, to discover more fully those which are the objects of
+        pure curiosity.' _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. i. p. 8. See
+        also, in vol. ii. pp. 73, 74, his remarks on the way 'to consider
+        the matter _à priori_.'
+
+  [714] 'No kind of reasoning can give rise to a new idea, such as this of
+        power is; but wherever we reason, we must antecedently be
+        possessed of clear ideas, which may be the objects of our
+        reasoning.' _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. i. p. 217. Compare
+        vol. ii. p. 276, on our arriving at a knowledge of causes 'by a
+        kind of taste or fancy.' Hence, the larger view preceding the
+        smaller, and being essentially independent of it, will constantly
+        contradict it; and he complains, for instance, that 'difficulties,
+        which seem unsurmountable in theory, are easily got over in
+        practice.' vol. ii. p. 357; and again, in vol. iii. p. 326, on the
+        effort needed to 'reconcile reason to experience.' But, after all,
+        it is rather by a careful study of his works, than by quoting
+        particular passages, that his method can be understood. In the two
+        sentences, however, just cited, the reader will see that theory
+        and reason represent the larger view; while practice and
+        experience represent the smaller.
+
+  [715] ''Tis certainly a kind of indignity to philosophy, whose sovereign
+        authority ought every where to be acknowledged, to oblige her on
+        every occasion to make apologies for her conclusions, and justify
+        herself to every particular art and science, which may be offended
+        at her. This puts one in mind of a king arraigned for high treason
+        against his subjects.' _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. i.
+        pp. 318, 319.
+
+Hume, therefore, believed that all the secrets of the external world are
+wrapped up in the human mind. The mind was not only the key by which the
+treasure could be unlocked; it was also the treasure itself. Learning and
+science might illustrate and beautify our mental acquisitions, but they
+could not communicate real knowledge; they could neither give the prime
+original materials, nor could they teach the design according to which
+those materials must be worked.
+
+In conformity with these views, the _Natural History of Religion_ was
+composed. The object of Hume in writing it, was, to ascertain the origin
+and progress of religious ideas; and he arrives at the conclusion, that
+the worship of many Gods must, every where, have preceded the worship of
+one God. This, he regards as a law of the human mind, a thing not only
+that always has happened, but that always must happen. His proof is
+entirely speculative. He argues that the earliest state of man is
+necessarily a savage state; that savages can feel no interest in the
+ordinary operations of nature, and no desire to study the principles
+which govern those operations; that such men must be devoid of curiosity
+on all subjects which do not personally trouble them; and that,
+therefore, while they neglect the usual events of nature, they will turn
+their minds to the unusual ones.[716] A violent tempest, a monstrous
+birth, excessive cold, excessive rain, sudden and fatal diseases, are the
+sort of things to which the attention of the savage is confined, and of
+which alone he desires to know the causes. Directly he finds that such
+causes are beyond his control, he reckons them superior to himself, and,
+being incapable of abstracting them, he personifies them; he turns them
+into deities; polytheism is established; and the earliest creed of
+mankind assumes a form which can never be altered, as long as men remain
+in this condition of pristine ignorance.[717]
+
+  [716] 'A barbarous, necessitous animal (such as a man is on the first
+        origin of society), pressed by such numerous wants and passions,
+        has no leisure to admire the regular face of nature, or make
+        inquiries concerning the cause of those objects to which, from his
+        infancy, he has been gradually accustomed. On the contrary, the
+        more regular and uniform, that is the more perfect, nature
+        appears, the more is he familiarized to it, and the less inclined
+        to scrutinize and examine it. A monstrous birth excites his
+        curiosity, and is deemed a prodigy. It alarms him from its
+        novelty, and immediately sets him a trembling, and sacrificing,
+        and praying. But an animal complete in all its limbs and organs is
+        to him an ordinary spectacle, and produces no religious opinion or
+        affection. Ask him whence that animal arose? He will tell you,
+        from the copulation of its parents. And these, whence? From the
+        copulation of theirs. A few removes satisfy his curiosity, and set
+        the objects at such a distance that he entirely loses sight of
+        them. Imagine not that he will so much as start the question,
+        whence the first animal, much less whence the whole system, or
+        united fabric of the universe arose. Or, if you start such a
+        question to him, expect not that he will employ his mind with any
+        anxiety about a subject so remote, so uninteresting, and which so
+        much exceeds the bounds of his capacity.' _Natural History of
+        Religion_, in _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. iv. p. 439. See
+        also pp. 463-465.
+
+  [717] 'By degrees, the active imagination of men, uneasy in this
+        abstract conception of objects, about which it is incessantly
+        employed, begins to render them more particular, and to clothe
+        them in shapes more suitable to its natural comprehension. It
+        represents them to be sensible, intelligent beings like mankind;
+        actuated by love and hatred, and flexible by gifts and entreaties,
+        by prayers and sacrifices. Hence the origin of religion. And hence
+        the origin of idolatry, or polytheism.' _Hume's Philosophical
+        Works_, vol. iv. p. 472. 'The primary religion of mankind arises
+        chiefly from an anxious fear of future events,' p. 498.
+
+These propositions, which are not only plausible, but which are probably
+true, ought, according to the inductive philosophy, to have been
+generalized from a survey of facts; that is, from a collection of
+evidence respecting the state of religion and of the speculative
+faculties among savage tribes. But this, Hume abstains from doing. He
+refers to none of the numerous travellers who have visited such people;
+he does not, in the whole course of his work, mention even a single book
+where facts respecting savage life are preserved. It was enough for him,
+that the progress from a belief in many Gods to a belief in one God, was
+the natural progress; which is saying, in other words, that it appeared
+to his mind to be the natural progress.[718] With that, he was satisfied.
+In other parts of his essay, where he treats of the religious opinions
+of the ancient Greeks and Romans, he displays a tolerable, though by no
+means remarkable, learning; but the passages which he cites, do not refer
+to that entirely barbarous society in which, as he supposes, polytheism
+first arose. The premisses, therefore, of the argument are evolved out of
+his own mind. He reasons deductively from the ideas which his powerful
+intellect supplied, instead of reasoning inductively from the facts which
+were peculiar to the subject he was investigating.
+
+  [718] '_It seems certain, that, according to the natural progress of
+        human thought_, the ignorant multitude must first entertain some
+        grovelling and familiar notion of superior powers, before they
+        stretch their conception to that perfect Being who bestowed order
+        on the whole frame of nature. _We may as reasonably imagine, that
+        men inhabited palaces before huts and cottages_, or studied
+        geometry before agriculture, as assert that the Deity appeared to
+        them a pure spirit, omniscient, omnipotent, and omnipresent,
+        before he was apprehended to be a powerful though limited being,
+        with human passions and appetites, limbs and organs. The mind
+        rises gradually from inferior to superior. By abstracting from
+        what is imperfect, it forms an idea of perfection; and slowly
+        distinguishing the nobler parts of its own frame from the grosser,
+        it learns to transform only the former, much elevated and refined,
+        to its divinity. Nothing could disturb this _natural progress of
+        thought_, but some obvious and invincible argument, which might
+        immediately lead the mind into the pure principles of theism, and
+        make it overleap, at one bound, the vast interval which is
+        interposed between the human and the Divine nature. But though I
+        allow, that the order and frame of the universe, when accurately
+        examined, affords such an argument, yet _I can never think_ that
+        this consideration could have an influence on mankind, when they
+        formed their first rude notions of religion.' _Natural History of
+        Religion_, in _Philosophical Works_, vol. iv. p. 438.
+
+Even in the rest of his work, which is full of refined and curious
+speculation, he uses facts, not to demonstrate his conclusions, but to
+illustrate them. He, therefore, selected those facts which suited his
+purpose, leaving the others untouched. And this, which many critics would
+call unfair, was not unfair in him; because he believed, that he had
+already established his principles without the aid of those facts. The
+facts might benefit the reader, by making the argument clearer, but they
+could not strengthen the argument. They were more intended to persuade
+than to prove; they were rather rhetorical than logical. Hence, a critic
+would waste his time if he were to sift them with a minuteness which
+would be necessary, supposing that Hume had built an inductive argument
+upon them. Otherwise, without going far, it might be curious to contrast
+them with the entirely different facts which Cudworth, eighty years
+before, had collected from the same source, and on the same subject.
+Cudworth, who was much superior to Hume in learning, and much inferior to
+him in genius,[719] displayed, in his great work on the _Intellectual
+System of the Universe_, a prodigious erudition, to prove that, in the
+ancient world, the belief in one God was a prevailing doctrine. Hume, who
+never refers to Cudworth, arrives at a precisely opposite conclusion.
+Both quoted ancient writers; but while Cudworth drew his inferences from
+what he found in those writers, Hume drew his from what he found in his
+own mind. Cudworth, being more learned, relied on his reading; Hume,
+having more genius, relied on his intellect. Cudworth, trained in the
+school of Bacon, first collected the evidence, and then passed the
+judgment. Hume, formed in a school entirely different, believed that the
+acuteness of the judge was more important than the quantity of the
+evidence; that witnesses were likely to prevaricate; and that he
+possessed, in his own mind, the surest materials for arriving at an
+accurate conclusion. It is not, therefore, strange, that Cudworth and
+Hume, pursuing opposite methods, should have obtained opposite results,
+since such a discrepancy is, as I have already pointed out, unavoidable,
+when men investigate, according to different plans, a subject which, in
+the existing state of knowledge, is not amenable to scientific treatment.
+
+  [719] Not that he was by any means devoid of genius, though he holds a
+        rank far below so great and original a thinker as Hume. He had,
+        however, collected more materials than he was able to wield; and
+        his work on the _Intellectual System of the Universe_, which is a
+        treasure of ancient philosophy, is badly arranged, and, in many
+        parts, feebly argued. There is more real power in his posthumous
+        treatise on _Eternal and Immutable Morality_.
+
+The length to which this chapter has already extended, and the number of
+topics which I have still to handle, will prevent me from examining, in
+detail, the philosophy of Reid, who was the most eminent among the
+purely speculative thinkers of Scotland, after Hume and Adam Smith,
+though, in point of merit, he must be placed far below them. For, he had
+neither the comprehensiveness of Smith, nor the fearlessness of Hume. The
+range of his knowledge was not wide enough to allow him to be
+comprehensive; while a timidity, almost amounting to moral cowardice,
+made him recoil from the views advocated by Hume, not so much on account
+of their being false, as on account of their being dangerous. It is,
+however, certain, that no man can take high rank as a philosopher, who
+allows himself to be trammelled by considerations of that kind. A
+philosopher should aim solely at truth, and should refuse to estimate the
+practical tendency of his speculations. If they are true, let them stand;
+if they are false, let them fall. But, whether they are agreeable or
+disagreeable, whether they are consolatory or disheartening, whether they
+are safe or mischievous, is a question, not for philosophers, but for
+practical men. Every new truth which has ever been propounded, has, for a
+time, caused mischief; it has produced discomfort, and often unhappiness,
+sometimes by disturbing social or religious arrangements, and sometimes
+merely by the disruption of old and cherished associations of thought. It
+is only after a certain interval, and when the framework of affairs has
+adjusted itself to the new truth, that its good effects preponderate; and
+the preponderance continues to increase, until, at length, the truth
+causes nothing but good. But, at the outset, there is always harm. And,
+if the truth is very great, as well as very new, the harm is serious. Men
+are made uneasy; they flinch; they cannot bear the sudden light; a
+general restlessness supervenes; the face of society is disturbed, or
+perhaps convulsed; old interests, and old beliefs, are destroyed, before
+new ones have been created. These symptoms are the precursors of
+revolution; they have preceded all the great changes through which the
+world has passed; and while, if they are not excessive, they forebode
+progress, so if they are excessive, they threaten anarchy. It is the
+business of practical men to moderate such symptoms, and to take care
+that the truths which philosophers discover, are not applied so rashly as
+to dislocate the fabric, instead of strengthening it. But the philosopher
+has only to discover the truth, and promulgate it; and that is hard work
+enough for any man, let his ability be as great as it may. This division
+of labour, between thinkers and actors, secures an economy of force, and
+prevents either class from wasting its power. It establishes a difference
+between science, which ascertains principles, and art, which applies
+them. It also recognizes, that the philosopher and the practical man,
+having each a separate part to play, each is, in his own field, supreme.
+But it is a sad confusion for either to interfere with the other. In
+their different spheres, both are independent, and both are worthy of
+admiration. Inasmuch, however, as practical men should never allow the
+speculative conclusions of philosophers, whatever be their truth, to be
+put in actual operation, unless society is, in some degree, ripe for
+their reception; so, on the other hand, philosophers are not to hesitate,
+and tremble, and stop short in their career, because their intellect is
+leading them to conclusions subversive of existing interests. The duty of
+a philosopher is clear. His path lies straight before him. He must take
+every pains to ascertain the truth; and, having arrived at a conclusion,
+he, instead of shrinking from it because it is unpalatable, or because it
+seems dangerous, should on that very account, cling the closer to it,
+should uphold it in bad repute, more zealously than he would have done in
+good repute; should noise it abroad far and wide, utterly regardless what
+opinions he shocks, or what interests he imperils; should, on its behalf,
+court hostility and despise contempt, being well assured, that, if it is
+not true, it will die, but that, if it is true, it must produce ultimate
+benefit, albeit unsuited for practical adoption by the age or country in
+which it is first propounded.
+
+But Reid, notwithstanding the clearness of his mind and his great powers
+of argument, had so little of the real philosophic spirit, that he loved
+truth, not for its own sake, but for the sake of its immediate and
+practical results. He himself tells us, that he began to study
+philosophy, merely because he was shocked at the consequences at which
+philosophers had arrived. As long as the speculations of Locke and of
+Berkeley were not pushed to their logical conclusions, Reid acquiesced in
+them, and they were good in his eyes.[720] While they were safe and
+tolerably orthodox, he was not over-nice in inquiring into their
+validity. In the hands of Hume, however, philosophy became bolder and
+more inquisitive; she disturbed opinions which were ancient, and which it
+was pleasant to hold; she searched into the foundation of things, and by
+forcing men to doubt and to inquire, she rendered inestimable service to
+the cause of truth. But this was precisely the tendency at which Reid was
+displeased. He saw that such disturbance was uncomfortable; he saw that
+it was hazardous; therefore, he endeavoured to prove that it was
+groundless. Confusing the question of practical consequences with the
+totally different question of scientific truth, he took for granted that,
+because to his age the adoption of those consequences would be
+mischievous, they must be false. To the profound views of Hume respecting
+causation, he gravely objects, that if they were carried into effect, the
+operation of criminal law would be imperilled.[721] To the speculations
+of the same philosopher concerning the metaphysical basis of the theory
+of contracts, he replies, that such speculations perplex men, and weaken
+their sense of duty; they are, therefore, to be disapproved of, on
+account of their tendency.[722] With Reid, the main question always is,
+not whether an inference is true, but what will happen if it is true. He
+says, that a doctrine is to be judged by its fruits;[723] forgetting that
+the same doctrine will bear different fruits in different ages, and that
+the consequences which a theory produces in one state of society, are
+often diametrically opposed to those which it produces in another. He
+thus made his own age the standard of all future ones. He also trammelled
+philosophy with practical considerations; diverting thinkers from the
+pursuit of truth, which is their proper department, into the pursuit of
+expediency, which is not their department at all. Reid was constantly
+stopping to inquire, not whether theories were accurate, but whether it
+was advisable to adopt them; whether they were favourable to patriotism,
+or to generosity, or to friendship;[724] in a word, whether they were
+comfortable, and such as we should at present like to believe.[725] Or
+else, he would take other ground, still lower, and still more unworthy of
+a philosopher. In opposing, for instance, the doctrine, that our
+faculties sometimes deceive us,--a doctrine which, as he well knew, had
+been held by men whose honesty was equal to his own, and whose ability
+was superior to his own,--he does not scruple to enlist on his side the
+prejudices of a vulgar superstition; seeking to blacken the tenet which
+he was unable to refute. He actually asserts, that they who advocate it,
+insult the Deity, by imputing to the Almighty that He has lied. Such
+being the consequence of the opinion, it of course follows that the
+opinion must be rejected without further scrutiny, since, to accept it,
+would produce fatal results on our conduct, and would, indeed, be
+subversive of all religion, of all morals, and of all knowledge.[726]
+
+  [720] 'I once believed this doctrine of ideas so firmly, as to embrace
+        the whole of Berkeley's system in consequence of it; till, finding
+        other consequences to follow from it, which gave me more
+        uneasiness than the want of a material world, it came into my mind
+        more than 40 years ago, to put the question, What evidence have I
+        for this doctrine that all the objects of my knowledge are ideas
+        in my own mind? From that time to the present, I have been
+        candidly and impartially, as I think, seeking for the evidence of
+        this principle but can find none, excepting the authority of
+        philosophers.' _Reid's Essays on the Powers of the Human Mind_,
+        edit. Edinburgh, 1808, vol. i. p. 172. And, in a letter which he
+        wrote to Hume in 1763, he, with a simple candour which must have
+        highly amused that eminent philosopher, confesses that 'your
+        system appears to me not only coherent in all its parts, but
+        likewise justly deduced from principles commonly received among
+        philosophers; principles which I never thought of calling in
+        question, until the conclusions you draw from them in the
+        "Treatise on Human Nature" made me suspect them.' _Burton's Life
+        and Correspondence of Hume_, vol. ii. p. 155.
+
+  [721] 'Suppose a man to be found dead on the high-way, his skull
+        fractured, his body pierced with deadly wounds, his watch and
+        money carried off. The coroner's jury sits upon the body, and the
+        question is put, What was the cause of this man's death, was it
+        accident, or _felo de se_, or murder by persons unknown? Let us
+        suppose an adept in Mr. Hume's philosophy to make one of the jury,
+        and that he insists upon the previous question, whether there was
+        any cause of the event, or whether it happened without a cause.'
+        _Reid's Essays on the Powers of the Mind_, vol. ii. p. 286.
+        Compare vol. iii. p. 33: 'This would put an end to all
+        speculation, as well as to all the business of life.'
+
+  [722] 'The obligation of contracts and promises is a matter so sacred,
+        and of such consequence to human society, that speculations which
+        have a _tendency to weaken that obligation_, and to perplex men's
+        notions on a subject so plain and so important, ought to _meet
+        with the disapprobation of all honest men_. Some such
+        speculations, I think, we have in the third volume of Mr. Hume's
+        "Treatise of Human Nature," and in his "Enquiry into the
+        Principles of Morals;" and my design in this chapter is, to offer
+        some observations on the nature of a contract or promise, and on
+        two passages of that author on this subject. I am far from saying
+        or thinking, that Mr. Hume meant to weaken men's obligations to
+        honesty and fair dealing, or that he had not a sense of these
+        obligations himself. It is not the man I impeach, but his
+        writings. Let us think of the first as charitably as we can, while
+        we freely examine the import and _tendency_ of the last.' _Reid's
+        Essays on the Powers of the Mind_, vol. iii. p. 444. In this, as
+        in most passages, the italics are my own.
+
+  [723] 'Without repeating what I have before said of causes in the first
+        of these Essays, and in the second and third chapters of this, I
+        shall here mention some of the consequences that may be justly
+        deduced from this definition of a cause, that we may judge of it
+        by its fruits.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. iii. p. 339.
+
+  [724] 'Bishop Berkeley surely did not duly consider that it is by means
+        of the material world that we have any correspondence with
+        thinking beings, or any knowledge of their existence, and that by
+        depriving us of the material world, he deprived us at the same
+        time of family, friends, country, and every human creature; of
+        every object of affection, esteem or concern, except ourselves.
+        The good bishop surely never intended this. He was too warm a
+        friend, too zealous a patriot, and too good a Christian to be
+        capable of such a thought. _He was not aware of the consequences
+        of his system_' (poor, ignorant Berkeley), 'and therefore they
+        ought not to be imputed to him; but we must impute them to the
+        system itself. It stifles every generous and social principle.'
+        _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. pp. 251, 252.
+
+  [725] In his _Essays_, vol. i. p. 179, he says of Berkeley, one of the
+        deepest and most unanswerable of all speculators, 'But there is
+        one _uncomfortable consequence_ of his system which he seems not
+        to have attended to, and from which it will be found difficult, if
+        at all possible, to guard it.'
+
+  [726] 'This doctrine is dishonourable to our Maker, and lays a foundation
+        for universal scepticism. It supposes the Author of our being to
+        have given us one faculty on purpose to deceive us, and another by
+        which we may detect the fallacy, and find that he imposed upon
+        us.' ... 'The genuine dictate of our natural faculties is the
+        voice of God, no less than what he reveals from heaven; and to say
+        that it is fallacious, is to impute a lie to the God of truth.'
+        ... 'Shall we impute to the Almighty what we cannot impute to a
+        man without a heinous affront? Passing this opinion, therefore, as
+        shocking to an ingenuous mind, and, in its consequences,
+        subversive of all religion, all morals, and all knowledge,' &c.
+        _Reid's Essays_, vol. iii. p. 310. See also vol. i. p. 313.
+
+In 1764, Reid published his _Inquiry into the Human Mind_; and in that,
+and in his subsequent work, entitled _Essays on the Powers of the Mind_,
+he sought to destroy the philosophy of Locke, Berkeley, and Hume. And as
+Hume was the boldest of the three, it was chiefly his philosophy which
+Reid attacked. Of the character of this attack, some specimens have just
+been given; but they rather concern his object and motives, while what we
+have now to ascertain is, his method, that is, the tactics of his
+warfare. He clearly saw, that Hume had assumed certain principles, and
+had reasoned deductively from them to the facts, instead of reasoning
+inductively from the facts to them. To this method, he strongly, and
+perhaps fairly, objects. He admits that Hume had reasoned so accurately,
+that if his principles were conceded, his conclusions must likewise be
+conceded.[727] But, he says, Hume had no right to proceed in such a
+manner. He had no right to assume principles, and then to argue from
+them. The laws of nature were to be arrived at, not by conjecturing in
+this way, but by a patient induction of facts.[728] Discoveries depended
+solely on observation and experiment; and any other plan could only
+produce theories, ingenious, perhaps, and plausible, but quite
+worthless.[729] For, theory should yield to fact, and not fact to
+theory.[730] Speculators, indeed, might talk about first principles, and
+raise a system by reasoning from them. But, the fact was, that there was
+no agreement as to how a first principle was to be recognized; since a
+principle which one man would deem self-evident, another would think it
+necessary to prove, and a third would altogether deny.[731]
+
+  [727] 'His reasoning appeared to me to be just; there was, therefore, a
+        necessity to call in question the principles upon which it was
+        founded, or to admit the conclusion.' _Reid's Inquiry into the
+        Human Mind_, p. v. 'The received doctrine of ideas is the
+        principle from which it is deduced, and of which, indeed, it seems
+        to be a just and natural consequence.' p. 53. See also _Reid's
+        Essays_, vol. i. pp. 199, 200, vol. ii. p. 211.
+
+  [728] 'The laws of nature are the most general facts we can discover in
+        the operations of nature. Like other facts, they are not to be hit
+        upon by a happy conjecture, but justly deduced from observation.
+        Like other general facts, they are not to be drawn from a few
+        particulars, but from a copious, patient, and cautious induction.'
+        _Reid's Inquiry into the Human Mind_, pp. 262, 263.
+
+  [729] 'Such discoveries have always been made by patient observation, by
+        accurate experiments, or by conclusions drawn by strict reasoning
+        from observations and experiments; and such discoveries have
+        always tended to refute, but not to confirm, the theories and
+        hypotheses which ingenious men had invented.' _Reid's Essays_,
+        vol. i. p. 46.
+
+  [730] 'This is Mr. Hume's notion of a cause.' ... 'But theory ought to
+        stoop to fact, and not fact to theory.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. iii.
+        p. 276.
+
+  [731] 'But yet there seems to be great difference of opinions among
+        philosophers about first principles. What one takes to be
+        self-evident, another labours to prove by arguments, and a third
+        denies altogether.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 218. 'Mr. Locke
+        seems to think first principles of very small use.' p. 219.
+
+The difficulties of deductive reasoning are here admirably portrayed. It
+might have been expected, that Reid would have built up his own
+philosophy according to the inductive plan, and would have despised that
+assumption of first principles, with which he taunts his opponents. But
+it is one of the most curious things in the history of metaphysics, that
+Reid after impeaching the method of Hume, follows the very same method
+himself. When he is attacking the philosophy of Hume, he holds deduction
+to be wrong. When he is raising his own philosophy, he holds it to be
+right. He deemed certain conclusions dangerous, and he objects to their
+advocates, that they argued from principles, instead of from facts: and
+that they assumed themselves to be in possession of the first principles
+of truth, although people were not agreed as to what constituted a first
+principle. This is well put, and hard to answer. Strange, however, to
+say, Reid arrives at his own conclusions, by assuming first principles to
+an extent far greater than had been done by any writer on the opposite
+side. From them, he argues; his whole scheme is deductive; and his works
+scarcely contain a single instance of that inductive logic, which, when
+attacking his opponents, he found it convenient to recommend. It is
+difficult to conceive a better illustration of the peculiar character of
+the Scotch intellect in the eighteenth century, and of the firm hold,
+which, what may be called, the anti-Baconian method, had upon that
+intellect. Reid was a man of considerable ability, of immaculate honesty,
+and was deeply convinced that it was for the good of society that the
+prevailing philosophy should be overthrown. To the performance of that
+task, he dedicated his long and laborious life; he saw that the
+vulnerable point of the adverse system was its method; he indicated the
+deficiencies of that method, and declared, perhaps wrongly, but at all
+events sincerely, that it could never lead to truth. Yet, and
+notwithstanding all this, such was the pressure of the age in which he
+lived, and so completely did the force of circumstances shape his
+understanding, that, in his own works, he was unable to avoid that very
+method of investigation which he rebuked in others. Indeed, so far from
+avoiding it, he was a slave to it. The evidence of this I will now give,
+because, besides its importance for the history of the Scotch mind, it is
+valuable as one of many lessons, which teach us how we are moulded by the
+society which surrounds us; how even our most vigorous actions are
+influenced by general causes of which we are often ignorant, and which
+few of us care to study; and, finally, how lame and impotent we are,
+when, as individuals, we try to stem the onward current, resisting the
+great progress instead of aiding it, and vainly opposing our little
+wishes to that majestic course of events, which admits of no
+interruption, but sweeps on, grand and terrible, while generation after
+generation passes away, successively absorbed in one mighty vortex.
+
+Directly Reid, ceasing to refute the philosophy of Hume, began to
+construct his own philosophy, he succumbed to the prevailing method. He
+now assures us, that all reasoning must be from first principles, and
+that, so far from reasoning to those principles, we must at once admit
+them, and make them the basis of all subsequent arguments.[732] Having
+admitted them, they become a thread to guide the inquirer through the
+labyrinth of thought.[733] His opponents had no right to assume them, but
+he might do so, because to him they were intuitive.[734] Whoever denied
+them, was not fit to be reasoned with.[735] Indeed, to investigate them,
+or to seek to analyze them, was wrong as well as foolish, because they
+were part of the constitution of things; and of the constitution of
+things no account could be given, except that such was the will of
+God.[736]
+
+  [732] 'All reasoning must be from first principles; and for first
+        principles no other reason can be given but this, that, by the
+        constitution of our nature, we are under a necessity of assenting
+        to them.' _Reid's Inquiry_, p. 140. 'All reasoning is from
+        principles.' ... 'Most justly, therefore, do such principles
+        disdain to be tried by reason, and laugh at all the artillery of
+        the logician when it is directed against them.' p. 372. 'All
+        knowledge got by reasoning must be built upon first principles.'
+        _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 220. 'In every branch of real
+        knowledge there must be first principles, whose truth is known
+        intuitively, without reasoning, either probable or demonstrative.
+        They are not grounded on reasoning, but all reasoning is grounded
+        on them.' p. 360.
+
+  [733] 'For, when any system is grounded upon first principles, and
+        deduced regularly from them, we have a thread to lead us through
+        the labyrinth.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 225.
+
+  [734] 'I call these "first principles," because they _appear to me_ to
+        have in themselves an intuitive evidence which _I cannot resist_.'
+        _Reid's Essays_, vol. iii. p. 375.
+
+  [735] 'If any man should think fit to deny that these things are
+        qualities, or that they require any subject, _I leave him to enjoy
+        his opinion, as a man who denies first principles, and is not fit
+        to be reasoned with_.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. p. 38.
+
+  [736] 'No other account can be given of the constitution of things, but
+        the will of Him that made them.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. p. 115.
+
+As Reid obtained his first principles with such ease, and as he carefully
+protected them by forbidding any attempt to resolve them into simpler
+elements, he was under a strong temptation to multiply them almost
+indefinitely, in order that, by reasoning from them, he might raise a
+complete and harmonious system of the human mind. To that temptation he
+yielded with a readiness, which is truly surprising, when we remember how
+he reproached his opponents with doing the same thing. Among the numerous
+first principles which he assumes, not only as unexplained, but as
+inexplicable, are the belief in Personal Identity;[737] the belief in the
+External World;[738] the belief in the Uniformity of Nature;[739] the
+belief in the Existence of Life in Others;[740] the belief in
+Testimony;[741] also in the power of distinguishing truth from
+error,[742] and even in the correspondence of the face and voice to the
+thoughts.[743] Of belief generally, he asserts that there are many
+principles,[744] and he regrets that any one should have rashly attempted
+to explain them.[745] Such things are mysterious, and not to be pried
+into. We have also other faculties, which being original and
+indecomposable, resist all inductive treatment, and can neither be
+resolved into simpler elements, nor referred to more general laws. To
+this class, Reid assigns Memory,[746] Perception,[747] Desire of
+Self-Approbation,[748] and not only Instinct, but even Habit.[749] Many
+of our ideas, such as those concerning Space and Time, are equally
+original;[750] and other first principles there are, which have not been
+enunciated, but from which we may reason.[751] They, therefore, are the
+major premisses of the argument; no reason having yet been given for
+them, they must be simple; and not having yet been explained, they are,
+of course, inexplicable.[752]
+
+  [737] _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. pp. 36, 37, 340, 343, vol. ii. p. 245.
+
+  [738] _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. pp. 115, 116, 288-299, vol. ii. p. 251.
+
+  [739] Or, as he expresses it, 'our belief of the continuance of the laws
+        of nature.' _Reid's Inquiry_, pp. 426-435; also his _Essays_, vol.
+        i. p. 305, vol. ii. p. 268.
+
+  [740] _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 259.
+
+  [741] _Reid's Inquiry_, p. 422; and his _Essays_, vol. ii. p. 266.
+
+  [742] 'Another first principle is, "That the natural faculties by which
+        we distinguish truth from error are not fallacious."' _Reid's
+        Essays_, vol. ii. p. 256.
+
+  [743] 'Another first principle I take to be, "That certain features of
+        the countenance, sounds of the voice, and gestures of the body,
+        indicate certain thoughts and dispositions of mind."' _Reid's
+        Essays_, vol. ii. p. 261. Compare his _Inquiry_, p. 416.
+
+  [744] 'We have taken notice of several original principles of belief in
+        the course of this inquiry; and when other faculties of the mind
+        are examined, we shall find more, which have not occurred in the
+        examination of the five senses.' _Reid's Inquiry_, p. 471.
+
+  [745] 'And if no philosopher had attempted to define and explain belief,
+        some paradoxes in philosophy, more incredible than ever were
+        brought forth by the most abject superstition, or the most frantic
+        enthusiasm, had never seen the light.' _Reid's Inquiry_, p. 45.
+
+  [746] _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. p. 329, 334, vol. ii. p. 247.
+
+  [747] _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. pp. 9, 71, 303, 304.
+
+  [748] _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 60.
+
+  [749] 'I see no reason to think, that we shall ever be able to assign
+        the physical cause, either of instinct, or of the power of habit.
+        Both seem to be parts of our original constitution. Their end and
+        use is evident; but we can assign no cause of them, but the will
+        of Him who made us.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. iii. p. 119.
+
+  [750] 'I know of no ideas or notions that have a better claim to be
+        accounted simple and original, than those of space and time.'
+        _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. p. 354.
+
+  [751] 'I do not at all affirm that those I have mentioned are all the
+        first principles from which we may reason concerning contingent
+        truths. Such enumerations, even when made after much reflection,
+        are seldom perfect.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 270.
+
+  [752] 'Why sensation should compel our belief of the present existence of
+        the thing, memory a belief of its past existence, and imagination
+        no belief at all, _I believe no philosopher can give a shadow of
+        reason_, but that such is the nature of these operations. They are
+        all simple and original, and _therefore inexplicable_ acts of the
+        mind.' _Reid's Inquiry_, p. 40. 'We can _give no reason_ why the
+        retina is, of all parts of the body, the only one on which
+        pictures made by the rays of light cause vision; and _therefore we
+        must resolve this solely into a law of our constitution_' p. 258.
+
+All this is arbitrary enough. Still, in justice to Reid, it must be said,
+that, having made these assumptions, he displayed remarkable ability in
+arguing from them, and that, in attacking the philosophy of his time, he
+subjected it to a criticism, which has been extremely serviceable. His
+lucidity, his dialectic skill, and the racy and masculine style in which
+he wrote, made him a formidable opponent, and secured to his objections
+a respectful hearing. To me, however, it appears, that notwithstanding
+the attempts, first of M. Cousin, and afterwards of Sir William Hamilton,
+to prop up his declining reputation, his philosophy, as an independent
+system, is untenable, and will not live. In this I may be mistaken; but
+what is quite certain is, that nothing can be more absurd than to
+suppose, as some have done, that he adopted the inductive, or, as it is
+popularly called, Baconian method. Bacon, indeed, would have smiled at
+such a disciple, assuming all sorts of major premisses, taking general
+principles for granted with the greatest recklessness, and reserving his
+skill for the task of reasoning from propositions for which he had no
+evidence, except that on a cursory, or, as he termed it, a common-sense,
+inspection, they appeared to be true.[753] This refusal to analyze
+preconceived notions, comes under the head of what Bacon stigmatized as
+the _anticipatio naturæ_, and which he deemed the great enemy of
+knowledge, on account of the dangerous confidence it places in the
+spontaneous and uncorrected conclusions of the human mind. When,
+therefore, we find Reid holding up the Baconian philosophy, as a pattern
+which it behoves all inquirers to follow;[754] and when we, moreover,
+find Dugald Stewart, who, though a somewhat superficial thinker, was, at
+all events, a careful writer, supposing that Reid had followed it,[755]
+we meet with fresh proof of how difficult it was for Scotchmen of the
+last age to imbibe the true spirit of inductive logic, since they
+believed, that a system which flagrantly violated its rules, had been
+framed in strict accordance with them.
+
+  [753] In a recent work of distinguished merit, an instance is given of
+        the loose manner in which he took for granted that certain
+        phenomena were ultimate, in order that, instead of analyzing them,
+        he might reason from them. 'Dr. Reid has no hesitation in classing
+        the voluntary command of our organs, that is, the sequence of
+        feeling and action implied in all acts of will, among instincts.
+        The power of lifting a morsel of food to the mouth, is, according
+        to him, an instinctive or pre-established conjunction of the wish
+        and the deed; that is to say, the emotional state of hunger,
+        coupled with the sight of a piece of bread, is associated, through
+        a primitive link of the mental constitution, with the several
+        movements of the hand, arm, and mouth, concerned in the act of
+        eating. _This assertion of Dr. Reid's may be simply met by
+        appealing to the facts._ It is not true that human beings possess,
+        at birth, any voluntary command of their limbs whatsoever. A babe
+        of two months old cannot use its hands in obedience to its
+        desires. The infant can grasp nothing, hold nothing, can scarcely
+        fix its eyes on anything.' ... 'If the more perfect command of our
+        voluntary movements implied in every art be an acquisition, so is
+        the less perfect command of these movements that grows upon a
+        child during the first year of life.' _Bain on the Senses and the
+        Intellect_, London, 1855, pp. 292, 293.
+
+  [754] See _Reid's Inquiry_, pp. 436, 446, as well as other parts of his
+        works: see also an extract from one of his letters to Dr. Gregory,
+        in _Stewart's Biographical Memoirs_, p. 432.
+
+  [755] 'The idea of prosecuting the study of the human mind on a plan
+        analogous to that which had been so successfully adopted in
+        physics by the followers of Lord Bacon, if not first conceived by
+        Dr. Reid, was, at least, first carried successfully into execution
+        in his writings.' _Stewart's Biographical Memoirs_, p. 419. 'The
+        influence of the general views opened in the _Novum Organon_, may
+        be traced in almost every page of his writings; and, indeed, the
+        circumstance by which they are so strongly and characteristically
+        distinguished, is that they exhibit the first systematical attempt
+        to exemplify, in the study of human nature, the same plan of
+        investigation which conducted Newton to the properties of light,
+        and to the law of gravitation.' p. 421. From this passage one
+        might hazard a supposition that Dugald Stewart did not understand
+        Bacon much better than he did Aristotle or Kant. Of the two last
+        most profound thinkers, he certainly knew little or nothing,
+        except what he gathered secondhand. Consequently, he underrates
+        them.
+
+Leaving mental philosophy, I now come to physical science, in which, if
+anywhere, we might expect that the inductive plan would predominate, and
+would triumph over the opposite, or deductive, one. How far this was the
+case, I will endeavour to ascertain, by an examination of the most
+important discoveries which have been made by Scotchmen concerning the
+organic and inorganic world. And, as my object is merely to indicate the
+turn and character of the Scotch mind, I shall avoid all details
+respecting the practical effects of those discoveries, and shall confine
+myself to such a narration as will exhibit their purely scientific
+aspect, so as to enable the reader to understand what additions were
+made to our knowledge of the laws of nature, and in what way the
+additions were made. The character of each discovery, and its process,
+will be stated, but nothing more. Neither here, nor in any part of this
+Introduction, do I pretend to investigate questions of practical utility,
+or to trace the connexion between the discoveries of science and the arts
+of life. That I shall do in the body of the work itself, where I hope to
+explain a number of minute social events, many of which are regarded as
+isolated, if not incongruous. For the present, I solely aim at those
+broad principles, which, by marking out the epochs of thought, underlie
+the whole fabric of society, and which must be clearly apprehended before
+history can cease to be a mere empirical assemblage of facts, of which
+the scientific basis being unsettled, the true order and coherence must
+be unknown.
+
+Among the sciences which concern the inorganic world, the laws of heat
+occupy a conspicuous place. On the one hand, they are connected with
+geology, being intimately allied, and, indeed, necessarily bound up, with
+every speculation respecting the changes and present condition of the
+crust of the earth. On the other hand, they touch the great questions of
+life, both animal and vegetable; they have to do with the theory of
+species, and of race; they modify soil, food, and organization; and to
+them we must look for valuable help towards solving those great problems
+in biology, which, of late years, have occupied the attention of the
+boldest and most advanced philosophers.
+
+Our present knowledge of the laws of heat, may be briefly stated as
+branching into five fundamental divisions. These are: latent heat;
+specific heat; the conduction of heat; the radiation of heat; and,
+finally, the undulatory theory of heat; by which last, we are gradually
+discarding our old material views, and are accustoming ourselves to look
+upon heat as simply one of the forms of force, all of which, such as
+light, electricity, magnetism, motion, gravitation, and chemical
+affinity, are constantly assuming each other's shape, but, in their total
+amount, are incapable either of increase or of diminution.[756] This
+grand conception, which is now placing the indestructibility of force on
+the same ground as the indestructibility of matter, has an importance far
+above its scientific value, considerable as that undoubtedly is. For, by
+teaching us, that nothing perishes, but that, on the contrary, the
+slightest movement of the smallest body, in the remotest region, produces
+results which are perpetual, which diffuse themselves through all space,
+and which, though they may be metamorphosed, cannot be destroyed, it
+impresses us with such an exalted idea of the regular and compulsory
+march of physical affairs, as must eventually influence other and higher
+departments of inquiry. Our habits of thought are so connected and
+interwoven, that notions of law and of the necessary concatenation of
+things, can never be introduced into one field of speculation, without
+affecting other fields which lie contiguous to it. When, therefore, the
+modern doctrine of conservation of force,[757] becomes firmly coupled
+with the older doctrine of conservation of matter, we may rest assured
+that the human mind will not stop there, but will extend to the study of
+Man, inferences analogous to those already admitted in the study of
+Nature. Having once recognized that the condition of the material
+universe, at any one moment, is simply the result of every thing which
+has happened at all preceding moments, and that the most trivial
+disturbance would so violate the general scheme, as to render anarchy
+inevitable, and that, to sever from the total mass even the minutest
+fragment, would, by dislocating the structure, bury the whole in one
+common ruin, we, thus admitting the exquisite adjustment of the different
+parts, and discerning, too, in the very beauty and completeness of the
+design, the best proof that it has never been tampered with by the
+Divine Architect, who called it into being, in whose Omniscience both
+the plan, and the issue of the plan, resided with such clearness and
+unerring certainty, that not a stone in that superb and symmetrical
+edifice has been touched since the foundation of the edifice was laid,
+are, by ascending to this pitch and elevation of thought, most assuredly
+advancing towards that far higher step, which it will remain for our
+posterity to take, and which will raise their view to so commanding a
+height, as to insure the utter rejection of those old and eminently
+irreligious dogmas of supernatural interference with the affairs of life,
+which superstition has invented, and ignorance has bequeathed, and the
+present acceptance of which betokens the yet early condition of our
+knowledge, the penury of our intellectual resources, and the inveteracy
+of the prejudices in which we are still immersed.
+
+  [756] The theory of the indestructibility of force has been applied to
+        the law of gravitation by Professor Faraday, in his _Discourse on
+        the Conservation of Force_, 1857; an essay full of thought and
+        power, and which should be carefully studied by every one who
+        wishes to understand the direction which the highest speculations
+        of physical science are now taking. I will quote only one passage
+        from the opening, to give the reader an idea of its general scope,
+        irrespective of the more special question of gravitation. 'The
+        progress of the strict science of modern times has tended more and
+        more to produce the conviction that force can neither be created
+        nor destroyed; and to render daily more manifest the value of the
+        knowledge of that truth in experimental research.' ... 'Agreeing
+        with those who admit the conservation of force to be a principle
+        in physics, as large and sure as that of the indestructibility of
+        matter, or the invariability of gravity, I think that no
+        particular idea of force has a right to unlimited or unqualified
+        acceptance, that does not include assent to it.'
+
+  [757] As an illustration of this doctrine, I cannot do better than quote
+        the following passage from one of the most suggestive and clearly
+        reasoned books which has been written in this century by an
+        English physicist: 'Wave your hand; the motion which has
+        apparently ceased, is taken up by the air, from the air by the
+        walls of the room, &c., and so by direct and reacting waves,
+        continually comminuted, but never destroyed. It is true that, at a
+        certain point, we lose all means of detecting the motion, from its
+        minute subdivision, which defies our most delicate means of
+        appreciation, but we can indefinitely extend our power of
+        detecting it accordingly as we confine its direction, or increase
+        the delicacy of our examination. Thus, if the hand be moved in
+        unconfined air, the motion of the air would not be sensible to a
+        person at a few feet distant; but if a piston of the same extent
+        of surface as the hand be moved with the same rapidity in a tube,
+        the blast of air may be distinctly felt at several yards'
+        distance. There is no greater absolute amount of motion in the air
+        in the second than in the first case, but its direction is
+        restrained, so as to make its means of detection more facile. By
+        carrying on this restraint, as in the air-gun, we get a power of
+        detecting the motion, and of moving other bodies at far greater
+        distances. The puff of air which would in the air-gun project a
+        bullet a quarter of a mile, if allowed to escape without its
+        direction being restrained, as by the bursting of a bladder, would
+        not be perceptible at a yard's distance, though the same absolute
+        amount of motion be impressed on the surrounding air.' _Grove's
+        Correlation of Physical Forces_, London, 1855, pp. 24, 25. In a
+        work now issuing from the press, and still unfinished, it is
+        suggested, with considerable plausibility, that Persistence of
+        Force would be a more accurate expression than Conservation of
+        Force. See Mr. Herbert Spencer's _First Principles_, London, 1861,
+        p. 251. The title of this book gives an inadequate notion of the
+        importance of the subjects with which it deals, and of the reach
+        and subtlety of thought which characterize it. Though some of the
+        generalizations appear to me rather premature, no well-instructed
+        and disciplined intellect can consider them without admiration of
+        the remarkable powers displayed by their author.
+
+It is, therefore, natural, that the physical doctrine of
+indestructibility applied to force as well as to matter, should be
+essentially a creation of the present century, notwithstanding a few
+allusions made to it by some earlier thinkers, all of whom, however,
+groped vaguely, and without general purpose. No preceding age was bold
+enough to embrace so magnificent a view as a whole, nor had any preceding
+philosophers sufficient acquaintance with nature to enable them to defend
+such a conception, even had they desired to entertain it. Thus, in the
+case now before us, it is evident, that while heat was believed to be
+material, it could not be conceived as a force, and therefore no one
+could grasp the theory of its metamorphosis into other forces; though
+there are passages in Bacon which prove that he wished to identify it
+with motion. It was first necessary to abstract heat into a mere property
+or affection of matter, and there was no chance of doing this until heat
+was better understood in its immediate antecedents, that is, until, by
+the aid of mathematics, its proximate laws had been generalized. But,
+with the single exception of Newton, whose efforts, notwithstanding his
+gigantic powers, were, on this subject, very unsatisfactory, and who,
+moreover, had a decided leaning towards the material theory, no one
+attempted to unravel the mathematical laws of heat till the latter half
+of the eighteenth century, when Lambert and Black began the career which
+Prevost and Fourier followed up. The mind, having been so slow in
+mastering the preliminaries and outworks of the inquiry, was not ripe for
+the far more difficult enterprise of idealizing heat itself, and so
+abstracting it, as to strip it of its material attributes, and leave it
+to nothing but the speculative notion of an immaterial force.
+
+From these considerations, which were necessary to enable the reader to
+appreciate the value of what was done in Scotland, it will be seen how
+essential it was that the laws of the movement of heat should be studied
+before its nature was investigated, and before the emission theory could
+be so seriously attacked as to allow of the possibility of that great
+doctrine of the indestructibility of force, which, I make no doubt, is
+destined to revolutionize our habits of thought, and to give to future
+speculations a basis infinitely wider than any previously known. In
+regard to the movements of heat, we owe the laws of conduction and of
+radiation chiefly to France and Geneva, while the laws of specific heat,
+and those of latent heat, were discovered in Scotland. The doctrine of
+specific heat, though interesting, has not the scientific importance
+which belongs to the other departments of this great subject; but the
+doctrine of latent heat is extremely curious, not only in itself, but
+also on account of the analogies it suggests with various branches of
+physical inquiry.
+
+What is termed latent heat, is exhibited in the following manner. If, in
+consequence of the application of heat, a solid passes into a liquid, as
+ice, for instance, into water, the conversion occupies a longer time than
+could be explained by any theory which had been propounded down to the
+middle of the eighteenth century. Neither was it possible to explain how
+it is, that ice never rises above the temperature of 32° until it is
+actually melted, no matter what the heat of the adjacent bodies may be.
+There were no means of accounting for these circumstances. And though
+practical men, being familiar with them, did not wonder at them, they
+caused great astonishment among thinkers, who were accustomed to analyze
+events, and to seek a reason for common and every-day occurrences.
+
+Soon after the middle of the eighteenth century, Black, who was then one
+of the professors in the University of Glasgow, turned his attention to
+this subject.[758] He struck out a theory which, being eminently
+original, was violently attacked, but is now generally admitted. With a
+boldness and reach of thought not often equalled, he arrived at the
+conclusion, that whenever a body loses some of its consistence, as in the
+case of ice becoming water, or water becoming steam, such body receives
+an amount of heat which our senses, though aided by the most delicate
+thermometer, can never detect. For, this heat is absorbed; we lose all
+sight of it, and it produces no palpable effect on the material world,
+but becomes, as it were, a hidden property. Black, therefore, called it
+latent heat, because, though we conceive it as an idea, we cannot trace
+it as a fact. The body is, properly speaking, hotter; and yet its
+temperature does not rise. Directly, however, the foregoing process is
+inverted, that is to say, directly the steam is condensed into water, or
+the water hardened into ice, the heat returns into the world of sense; it
+ceases to be latent, and communicates itself to the surrounding objects.
+No new heat has been created; it has, indeed, appeared and disappeared,
+so far as our senses are concerned; but our senses were deceived, since
+there has, in truth, been neither addition nor diminution.[759] That
+this remarkable theory paved the way for the doctrine of the
+indestructibility of force, will be obvious to whoever has examined the
+manner in which, in the history of the human mind, scientific conceptions
+are generated. The process is always so slow, that no single discovery
+has ever been made, except by the united labours of several successive
+generations. In estimating, therefore, what each man has done, we must
+judge him, not by the errors he commits, but by the truths he propounds.
+Most of his errors are not really his own. He inherits them from his
+predecessors; and if he throws some of them off, we should be grateful,
+instead of being dissatisfied that he has not rejected all. Black, no
+doubt, fell into the error of regarding heat as a material substance,
+which obeys the laws of chemical composition.[760] But this was merely an
+hypothesis, which was bequeathed to him, and with which the existing
+state of thought forced him to encumber his theory. He inherited the
+hypothesis, and could not get rid of his troublesome possession. The real
+service which he rendered is, that, in spite of that hypothesis, which
+clung to him to the last, he, far more than any of his contemporaries,
+contributed towards the great conception of idealizing heat, and thus
+enabled his successors to admit it into the class of immaterial and
+supersensual forces. Once admitted into that class, the list of forces
+became complete; and it was comparatively easy to apply to the whole body
+of force, the same notion of indestructibility, which had previously been
+applied to the whole body of matter. But it was hardly possible to effect
+this object, while heat stood, as it were, midway between force and
+matter, yielding opposite results to different senses; amenable to the
+touch, but invisible to the eye. What was wanting, was to remove it
+altogether out of the jurisdiction of the senses, and to admit that,
+though we experience its effects, we can only conceive its existence.
+Towards accomplishing this, Black took a prodigious stride. Unconscious,
+perhaps, of the remote tendency of his own labours, he undermined that
+doctrine of material heat, which he seemed to support. For, by his
+advocacy of latent heat, he taught that its movements constantly baffle,
+not only some of our senses, but all of them; and that, while our
+feelings make us believe that heat is lost, our intellect makes us
+believe that it is not lost. Here, we have apparent destructibility, and
+real indestructibility. To assert that a body received heat without its
+temperature rising, was to make the understanding correct the touch, and
+defy its dictates. It was a bold and beautiful paradox, which required
+courage as well as insight to broach, and the reception of which marks an
+epoch in the human mind, because it was an immense step towards
+idealizing matter into force. Some, indeed, have spoken of invisible
+matter; but that is a contradiction in terms, which will never be
+admitted, as long as the forms of speech remain unchanged. Nothing can be
+invisible, except force, mind, and the Supreme Cause of all. We must,
+therefore, ascribe to Black the signal merit that he first, in the study
+of heat, impeached the authority of the senses, and thereby laid the
+foundation of every thing which was afterwards done. Besides the relation
+which his discovery bears to the indestructibility of force, it is also
+connected with one of the most splendid achievements effected by this
+generation in inorganic physics; namely, the establishment of the
+identity of light and heat. To the senses, light and heat, though in some
+respects similar, are in most respects dissimilar. Light, for instance,
+affects the eye, and not the touch. Heat affects the touch, but, under
+ordinary circumstances, does not affect the eye. The capital difference,
+however, between them is, that heat, unlike light, possesses the property
+of temperature; and this property is so characteristic, that until our
+understandings are invigorated by science, we cannot conceive heat
+separated from temperature, but are compelled to confuse one with the
+other. Directly, however, men began to adopt the method followed by
+Black, and were resolved to consider heat as supersensual, they entered
+the road which led to the discovery of light and heat being merely
+different developments of the same force. Ignoring the effects of heat on
+themselves, or on any part of the creation, which was capable of feeling
+its temperature, and would therefore be deceived by it, nothing was left
+for them to do, but to study its effects on the inanimate world. Then,
+all was revealed. The career of discovery was fairly opened; and
+analogies between light and heat, which even the boldest imagination had
+hardly suspected, were placed beyond a doubt. To the reflection of heat,
+which had been formerly known, were now added the refraction of heat, its
+double refraction, its polarization, its depolarization, its circular
+polarization, the interference of its rays, and their retardation; while,
+what is more remarkable than all, the march of our knowledge on these
+points was so swift, that before the year 1836 had come to a close, the
+chain of evidence was completed by the empirical investigations of Forbes
+and Melloni, they themselves little witting that every thing which they
+accomplished was prepared before they were born, that they were but the
+servants and followers of him who indicated the path in which they trod,
+and that their experiments, ingenious as they were, and full of resource,
+were simply the direct practical consequence of one of those magnificent
+ideas which Scotland has thrown upon the world, and the memory of which
+is almost enough so to bribe the judgment, as to tempt us to forget,
+that, while the leading intellects of the nation were engaged in such
+lofty pursuits, the nation itself, untouched by them, passed them over
+with cold and contemptuous indifference, being steeped in that deadening
+superstition, which turns a deaf ear to every sort of reason, and will
+not hearken to the voice of the charmer, charm he never so wisely.
+
+  [758] He was appointed professor in 1756; and 'it was during his
+        residence in Glasgow, between the years 1759 and 1763, that he
+        brought to maturity those speculations concerning the combination
+        of heat with matter, which had frequently occupied a portion of
+        his thoughts.' _Thomson's History of Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 319,
+        320.
+
+  [759] _Black's Lectures on Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 116, 117; and in
+        various places. Dr. Robison, the editor of these Lectures, says,
+        p. 513, 'Nothing could be more simple than his doctrines of latent
+        heat. The experience of more than a century had made us consider
+        the thermometer as a sure and accurate indicator of heat, and of
+        all its variations. We had learned to distrust all others. Yet, in
+        the liquefaction and vaporization of bodies, we had proofs
+        uncontrovertible of the entrance of heat into the bodies. And we
+        could, by suitable processes, get it out of them again. Dr. Black
+        said that it was concealed in them,--_latent_,--it was as much
+        concealed as carbonic acid is in marble, or water in zeolite,--it
+        was concealed till Dr. Black detected it. He called it Latent
+        Heat. He did not mean by this term that it was a different kind of
+        heat from the heat which expanded bodies, but merely that it was
+        concealed from our sense of heat, and from the thermometer.' See
+        also p. xxxvii.: 'Philosophers had long been accustomed to
+        consider the thermometer as the surest means for detecting the
+        presence of heat or fire in bodies, and they distrusted all
+        others.'
+
+  [760] 'Fluidity is the consequence of a certain combination of calorific
+        matter with the substance of solid bodies,' &c. _Black's
+        Lectures_, vol. i. p. 133. Compare p. 192, and the remarks in
+        _Turner's Chemistry_, 1847, vol. i. p. 31, on Black's views of the
+        'chemical combination' of heat. Among the backward chemists, we
+        still find traces of the idea of heat obeying chemical laws.
+
+By thus considering the descent and relationship of scientific
+conceptions, we can alone understand what we really owe to Black's
+discovery of latent heat. In regard to the method of the discovery,
+little need be said, since every student of the Baconian philosophy must
+see, that the discovery was of a kind for which none of the maxims of
+that system had provided. As latent heat escapes the senses, it could not
+obey the rules of a philosophy, which grounds all truth on observation
+and experiment. The subject of the inquiry being supersensual, there was
+no scope for what Bacon called crucial experiments and separations of
+nature. The truth was in the idea; experiments, therefore, might
+illustrate it, might bring it up to the surface, and so enable men to
+grasp it, but could not prove it. And this, which appears on the very
+face of the discovery, is confirmed by the express testimony of Dr.
+Thomson, who knew Black, and was, indeed, one of the most eminent of his
+pupils. We are assured by this unimpeachable witness, that Black, about
+the year 1759 began to speculate concerning heat; that the result of
+those speculations was the theory of latent heat; that he publicly taught
+that theory in the year 1761; but that the experiments which were
+necessary to convince the world of it were not made till 1764,[761]
+though, as I need hardly add, according to the inductive method, it was a
+breach of all the rules of philosophy to be satisfied with the theory
+three years before the experiments were made, and it was a still greater
+breach, not only to be satisfied with it, but to have openly promulgated
+it as an original and unquestionable truth, which explained, in a new
+manner, the economy of the material world.
+
+  [761] 'So much was he convinced of this, that he taught the doctrine in
+        his lectures in 1761, before he had made a single experiment on
+        the subject.' ... 'The requisite experiments were first attempted
+        by Dr. Black in 1764.' _Thomson's History of Chemistry_, vol. i.
+        p. 324. See also pp. 319, 320; and on the history of the idea in
+        Black's mind as early as the year 1754, see the interesting
+        extracts from his note-books in Robison's appendix to _Black's
+        Lectures_, vol. i pp. 525, 526.
+
+        The statement of Dr. Thomson refers to the completion, or last
+        stage, of the discovery, namely the vaporific combination of heat.
+        But from a letter which Black wrote to Watt in 1780 (_Muirhead's
+        Life of Watt_, London, 1859, p. 303), it appears that Thomson has
+        even understated the question, and that Black, instead of first
+        teaching his theory in 1761, taught it three years earlier, that
+        is, _six_ years before the decisive experiments were made. 'I
+        began,' writes Black, 'to give the doctrine of latent heat in my
+        lectures at Glasgow in the winter 1757-58, which, I believe, was
+        the first winter of my lecturing there; or if I did not give it
+        that winter, I certainly gave it in the 1758-59; and I have
+        delivered it every year since that time in my winter lectures,
+        which I continued to give at Glasgow until winter 1766-67, when I
+        began to lecture in Edinburgh.'
+
+The intellect of Black belonged to a class, which, in the eighteenth
+century, was almost universal in Scotland, but was hardly to be found in
+England, and which, for want of a better word, we are compelled to call
+deductive, though fully admitting that even the most deductive minds have
+in them a large amount of induction, since, indeed, without induction,
+the common business of life could not be carried on. But for the purposes
+of scientific classification, we may say, that a man or an age is
+deductive, when the favourite process is reasoning from principles
+instead of reasoning to them, and when there is a tendency to underrate
+the value of specific experience. That this was the case with the
+illustrious discoverer of latent heat, we have seen, both from the nature
+of the discovery, and from the decisive testimony of his friend and
+pupil. And a further confirmation may be found in the circumstance, that,
+having once propounded his great idea, he, instead of instituting a long
+series of laborious experiments, by which it might be verified in its
+different branches, preferred reasoning from it according to the general
+maxims of dialectic; pushing it to its logical consequences, rather than
+tracking it into regions where the senses might either confirm or refute
+it.[762] By following this process of thought, he was led to some
+beautiful speculations, which are so remote from experience, that even
+now, with all the additional resources of our knowledge, we cannot tell
+whether they are true or false. Of this kind were his views respecting
+the causes of the preservation of man, whose existence would, he thought,
+be endangered, except for the power which heat possesses of lying latent
+and unobserved. Thus, for example, when a long and severe winter was
+followed by sudden warmth, it appeared natural that the ice and snow
+should melt with corresponding suddenness; and if this were to happen,
+the result would be such terrible inundations, that it would be hardly
+possible for man to escape from their ravages. Even if he escaped, his
+works, that is, the material products of his civilization, would perish.
+From this catastrophe, nothing saves him but the latent power of heat.
+Owing to this power, directly the ice and snow begin to melt at their
+surface, the heat enters their structure, where a large part of it
+remains in abeyance, and thus losing much of its power, the process of
+liquefaction is arrested. This dreadful agent is lulled, and becomes
+dormant. It is weakened at the outset of its career, and is laid up, as
+in a storehouse, from which it can afterwards emerge, gradually, and with
+safety to the human species.[763]
+
+  [762] And he distinctly states that, even in other matters, when he did
+        make experiments, their object was to confirm theory, and not to
+        suggest it. Thus, to give one of many instances, in his
+        _Lectures_, vol. i. p. 354, he says, respecting salts, 'When we
+        examine the solidity of this reasoning by an experiment, _we have
+        the pleasure to find facts agree exactly with the theory_.'
+
+  [763] See a good summary of this idea in _Black's Lectures on
+        Chemistry_, vol. i. p. 118. Contrasting his theory of heat with
+        that previously received, he says, 'But, were the ice and snow to
+        melt as suddenly as they must necessarily do, were the former
+        opinion of the action of heat in melting them well founded, the
+        torrents and inundations would be incomparably more irresistible
+        and dreadful. They would tear up and sweep away every thing, and
+        that so suddenly, that mankind should have great difficulty to
+        escape from their ravages.'
+
+In this way, as summer advances, a vast magazine of heat is accumulated,
+and is preserved in the midst of water, where it can do man no injury,
+since, indeed, his senses are unable to feel it. There the heat remains
+buried, until, in the rotation of the seasons, winter returns, and the
+waters are congealed into ice. In the process of congelation, that
+treasury of heat, which had been hidden all the summer, reappears; it
+ceases to be latent; and now, for the first time, striking the senses of
+man, it tempers, on his behalf, the severity of winter. The faster the
+water freezes, the faster the heat is disengaged; so that, by virtue of
+this great law of nature, cold actually generates warmth, and the
+inclemency of every season, though it cannot be hindered, is softened in
+proportion as the inclemency is more threatening.[764]
+
+  [764] 'Dr. Black quickly perceived the vast importance of this
+        discovery; and took a pleasure in laying before his students a
+        view of the extensive and beneficial effects of this habitude of
+        heat in the economy of nature. He made them remark how, by this
+        means, there was accumulated, during the summer season, a vast
+        magazine of heat, which, by gradually emerging, during
+        congelation, from the water which covers the face of the earth,
+        serves to temper the deadly cold of winter. Were it not for this
+        quantity of heat, amounting to 145 degrees, which emerges from
+        every particle of water as it freezes, and which diffuses itself
+        through the atmosphere, the sun would no sooner go a few degrees
+        to the south of the equator, than we should feel all the horrors
+        of winter.' _Robison's Preface to Black's Lectures_, vol. i.
+        p. xxxviii.
+
+Thus, again, inasmuch as heat becomes latent, and flies from the senses,
+not only when ice is passing into water, but also when water is passing
+into steam, we find in this latter circumstance, one of the reasons why
+man and other animals can live in the tropics, which, but for this, would
+be deserted. They are constantly suffering from the heat which is
+collected in their bodies, and which, considered by itself, is enough to
+destroy them. But this heat causes thirst, and they consequently swallow
+great quantities of fluid, much of which exudes through the pores of the
+skin in the form of vapour. And as, according to the theory of latent
+heat, vapour cannot be produced without a vast amount of heat being
+buried within it, such vapour absorbs and carries off from the body,
+that which, if left in the system, would prove fatal. To this we must
+add, that, in the tropics, the evaporation of water is necessarily rapid,
+and the vapour which is thus produced, becomes another storehouse of
+heat, and a vehicle by which it is removed from the earth, and prevented
+from unduly interfering with the economy of life.[765]
+
+  [765] As I am writing an account of Black's views, and not a criticism
+        of them, I shall give them, without comment, in his own words, and
+        in the words of one of his pupils. 'Here we can also trace another
+        magnificent train of changes, which are nicely accommodated to the
+        wants of the inhabitants of this globe. In the equatorial regions,
+        the oppressive heat of the sun is prevented from a destructive
+        accumulation by copious evaporation. The waters, stored with their
+        vaporific heat, are thus carried aloft into the atmosphere, till
+        the rarest of the vapour reaches the very cold regions of the air,
+        which immediately forms a small portion of it into a fleecy cloud.
+        This also further tempers the scorching heat by its opacity,
+        performing the acceptable office of a screen. From thence the
+        clouds are carried to the inland countries, to form the sources in
+        the mountains, which are to supply the numberless streams that
+        water the fields. And, by the steady operation of causes, which
+        are tolerably uniform, the greater part of the vapours pass on to
+        the circumpolar regions, there to descend in rains and dews; and
+        in this beneficent conversion into rain, by the cold of those
+        regions, each particle of steam gives up the 700 or 800 degrees of
+        heat which were latent in it. These are immediately diffused, and
+        soften the rigour of those less comfortable climates.' ... 'I am
+        persuaded that the heat absorbed in spontaneous evaporation
+        greatly contributes to enable animals to bear the heat of the
+        tropical climates, where the thermometer frequently continues to
+        show the temperature of the human body. Such heats, indeed, are
+        barely supportable, and enervate the animal, making it lazy and
+        indolent, indulging in the most relaxed postures, and avoiding
+        every exertion of body or mind. The inhabitants are induced to
+        drink large draughts of diluting liquors, which transude through
+        their pores most copiously, carrying off with them a vast deal of
+        this troublesome and exhausting heat. There is in the body itself
+        a continual laboratory, or manufacture of heat, and, were the
+        surrounding air of such a temperature as not to carry it off, it
+        would soon accumulate so as to destroy life. The excessive
+        perspiration, supplied by diluting draughts, performs the same
+        office as the cold air without the tropics, in guarding us from
+        this fatal accumulation.' _Black's Lectures_, vol. i. pp. xlvi.
+        214.
+
+From these and many other arguments, all of which were so essentially
+speculative, and dealt with such hidden processes of nature, that even
+now we are not justified either in confidently admitting them or in
+positively denying them, Black was led to that great doctrine of the
+indestructibility of heat,[766] which, as I have pointed out, has, in its
+connexion with the indestructibility of force, a moral and social
+importance even superior to its scientific value. Though the evidence of
+which he was possessed was far more scanty than what we now have, he, by
+the reach of his commanding intellect, rather than by the number and
+accuracy of his facts, became so penetrated with a conviction of the
+stability of physical affairs, that he not only applied that idea to the
+subtle phenomena of heat, but, what was much harder to do, he applied it
+to cases in which heat so entirely escapes the senses, that man has no
+cognizance of it, except through the medium of the imagination. According
+to his view, heat passes through an immense variety of changes, during
+which it appears to be lost; changes which no eye can ever see, which no
+touch can ever experience, and which no instrument can ever measure.
+Still, and in the midst of all these changes, it remains intact. From it
+nothing can be taken, and to it nothing can be added. In one of those
+fine passages of his Lectures, which, badly reported as they are,[767]
+bear the impress of his elevated genius, Black, after stating what would
+probably happen, if the total amount of heat existing in the world were
+to be diminished, proceeds to speculate on the consequences of its being
+increased. Were it possible for any power to add to it ever so little,
+it would at once overstep its bounds; the equilibrium would be disturbed;
+the framework of affairs would be disjointed. The evil rapidly
+increasing, and acting with accumulated force, nothing would be able to
+stop its ravages. It must continue to gain ground, till all other
+principles are absorbed and conquered. Sweeping on, unhindered, and
+irresistible, before it, every animal must perish, the whole vegetable
+world must disappear, the waters must pass into vapour, and the solid
+parts of the globe be merged and melted, until, at length, the glorious
+fabric, loosened and dissolved, would fall away, and return to that
+original chaos out of which it had been evolved.[768]
+
+  [766] See his strong protest against the notion that heat is ever
+        destroyed, in his _Lectures_, vol. i. pp. 125, 126, 164, 165.
+
+  [767] They were published after his death from such scanty materials,
+        that their editor, Dr. Robison, says (_Preface to Black's
+        Lectures_, vol. i. p. x.): 'When I then entered seriously on the
+        task, I found that the notes were (with the exception of perhaps a
+        score of lectures) in the same imperfect condition that they had
+        been in from the beginning, consisting entirely of single leaves
+        of paper, in octavo, full of erasions, interlinings, and
+        alterations of every kind; so that, in many places, it was not
+        very certain which of several notes was to be chosen.'
+
+  [768] 'On the other hand, were the heat which at present cherishes and
+        enlivens this globe, allowed to increase beyond the bounds at
+        present prescribed to it; beside the destruction of all animal and
+        vegetable life, which would be the immediate and inevitable
+        consequence, the water would lose its present form, and assume
+        that of an elastic vapour like air; the solid parts of the globe
+        would be melted and confounded together, or mixed with the air and
+        water in smoke and vapour; and nature would return to the original
+        chaos.' _Black's Lectures_, vol. i. pp. 246, 247.
+
+These, like many other of the speculations of this great thinker, will
+find small favour with those purely inductive philosophers, who not only
+suppose, perhaps rightly, that all our knowledge is in its beginning
+built upon facts, but who countenance, what seems to me, the very
+dangerous opinion, that every increase of knowledge must be preceded by
+an increase of facts. To such men it will appear, that Black had far
+better have occupied himself in making new observations, or devising new
+experiments, than in thus indulging his imagination in wild and
+unprofitable dreams. They will think, that these flights of fancy are
+suitable, indeed, to the poet, but unworthy of that severe accuracy, and
+of that close attention to facts, which ought to characterize a
+philosopher. In England, especially, there is, among physical inquirers,
+an avowed determination to separate philosophy from poetry, and to look
+upon them, not only as different, but as hostile. Among that class of
+thinkers, whose zeal and ability are beyond all praise, and to whom we
+owe almost unbounded obligations, there does undoubtedly exist a very
+strong opinion, that, in their own pursuit, the imagination is extremely
+dangerous, as leading to speculations, of which the basis is not yet
+assured, and generating a desire to catch too eagerly at distant glimpses
+before the intermediate ground has been traversed. That the imagination
+has this tendency is undeniable. But they who object to it on this
+account, and who would, therefore, divorce poetry from philosophy, have,
+I apprehend, taken a too limited view of the functions of the human mind,
+and of the manner in which truth is obtained. There is, in poetry, a
+divine and prophetic power, and an insight into the turn and aspect of
+things, which, if properly used, would make it the ally of science
+instead of the enemy. By the poet, nature is contemplated on the side of
+the emotions; by the man of science, on the side of the understanding.
+But the emotions are as much a part of us as the understanding: they are
+as truthful; they are as likely to be right. Though their view is
+different, it is not capricious. They obey fixed laws; they follow an
+orderly and uniform course; they run in sequences; they have their logic
+and method of inference. Poetry, therefore, is a part of philosophy,
+simply because the emotions are a part of the mind. If the man of science
+despises their teaching, so much the worse for him. He has only half his
+weapons; his arsenal is unfilled. Conquests, indeed, he may make, because
+his native strength may compensate the defects of his equipment. But his
+success would be more complete and more rapid, if he were properly
+furnished and made ready for the battle. And I cannot but regard as the
+worst intellectual symptom of this great country, what I must venture to
+call the imperfect education of physical philosophers, as exhibited both
+in their writings and in their trains of thought. This is the more
+serious, because they, as a body, form the most important class in
+England, whether we look at their ability, or at the benefits we have
+received from them, or at the influence they are exercising, and are
+likely to exercise, over the progress of society. It cannot, however, be
+concealed, that they display an inordinate respect for experiments, an
+undue love of minute detail, and a disposition to overrate the inventors
+of new instruments, and the discoverers of new, but often insignificant,
+facts. Their predecessors of the seventeenth century, by using hypotheses
+more boldly, and by indulging their imagination more frequently, did
+certainly effect greater things, in comparison with the then state of
+knowledge, than our contemporaries, with much superior resources, have
+been able to achieve. The magnificent generalizations of Newton and
+Harvey could never have been completed in an age absorbed in one
+unvarying round of experiments and observations. We are in that
+predicament, that our facts have outstripped our knowledge, and are now
+encumbering its march. The publications of our scientific institutions,
+and of our scientific authors, overflow with minute and countless
+details, which perplex the judgment, and which no memory can retain. In
+vain do we demand that they should be generalized, and reduced into
+order. Instead of that, the heap continues to swell. We want ideas, and
+we get more facts. We hear constantly of what nature is doing, but we
+rarely hear of what man is thinking. Owing to the indefatigable industry
+of this and the preceding century, we are in possession of a huge and
+incoherent mass of observations, which have been stored up with great
+care, but which, until they are connected by some presiding idea, will be
+utterly useless. The most effective way of turning them to account, would
+be to give more scope to the imagination, and incorporate the spirit of
+poetry with the spirit of science. By this means, our philosophers would
+double their resources, instead of working, as now, maimed, and with only
+half their nature. They fear the imagination, on account of its tendency
+to form hasty theories. But, surely, all our faculties are needed in the
+pursuit of truth, and we cannot be justified in discrediting any part of
+the human mind. And I can hardly doubt, that one of the reasons why we,
+in England, made such wonderful discoveries during the seventeenth
+century, was because that century was also the great age of English
+poetry. The two mightiest intellects our country has produced are
+Shakspeare and Newton; and that Shakspeare should have preceded Newton,
+was, I believe, no casual or unmeaning event. Shakspeare and the poets
+sowed the seed, which Newton and the philosophers reaped. Discarding the
+old scholastic and theological pursuits, they drew attention to nature,
+and thus became the real founders of all natural science. They did even
+more than this. They first impregnated the mind of England with bold and
+lofty conceptions. They taught the men of their generation to crave after
+the unseen. They taught them to pine for the ideal, and to rise above the
+visible world of sense. In this way, by cultivating the emotions, they
+opened one of the paths which lead to truth. The impetus which they
+communicated, survived their own day, and, like all great movements, was
+felt in every department of thought. But now it is gone; and, unless I am
+greatly mistaken, physical science is at present suffering from its
+absence. Since the seventeenth century, we have had no poet of the
+highest order, though Shelley, had he lived, would perhaps have become
+one. He had something of that burning passion, that sacred fire, which
+kindles the soul, as though it came fresh from the altar of the gods. But
+he was cut off in his early prime, when his splendid genius was still in
+its dawn. If we except his immature, though marvellous, efforts, we may
+assuredly say, that, for nearly two hundred years, England has produced
+no poetry which bears those unmistakable marks of inspiration which we
+find in Spenser, in Shakspeare, and in Milton. The result is, that we,
+separated by so long an interval from those great feeders of the
+imagination, who nurtured our ancestors, and being unable to enter fully
+into the feelings of poets, who wrote when nearly all opinions, and,
+therefore, nearly all forms of emotion, were very different to what they
+now are, cannot possibly sympathize with those immortal productions so
+closely as their contemporaries did. The noble English poetry of the
+sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is read more than ever, but it does
+not colour our thoughts; it does not shape our understandings, as it
+shaped the understandings of our forefathers. Between us and them is a
+chasm, which we cannot entirely bridge. We are so far removed from the
+associations amid which those poems were composed, that they do not flash
+upon us with that reality and distinctness of aim, which they would have
+done, had we lived when they were written. Their garb is strange, and
+belongs to another time. Not merely their dialect and their dress, but
+their very complexion and their inmost sentiments, tell of bygone days,
+of which we have no firm hold. There is, no doubt, a certain ornamental
+culture, which the most highly educated persons receive from the
+literature of the past, and by which they sometimes refine their taste,
+and sometimes enlarge their ideas. But the real culture of a great
+people, that which supplies each generation with its principal strength,
+consists of what is learnt from the generation immediately preceding.
+Though we are often unconscious of the process, we build nearly all our
+conceptions on the basis recognized by those who went just before us. Our
+closest contact is, not with our forefathers, but with our fathers. To
+them we are linked by a genuine affinity, which, being spontaneous, costs
+us no effort, and from which, indeed, we cannot escape. We inherit their
+notions, and modify them, just as they modified the notions of their
+predecessors. At each successive modification, something is lost and
+something is gained, until, at length, the original type almost
+disappears. Therefore it is, that ideas entertained several generations
+ago, bear about the same relation to us, as ideas preserved in a foreign
+literature. In both cases, the ideas may adorn our knowledge, but they
+are never so thoroughly incorporated with our minds, as to be the
+knowledge itself. The assimilation is incomplete, because the sympathy is
+incomplete. We have now no great poets; and our poverty in this respect
+is not compensated by the fact, that we once had them, and that we may,
+and do, read their works. The movement has gone by; the charm is broken;
+the bond of union, though not cancelled, is seriously weakened. Hence,
+our age, great as it is, and, in nearly all respects, greater than any
+the world has yet seen, has, notwithstanding its large and generous
+sentiments, its unexampled toleration, its love of liberty, and its
+profuse, and almost reckless, charity, a certain material, unimaginative,
+and unheroic character, which has made several observers tremble for the
+future. So far as I can understand our present condition, I do not
+participate in these fears, because I believe that the good we have
+already gained, is beyond all comparison greater than what we have lost.
+But that something has been lost, is unquestionable. We have lost much of
+that imagination, which, though, in practical life, it often misleads,
+is, in speculative life, one of the highest of all qualities, being
+suggestive as well as creative. Even practically, we should cherish it,
+because the commerce of the affections mainly depends on it. It is,
+however, declining; while, at the same time, the increasing refinement of
+society accustoms us more and more to suppress our emotions, lest they
+should be disagreeable to others. And as the play of the emotions is the
+chief study of the poet, we see, in this circumstance, another reason
+which makes it difficult to rival that great body of poetry which our
+ancestors possessed. Therefore, it is doubly incumbent on physical
+philosophers to cultivate the imagination. It is a duty they owe to their
+own pursuits, which would be enriched and invigorated by such an
+enlargement of their resources. It is also a duty which they owe to
+society in general; since they, whose intellectual influence is already
+greater than that of any other class, and whose authority is perceptibly
+on the increase, might have power enough to correct the most serious
+deficiency of the present age, and to make us some amends for our
+inability to produce such a splendid imaginative literature as that which
+our forefathers created, and in which the choicest spirits of the
+seventeenth century did, if I may so say, dwell and have their being.
+
+If, therefore, Black had done nothing more than set the example of a
+great physical philosopher giving free scope to the imagination, he would
+have conferred upon us a boon, the magnitude of which it is not easy to
+overrate. And it is very remarkable, that, before he died, that
+department of inorganic physics, which he cultivated with such success,
+was taken up by another eminent Scotchman, who pursued exactly the same
+plan, though with somewhat inferior genius. I allude, of course, to
+Leslie, whose researches on heat are well known to those who are occupied
+with this subject; while, for our present purpose, they are chiefly
+interesting as illustrating that peculiar method which, in the eighteenth
+century, seemed essential to the Scotch mind.
+
+About thirty years after Black propounded his famous theory of heat,
+Leslie began to investigate the same topic, and, in 1804, published a
+special dissertation upon it.[769] In that work, and in some papers in
+his _Treatises on Philosophy_, are contained his views, several of which
+are now known to be inaccurate,[770] though some are of sufficient value
+to mark an epoch in the history of science. Such was his generalization
+respecting the connexion between the radiation of heat, and its
+reflection; bodies which reflect it most, radiating it least, and those
+which radiate it most, reflecting it least. Such, too, was another wide
+conclusion, which the best inquirers have since confirmed, namely, that,
+while heat is radiating from a body, the intensity of each ray is as the
+sine of the angle which it makes with the surface of that body.
+
+  [769] Mr. Napier, in his _Memoirs of Leslie_, pp. 16, 17 (prefixed to
+        _Leslie's Treatises on Philosophy_, Edinb. 1838), says, that he
+        'composed the bulk of his celebrated work on Heat in the years
+        1801 and 1802;' but that, in 1793, he propounded 'some of its
+        theoretical opinions, as well as the germs of its discoveries.' It
+        appears, however, from his own statement, that he was making
+        experiments on heat, at all events, as early as 1791. See
+        _Leslie's Experimental Inquiry into the Nature and Propagation of
+        Heat_, London, 1804, p. 409.
+
+  [770] For specimens of some of his most indefensible speculations, see
+        _Leslie's Treatises on Philosophy_, pp. 38, 43.
+
+These were important steps, and they were the result of experiments,
+preceded by large and judicious hypotheses. In relation, however, to the
+economy of nature, considered as a whole, they are of small account in
+comparison with what Leslie effected towards consolidating the great idea
+of light and heat being identical, and thus preparing his contemporaries
+for that theory of the interchange of forces, which is the capital
+intellectual achievement of the nineteenth century. But it is interesting
+to observe, that, with all his ardour, he could not go beyond a certain
+length. He was so hampered by the material tendencies of his time, that
+he could not bring himself to conceive heat as a purely supersensual
+force, of which temperature was the external manifestation.[771] For
+this, the age was barely ripe. We accordingly find him asserting, that
+heat is an elastic fluid, extremely subtle, but still a fluid.[772] His
+real merit was, that, notwithstanding the difficulties which beset his
+path, he firmly seized the great truth, that there is no fundamental
+difference between light and heat. As he puts it, each is merely a
+metamorphosis of the other. Heat is light in complete repose. Light is
+heat in rapid motion. Directly light is combined with a body, it becomes
+heat; but when it is thrown off from that body, it again becomes
+light.[773]
+
+  [771] Though he clearly distinguishes between the two. 'It is almost
+        superfluous to remark, that the term heat is of ambiguous import,
+        denoting either a certain sensation, or the external cause which
+        excites it.' _Leslie on Heat_, p. 137.
+
+  [772] 'Heat is an elastic fluid extremely subtle and active.' _Leslie on
+        Heat_, p. 150. At p. 31, 'calorific and frigorific fluid.' See
+        also pp. 143, 144; and the attempt to measure its elasticity, in
+        pp. 177, 178.
+
+  [773] 'Heat is only light in the state of combination.' _Leslie on
+        Heat_, p. 162. 'Heat in the state of emission constitutes light.'
+        p. 174. 'It is, therefore, the same subtle matter, that, according
+        to its different modes of existence, constitutes either heat or
+        light. Projected with rapid celerity, it forms light; in the state
+        of combination with bodies it acts as heat.' p. 188. See also p.
+        403, 'different states of the same identical substance.'
+
+Whether this is true or false, we cannot tell; and many years, perhaps
+many generations, will have to elapse before we shall be able to tell.
+But the service rendered by Leslie is quite independent of the accuracy
+of his opinion, as to the manner in which light and heat are
+interchanged. That they are interchanged, is the essential and paramount
+idea. And we must remember, that he made this idea the basis of his
+researches, at a period when some very important facts, or, I should
+rather say, some very conspicuous facts, were opposed to it; while the
+main facts which favoured it were still unknown. When he composed his
+work, the analogies between light and heat, with which we are now
+acquainted, had not been discovered; no one being aware, that double
+refraction, polarization, and other curious properties, are common to
+both. To grasp so wide a truth in the face of such obstacles, was a rare
+stroke of sagacity. But, on account of the obstacles, the inductive mind
+of England refused to receive the truth, as it was not generalized from a
+survey of all the facts. And Leslie, unfortunately for himself, died too
+soon to enjoy the exquisite pleasure of witnessing the empirical
+corroboration of his doctrine by direct experiment, although he clearly
+perceived that the march of discovery, in reference to polarization, was
+leading the scientific world to a point, of which his keen eye had
+discerned the nature, when, to others, it was an almost invisible speck,
+dim in the distant offing.[774]
+
+  [774] In 1814, that is ten years after his great work was published, and
+        about twenty years after it was begun, he writes from Paris: 'My
+        book on heat is better known' here 'than in England. I was even
+        reminded of some passages in it which in England were considered
+        as fanciful, but which the recent discoveries on the polarity of
+        light have confirmed.' _Napier's Memoirs of Leslie_, p. 28,
+        prefixed to _Leslie's Philosophical Treatises_, edit. Edinb. 1838.
+        Leslie died in 1832 (p. 40); and the decisive experiments of
+        Forbes and Melloni were made between 1834 and 1836.
+
+In regard to the method adopted by Leslie, he assures us, that, in
+assuming the principles from which he reasoned, he derived great aid from
+poetry; for he knew that the poets are, after their own manner,
+consummate observers, and that their united observations form a treasury
+of truths, which are nowise inferior to the truths of science, and of
+which science must either avail herself, or else suffer from neglecting
+them.[775] To apply these truths rightly, and to fit them to the
+exigencies of physical inquiry, is, no doubt, a most difficult task,
+since it involves nothing less than holding the balance between the
+conflicting claims of the emotions and the understanding. Like all great
+enterprises, it is full of danger, and, if undertaken by an ordinary
+mind, would certainly fail. But there are two circumstances which make it
+less dangerous in our time, than in any earlier period. The first
+circumstance is, that the supremacy of the human understanding, and its
+right to judge all theories for itself, is now more generally admitted
+than ever; so that there can be little fear of our leaning to the
+opposite side, and allowing poetry to encroach on science. The other
+circumstance is, that our knowledge of the laws of nature is much greater
+than that possessed by any previous age; and there is, consequently, less
+risk of the imagination leading us into error, inasmuch as we have a
+large number of well-ascertained truths, which we can confront with every
+speculation, no matter how plausible or ingenious it may appear.
+
+  [775] 'The easiest mode of conceiving the subject, is to consider the
+        heat that permeates all bodies, and unites with them in various
+        proportions, as merely the subtle fluid of light in a state of
+        combination. When forcibly discharged, or suddenly elicited from
+        any substance, it again resumes its radiant splendour.' ... 'The
+        same notion was embraced by the poets, and gives sublimity to
+        their finest odes.' ... 'Those poetical images which have
+        descended to our own times, were hence founded on a close
+        observation of nature. Modern philosophy need not disdain to adopt
+        them, and has only to expand and reduce to precision the original
+        conceptions.' _Leslie's Treatises on Philosophy_, pp. 308, 309.
+        Again, at p. 416: 'This is not the first occasion in which we have
+        to admire, through the veil of poetical imagery, the sagacity and
+        penetration of those early sages. It would be weakness to expect
+        nice conclusions in the infancy of science; but it is arrogant
+        presumption to regard all the efforts of unaided genius with
+        disdain.'
+
+On both these grounds, Leslie was, I apprehend, justified in taking the
+course which he did. At all events, it is certain, that, by following it,
+he came nearer than would otherwise have been possible, to the
+conceptions of the most advanced scientific thinkers of our day. He
+distinctly recognized that, in the material world, there is neither break
+nor pause; so that what we call the divisions of nature have no
+existence, except in our minds.[776] He was even almost prepared to do
+away with that imaginary difference between the organic and inorganic
+world, which still troubles many of our physicists, and prevents them
+from comprehending the unity and uninterrupted march of affairs. They,
+with their old notions of inanimate matter, are unable to see that all
+matter is living, and that what we term death is a mere expression by
+which we signify a fresh form of life. Towards this conclusion, all our
+knowledge is now converging; and it is certainly no small merit in
+Leslie, that he, sixty years ago, when really comprehensive views,
+embracing the whole creation, were scarcely known among scientific men,
+should have strongly insisted that all forces are of the same kind, and
+that we have no right to distinguish between them, as if some were
+living, and others were dead.[777]
+
+  [776] 'We should recollect that, in all her productions, Nature exhibits
+        a chain of perpetual gradation, and that the systematic divisions
+        and limitations are entirely artificial, and designed merely to
+        assist the memory and facilitate our conceptions.' _Leslie on
+        Heat_, p. 506.
+
+  [777] 'All forces are radically of the same kind, and the distinction of
+        them into _living_ and _dead_ is not grounded on just principles.'
+        _Leslie on Heat_, p. 133. Compare p. 299: 'We shall perhaps find,
+        that this prejudice, like many others, has some semblance of
+        truth; and that even dead or inorganic substances must, in their
+        recondite arrangements, exert such varying energies, and _so like
+        sensation itself_, as if fully unveiled to our eyes, could not
+        fail to strike us with wonder and surprise.'
+
+We owe much to him, by whom such views were advocated. But they were
+then, and in a certain, though far smaller degree, they are now, so out
+of the domain of physical experience, that Leslie never could have
+obtained them by generalizing in the way which the inductive philosophy
+enjoins. His great work on heat was executed, as well as conceived, on
+the opposite plan;[778] and his prejudices on this point were so strong,
+that we are assured by his biographer, that he would allow no merit to
+Bacon, who organized the inductive method into a system, and to whose
+authority we in England pay a willing, and I had almost said a servile,
+homage.[779]
+
+  [778] Mr. Napier, in his _Life of Leslie_, p. 17, says of it, very
+        gravely, 'Its hypotheses are not warranted by the sober maxims of
+        inductive logic.'
+
+  [779] 'Notwithstanding the contrary testimony, explicitly recorded by
+        the founders of the English experimental school, he denied all
+        merit and influence to the immortal delineator of the inductive
+        logic.' _Napier's Life of Leslie_, p. 42.
+
+Another curious illustration of the skill with which the Scotch mind,
+when once possessed of a principle, worked from it deductively, appears
+in the geological speculations of Hutton, late in the eighteenth century.
+It is well known, that the two great powers which have altered the
+condition of our planet, and made it what it is, are fire and water. Each
+has played so considerable a part, that we can hardly measure their
+relative importance. Judging, however, from the present appearance of the
+crust of the earth, there is reason to believe, that the older rocks are
+chiefly the result of fusion, and that the younger are aqueous deposits.
+It is, therefore, not unlikely, that, in the order in which the energies
+of nature have unfolded themselves, fire preceded water, and was its
+necessary precursor.[780] But, all that we are as yet justified in
+asserting is, that these two causes, the igneous and the aqueous, were in
+full operation long before man existed, and are still busily working.
+Perhaps they are preparing another change in our habitation, suitable to
+new forms of life, as superior to man, as man is superior to the beings
+who occupied the earth before his time. Be this as it may, fire and water
+are the two most important and most general principles with which
+geologists are concerned; and though, on a superficial view, each is
+extremely destructive, it is certain that they can really destroy
+nothing, but can only decompose and recompose; shifting the arrangements
+of nature, but leaving nature herself intact. Whether one of these
+elements will ever again get the upper hand of its opponent, is a
+speculation of extreme interest. For, there is reason to suspect, that,
+at one period, fire was more active than water, and that, at another
+period, water was more active than fire. That they are engaged in
+incessant warfare, is a fact with which geologists are perfectly
+familiar, though, in this, as in many other cases, the poets were the
+first to discern the truth. To the eye of the geologist, water is
+constantly labouring to reduce all the inequalities of the earth to a
+single level; while fire, with its volcanic action, is equally busy in
+restoring those inequalities, by throwing up matter to the surface, and
+in various ways disturbing the crust of the globe.[781] And as the beauty
+of the material world mainly depends on that irregularity of aspect,
+without which scenery would have presented no variety of form, and but
+little variety of colour, we shall, I think, not be guilty of too refined
+a subtlety, if we say that fire, by saving us from the monotony to which
+water would have condemned us, has been the remote cause of that
+development of the imagination which has given us our poetry, our
+painting, and our sculpture, and has thereby not only wonderfully
+increased the pleasures of life, but has imparted to the human mind a
+completeness of function, to which, in the absence of such a stimulus, it
+could not have attained.
+
+  [780] The supposition, that volcanic agencies were formerly more potent
+        than they are now, is by no means inconsistent with the scientific
+        doctrine of uniformity, though it is generally considered to be
+        so. It is one thing to assert the uniformity of natural laws; it
+        is quite another thing to assert the uniformity of natural causes.
+        Heat may once have produced far greater effects than it can do at
+        present, and yet the laws of nature be unchanged, and the order
+        and sequence of events unbroken. What I would venture to suggest
+        to geologists is, that they have not taken sufficiently into
+        account the theory of the interchange of forces, which seems to
+        offer a solution of at least part of the problem. For, by that
+        theory, a large portion of the heat which formerly existed may
+        have been metamorphosed into other forces, such as light, chemical
+        affinity, and gravitation. The increase of these forces consequent
+        on the diminution of heat, would have facilitated the
+        consolidation of matter; and until such forces possessed a certain
+        energy, water, which afterwards became so prominent, could not
+        have been formed. If the power of chemical affinity, for instance,
+        were much weaker than it is, water would assuredly resolve itself
+        into its component gases. Without wishing to lay too much stress
+        on this speculation, I submit it to the consideration of competent
+        judges, because I am convinced that any hypothesis, not absolutely
+        inconsistent with the known laws of nature, is preferable to that
+        dogma of interference, which what may be called the miraculous
+        school of geologists wish to foist upon us, in utter ignorance of
+        its incompatibility with the conclusions of the most advanced
+        minds in other departments of thought.
+
+        The remarks in Sir Roderick Murchison's great work (_Siluria_,
+        London, 1854, pp. 475, 476) on the 'grander intensity of former
+        causation,' and on the difficulty this opposes to the
+        'uniformitarians,' apply merely to those who take for granted that
+        _each_ force has always been equally powerful: they do not affect
+        those who suppose that it is only the _aggregate_ of force which
+        remains unimpaired. Though the distribution of forces may be
+        altered, their gross amount is not susceptible of change, so far
+        as the highest conceptions of our actual science extend.
+        Consequently, there is no need for us to believe that, in
+        different periods, the intensity of causation varies; though we
+        may believe that some one agent, such as heat, had at one time
+        more energy than it has ever had since.
+
+  [781] 'The great agents of change in the inorganic world may be divided
+        into two principal classes, the aqueous and the igneous. To the
+        aqueous belong rain, rivers, torrents, springs, currents, and
+        tides; to the igneous, volcanos and earthquakes. Both these
+        classes are instruments of decay as well as of reproduction; but
+        they may also be regarded as antagonist forces. For the aqueous
+        agents are incessantly labouring to reduce the inequalities of the
+        earth's surface to a level; while the igneous are equally active
+        in restoring the unevenness of the external crust, partly by
+        heaping up new matter in certain localities, and partly by
+        depressing one portion, and forcing out another, of the earth's
+        envelope.' _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, 9th edit., London,
+        1853, p. 198.
+
+When geologists began to study the laws according to which fire and water
+had altered the structure of the earth, two different courses were open
+to them, namely, the inductive and the deductive. The deductive plan was
+to compute the probable consequences of fire and water, by reasoning from
+the sciences of thermotics and hydrodynamics; tracking each element by an
+independent line of argument, and afterwards coördinating into a single
+scheme the results which had been separately obtained. It would then only
+remain to inquire, how far this imaginary scheme harmonized with the
+actual state of things; and if the discrepancy between the ideal and the
+actual were not greater than might fairly be expected from the
+perturbations produced by other causes, the ratiocination would be
+complete, and geology would, in its inorganic department, become a
+deductive science. That our knowledge is ripe for such a process, I am
+far, indeed, from supposing; but this is the path which a deductive mind
+would take, so far as it was able. On the other hand, an inductive mind,
+instead of beginning with fire and water, would begin with the effects
+which fire and water had produced, and would first study these two
+agents, not in their own separate sciences, but in their united action as
+exhibited on the crust of the earth. An inquirer of this sort would
+assume, that the best way of arriving at truth would be to proceed from
+effects to causes, observing what had actually happened, and rising from
+the complex results up to a knowledge of the simple agents, by whose
+power the results have been brought about.
+
+If the reader has followed the train of thought which I have endeavoured
+to establish in this chapter, and in the first volume, he will be
+prepared to expect that when, in the latter half of the eighteenth
+century, geology was first seriously studied, the inductive plan of
+proceeding from effects to causes became the favourite one in England;
+while the deductive plan of proceeding from causes to effects, was
+adopted in Scotland and in Germany. And such was really the case. It is
+generally admitted, that, in England, scientific geology owes its origin
+to William Smith, whose mind was singularly averse to system, and who,
+believing that the best way of understanding former causes was to study
+present effects, occupied himself, between the years 1790 and 1815, in a
+laborious examination of different strata.[782] In 1815, he, after
+traversing the whole of England on foot, published the first complete
+geological map which ever appeared, and thus took the first great step
+towards accumulating the materials for an inductive generalization.[783]
+In 1807, and, therefore, before he had brought his arduous task to an
+end, there was formed in London the Geological Society, the express
+object of which, we are assured, was, to observe the condition of the
+earth, but by no means to generalize the causes which had produced that
+condition.[784] The resolution was, perhaps, a wise one. At all events,
+it was highly characteristic of the sober and patient spirit of the
+English intellect. With what energy and unsparing toil it has been
+executed, and how the most eminent members of the Geological Society
+have, in the pursuit of truth, not only explored every part of Europe,
+but examined the shell of the earth in America and in Northern Asia, is
+well known to all who are interested in these matters; nor can it be
+denied, that the great works of Lyell and Murchison prove that the men
+who are capable of such laborious enterprises, are also capable of the
+still more difficult achievement of generalizing their facts and refining
+them into ideas. They did not go as mere observers, but they went with
+the noble object of making their observations subservient to a discovery
+of the laws of nature. That was their aim; and all honour be to them for
+it. Still, it is evident, that their process is essentially inductive; it
+is a procedure from the observation of complex phenomena, up to the
+elements to which those phenomena are owing; it is, in other words, a
+study of natural effects, in order to learn the operation of natural
+causes.
+
+  [782] Dr. Whewell, comparing him with his great German contemporary,
+        Werner, says, 'In the German, considering him as a geologist, the
+        ideal element predominated.' ... 'Of a very different temper and
+        character was William Smith. No literary cultivation of his youth
+        awoke in him the _speculative love of symmetry and system_; but a
+        singular clearness and precision of the classifying power, which
+        he possessed as a native talent, was exercised and developed by
+        exactly those geological facts among which his philosophical task
+        lay.' ... 'We see great vividness of thought and activity of mind,
+        _unfolding itself exactly in proportion to the facts with which it
+        had to deal_.' ... 'He dates his attempts to discriminate and
+        connect strata from the year 1790.' _Whewell's History of the
+        Inductive Sciences_, London, 1847, vol. iii. pp. 562-564.
+
+  [783] 'The execution of his map was completed in 1815, and remains a
+        lasting monument of original talent and extraordinary
+        perseverance; for he had explored the whole country on foot
+        without the guidance of previous observers, or the aid of
+        fellow-labourers, and had succeeded in throwing into natural
+        divisions the whole complicated series of British rocks.' _Lyell's
+        Principles of Geology_, p. 58. Geological maps of parts of England
+        had, however, been published before 1815. See _Conybeare on
+        Geology_, in _Second Report of the British Association_, p. 373.
+
+  [784] 'A great body of new data were required; and the Geological
+        Society of London, founded in 1807, conduced greatly to the
+        attainment of this desirable end. To multiply and record
+        observations, and patiently to await the result at some future
+        period, was the object proposed by them; and it was their
+        favourite maxim, that the time was not yet come for a general
+        system of geology, but that all must be content for many years to
+        be exclusively engaged in furnishing materials for future
+        generalizations.' _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, p. 59. Compare
+        _Richardson's Geology_, 1851, p. 40.
+
+Very different was the process in Germany and Scotland. In 1787, that is,
+only three years before William Smith began his labours, Werner, by his
+work on the classification of mountains, laid the foundation of the
+German school of geology.[785] His influence was immense; and among his
+pupils we find the names of Mohs, Raumer, and Von Buch, and even that of
+Alexander Humboldt.[786] But the geological theory which he propounded,
+depended entirely on a chain of argument from cause to effect. He
+assumed, that all the great changes through which the earth had passed,
+were due to the action of water. Taking this for granted, he reasoned
+deductively from premisses with which his knowledge of water supplied
+him. Without entering into details respecting his system, it is enough to
+say, that, according to it, there was originally one vast and primeval
+sea, which, in the course of time, deposited the primitive rocks. The
+base of all was granite; then gneiss; and others followed in their
+order. In the bosom of the water, which at first was tranquil, agitations
+gradually arose, which, destroying part of the earliest deposits, gave
+birth to new rocks, formed out of their ruins. The stratified thus
+succeeded to the unstratified, and something like variety was
+established. Then came another period, in which the face of the waters,
+instead of being merely agitated, was convulsed by tempests, and, amid
+their play and collision, life was generated, and plants and animals
+sprung into existence. The vast solitude was slowly peopled, the sea
+gradually retired; and a foundation was laid for that epoch, during which
+man entered the scene, bringing with him the rudiments of order and of
+social improvement.[787]
+
+  [785] Cuvier, in his Life of Werner, says (_Biographie Universelle_,
+        vol. i. pp. 376, 377), 'La connaissance des positions respectives
+        des minéraux dans la croûte du globe, et ce que l'on peut en
+        conclure relativement aux époques de leur origine, forment une
+        autre branche de la science qu'il appelle Géognosie. Il en
+        présenta les premières bases en 1787, dans un petit écrit intitulé
+        "Classification et description des Montagnes."'
+
+  [786] _Whewell's History of the Inductive Sciences_, vol. iii. p. 567.
+
+  [787] 'Une mer universelle et tranquille dépose en grandes masses les
+        roches primitives, roches nettement cristallisées, où domine
+        d'abord la silice. Le granit fait la base de tout; au granit
+        succède le gneiss, qui n'est qu'un granit commençant à se
+        feuilleter.' ... 'Des agitations intestines du liquide détruisent
+        une partie de ces premiers dépôts; de nouvelles roches se forment
+        de leurs débris réunis par des cimens. C'est parmi ces tempêtes
+        que naît la vie.' ... 'Les eaux, de nouveau tranquillisées, mais
+        dont le contenu a changé, déposent des couches moins épaisses et
+        plus variées, où les débris des corps vivans s'accumulent
+        successivement dans un ordre non moins fixe que celui des roches
+        qui les contiennent. Enfin, la dernière retraite des eaux répand
+        sur le continent d'immenses alluvions de matières meubles,
+        premiers sièges de la végétation, de la culture et de la
+        sociabilité.' _Eloge de Werner_, in _Cuvier_, _Recueil des Elogés
+        Historiques_, vol. ii. pp. 321-323.
+
+These were the leading views of a system which, we must remember,
+exercised great sway in the scientific world, and won over to its side
+minds of considerable power. Erroneous and far-fetched though it was, it
+had the merit of calling attention to one of the two chief principles
+which have determined the present condition of our planet. It had the
+further merit of provoking a controversy, which was eminently serviceable
+to the interests of truth. For, the great enemy of knowledge is not
+error, but inertness. All that we want is discussion, and then we are
+sure to do well, no matter what our blunders may be. One error conflicts
+with another; each destroys its opponent, and truth is evolved. This is
+the course of the human mind, and it is from this point of view that the
+authors of new ideas, the proposers of new contrivances, and the
+originators of new heresies, are benefactors of their species. Whether
+they are right or wrong, is the least part of the question. They tend to
+excite the mind; they open up the faculties; they stimulate us to fresh
+inquiry; they place old subjects under new aspects; they disturb the
+public sloth; and they interrupt, rudely, but with most salutary effect,
+that love of routine, which, by inducing men to go grovelling on in the
+ways of their ancestors, stands in the path of every improvement, as a
+constant, an outlying, and, too often, a fatal obstacle.
+
+The method adopted by Werner was evidently deductive, since he argued
+from a supposed cause, and reasoned from it to the effects. In that
+cause, he found his major premiss, and thence he worked downwards to his
+conclusion, until he reached the world of sense and of reality. He
+trusted in his one great idea, and he handled that idea with consummate
+skill. On that very account, did he pay less attention to existing facts.
+Had he chosen, he, like other men, could have collected them, and
+subjected them to an inductive generalization. But he preferred the
+opposite path. To reproach him with this is irrational; for, in his
+journey after truth, he chose one of the only two roads which are open to
+the human mind. In England, indeed, we are apt to take for granted that
+one road is infinitely preferable to the other. It may be so; but on
+this, as on many other subjects, assertions are current which have never
+been proved. At all events, Werner was so satisfied with his method, that
+he would not be at the pains of examining the position of rocks and their
+strata, as they are variously exhibited in different countries; he did
+not even explore his own country, but, confining himself to a corner of
+Germany, he began and completed his celebrated system, without
+investigating the facts on which, according to the inductive method, that
+system should have been built.[788]
+
+  [788] 'If it be true that delivery be the first, second, and third
+        requisite in a popular orator, it is no less certain that to
+        travel is of first, second, and third importance to those who
+        desire to originate just and comprehensive views concerning the
+        structure of our globe. Now, Werner had not travelled to distant
+        countries: he had merely explored a small portion of Germany, and
+        conceived, and persuaded others to believe, that the whole surface
+        of our planet, and all the mountain chains in the world, were made
+        after the model of his own province.' ... 'It now appears that he
+        had misinterpreted many of the most important appearances even in
+        the immediate neighbourhood of Freyberg. Thus, for example, within
+        a day's journey of his school, the porphyry, called by him
+        primitive, has been found not only to send forth veins, or dykes,
+        through strata of the coal formation, but to overlie them in
+        mass.' _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, p. 47.
+
+Exactly the same process, on the same subject, and at the same time, was
+going on in Scotland. Hutton, who was the founder of Scotch geology, and
+who, in 1788, published his _Theory of the Earth_, conducted the inquiry
+just as Werner did; though, when he began his speculations, he had no
+knowledge of what Werner was doing.[789] The only difference between them
+was, that while Werner reasoned from the agency of water, Hutton reasoned
+from the agency of fire. The cause of this may, I think, be explained.
+Hutton lived in a country where some of the most important laws of heat
+had, for the first time, been generalized, and where consequently, that
+department of inorganic physics had acquired great reputation. It was
+natural for a Scotchman to take more than ordinary interest in a subject
+in which Scotland had been so successful, and had obtained so much fame.
+We need not, therefore, wonder that Hutton, who, like all men, felt the
+intellectual bent of the time in which he lived, should have yielded to
+an influence of which he was, perhaps, unconscious. In obedience to the
+general mental habits of his country he adopted the deductive method. In
+further obedience to the more special circumstances connected with his
+own immediate pursuits, he gathered the principles from which he reasoned
+from a study of fire, instead of gathering them, as Werner did, from a
+study of water.
+
+  [789] Though Hutton's _Theory of the Earth_ was first published in 1788,
+        the edition of 1795, which is the one I have used, contains a
+        great number of additional illustrations of his views, and was
+        evidently re-written. But the main features are the same; and we
+        learn from his friend, Playfair, that 'the great outline of his
+        system' was completed 'several years' before 1788. _Life of
+        Hutton_, in _Playfair's Works_, vol. iv. p. 50, Edinburgh, 1822.
+
+Hence it is, that, in the history of geology, the followers of Werner are
+known as Neptunists, and those of Hutton as Plutonists.[790] And these
+terms represent the only difference between the two great masters. In the
+most important points, namely their method, they were entirely agreed.
+Both were essentially one-sided; both paid a too exclusive attention to
+one of the two principal agents which have altered, and are still
+altering, the crust of the earth; both reasoned from those agents,
+instead of reasoning to them; and both constructed their system without
+sufficiently studying the actual and existing facts; committing, in this
+respect, an error which the English geologists were the first to rectify.
+
+  [790] Kirwan appears to have been the first who called Hutton's theory
+        'the Plutonic System.' See _Illustrations of the Huttonian
+        Theory_, in _Playfair's Works_, vol. i. p. 145. On the distinction
+        between Neptunists and Plutonists, see the same work, pp. 504,
+        505.
+
+As I am writing a history, not of science, but of scientific method, I
+can only briefly glance at the nature of those services which Hutton
+rendered to geology, and which are so considerable, that his system has
+been called its present basis.[791] This, however, is too strongly
+expressed; for, though Hutton was far from denying the influence of
+water,[792] he did not concede enough to it, and there is a tendency
+among several geologists to admit that the system of Werner considered
+as an aqueous theory, contains a larger amount of truth than the
+advocates of the igneous theory are willing to allow. Still, what Hutton
+did was most remarkable, especially in reference to what are now termed
+metamorphic rocks, the theory of whose formation he was the first to
+conceive.[793] Into this, and into their connexion, on the one hand, with
+the sedimentary rocks, and, on the other hand, with those rocks whose
+origin is perhaps purely igneous, I could not enter without treading on
+debatable ground. But, putting aside what is yet uncertain, I will
+mention two circumstances respecting Hutton which are undisputed, and
+which will give some idea of his method, and of the turn of his mind. The
+first circumstance is, that, although he ascribed to subterranean heat,
+as exhibited in volcanic action, a greater and more constant energy than
+any previous inquirers had ventured to do,[794] he preferred speculating
+on the probable consequences of that action, rather than drawing
+inferences from the facts which the action presented; he being on this
+point so indifferent, that he arrived at his conclusions without
+inspecting even a single region of active volcanoes, where he might have
+watched the workings of nature, and seen what she was really about.[795]
+The other circumstance is equally characteristic. Hutton, in his
+speculations concerning the geological effects of heat, naturally availed
+himself of the laws which Black had unfolded. One of those laws was, that
+certain earths owe their fusibility to the presence of fixed air in them
+before heat has expelled it; so that if it were possible to force them to
+retain their fixed air, or carbonic acid gas, as we now call it, no
+amount of heat could deprive them of the capability of being fused. The
+fertile mind of Hutton saw, in this discovery, a principle from which he
+could construct a geological argument. It occurred to him, that great
+pressure would prevent the escape of fixed air from heated rocks, and
+would thus enable them to be fused, notwithstanding their elevated
+temperature. He then supposed that, at a period anterior to the existence
+of man, such a process had taken place under the surface of the sea, and
+that the weight of so great a column of water had prevented the rocks
+from being decomposed while they were subjected to the action of fire. In
+this way, their volatile parts were held together, and they themselves
+might be melted, which could not have happened except for this enormous
+pressure. By following this line of argument, he accounted for the
+consolidation of strata by heat; since, according to the premisses from
+which he started, the oily, or bituminous parts, would remain, in spite
+of the efforts of heat to disperse them.[796] This striking speculation
+led to the inference, that the volatile components of a substance, and
+its fixed components, may be made to cohere, in the very teeth of that
+apparently irresistible agent whose business it is to effect their
+separation. Such an inference was contrary to all experience; or, to say
+the least, no man had ever seen an instance of it.[797] Indeed, the
+event was only supposed to happen in consequence of circumstances which
+were never met with on the surface of the globe, and which, therefore,
+were out of the range of all human observation.[798] The utmost that
+could be expected was, that, by means of our instruments, we might,
+perhaps, on a small scale, imitate the process which Hutton had imagined.
+It was possible, that a direct experiment might artificially combine
+great pressure with great heat, and that the result might be, that the
+senses would realize what the intellect had conceived.[799] But the
+experiment had never been tried, and Hutton, who delighted in reasoning
+from ideas rather than from facts, was not likely to undertake it.[800]
+He cast his speculation on the world, and left it to its fate.[801]
+Fortunately, however, for the reception of his system, a very ingenious
+and skilful experimenter of that day, Sir James Hall, determined to test
+the speculation by an appeal to facts; and as nature did not supply the
+facts which he wanted, he created them for himself. He applied heat to
+powdered chalk, while, at the same time, with great delicacy of
+manipulation, he subjected the chalk to a pressure about equal to the
+weight of a column of water half a mile high. The result was, that, under
+that pressure, the volatile parts of the chalk were held together; the
+carbonic acid gas was unable to escape; the generation of quicklime was
+stopped; the ordinary operations of nature were baffled, and the whole
+composition, being preserved in its integrity, was fused, and, on
+subsequently cooling, actually crystallized into solid marble.[802]
+Never was triumph more complete. Never did a fact more fully confirm an
+idea.[803] But, in the mind of Hutton, the idea preceded the fact by a
+long interval; since, before the fact was known, the theory had been
+raised, and the system which was built upon it had, indeed, been
+published several years. It, therefore, appears that one of the chief
+parts of the Huttonian Theory, and certainly its most successful part,
+was conceived in opposition to all preceding experience; that it
+pre-supposed a combination of events which no one had ever observed, and
+the mere possibility of which nothing but artificial experiment could
+prove; and, finally, that Hutton was so confident of the validity of his
+own method of inquiry, that he disdained to make the experiment himself,
+but left to another mind that empirical branch of the investigation which
+he deemed of little moment, but which we, in England, are taught to
+believe is the only safe foundation of physical research.[804]
+
+  [791] 'Has not only supplanted that of Werner, but has formed the
+        foundation of the researches and writings of our most enlightened
+        observers, and is justly regarded as the basis of all sound
+        geology at the present day.' _Richardson's Geology_, London, 1851,
+        p. 38.
+
+  [792] _Hutton's Theory of the Earth_, Edinb. 1795, vol. i. pp. 34, 41,
+        192, 290, 291, 593, vol. ii. pp. 236, 369, 378, 555.
+
+  [793] 'In his writings, and in those of his illustrator, Playfair, we
+        find the germ of the metamorphic theory.' _Lyell's Manual of
+        Geology_, London, 1851, p. 92.
+
+  [794] The shortest summary of this view is in his _Theory of the Earth_,
+        Edin. 1795, vol. ii. pp. 556. 'The doctrine, therefore, of our
+        Theory is briefly this; that whatever may have been the operation
+        of dissolving water, and the chemical action of it upon the
+        materials accumulated at the bottom of the sea, the general
+        solidity of that mass of earth, and the placing of it in the
+        atmosphere above the surface of the sea, has been the immediate
+        operation of fire or heat melting and expanding bodies.'
+
+  [795] 'Although Hutton had never explored any region of active volcanos,
+        he had convinced himself that basalt and many other trap rocks
+        were of igneous origin.' _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, London,
+        1853, p. 51. To this I may add, that he wrote his work without
+        having examined granite. He says (_Theory of the Earth_, vol. i.
+        p. 214), 'It is true, I met with it on my return by the east
+        coast, when I just saw it, and no more, at Peterhead and Aberdeen;
+        but that was all the granite I had ever seen when I wrote my
+        _Theory of the Earth_. I have, since that time, seen it in
+        different places; because I went on purpose to examine it, as I
+        shall have occasion to describe in the course of this work.'
+        Hutton's theory of granite is noticed in _Bakewell's Geology_,
+        London, 1838, p. 101: but Mr. Bakewell does not seem to be aware
+        that the theory was formed before the observations were made.
+
+  [796] _Huttonian Theory_, in _Playfair_, vol. i. pp. 38-40, 509, 510.
+        Compare _Playfair's Life of Hutton_, p. 61.
+
+  [797] Hence, the objections of Kirwan were invalid; because his argument
+        against Hutton was 'grounded on experiments, where that very
+        separation of the volatile and fixed parts takes place, which it
+        excluded in that hypothesis of subterraneous heat.' HUTTONIAN
+        THEORY, in _Playfair_, vol. i. p. 193, Edinb. 1822.
+
+  [798] Hutton says (_Theory of the Earth_, Edinb. 1795, vol. i. p. 94),
+        'The place of mineral operations is not on the surface of the
+        earth; and we are not to limit nature with our imbecility, or
+        estimate the powers of nature by the measure of our own.' See also
+        p. 159, 'mineral operations proper to the lower regions of the
+        earth.' And p. 527, 'The mineral operations of nature lie in a
+        part of the globe which is necessarily inaccessible to man, and
+        where the powers of nature act under very different conditions
+        from those which we find take place in the only situation where we
+        can live.' Again, in vol. ii. p. 97, 'The present Theory of the
+        Earth holds for principle that the strata are consolidated in the
+        mineral regions far beyond the reach of human observation.'
+        Similarly, vol. ii. p. 484, 'we judge not of the progress of
+        things from the actual operations of the surface.'
+
+  [799] Hutton, however, did not believe that this could be done. 'In the
+        Theory of the Earth which was published, I was anxious to warn the
+        reader against the notion that subterraneous heat and fusion could
+        be compared with that which we induce by our chemical operations
+        on mineral substances here upon the surface of the earth.'
+        _Hutton's Theory of the Earth_, vol. i. p. 251.
+
+  [800] See, in the _Life of Hutton_, in _Playfair's Works_, vol. iv.
+        p. 62 note, a curious remark on his indifference to experimental
+        verification. Innumerable passages in his work indicate this
+        tendency, and show his desire to reason immediately from general
+        principles. Thus, in vol. i. p. 17, 'Let us strictly examine our
+        principles in order to avoid fallacy in our reasoning.' ... 'We
+        are now, in reasoning from principles, come to a point decisive of
+        the question.' vol. i. p. 177. 'Let us now reason from our
+        principles.' vol. ii. p. 308. Hence, his constantly expressed
+        contempt for experience; as in vol. ii. p. 367, where he says that
+        we must 'overcome those prejudices which contracted views of
+        nature and _magnified opinions of the experience of man_ may have
+        begotten.'
+
+  [801] Playfair (_Life of Hutton_, p. 64) says that it drew 'their
+        attention' (_i.e._ the attention of 'men of science'), 'very
+        slowly, so that several years elapsed before any one showed
+        himself publicly concerned about it, either as an enemy or a
+        friend.' He adds, as one of the reasons of this, that it contained
+        'too little detail of facts for a system which involved so much
+        that was new, and opposite to the opinions generally received.'
+
+  [802] The account of these experiments was read before the Royal Society
+        of Edinburgh in 1805, and is printed in their _Transactions_, vol.
+        vi. pp. 71-185, Edinb. 1812, 4to. The general result was (pp. 148,
+        149), 'That a pressure of 52 atmospheres, or 1700 feet of sea, is
+        capable of forming a limestone in a proper heat; That under 86
+        atmospheres, answering nearly to 3000 feet, or about half a mile,
+        a complete marble may be formed; and lastly, That, with a pressure
+        of 173 atmospheres, or 5700 feet, that is little more than one
+        mile of sea, the carbonate of lime is made to undergo complete
+        fusion, and to act powerfully on other earths.' See also p. 160:
+        'The carbonic acid of limestone cannot be constrained in heat by a
+        pressure less than that of 1708 feet of sea.' There is a short,
+        and not very accurate, notice of these instructive experiments in
+        _Bakewell's Geology_, London, 1838, pp. 249, 250.
+
+  [803] As Sir James Hall says, 'The truth of the most doubtful principle
+        which Dr. Hutton has assumed, has thus been established by direct
+        experiment.' _Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh_,
+        vol. vi. p. 175.
+
+  [804] See the remarks of Sir James Hall, in _Transactions_, vol. vi.
+        pp. 74, 75. He observes that Hutton's 'system, however, involves
+        so many suppositions, apparently in contradiction to common
+        experience, which meet us on the very threshold, that most men
+        have hitherto been deterred from an investigation of its
+        principles, and only a few individuals have justly appreciated its
+        merits.' ... 'I conceived that the chemical effects ascribed by
+        him to compression, ought, in the first place, to be
+        investigated.' ... 'It occurred to me that this principle was
+        susceptible of being established in a direct manner by experiment,
+        and _I urged him to make the attempt; but he always rejected this
+        proposal_, on account of the immensity of the natural agents,
+        whose operation he supposed to lie far beyond the reach of our
+        imitation; and he seemed to imagine that any such attempt must
+        undoubtedly fail, and thus _throw discredit on opinions, already
+        sufficiently established, as he conceived, on other principles_.'
+
+I have now given an account of all the most important discoveries made by
+Scotland, in the eighteenth century, respecting the laws of the inorganic
+world. I have said nothing of Watt, because, although the steam-engine,
+which we owe to him, is of incalculable importance, it is not a
+discovery, but an invention. An invention it may justly be termed, rather
+than an improvement.[805] Notwithstanding what had been effected in the
+seventeenth century, by De Caus, Worcester, Papin, and Savery, and
+notwithstanding the later additions of Newcomen and others, the real
+originality of Watt is unimpeachable. His engine was, essentially, a new
+invention; but, under its scientific aspect, it was merely a skilful
+adaptation of laws previously known; and one of its most important
+points, namely, the economy of heat, was a practical application of ideas
+promulgated by Black.[806] The only discovery made by Watt, was that of
+the composition of water. Though his claims are disputed by the friends
+of Cavendish, it would appear that he was the first who ascertained that
+water, instead of being an element, is a compound of two gases.[807] This
+discovery was a considerable step in the history of chemical analysis,
+but it neither involved nor suggested any new law of nature, and has,
+therefore, no claim to mark an epoch in the history of the human
+mind.[808] There is, however, one circumstance connected with it which is
+too characteristic to be passed over in silence. The discovery was made
+in 1783, by Watt, the Scotchman, and by Cavendish, the Englishman,
+neither of whom seems to have been aware of what the other was
+doing.[809] But between the two there was this difference. Watt, for
+several years previously, had been speculating on the subject of water in
+connexion with air, and having, by Black's law of latent heat, associated
+them together, he was prepared to believe that one is convertible into
+the other.[810] The idea of an intimate analogy between the two bodies
+having once entered his mind, gradually ripened; and when he, at last,
+completed the discovery, it was merely by reasoning from data which
+others possessed besides himself. Instead of bringing to light new facts,
+he drew new conclusions from former ideas.[811] Cavendish, on the other
+hand, obtained his result by the method natural to an Englishman. He did
+not venture to draw a fresh inference, until he had first ascertained
+some fresh facts. Indeed, his discovery was so completely an induction
+from his own experiments, that he omitted to take into consideration the
+theory of latent heat, from which Watt had reasoned, and where that
+eminent Scotchman had found the premisses of his argument.[812] Both of
+these great inquirers arrived at truth, but each accomplished his journey
+by a different path. And this antithesis is accurately expressed by one
+of the most celebrated of living chemists, who, in his remarks on the
+composition of water, truly says, that while Cavendish established the
+facts, Watt established the idea.[813]
+
+  [805] It may be traced back, certainly to the beginning of the
+        seventeenth century, and probably still higher. Yet the popular
+        opinion seems to be correct, that Watt was its real inventor;
+        though, of course, he could not have done what he did, without his
+        predecessors. This, however, may be said of all the most eminent
+        and successful men, as well as of the most ordinary men.
+
+  [806] On the obligations of Watt to Black, compare _Brougham's Life of
+        Watt_ (_Brougham's Works_, vol. i. pp. 25, 36-38, edit. Glasgow,
+        1855), with _Muirhead's Life of Watt_, second edit. London, 1859,
+        pp. 66, 83. At p. 301, Mr. Muirhead says of Watt, that 'his
+        principal inventions connected with the steam-engine, with all
+        their prodigious results, were founded, as we have seen, on the
+        attentive observation of great philosophical truths; and the
+        economy of fuel, increase of productive power, and saving of
+        animal labour, which gradually ensued, all originated in the
+        sagacious and careful thought with which he investigated the
+        nature and properties of heat.' But whatever investigations Watt
+        made into heat, he discovered no new law respecting it, or, at all
+        events, no new law which is large enough to be noted in the
+        history of thermotics, considered purely as a science, and apart
+        from practical application. Mr. Muirhead, in his interesting work
+        which I have just quoted, has published (pp. 484-486) some remarks
+        made on the subject by Watt, several years after the death of
+        Black, which, though perfectly fair and candid, show that Watt had
+        a rather confused notion of the real difference between an
+        invention and a discovery.
+
+  [807] Mr. Muirhead, in his _Life of Watt_, pp. 301-370, seems to have
+        put the priority of Watt beyond further doubt; though he is
+        somewhat hard upon Cavendish, who, there can be little question,
+        made the discovery for himself.
+
+  [808] I would not wish to diminish one jot of the veneration in which
+        the great name of Watt is justly held. But when I find the opinion
+        of Dr. Withering, the botanist, quoted, to the effect that his
+        'abilities and acquirements placed him next, if not superior, to
+        Newton.' (_Muirhead's Life of Watt_, p. 302), I cannot but protest
+        against such indiscriminate eulogy, which would rank Watt in the
+        same class as one of those godlike intellects of which the whole
+        world has not produced a score, and which are entitled to be
+        termed inspired, if ever human being was so. Another instance of
+        this injudicious panegyric will be found in the same otherwise
+        excellent work (_Muirhead_, pp. 324, 325), where we read that
+        Watt's discovery that water consists of oxygen and hydrogen, was
+        'the commencement of a new era, the dawn of a new day in physical
+        inquiry, the real foundation of the new system of chemistry; nay,
+        even a discovery "perhaps of greater importance than any single
+        fact which human ingenuity has ascertained either before or
+        since."'
+
+  [809] That there was no plagiarism on the part of Watt, we know from
+        positive evidence; that there was none on the part of Cavendish,
+        may be fairly presumed, both from the character of the man, and
+        also from the fact that in the then state of chemical knowledge
+        the discovery was imminent, and could not have been long delayed.
+        It was antecedently probable that the composition of water would
+        be ascertained by different persons at the same time, as we have
+        seen in many other discoveries which have been simultaneously
+        made, when the human mind, in that particular department of
+        inquiry, had reached a certain point. We are too apt to suspect
+        philosophers of stealing from each other, what their own abilities
+        are sufficient to work out for themselves. It is, however, certain
+        that Watt thought himself ill-treated by Cavendish. See _Watt's
+        Correspondence on the Composition of Water_, London, 1846,
+        pp. 48, 61.
+
+  [810] On 26th November 1783, he writes: 'For many years I have
+        entertained an opinion that air was a modification of water; which
+        was originally founded on the facts, that in most cases where air
+        was actually made, which should be distinguished from those
+        wherein it is only extricated from substances containing it in
+        their pores, or otherwise united to them in the state of air, the
+        substances were such as were known to contain water as one of
+        their constituent parts, yet no water was obtained in the
+        processes, except what was known to be only loosely connected with
+        them, such as the water of the crystallization of salts. _This
+        opinion arose from a discovery that the latent heat contained in
+        steam diminished, in proportion as the sensible heat of the water
+        from which it was produced, increased_; or, in other words, that
+        the latent heat of steam was less when it was produced under a
+        greater pressure, or in a more dense state, and greater when it
+        was produced under a less pressure, or in a less dense state;
+        which led me to conclude, that when a very great degree of heat
+        was necessary for the production of the steam, the latent heat
+        would be wholly changed into sensible heat; and that, in such
+        cases, the steam itself might suffer some remarkable change. I now
+        abandon this opinion, in so far as relates to the change of water
+        into air, as I think that may be accounted for on better
+        principles.' See this remarkable passage, which is quite decisive
+        as to the real history of Watt's discovery, in _Correspondence of
+        James Watt on the Composition of Water_, London, 1846, pp. 84, 85.
+        Compare p. cxxiv. and p. 248 note.
+
+  [811] In the paper which he communicated to the Royal Society, announcing
+        his discovery, he, well knowing the empirical character of the
+        English mind, apologizes for this; and says, 'I feel much
+        reluctance to lay my thoughts on these subjects before the public
+        in their present indigested state, and _without having been able
+        to bring them to the test of such experiments as would confirm or
+        refute them_.' _Watt's Correspondence on the Discovery of the
+        Composition of Water_, pp. 77, 78. Eleven months earlier, that is
+        in December 1782, he writes (_Ibid._ p. 4): 'Dr. Priestley has
+        made a most surprising discovery, which _seems to confirm my
+        theory_ of water's undergoing some very remarkable change at the
+        point where all its latent heat would be changed into sensible
+        heat.'
+
+  [812] 'He' (_i.e._ Cavendish) 'here omits entirely the consideration of
+        latent heat; an omission which he even attempts to justify, in one
+        of the passages interpolated by Blagden. But it is well known to
+        every one acquainted with the first principles of chemical
+        science, even as it was taught in the days of Black, and it was
+        indisputably familiar to Mr. Watt, that no aëriform fluid can be
+        converted into a liquid, nor any liquid into a solid, without tho
+        evolution of heat, previously latent. This essential part of the
+        process, Mr. Cavendish's theory does not embrace; but without it,
+        no theory on the subject can be complete; and it will presently be
+        seen, that Mr. Watt took it fully into account.' _Muirhead's Life
+        of Watt_, p. 315.
+
+  [813] 'Cavendish and Watt both discovered the composition of water.
+        Cavendish established the facts; Watt the idea.' ... '_The
+        attaching too high a value to the mere facts, is often a sign of a
+        want of ideas._' _Liebig's Letters on Chemistry_, London, 1851, p.
+        48. The last sentence of this illustrious philosopher, which I
+        have put in italics, should be well pondered in England. If I had
+        my way, it should be engraved in letters of gold over the portals
+        of the Royal Society and of the Royal Institution.
+
+Thus much, as to what was effected by the Scotch in the department of
+inorganic science. If we now turn to organic science, we shall find that,
+there also, their labours were very remarkable. To those who are capable
+of a certain elevation and compass of thought, it will appear, in the
+highest degree, probable, that, between the organic and inorganic world,
+there is no real difference. That they are separated, as is commonly
+asserted, by a sharp line of demarcation, which indicates where one
+abruptly ends, and the other abruptly begins, seems to be a supposition
+altogether untenable. Nature does not pause, and break off in this fitful
+and irregular manner. In her works there is neither gap nor chasm. To a
+really scientific mind, the material world presents one vast and
+uninterrupted series, gradually rising from the lowest to the highest
+forms, but never stopping. In one part of that series, we find a
+particular structure, which, so far as our observations have yet
+extended, we, in another part, cannot find. We also observe particular
+functions, which correspond to the structure, and, as we believe, result
+from it. This is all we know. Yet, from these scanty facts, we, who, at
+present, are still in the infancy of knowledge, and have but skimmed the
+surface of things, are expected to infer, that there must be a point, in
+the chain of existence, where both structure and function suddenly cease,
+and, after which, we may vainly search for signs of life. It would be
+difficult to conceive a conclusion more repugnant to the whole march and
+analogy of modern thought. In every department, the speculations of the
+greatest thinkers are constantly tending to coördinate all phenomena, and
+to regard them as different, indeed, in degree, but by no means as
+different in kind. Formerly, men were content to ground their conviction
+of this difference in kind, on the evidence of the eye, which, on a
+cursory inspection, saw an organization in some bodies, and not in
+others. From the organization, they inferred the life, and supposed that
+plants, for instance, had life, but that minerals had none. This sort of
+argument was long deemed satisfactory; but, in the course of time, it
+broke down; more evidence was required, and, since the middle of the
+seventeenth century, it has been universally admitted, that the eye, by
+itself, is an untrustworthy witness, and that we must employ the
+microscope, instead of relying on the unaided testimony of our own puny
+and precarious senses. But the microscope is steadily improving, and we
+cannot tell what limits there are to its capacity for improvement.
+Consequently, we cannot tell what fresh secrets it may disclose. Neither
+can we say, that it may not be altogether superseded by some new
+artificial resource, which shall furnish us with evidence, as superior to
+any yet supplied, as our present evidence is superior to that of the
+naked eye. Even already, and notwithstanding the shortness of time during
+which the microscope has been a really effective instrument, it has
+revealed to us organizations, the existence of which no one had
+previously suspected. It has proved, that what, for thousands of years,
+had been deemed mere specks of inert matter, are, in truth, animals
+possessing most of the functions which we possess, reproducing their
+species in regular and orderly succession, and endowed with a nervous
+system, which shows that they must be susceptible of pain and enjoyment.
+It has detected life hidden in the glaciers of Switzerland; it has found
+it embedded in the polar ice, and, if it can flourish there, it is hard
+to say from what quarter it can be shut out. So unwilling, however, are
+most men to relinquish old notions, that the resources of chemistry have
+been called in, to ascertain the supposed difference between organic and
+inorganic matter: it being asserted, that, in the organic world, there is
+a greater complexity of molecular combination, than in the
+inorganic.[814] Chemists further assert, that, in organic nature, there
+is a predominance of carbon, and, in inorganic, a predominance of
+silicon.[815] But chemical analysis, like microscopic observation, is
+making such rapid strides, that each generation, I had almost said each
+year, is unsettling some of the conclusions previously established; so
+that, now, and for a long time hence, we must regard those conclusions as
+empirical, and, indeed, as merely tentative. Surely a permanent and
+universal inference cannot be drawn from shifting and precarious facts,
+which are admitted to-day, and may be overthrown to-morrow. It would,
+therefore, appear that, in favour of the opinion, that some bodies are
+living, and that others are dead, we have nothing, except the
+circumstance, that our researches, so far as they have yet gone, have
+shown that cellular structure, growth, and reproduction, are not the
+invariable properties of matter, but are excluded from a large part of
+the visible world, which, on that account, we call inanimate. This is the
+whole of the argument on that side of the question. On the other side, we
+have the fact, that our sight, and the artificial instruments, by whose
+aid we have arrived at this conclusion, are confessedly imperfect; and we
+have the further fact, that, imperfect as they are, they have proved,
+that the organic kingdom is infinitely more extensive than the boldest
+dreamer had ever imagined, while they have not been able to enlarge the
+boundaries of the inorganic kingdom to any thing like the same amount.
+This shows, that, so far as our opinions are concerned, the balance is
+steadily inclining in one given direction; in other words, as our
+knowledge advances, a belief in the organic is encroaching upon a belief
+in the inorganic.[816] When we, moreover, add, that all science is
+manifestly converging towards one simple and general theory, which shall
+cover the whole range of material phenomena, and that, at each successive
+step, some irregularities are explained away, and some inequalities are
+reduced, it can hardly be doubted, that such a movement tends to weaken
+those old distinctions, the reality of which has been too hastily
+assumed; and that, in their place, we must, sooner or later, substitute
+the more comprehensive view, that life is a property of all matter, and
+that the classification of bodies into animate and inanimate, or into
+organic and inorganic, is merely a provisional arrangement, convenient,
+perhaps, for our present purposes, but which, like all similar divisions,
+will eventually be merged in a higher and wider scheme.
+
+  [814] 'Organic substances, whether directly derived from the vegetable
+        or animal kingdom, or produced by the subsequent modification of
+        bodies which thus originate, are remarkable as a class for a
+        degree of complexity of constitution far exceeding that observed
+        in any of the compounds yet described.' _Fownes' Chemistry_, 3rd
+        edit., London, 1850, p. 353. I quote this, as the first authority
+        at hand, for a doctrine which is universally admitted by chemists,
+        and which is indubitably true, _so far as our experiments have at
+        present extended_.
+
+  [815] 'As the organic world is characterized by the predominance, in
+        quantity, of carbon, so the mineral or inorganic world is marked
+        by a similar predominance of silicon.' _Turner's Chemistry_,
+        edited by Liebig and Gregory, vol. ii. p. 678, London, 1847.
+
+  [816] I mean, of course, to apply this remark only to the globe we
+        inhabit, and not to extra-terrestrial phenomena. Respecting the
+        organization or non-organization of what exists out of this earth,
+        we have no evidence, and can hardly expect to have any for
+        centuries. Inferences have, indeed, been drawn from telescopic
+        observations; and attempts are now being made, abroad, to
+        determine, by a still more refined process, the physical
+        composition of some of the heavenly bodies. But without venturing,
+        in this note, to enter into such discussions, or even to state
+        their purport, I may say, that the difficulty of _verification_
+        will long prove an insuperable barrier to our knowledge of the
+        truth or falsehood of any results which may be obtained.
+
+Until, however, that step is taken, we must be content to reason
+according to the evidence supplied by our imperfect instruments, or by
+our still more imperfect senses. We, therefore, recognize the difference
+between organic and inorganic nature, not as a scientific truth, but as a
+scientific artifice, by which we separate in idea, what is inseparable in
+fact; hoping, in this way, to pursue our course with the greater ease,
+and ultimately to obtain results, which will make the artifice needless.
+Assuming, then, this division, we may refer all investigations of organic
+bodies to one of two objects. The first object is, to ascertain the law
+of those bodies, in their usual, healthy, or, as we somewhat erroneously
+phrase it, normal course. The other object is, to ascertain their law, in
+their unusual, unhealthy, or abnormal course. When we attempt to do the
+first of these things, we are physiologists. When we attempt to do the
+second, we are pathologists.[817]
+
+  [817] Mr. Simon, in his thoughtful and suggestive Lectures, says, 'We
+        may describe Pathology to consist in the Science of Life under
+        other conditions than those of ideal perfection.' _Simon's
+        Lectures on Pathology_, London, 1850, p. 14. This is by far the
+        best description I have met with; though, as it involves a
+        negative, it cannot be accepted as a definition. Indeed, the
+        context shows that Mr. Simon does not suppose it to be one.
+
+Physiology and pathology are thus the two fundamental divisions of all
+organic science.[818] Each is intimately connected with the other; and
+eventually, no doubt, both will be fused into a single study, by
+discovering laws which will prove that here, as elsewhere, nothing is
+really abnormal, or irregular. Hitherto, however, the physiologists have
+immeasurably outstripped the pathologists in the comprehensiveness of
+their views, and, therefore, in the value of their results. For, the
+best physiologists distinctly recognize that the basis of their science
+must include, not only the animals below man, but also the entire
+vegetable kingdom, and that, without this commanding survey of the whole
+realm of organic nature, we cannot possibly understand even human
+physiology, still less general physiology. The pathologists, on the other
+hand, are so much in arrear, that the diseases of the lower animals
+rarely form part of their plan; while the diseases of plants are almost
+entirely neglected, although it is certain that, until all these have
+been studied, and some steps taken to generalize them, every pathological
+conclusion will be eminently empirical, on account of the narrowness of
+the field from which it is collected.
+
+  [818] I formerly adopted the commonly received division of organic
+        statics, and organic dynamics; the statics being anatomy, and the
+        dynamics being physiology. But, I now think that our knowledge is
+        not sufficiently advanced to make this so convenient as the
+        division into physiological and pathological, or into normal and
+        abnormal, provided we remember that in reality nothing is
+        abnormal. The practically useful, but eminently unscientific,
+        doctrine, that there can be alteration of function without
+        alteration of structure, has effaced some of the most essential
+        distinctions between anatomy and physiology, and especially
+        between morbid anatomy and morbid physiology. Until those
+        distinctions are recognized, the scientific conceptions of
+        professional writers must be confused, however valuable their
+        practical suggestions may be. While men are capable of believing
+        that it is _possible_ for variations of function to proceed from
+        any cause except variations of structure, the philosophic
+        importance of anatomy will be imperfectly appreciated, and its
+        true relation to physiology will remain undefined. Inasmuch,
+        however, as, with our actual resources, the most careful
+        dissection is often unable to detect (in insanity, for instance)
+        those changes of structure which produce changes of function,
+        superficial thinkers are placed under a strong temptation to deny
+        their invariable connexion; and while the microscope is so
+        imperfect, and chemistry so backward, it is impossible that
+        experiments should always convince them of their mistake. Hence, I
+        believe that until our means of empirical research are greatly
+        improved, all such investigations, notwithstanding their immense
+        value in other respects, will tend to lead mere inductive minds
+        into error, by making them rely too much on what they call the
+        facts of the case, to the prejudice of the reason. This is what I
+        mean by saying, that our knowledge is not sufficiently advanced to
+        make it advisable to divide the sciences of organic bodies into
+        physiological and anatomical. At present, and probably for some
+        time yet, the humbler division into physiological and
+        pathological, may be deemed safer, and more likely to produce
+        solid results.
+
+The science of pathology being still so backward in the conception as
+well as in the execution, that even men of real ability believe that it
+can be raised from a mere study of the human frame, it will hardly be
+expected that the Scotch, notwithstanding the marvellous boldness of
+their speculations, should have been able, in the eighteenth century, to
+anticipate a method which the nineteenth century has yet to employ. But
+they produced two pathologists of great ability, and to whom we owe
+considerable obligations. These were, Cullen and John Hunter.[819] Cullen
+was eminent only as a pathologist; but Hunter, whose fine and discursive
+genius took a much wider range, was great both in physiology and in
+pathology. A short account of their generalizations respecting organic
+science, will be a fitting sequel to the notices I have already given of
+what was done by their countrymen for inorganic science, during the same
+period. It will complete our survey of the Scotch intellect, and will
+enable the reader to form some idea of the brilliant achievements of that
+most remarkable people, who, contrary to the course of affairs in all
+other modern nations, have shown that scientific discoveries do not
+necessarily weaken superstition, and that it is possible for two hostile
+principles to flourish side by side, without ever coming into actual
+collision, or without sensibly impairing each other's vigour.
+
+  [819] Hunter, as we shall presently see, did take an extraordinarily
+        comprehensive view of pathology, including the whole of the
+        organic world and even the aberrations of form in the inorganic.
+
+In 1751, Cullen was appointed professor of medicine in the University of
+Glasgow;[820] from which, however, in 1756, he was removed to the
+University of Edinburgh,[821] where he delivered those celebrated
+lectures, on which his fame now depends. During the early part of his
+career, he paid great attention to inorganic physics, and propounded some
+remarkable speculations, which are supposed to have suggested the theory
+of latent heat to Black, who was his pupil.[822] But, to follow out those
+views, would have required a number of minute experiments, which it did
+not suit the habit of his mind to make. Having, therefore, put forth his
+ideas, he left them to germinate, and passed on to his arduous attempt to
+generalize the laws of disease as they are exhibited in the human frame.
+In the study of disease, the phenomena being more obscure and less
+amenable to experiment, there was greater latitude for speculation;
+hence, he could more easily indulge in that love of theory, which was his
+ruling passion, and with an extreme devotion to which he has been
+reproached.[823] That the reproach is not altogether unjust, must, I
+think, be admitted, since we find him laying down the doctrine, that,
+inasmuch as, in the treatment of disease, theory could not be separated
+from practice, it was unimportant which came first.[824] This was
+tantamount to saying, that a medical practitioner might allow his
+theories to control his observations; for it is certain that, in an
+immense majority of cases, men are so tenacious of the opinions they
+imbibe, that whatever, in any pursuit, first occupies their
+understanding, is likely to mould all that comes afterwards. In ordinary
+minds, associations of ideas, if firmly established, become indissoluble;
+and the power of separating them, and of arranging them in new
+combinations, is one of the rarest of our endowments. An average
+intellect, when once possessed by a theory, can hardly ever escape from
+it. Hence, in practical matters, theory should be feared, just as, in
+scientific matters, it should be cherished; because practical pursuits
+are chiefly engrossed by the lower class of minds, where associations and
+the force of prejudice are extremely strong, while scientific pursuits
+concern the higher class, where such prepossessions are comparatively
+weak, and where close associations are more easily severed. The most
+powerful intellects are most accustomed to new arrangements of thought,
+and are, therefore, most able to break up old ones. On them, belief sits
+lightly, because they well know how little evidence we have for many of
+even our oldest beliefs. But the average, or, as we must say, without
+meaning offence, the inferior, minds, are not disturbed by these
+refinements. Theories, which they have once heartily embraced, they can
+hardly ever get rid of, and they often dignify them with the name of
+essential truths, and resent every attack upon them as a personal injury.
+Having inherited such theories from their fathers, they regard them with
+a sort of filial piety, and cling to them as if they were some rich
+acquisition, which no one has a right to touch.
+
+  [820] _Thomson's Life of Cullen_, vol. i. p. 70, Edinburgh, 1832.
+
+  [821] _Thomson's Life of Cullen_, vol. i. p. 96. Bower states that
+        Cullen 'was appointed to the chair in 1755.' _Bower's History of
+        the University of Edinburgh_, vol. ii. p. 216, Edinburgh, 1817.
+
+  [822] 'It seems impossible to peruse the passages I have quoted from
+        Dr. Cullen's manuscript lectures and papers, and from his Essay on
+        Evaporation, without perceiving that his investigations with
+        regard to the heat and cold occasioned by the combination,
+        liquefaction, and evaporation of bodies, must not only have
+        assisted to direct the attention of his pupil Dr. Black to similar
+        inquiries, but must also have furnished him with several of the
+        data from which his simple and comprehensive theory of Latent Heat
+        was afterwards so philosophically deduced.' _Thomson's Life of
+        Cullen_, vol. i. p. 56.
+
+  [823] 'It is allowed by the admirers of this great man, that he was
+        perhaps too fond of theory.' _Bower's History of the University of
+        Edinburgh_, vol. iii. p. 273
+
+  [824] In 1759, he wrote to Dr. Balfour Russell, one of his favourite
+        pupils: 'You will not find it possible to separate practice from
+        theory altogether; and therefore, if you have a mind to begin with
+        the theory, I have no objection.' _Thomson's Life of Cullen_, vol.
+        i. p. 130. Compare his _Introductory Lectures to the Practice of
+        Physic_, where, asserting truly, 'that reasoning in physic is
+        unavoidable' (_Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 417), he boldly infers,
+        'that to render it safe, it is _necessary to cultivate theory in
+        its full extent_.'
+
+To this latter class, nearly all men belong, who are more engaged in
+practical pursuits than in speculative ones. Among them, are the ordinary
+practitioners, whether in medicine or in any other department, extremely
+few of whom are willing to break up trains of thought to which they are
+inured.[825] Though they profess to despise theory, they are, in reality,
+enslaved by it. All that they can do, is to conceal their subjection, by
+terming their theory a necessary belief. It must, therefore, be deemed a
+remarkable proof of Cullen's love of deductive reasoning, that he,
+sagacious and clear-sighted as he was, should have supposed that, in so
+practical an art as medicine, theory could, with impunity, precede
+practice. For, it is most assuredly true, that, taking men in the
+average, their minds are so constructed, that it cannot precede it
+without controlling it. It is equally true, that such control must be
+hurtful. Even now, and notwithstanding the great steps which have been
+taken in morbid anatomy, in animal chemistry, and in the microscopic
+investigation both of the fluids and solids of the human frame, the
+treatment of disease is a question of art, far more than a question of
+science. What chiefly characterizes the most eminent physicians, and
+gives them their real superiority, is not so much the extent of their
+theoretical knowledge,--though that, too, is often considerable,--but it
+is that fine and delicate perception which they owe, partly to
+experience, and partly to a natural quickness in detecting analogies and
+differences which escape ordinary observers. The process which they
+follow, is one of rapid, and, in some degree, unconscious, induction. And
+this is the reason why the greatest physiologists and chemists, which the
+medical profession possesses, are not, as a matter of course, the best
+curers of disease. If medicine were a science, they would always be the
+best. But medicine, being still essentially an art, depends mainly upon
+qualities which each practitioner has to acquire for himself, and which
+no scientific theory can teach. The time for a general theory has not yet
+come, and probably many generations will have to elapse before it does
+come. To suppose, therefore, that a theory of disease should, as a matter
+of education, precede the treatment of disease, is not only practically
+dangerous, but logically false. With its practical danger I am not now
+concerned; but its logical aspect is a curious illustration of that
+passion for systematic and dialectic reasoning which characterized
+Scotland. It shows that Cullen, in his eagerness to argue from principles
+to facts, instead of from facts to principles, could, in the most
+important of all arts, recommend a method of procedure, for which even
+our knowledge is not ripe, but which, in his time, was so singularly rash
+and immature, that nothing can explain its adoption by a man of such
+vigorous understanding, except the circumstance of his living in a
+country in which that peculiar method reigned supreme.
+
+  [825] Even Cullen himself says, rather roughly, 'The great horde of
+        physicians are always servile imitators, who can neither perceive
+        nor correct the faults of their system, and are always ready to
+        growl at, and even to worry, the ingenious person that could
+        attempt it. Thus was the system of Galen secured in the possession
+        of the schools of physic, till soon after the irruption of the
+        Goths and Vandals destroyed every vestige of literature in the
+        western parts of Europe, and drove all that remained of it to seek
+        a feeble protection at Constantinople.' _Lectures Introductory to
+        the Practice of Physic_, in _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 386,
+        Edinburgh, 1827.
+
+It must, however, be admitted that Cullen wielded the method with great
+ability, especially in his application of it to the science of pathology,
+to which it was far better suited than to the art of therapeutics. For,
+we must always remember, that the science which investigates the laws of
+disease, is quite a different thing from the art which cures it. The
+science has a speculative interest, which is irrespective of all
+practical considerations, and which depends simply on the fact, that,
+when it is completed, it will explain the aberrations of the whole
+organic world. Pathology aims at ascertaining the causes which determine
+every departure from the natural type, whether of form or of function.
+Hence it is, that no one can take a comprehensive view of the actual
+state of knowledge, without studying the theoretic relations between
+pathology and other departments of inquiry. To do this, is the business,
+not of practical men, but of philosophers, properly so called. The
+philosophic pathologist is as different from the physician, as a jurist
+is different from an advocate, or as an agricultural chemist is different
+from a farmer, or as a political economist is different from a statesman,
+or as an astronomer, who generalizes the laws of the heavenly bodies, is
+different from a captain, who navigates his ship by a practical
+application of those laws. The two sets of functions may be united, and
+occasionally, though very rarely, they are, but there is no necessity for
+their being so. While, therefore, it would be absurdly presumptuous for
+an unprofessional person to pass judgment on the therapeutical system of
+Cullen, it is perfectly legitimate for any one, who has studied the
+theory of these matters, to examine his pathological system; because
+that, like all scientific systems, must be amenable to general
+considerations, which are to be taken, partly from the adjoining
+sciences, and partly from the universal logic of philosophic method.
+
+It is from this latter, or logical, point of view, that Cullen's
+pathology is interesting for the purposes of the present chapter. The
+character of his investigations may be illustrated by saying, that his
+method in pathology is analogous to that which Adam Smith adopted at the
+same time, though in a very different field. Both were deductive; and
+both, before arguing deductively, suppressed some of the premisses from
+which they reasoned. That this suppression is the key to Adam Smith's
+method, and was an intentional part of his plan, I have already shown; as
+also that, in each of his two works, he supplied the premisses in which
+the other work was deficient. In this respect, he was far superior to
+Cullen. For, though Cullen, like Smith, began by mutilating his problem
+in order to solve it more readily, he, unlike Smith, did not see the
+necessity of instituting another and parallel inquiry, which should
+complete the scheme, by starting from the premisses that had been
+previously omitted.
+
+What I have termed the mutilation of the problem, was effected by Cullen
+in the following manner. His object was, to generalize the phenomena of
+disease, as they are exhibited in the human frame; and it was obvious to
+him, as to every one else, that the human frame consists partly of solids
+and partly of fluids. The peculiarity of his pathology is, that he
+reasons almost entirely from the laws of the solids, and makes so little
+account of the fluids, that he will only allow them to be the indirect
+causes of disease, which, in a scientific view, are to be deemed strictly
+subordinate to the direct causes, as represented by the solid
+constituents of our body.[826] This assumption, though false, was
+perfectly justifiable, since, by curtailing the problem, he simplified
+its study; just as Adam Smith, in his _Wealth of Nations_, simplified the
+study of human nature, by curtailing it of all its sympathy. But this
+most comprehensive thinker was careful, in his _Theory of Moral
+Sentiments_, to restore to human nature the quality of which the _Wealth
+of Nations_ had deprived it; and, by thus establishing two different
+lines of argument, he embraced the whole subject. In the same way, it was
+incumbent on Cullen, after having constructed a theory of disease by
+reasoning from the solids, to have constructed another theory by
+reasoning from the fluids; so that a coördination of the two theories
+might have raised a science of pathology, as complete as the then state
+of knowledge allowed.[827] But to this, his mind was unequal. Able though
+he was, he lacked the grasp of intellect which characterized Adam Smith,
+and which made that great man perceive, that every deductive argument
+which is founded on a suppression of premisses, must be compensated by a
+parallel argument, which takes those premisses into account.[828] So
+little was Cullen aware of this, that, having built up that system of
+pathology which is known to medical writers as Solidism, he never took
+the pains to accompany it by another system, which gave the first rank to
+the fluids. On the contrary, he believed that his plan was complete and
+exhaustive, and that what is termed Humoral Pathology was a fiction,
+which had too long usurped the place of truth.[829]
+
+  [826] This idea runs through the whole of his writings. In the following
+        passage, it is more succinctly stated than in any other: 'In
+        pathology, and in the prognosis of particular diseases, it is
+        absolutely necessary to enter into the distinction of these
+        causes. I call the one _direct_ causes, those which act upon the
+        nervous system directly; and the other _indirect_ causes, those
+        which produce the same effect, but by destroying those organs
+        which are necessary to the support of the excitement, viz. the
+        whole system of circulation.' _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 135.
+        Even this passage, clear as it seems, can only be rightly
+        interpreted by taking the context into consideration.
+
+  [827] For, as is truly observed by probably the greatest pathologist of
+        our time, 'Humoral pathology is simply a requirement of common
+        practical sense; and it has always held a place in medical
+        science, although the limits of its domain have, no doubt, been
+        variously circumscribed or interpreted at different times. Of late
+        years, it has met with a new basis and support in morbid anatomy,
+        which, in the inadequacy of its discoveries in the solids to
+        account for disease and death, has been compelled to seek for an
+        extension of its boundary through a direct examination of the
+        blood itself.' _Rokitansky's Pathological Anatomy_, vol. i. p.
+        362, London, 1854.
+
+  [828] Unless, as is the case in geometry, the premisses, which are
+        suppressed, are so slight as to be scarcely perceptible.
+
+  [829] He was so indignant at the bare idea of a humoral pathology, that
+        even Hoffmann, who before himself was the most eminent advocate of
+        solidism, fell under his displeasure for allowing some little
+        weight to the humoral doctrines. He says that Hoffmann 'has not
+        applied his fundamental doctrine so extensively as he might have
+        done; and he has everywhere intermixed an humoral pathology, as
+        incorrect and hypothetical as any other.' _Cullen's Works_, vol.
+        i. p. 410. At p. 470, 'I have, therefore, assumed the general
+        principles of Hoffmann. And, if I have rendered them more correct,
+        and more extensive in their application, and, _more particularly,
+        if I have avoided introducing the many hypothetical doctrines of
+        the Humoral Pathology which disfigured both his and all the other
+        systems that have hitherto prevailed_, I hope I shall be excused
+        for attempting a system, which, upon the whole, may appear new.'
+
+Several of the views advocated by Cullen were taken from Hoffmann, and
+several of the facts from Gaubius; but that his pathology, considered as
+a whole, is essentially original, is evident from a certain unity of
+design which is inconsistent with extensive plagiarism, and which proves
+that he had thoroughly thought out his subject for himself. Without,
+however, stopping to inquire how much he borrowed from others, I will
+briefly indicate a few of the salient points of his system, in order to
+enable the reader to understand its general character.
+
+According to Cullen, all the solids in the human body are either simple
+or vital. The simple solids retain, after death, the properties which
+they possessed during life. But the vital solids, which form the
+fundamental part of the nervous system, are marked by properties, which
+disappear directly death occurs.[830] Hence, the simple solids, having
+fewer functions than the vital, have also fewer diseases; and the
+maladies to which they are liable admit of easy classification.[831] The
+real difficulty lies in the vital solids, because on their peculiarities
+the whole nervous system depends, and nearly all disorders are
+immediately due to changes in them. Cullen, therefore, made the nervous
+system the basis of his pathology; and, in speculating on its functions,
+he assigned the chief place to an occult principle, which he termed the
+Animal Power, or Energy, of the brain.[832] This principle acted on the
+vital solids. When the principle worked well, the body was healthy; when
+it worked ill, the body was unhealthy. Since, then, the state of the
+vital solids was the main cause of disorder, and since the Energy of the
+brain was the main cause of the state of the vital solids, it became
+important to know what the influences were which acted on the Energy,
+because in them we should find the beginning of the series. Those
+influences were divided by Cullen into physical and mental. The physical
+were, heat, cold, and effluvia, the three most potent of the material
+disturbers of the human frame.[833] The mental influences, which excited
+the brain to act on the solids, were comprised under six different heads,
+namely, the will, the emotions, the appetites, the propensities, and,
+finally, the two great principles of habit and of imitation, on which he,
+with good reason, laid considerable stress.[834] In arguing from these
+mental causes, and in generalizing the relations between them and the
+sensations of the body, he, faithful to his favourite method, proceeded
+deductively from the metaphysical principles then in vogue, without
+inquiring inductively into their validity, such an induction being, he
+thought, no part of his duty.[835] He was too anxious to get on with his
+dialectic, to be interrupted by so trifling a matter as the truth or
+falsehood of the premisses on which the reason rested. What he did in the
+metaphysical part of his pathology, he also did in its physical part.
+Although the blood and the nerves are the two leading features of the
+human economy, he did not search into them by a separate induction; he
+subjected them neither to chemical experiments in order to learn their
+composition, nor to microscopic observations in order to learn their
+structure.[836] This is the more observable, because though we must admit
+that animal chemistry was then generally neglected, and that its real
+meaning was scarcely understood until the wonderful labours of Berzelius
+revealed its importance, still the microscope was ready to Cullen's
+hands; it having been invented a hundred and fifty years before he
+completed his pathology, and having been in common scientific use for
+about a hundred years. But his love of synthesis overcame him. His system
+is constructed by reasoning from general principles; and of that process,
+he certainly was a consummate master. Between the premisses and the
+conclusion, he hardly ever lets error creep in. And, in reference to the
+results of his speculations, he had one immense merit, which will always
+secure to him a conspicuous place in the history of pathology. By
+insisting on the importance of the solids, he, one-sided though he was,
+corrected the equal one-sidedness of his predecessors; for, with
+extremely few exceptions, all the best pathologists, from Galen
+downwards, had erred in ascribing too much to the fluids, and had upheld
+a purely humoral pathology. Cullen turned the minds of men in the other
+direction; and though, in teaching them that the nervous system is the
+sole primary seat of disease, he committed a great mistake, it was a
+mistake of the most salutary kind. By leaning on that side, he restored
+the balance. Hence, I have no doubt, he indirectly encouraged those
+minute researches into the nerves, which he would not himself stop to
+make, but which, in the next generation, gave rise to the capital
+discoveries of Bell, Shaw, Mayo, and Marshall Hall. At the same time, the
+old humoral pathology, which had prevailed for many centuries, was
+practically pernicious, because, assuming that all diseases are in the
+blood, it produced that constant and indiscriminate venesection, which
+destroyed innumerable lives, besides the irreparable injury it often
+inflicted both on body and mind; weakening those whom it was unable to
+slay. Against this merciless onslaught, which made medicine the curse of
+mankind, the Solid Pathology was the first effective barrier.[837]
+Practically, therefore, as well as speculatively, we must hail Cullen as
+a great benefactor of his species; and we must regard his appearance as
+an epoch in the history of human comfort, as well as in the history of
+human thought.
+
+  [830] 'The solid parts of the body seem to be of two kinds: one whose
+        properties are the same in the dead as in the living, and the same
+        in the animate as in many inanimate bodies; the other, whose
+        properties appear only in living bodies. In the last, a peculiar
+        organization, or addition, is supposed to take place; in
+        opposition to which the first are called the simple solids. Of
+        these only, we shall treat here; and of the others, which may be
+        called vital solids, being the fundamental part of the nervous
+        system, we shall treat under that title in the following section.'
+        _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 10.
+
+  [831] These diseases are laxity, flaccidity, &c. See the enumeration of
+        'the diseases of the simple solids,' in _Cullen's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 14.
+
+  [832] _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. pp. 65, 600, vol. ii. p. 364.
+        Dr. Thomson, who had access to papers and lectures of Cullen's,
+        which have never been published, says (_Life of Cullen_, vol. i.
+        p. 265), 'His speculations with regard to the different functions
+        of the nervous system, but more particularly with regard to that
+        of the Animal Power or Energy of the brain, were incorporated with
+        every opinion which he taught concerning the phenomena of the
+        animal economy, the causes of diseases, and the operation of
+        medicines; and they may be said to constitute a most important
+        part, if not the sole basis, of that system of the Practice of
+        Physic, which he made the subject of prelection, as well as of
+        study, for a period of nearly forty years, before he ventured to
+        give it to the public.' I should mention, that Cullen, under the
+        term 'brain,' included the contents of the vertebral column as
+        well as of the cranium.
+
+  [833] _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. pp. 40, 546, 558, 648, vol. ii. p. 321.
+
+  [834] _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. pp. 86, 91, 100, 101, 108, 115, 116,
+        553, 592, vol. ii. pp. 35, 366. Compare the summary of causes in
+        _Thomson's Life of Cullen_, vol. i. p. 289.
+
+  [835] He says (_Works_, vol. i. pp. 31, 32), 'Whoever has the smallest
+        tincture of metaphysics will know the distinction pointed at here
+        between the qualities of bodies as primary and secondary.' ...
+        '_Whether these distinctions be well or ill founded, it is not my
+        business to inquire._' But though he did not deem it his business
+        to inquire into the accuracy of these and similar distinctions, he
+        thought himself justified in assuming them, and reasoning from
+        them as if they could explain the working of those sensations,
+        whose perversion formed the point of contact between metaphysics
+        and pathology. See, for instance, in his _Works_, vol. i. p. 46,
+        the long series of unproved and improvable assertions respecting
+        the combination and comparison of sensations giving rise to
+        memory, imagination, and the like.
+
+  [836] Cullen, with that admirable candour which was one of the most
+        attractive peculiarities of his fine intellect, confesses his want
+        of acquaintance with the microscope: 'It leaves me, who am not
+        conversant in such observations, altogether uncertain with respect
+        to the precise nature of this part of the blood.' _Cullen's
+        Works_, vol. i. p. 195. A pathologist without a microscope is an
+        unarmed man, indeed. In regard to his animal chemistry, one
+        passage may be quoted as a specimen of the manner in which he
+        arrived at conclusions speculatively, instead of subjecting the
+        phenomena to experimental investigation. 'We may remark it to be
+        highly probable, that all animal matter is originally formed of
+        vegetable; because all animals either feed directly and entirely
+        on vegetables, or upon other animals that do so. From hence it is
+        probable, that all animal substances may be traced to a vegetable
+        origin; and _therefore_, if we would inquire into the production
+        of animal matter, we _must first inquire_ in what manner vegetable
+        matter may be converted into animal?' _Cullen's Works_, vol. i.
+        pp. 177, 178. The _therefore_ and the _must_, resulting merely
+        from an antecedent probability, are characteristic of that
+        over-boldness, into which deduction is apt to degenerate, and
+        which is strongly contrasted with the opposite vice of
+        over-timidity, by which inductive reasoners are tainted.
+
+  [837] Dr. Watson (_Principles and Practice of Physic_, 4th edit. London,
+        1857, vol. i. p. 41) says of the humoral pathology, that, 'the
+        absurdity of the hypothesis, and _still more the dangerous
+        practice which this doctrine generated_, began to be manifest, and
+        led to its total abandonment.' But, with every respect for this
+        eminent authority, I venture to observe, that this supposition of
+        Dr. Watson's is contradicted by the whole history of the human
+        mind. There is no well-attested case on record of any theory
+        having been abandoned, because it produced dangerous results. As
+        long as a theory is believed, men will ascribe its evil
+        consequences to any cause except the right one. And a theory which
+        is once established, will always be believed, until there is some
+        change in knowledge which shakes its foundation. Every practical
+        change may, by careful analysis, be shown to depend, in the first
+        instance, on some change of speculative opinions. Even at the
+        present day, many doctrines are generally held in the most
+        civilized countries, which are producing dangerous practical
+        consequences, and have produced those consequences for centuries.
+        But the mischief which the doctrine engenders does not weaken the
+        doctrine itself. Nothing can do that, but the general progress of
+        knowledge, which, by altering former opinions, modifies future
+        conduct.
+
+It may, perhaps, facilitate the conceptions of unprofessional readers, if
+I give, in as few words as possible, a specimen of the way in which
+Cullen employed his method, in investigating the theory of some one class
+of diseases. For this purpose, I will select his doctrine of fever,
+which, though now generally abandoned, once exercised more influence than
+any other part of his pathology. Here, as elsewhere, he reasons from the
+solids.[838] Disregarding the state of the blood, he says, that the cause
+of all fever is a diminished energy of the brain.[839] Such diminution
+may be produced by various sedatives, the most common of which are
+effluvia, whether marsh or human, intemperance, fear, and cold.[840]
+Directly the energy of the brain is impaired, the disease begins. Rapidly
+passing through the nervous system, its first palpable effect is a chill,
+or cold fit, which is accompanied by a spasm on the extremities of the
+arteries, particularly where they touch the surface of the body.[841]
+This spasm on the extreme vessels, irritates the heart and arteries, and
+the irritation continues till the spasm is relaxed.[842] At the same
+time, the increased action of the heart restores the energy of the brain;
+the system rallies; the extreme vessels are relieved; while, as a
+consequence of the whole movement, sweat is excreted, and the fever
+abates.[843] Shutting out, therefore, all consideration of the fluids of
+the body, the successive stages of languor, cold fit, and hot fit, might,
+in Cullen's opinion, be generalized by reasoning merely from the solids,
+which, furthermore, produced his well-known distinction between fevers,
+the continuance of which is owing to an excess of spasm, and those, the
+continuance of which is owing to an excess of debility.[844]
+
+  [838] Some writers, who have taken notice of Cullen, have been deceived
+        in this respect by his occasional use of the expression 'nervous
+        fluid,' as if he were willing to let in the idea of humorism. But,
+        in one place, he distinctly guards himself against such
+        misconstruction. 'Now, to avoid determining any thing with regard
+        to these opinions, I have used the term of _nervous power_; but as
+        this is a little ambiguous, I choose to express it by _nervous
+        fluid_; not that I suppose, with Dr. Boerhaave, that the brain is
+        an excretory, and that a fluid is secreted from it: _I mean
+        nothing more than that there is a condition of the nerves which
+        fits them for the communication of motion_. But I defer the
+        consideration of these opinions for the present, and perhaps _ad
+        Græcas calendas_; but nothing shall be rested upon the nervous
+        fluid, it shall be considered merely as _a power_ fitted for
+        communicating motions.' _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 17. Without
+        this passage, his remarks on 'the nervous fluid in the brain'
+        (_Works_, vol. i. p. 129), might easily be misunderstood.
+
+  [839] 'Together with this, the languor, inactivity, and debility of the
+        animal motions, the imperfect sensations, the feeling of cold,
+        while the body is truly warm, and some other symptoms, all show
+        that the energy of the brain is, on this occasion, greatly
+        weakened; and I presume that, as the weakness of the action of the
+        heart can hardly be imputed to any other cause, this weakness also
+        is a proof of the diminished energy of the brain. So I conclude,
+        that a debility of the nervous power forms the beginning of the
+        cold fit, and lays the foundation of all the other phenomena.'
+        _Practice of Physic_, in _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 492.
+
+  [840] 'To render our doctrine of fever consistent and complete, it is
+        necessary to add here, that these remote causes of fever, human
+        and marsh effluvia, seem to be of a debilitating or sedative
+        quality.' ... 'Though we have endeavoured to show that fevers
+        generally arise from marsh or human effluvia, we cannot, with any
+        certainty, exclude some other remote causes, which are commonly
+        supposed to have at least a share in producing those diseases. And
+        I proceed, therefore, to inquire concerning these causes; the
+        first of which that merits attention, is the power of cold applied
+        to the human body.' ... 'Besides cold, there are other powers that
+        seem to be remote causes of fever; such as fear, intemperance in
+        drinking, excess in venery, and other circumstances, which
+        evidently weaken the system. But whether any of these sedative
+        powers be alone the remote cause of fever, or if they only operate
+        either as concurring with the operation of marsh or human
+        effluvia, or as giving an opportunity to the operation of cold,
+        are questions not to be positively answered.' _Practice of
+        Physic_, in _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. pp. 546, 552. One part of
+        this view has been corroborated, since the time of Cullen. 'The
+        experiments of Chossat and others clearly prove cold to be a
+        direct sedative.' _Williams' Principles of Medicine_, 2nd edit.
+        London, 1848, p. 11. Compare _Watson's Principles and Practice of
+        Physic_, 4th edit. London, 1857, vol. i. pp. 87-92, 249. Hence,
+        perhaps, the 'irresistible tendency to sleep caused by exposure to
+        severe or long-continued cold.' _Erichsen's Surgery_, 2nd edit.
+        London, 1857, p. 336; but as to this, Dr. Watson (_Principles of
+        Physic_, vol. i. p. 89) is sceptical, and thinks that, in those
+        cases which are recorded, the drowsiness ascribed to cold, is, in
+        a great measure, the result of fatigue.
+
+  [841] _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 493. Compare, respecting his general
+        theory of spasm, p. 84, and vol. ii. p. 400.
+
+  [842] 'The idea of fever, then, may be, that a spasm of the extreme
+        vessels, however induced, proves an irritation to the heart and
+        arteries; and that this continues till the spasm is relaxed or
+        overcome.' _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 494.
+
+  [843] 'Such, however, is, at the same time, the nature of the animal
+        economy, that this debility proves an indirect stimulus to the
+        sanguiferous system; whence, by the intervention of the cold stage
+        and spasm connected with it, the action of the heart and larger
+        arteries is increased, and continues so till it has had the effect
+        of restoring the energy of the brain, of extending this energy to
+        the extreme vessels, of restoring, therefore, their action, and
+        thereby especially overcoming the spasm affecting them; upon the
+        removing of which, the excretion of sweat, and other marks of the
+        relaxation of excretories, take place.' _Practice of Physic_, in
+        _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. pp. 501, 502. See also p. 636, § cciii.
+        Or, as he elsewhere expresses himself (vol. i. p. 561): 'With
+        regard to the event of fevers, this is the fundamental principle:
+        _in fevers, nature cures the disease_; that is, certain motions
+        tending to death continue the disease, but, in consequence of the
+        laws of the animal economy, other motions are excited by these
+        which have a tendency to remove it.'
+
+  [844] 'If we may trust to our conclusions with respect to the proximate
+        cause, it follows, most naturally, from the view there given, that
+        the continued fever is always owing to an excess of spasm, or to
+        an excess of debility: as the one or other of these prevails, it
+        will give one or other of the two forms, either the Synocha or
+        inflammatory fever, or the Typhus or nervous fever.' _Cullen's
+        Works_, vol. i. p. 518.
+
+A similar process of thought gave birth to his _Nosology_, or general
+classification of diseases, which some have regarded as the most valuable
+part of his labours;[845] though, for reasons already mentioned, we
+must, I think, reject all such attempts as premature, and as likely to
+work more harm than good, unless they are simply used as a contrivance to
+aid the memory. At all events, the _Nosology_ of Cullen, though it
+exhibits clear traces of his powerful and organizing mind, is fast
+falling into disrepute, and we may be sure, that, for a long time yet, a
+similar fate will await its successors. Our pathological knowledge is
+still too young for so great an enterprise.[846] We have every reason to
+expect, that, with the aid of chemistry, and of the microscope, it will
+continue to grow more rapidly than it has hitherto done. Without
+venturing to predict the rate of its increase, we may form some idea of
+it, by considering what has been effected with resources very inferior to
+those we now possess. In a work of great authority, published in the year
+1848, it is stated, that since the appearance of Cullen's _Nosology_, our
+mere enumeration of diseases has almost doubled, while our knowledge of
+the facts relating to disease has more than doubled.[847]
+
+  [845] 'Cullen's most esteemed work is his _Nosology_.' _Hamilton's
+        History of Medicine_, London, 1831, vol. ii. p. 279. 'His
+        _Nosology_ will probably survive all his other works; it is
+        indisputably the best system which has yet appeared.' _Lives of
+        British Physicians_, London, 1830, p. 213. 'Celle de Cullen, qui
+        parut en 1772, et qui constitue un véritable progrès.' _Renouard_,
+        _Histoire de la Médecine_, Paris, 1846, vol. ii. p. 231. See also
+        _Hooper's Medical Dictionary_, edited by Dr. Grant, London, 1848,
+        p. 937. But, in the most celebrated medical works which have
+        appeared in England during the last twelve or fifteen years, I
+        doubt if there is any instance of the adoption of Cullen's
+        nosological arrangement. Abroad, and particularly in Italy, it is
+        more valued.
+
+  [846] 'I had rather not be cramped and hampered by attempting what abler
+        heads than mine have failed to achieve, and what, in truth, I
+        believe, in the present state of our science, to be impossible, a
+        complete methodical system of nosology.' _Watson's Principles and
+        Practice of Physic_, London, 1857, vol. i. p. 9. This is the
+        wisdom of a powerful understanding.
+
+  [847] 'Now, when the diseases of Cullen's nosology have been almost
+        doubled, and the facts relating to them have been more than
+        doubled.' _Williams' Principles of Medicine_, London, 1848,
+        p. 522.
+
+I have now only one more name to add to this splendid catalogue of the
+great Scotchmen of the eighteenth century.[848] But it is the name of a
+man, who, for comprehensive and original genius, comes immediately after
+Adam Smith, and must be placed far above any other philosopher whom
+Scotland has produced. I mean, of course, John Hunter, whose only fault
+was, an occasional obscurity, not merely of language, but also of
+thought. In this respect, and, perhaps, in this alone, Adam Smith had the
+advantage; for his mind was so flexible, and moved so freely, that even
+the vastest designs were unable to oppress it. With Hunter, on the
+contrary, it sometimes seemed as if the understanding was troubled by the
+grandeur of his own conceptions, and doubted what path it ought to take.
+He hesitated; the utterance of his intellect was indistinct.[849] Still,
+his powers were so extraordinary, that, among the great masters of
+organic science, he belongs, I apprehend, to the same rank as Aristotle,
+Harvey, and Bichat, and is somewhat superior either to Haller or Cuvier.
+As to this classification, men will differ, according to their different
+ideas of the nature of science, and, above all, according to the extent
+to which they appreciate the importance of philosophic method. It is from
+this latter point of view that I have, at present, to consider the
+character of John Hunter; and, in tracing the movements of his most
+remarkable mind, we shall find, that, in it, deduction and induction were
+more intimately united than in any other Scotch intellect, either of the
+seventeenth or eighteenth century. The causes of this unusual
+combination, I will now endeavour to ascertain. When they are understood,
+they will not only explain many peculiarities in his works, but will
+afford materials for speculation, to those who love to examine the
+development of ideas, and who are able to discern the way in which
+different schemes of national thought have given different shapes to
+national character, and have thereby modified the whole course of human
+affairs, to an extent of which the ordinary compilers of history have not
+the slightest suspicion.
+
+  [848] I had intended giving some account of the once celebrated
+        Brunonian system, which was founded by Dr. John Brown, who was
+        first the pupil of Cullen, and afterwards his rival. But a careful
+        perusal of his works has convinced me that the real basis of his
+        doctrine, or the point from which he started, was not pathology,
+        but therapeutics. His hasty division of all diseases into sthenic
+        and asthenic, has no claim to be deemed a scientific
+        generalization, but was a mere artificial arrangement, resulting
+        from a desire to substitute a stimulating treatment in the place
+        of the old lowering one. He, no doubt, went to the opposite
+        extreme; but that being a purely practical subject, this
+        Introduction has no concern with it. For the same reason, I omit
+        all mention of Currie, who, though an eminent therapeutician, was
+        a commonplace pathologist. That so poor and thinly-peopled a
+        country as Scotland, should, in so short a period, have produced
+        so many remarkable men, is extremely curious.
+
+  [849] Mr. Ottley (_Life of Hunter_, p. 186) says, 'In his writings we
+        occasionally find an obscurity in the expression of his thoughts,
+        a want of logical accuracy in his reasonings, and an incorrectness
+        in his language, resulting from a deficient education.' But, a
+        deficient education will never make a man obscure. Neither will a
+        good education make him lucid. The only cause of clearness of
+        expression is clearness of thought; and clearness of thought is a
+        natural gift, which the most finished and systematic culture can
+        but slightly improve. Uneducated men, without a thousandth part of
+        John Hunter's intellect, are often clear enough. On the other
+        hand, it as frequently happens that men, who have received an
+        excellent education, cannot speak or write ten consecutive
+        sentences which do not contain some troublesome ambiguity. In
+        Hunter's works such ambiguities are abundant; and this is probably
+        one of the reasons why no one has yet given a connected view of
+        his philosophy. On his obscurity, compare _Cooper's Life of Sir
+        Astley Cooper_, London, 1843, vol. i. pp. 151, 152; _Paget's
+        Lectures on Surgical Pathology_, London, 1853, vol. i. p. 419; and
+        the remarks of his enemy, Foot, in _Foot's Life of Hunter_,
+        London, 1794, p. 59.
+
+Hunter remained in Scotland till the age of twenty, when he settled in
+London; and, though he was abroad for about three years, he abandoned his
+own country, and became, socially and intellectually, a native of
+England.[850] Hence, the early associations of his mind were formed in
+the midst of a deductive nation; the later associations, in the midst of
+an inductive one. For twenty years he lived among a people, who are,
+perhaps, the acutest reasoners in Europe, if you concede to them the
+principles from which they reason; but who, on the other hand, owing to
+their proneness to this method, are so greedy after general principles,
+that they will accept them on almost any evidence, and are, therefore, at
+once very credulous and very logical. In that school, and surrounded by
+those habits, the intellect of John Hunter was nurtured during the most
+impressible period of his life. Then the scene suddenly shifted. Coming
+to England, he passed forty years in the heart of the most empirical
+nation in Europe; a nation utterly abhorring all general principles,
+priding itself on its common sense, boasting, and with good reason too,
+of its practical sagacity, proclaiming aloud the superiority of facts
+over ideas, and despising every theory, unless some direct and immediate
+benefit could be expected to accrue from it. The young and ardent
+Scotchman found himself transplanted into a country totally different
+from that which he had just quitted; and such a difference could not fail
+to influence his mind. He saw, on every side, marks of prosperity, and of
+long and uninterrupted success, not only in practical, but also in
+speculative, life; and he was told that these things were effected by a
+system which made facts the first consideration. He was ambitious of
+fame, but he perceived that the road to fame was not the same in England
+as in Scotland. In Scotland, a great logician would be deemed a great
+man; in England, little account would be made of the beauty of his logic,
+unless he was careful that the premisses from which he argued, were
+trustworthy, and verified by experience. A new machine, a new experiment,
+the discovery of a salt, or of a bone, would, in England, receive a wider
+homage, than the most profound speculation from which no obvious results
+were apprehended. That this way of contemplating affairs has produced
+great good, is certain. But it is also certain, that it is a one-sided
+way, and satisfies only part of the human mind. Many of the noblest
+intellects crave for something which it cannot supply. In England,
+however, during the greater part of the eighteenth century, it was even
+more supreme than it is now, and was, indeed, so universal, that, from
+the year 1727 until nearly the close of the century, our country did not
+possess, in any branch of science, a speculator who had sufficient force
+to raise himself above those narrow views which were then deemed the
+perfection of wisdom.[851] Much was added to our knowledge, but its
+distant boundaries were not enlarged. Though there was an increase of
+curious and valuable details, and though several of the small and
+proximate laws of nature were generalized, it must be admitted, that
+those lofty generalizations, which we owe to the seventeenth century,
+remained stationary, and that no attempt was made to push beyond them.
+When John Hunter arrived in London, in 1748, Newton had been dead more
+than twenty years, and the English people, absorbed in practical
+pursuits, and now beginning, for the first time, to enter into political
+life, had become more averse than ever to inquiries which aimed at truth
+without regard to utility, and had accustomed themselves to value science
+chiefly for the sake of the direct and tangible benefit which they might
+hope to derive from it.
+
+  [850] He was born in 1728, and came to London in 1748. _Adams' Life of
+        John Hunter_, 2nd edit. London, 1818, pp. 20, 203. According to
+        Adams (pp. 30-35), he was abroad as surgeon in the English army
+        from 1761 to 1763; though, in _Foot's Life of Hunter_, London,
+        1794, p. 78, he is said to have returned to England in 1762. Mr.
+        Ottley says that he returned in 1763. _Ottley's Life of Hunter_,
+        p. 22, in vol. i. of _Hunter's Works_, edited by Palmer, London,
+        1835.
+
+  [851] See _Buckle's History of Civilization_, vol. ii. pp. 374, 375.
+
+That Hunter must have been influenced by these circumstances, will be
+obvious to whoever considers how impossible it is for any single mind to
+escape from the pressure of contemporary opinion. But, inasmuch as all
+his early associations had inclined him in another direction, we perceive
+that, during his long residence in England, he was acted on by two
+conflicting forces. The country of his birth made him deductive; the
+country of his adoption made him inductive. As a Scotchman, he preferred
+reasoning from general principles to particular facts; as an inhabitant
+of England, he became inured to the opposite plan of reasoning from
+particular facts to general principles. In every country, men naturally
+give the first place to what is most valued. The English respect facts
+more than principles, and therefore begin with the facts. The Scotch
+consider principles as most important, and therefore begin with the
+principles. And, I make no doubt that one of the reasons why Hunter, in
+investigating a subject, is often obscure, is that, on such occasions,
+his mind was divided between these two hostile methods, and that, leaning
+sometimes to one and sometimes to the other, he was unable to determine
+which he should choose. The conflict darkened his understanding. Adam
+Smith, on the other hand, in common with all the great Scotchmen who
+remained in Scotland, was remarkably clear. He, like Hume, Black, and
+Cullen, never wavered in his method. These eminent men were not acted on
+by English influence. Of all the most illustrious Scotchmen of the
+eighteenth century, Hunter alone underwent that influence, and he alone
+displayed a certain hesitation and perplexity of thought, which seems
+unnatural to so great a mind, and which, as it appears to me, is best
+explained by the peculiar circumstances in which he was placed.
+
+One of the ablest of his commentators has justly observed, that his
+natural inclination was, to conjecture what the laws of nature were, and
+then reason from them, instead of reasoning to them by slow and gradual
+induction.[852] This process of deduction was, as I have shown, the
+favourite method of all Scotchmen, and, therefore, was precisely the
+course which we should have expected him to adopt. But, inasmuch as he
+was surrounded by the followers of Bacon,[853] this natural bias was
+warped, and a large part of his marvellous activity was employed in
+observations and experiments, such as no Scotch thinker, living in
+Scotland, would ever have engaged in. He himself declared, that thinking
+was his delight;[854] and there can be no doubt that, had he been
+differently situated, thinking would have been his principal pursuit. As
+it was, the industry with which he collected facts, is one of the most
+conspicuous features in his career. His researches covered the whole
+range of the animal kingdom, and were conducted with such untiring zeal,
+that he dissected upwards of five hundred different species, exclusive of
+dissections of different individuals, and exclusive, too, of dissections
+of a large number of plants.[855] The results were carefully arranged and
+stored up in that noble collection which he formed, and of the magnitude
+of which we may gain some idea from the statement, that, at his death, it
+contained upwards of ten thousand preparations illustrative of the
+phenomena of nature.[856] By this means, he became so intimately
+acquainted with the animal kingdom, that he made a vast number of
+discoveries, which, considered singly, are curious, but which, when put
+together, constitute an invaluable body of new truths. Of these, the most
+important are, the true nature of the circulation in crustacea and
+insects;[857] the organ of hearing in cephalopods;[858] the power
+possessed by mollusks of absorbing their shells;[859] the fact that bees
+do not collect wax, but secrete it;[860] the semicircular canals of the
+cetacea;[861] the lymphatics of birds;[862] and the air-cells in the
+bones of birds.[863] We are also assured, that he anticipated the recent
+discoveries respecting the embryo of the kangaroo;[864] and his published
+works prove, that, in the human subject, he discovered the muscularity of
+the arteries,[865] the muscularity of the iris,[866] and the digestion
+of the stomach after death by its own juice.[867] Although, in his time,
+animal chemistry was not yet raised to a system, and was consequently
+little heeded by physiologists, Hunter endeavoured, by its aid, to search
+out the qualities of the blood, so as to ascertain the properties of its
+constituents.[868] He also examined it in different stages of embryonic
+life, and by minutely tracking it through its periods of development, he
+made the capital discovery, that the red globules of the blood are formed
+later than its other components. His contemporaries, however, were so
+little alive to the importance of this great physiological truth, that it
+fell dead upon them, and, being forgotten, it was, about fifty years
+afterwards, rediscovered, and was announced, in 1832, as a law of nature
+which had just been brought to light.[869] This is one of many instances
+in the history of our knowledge, which proves how useless it is for a man
+to advance too far beyond the age in which he lives.[870] But Hunter,
+besides making the discovery, also saw its meaning. From it, he inferred
+that the function of the red globules is to minister to the strength of
+the system, rather than to its repair.[871] This is now universally
+admitted; but it was not admitted till long after his death. Its
+recognition is chiefly owing to the rapid advance of animal chemistry,
+and to improvements in the microscope. For, by the employment of these
+resources, it has become manifest, that the red globules, the respiratory
+process, the production of animal heat, and the energy of the locomotive
+organs, are but different parts of a single scheme.[872] Their connexion
+with each other is established, not only by a comparison of different
+species, but also by a comparison of different members of the same
+species. In human beings, for example, the locomotive and other animal
+functions are more active in persons of a sanguine temperament than in
+those of a lymphatic temperament; while, in sanguine temperaments, the
+globules are more numerous than in lymphatic ones. The knowledge of this
+fact we owe to Lecanu;[873] and to him we are also indebted for an
+analogous fact, corroborating the same view. He has shown, that the blood
+of women contains more water and fewer red globules than the blood of
+men;[874] so that here again we discern the relation between these
+globules and the energy of animal life. Inasmuch, however, as these
+researches were not made until many years after the death of Hunter, the
+coincidence between them and his speculative conclusions is a striking
+instance of his power of generalization, and of that unrivalled knowledge
+of comparative anatomy, which supplied him with materials from which, in
+spite of the backwardness of animal chemistry, he was able to draw an
+inference, which later and minuter researches have decisively
+verified.[875]
+
+  [852] 'He followed his natural inclination. He preferred the more
+        delusive, apparently the more direct, road, which has seduced so
+        many philosophers. He sought to arrive at the general laws of
+        nature at once by conjecture: rather than, by a close and detailed
+        study of her inferior operations, to ascend, step by step, through
+        a slow and gradual induction to those laws which govern her
+        general procedure.' Babington's Preface to Hunter's _Treatise on
+        the Venereal Disease_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. ii. p. 129.
+        Compare the narrow and carping criticism in _Foot's Life of
+        Hunter_, p. 163.
+
+  [853] That I may not be suspected of exaggeration, I will quote what by
+        far the greatest of all the historians of medicine has said upon
+        this subject. 'La majorité des médecins qui prétendaient s'être
+        formés d'après Bâcon, n'avaient hérité de lui qu'une répugnance
+        invincible pour les hypothèses et les systèmes, une grande
+        vénération pour l'expérience, et un désir extrême de multiplier le
+        nombre des observations. Ce fut chez les Anglais que la méthode
+        empirique en médecine trouva le plus de partisans, et c'est
+        principalement aussi chez eux qu'elle s'est répandue jusqu'aux
+        temps les plus rapprochés de nous. Sa propagation y fut favorisée,
+        non-seulement par le profond respect que les Anglais continuent
+        toujours de porter à l'immortel chancelier, mais encore par la
+        haute importance que la nation entière attache au sens commun,
+        _common sense_, et elle y demeura l'ennemie irréconciliable de
+        tous les systèmes que ne reposent pas sur l'observation.'
+        _Sprengel, Histoire de la Médecine_, vol. v. p. 411, Paris, 1815.
+
+  [854] Clive says, 'Much as Mr. Hunter did, he thought still more. He has
+        often told me, his delight was, to think.' _Abernethy's Hunterian
+        Oration_, London, 1819, p. 26.
+
+  [855] Mr. Owen, in his interesting Preface to the fourth volume of
+        _Hunter's Works_, says (p. vii.), 'There is proof that Hunter
+        anatomized at least five hundred different species of animals,
+        exclusive of repeated dissections of different individuals of the
+        same species, besides the dissections of plants to a considerable
+        amount.'
+
+  [856] 'Some idea may be formed of Hunter's extraordinary diligence, by
+        the fact, that his museum contained, at the time of his death,
+        upwards of 10,000 preparations, illustrative of human and
+        comparative anatomy, physiology, and pathology, and natural
+        history.' _Weld's History of the Royal Society_, London, 1848,
+        vol. ii. p. 92.
+
+  [857] 'I have tested the conflicting evidence of these observers by
+        dissection of the heart in the lobster; and you will perceive by
+        this preparation that it is more complicated than even the Danish
+        naturalist supposed, and fully bears out the opinion of Hunter in
+        regard to the mixed nature of the circulation in the crustacea.'
+        _Owen's Lectures on the Comparative Anatomy and Physiology of the
+        Invertebrate Animals_, 2nd edit. London, 1855, p. 318. 'Cuvier,
+        misled by the anomalous diffused condition of the venous system,
+        supposed that there was no circulation of the blood in insects;
+        yet the dorsal vessel was too conspicuous a structure to be
+        overlooked. Such, however, was the authority of the great
+        anatomist, that the nature of the heart began to be doubted, and
+        the strangest functions to be attributed to it. Hunter, however,
+        who was prepared to appreciate the true state of the circulating
+        system in insects, by his discovery of the approximately diffused
+        and irregular structure of the veins in the crustacea, has
+        described, in his work on the blood, all the leading characters of
+        the circulation in insects as it is recognized by comparative
+        physiologists of the present day.' _Ibid._ p. 383. Compare
+        _Hunter's Essays and Observations on Natural History_, London,
+        1861, vol. i. p. 108.
+
+  [858] 'The class called Sepia has the organ of hearing, though somewhat
+        differently constructed from what it is in fishes.' _An Account of
+        the Organ of Hearing in Fishes_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p.
+        294. At the bottom of the page Mr. Owen observes, in a note, 'This
+        is the first announcement of the existence of an organ of hearing
+        in the Cephalopoda.'
+
+  [859] 'Hunter discovered that the molluscous inhabitant of a shell had
+        the power of absorbing part of its dwelling.' _Owen's Lectures on
+        the Comparative Anatomy and Physiology of the Invertebrate
+        Animals_, London, 1855, p. 544. 'Every shell-fish has the power of
+        removing a part of its shell, so as to adapt the new and the old
+        together, which is not done by any mechanical power, but by
+        absorption.' _Anatomical Remarks on a New Marine Animal_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 469, edit. Palmer. In a note to this
+        passage, it is said, that 'the doctrine of the absorption of shell
+        has been lately' (_i.e._ in 1833) 'adduced as a new discovery.'
+
+  [860] 'His keen observation did not fail to detect several errors which
+        preceding naturalists had fallen into, especially with regard to
+        the formation of the wax, which he proved to be secreted, not
+        collected, by the animal.' _Ottley's Life of Hunter_, p. 122. 'The
+        wax is formed by the bees themselves; it may be called an external
+        secretion of oil, and I have found that it is formed between each
+        scale of the under side of the belly.' _Observations on Bees_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 433.
+
+  [861] 'In the terminating part there are a number of perforations into
+        the cochlea, and one into the semicircular canals, which afford a
+        passage to the different divisions of the auditory nerve.'
+        _Observations on the Structure and [OE]conomy of Whales_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. pp. 383, 384. 'The semicircular canals
+        of the cetacea, described by Hunter in the paper on Whales, a
+        structure which Cuvier rightly states that Camper overlooked, but
+        incorrectly claims the discovery as his own.' Preface to vol. iv.
+        of _Hunter's Works_, p. xxi.
+
+  [862] Dr. Adams, in his somewhat hasty _Life of Hunter_, says (pp. 27,
+        28), 'Mr. Hewson always claimed the discovery of lymphatics in
+        birds.' But the truth is, that Hewson never claimed it. He says,
+        'It may be necessary to mention here, that the dispute between Dr.
+        Monro and me is, who first discovered the lacteals of birds? for
+        as to the lymphatics in their necks (mentioned in this gentleman's
+        note), these we both allow were discovered by Mr. John Hunter,
+        about ten years ago.' And, again, 'These lymphatics in the necks
+        of fowls were first discovered by Mr. John Hunter.' _Hewson's
+        Works_, edit. Gulliver (Sydenham Soc.), pp. 102, 145.
+
+  [863] _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. pp. xxi. 176.
+
+  [864] 'See Nos. 3731, 3734, 3735, in the Physiological series of the
+        Hunterian Museum, in which there are evidences that Mr. Hunter had
+        anticipated most of the anatomical discoveries which have
+        subsequently been made upon the embryo of the Kangaroo.' _Rymer
+        Jones' Organization of the Animal Kingdom_, London, 1855, pp. 829,
+        830.
+
+  [865] 'The muscularity of arteries, of which John Hunter made
+        physiological proof, is now a matter of eyesight.' _Simon's
+        Pathology_, London, 1850, p. 69. 'To prove the muscularity of an
+        artery, it is only necessary to compare its action with that of
+        elastic substances.' ... 'When the various uses of arteries are
+        considered, such as their forming different parts of the body out
+        of the blood, their performing the different secretions, their
+        allowing at one time the blood to pass readily into the smaller
+        branches, as in blushing, and at another, preventing it
+        altogether, as in paleness from fear: and if to these we add the
+        power of producing a diseased increase of any or every part of the
+        body, we cannot but conclude that they are possessed of muscular
+        powers.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. iii. p. 157. See also vol. iv.
+        p. 254. Mr. Gulliver, in his edition of _Hewson's Works_, London,
+        1846, says (p. 125), that Hunter's 'experiments on the functions
+        of the arteries are supported by the latest and best observations
+        on their structure.'
+
+  [866] 'The fact of the muscularity of the iris, which is here presumed
+        from analogy by Mr. Hunter, has been since directly proved by the
+        observations of Bauer and Jacob (_Phil. Trans._ 1822), and
+        indirectly by Berzelius, who found that the iris possesses all the
+        chemical properties of muscle.' Palmer's note in _Hunter's Works_,
+        vol. iii. p. 146, London, 1837.
+
+  [867] _Adams' Life of Hunter_, pp. 59, 60, 245. _Hunter's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 43, vol. iv. pp. 116-121. _Watson's Principles of Physic_,
+        vol. ii. p. 440.
+
+  [868] 'Hunter subjects the blood to both mechanical and chemical
+        analysis, and endeavours to determine the characteristic
+        properties of its different constituents.' Owen's Preface to vol.
+        iv. of _Hunter's Works_, p. xii. But this gives, perhaps, rather
+        too high an idea of his animal chemistry; for such was then the
+        miserable state of this extremely important branch of knowledge,
+        that he arrived at the conclusion that 'blood gives no analysis
+        excepting that of common animal matter.' _Principles of Surgery_,
+        chap. iii. in _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. 229.
+
+  [869] 'In seeking to determine the respective importance of the different
+        constituents of the blood, by the philosophical and most difficult
+        inquiry into their respective periods of formation in the
+        development of the embryo, Hunter made the interesting discovery
+        that the vessels of the embryo of a red-blooded animal circulated
+        in the first instance colourless blood, as in the invertebrate
+        animals. 'The red globules,' he observes, 'seemed to be formed
+        later in life than the other two constituents, for we see while
+        the chick is in the egg the heart beating, and it then contains a
+        transparent fluid before any red globules are formed, which fluid
+        we may suppose to be the serum and the lymph.' I well remember the
+        feelings of surprise with which I listened, while at Paris in
+        1832, to a memoir read before the Academy of Science, by MM.
+        Delpech and Coste, the object of which was the announcement of the
+        same fact as a novel and important discovery. The statement of the
+        French observers was received with all the consideration which its
+        importance justly merited, without its being suspected that our
+        great physiologist had, half a century before, embraced it, with
+        all its legitimate deductions, in the extended circle of his
+        investigations.' Owen's Preface to vol. iv. of _Hunter's Works_,
+        p. xiii.
+
+  [870] Indeed, if we may rely on the references recently given by Mr.
+        Gulliver, which, from his great general accuracy, there seems no
+        reason to question, the fact that the pale blood precedes the red,
+        was known even in the time of Glisson. See Gulliver's learned
+        edition of _Hewson's Works_, London, 1846, p. 222. But, to the
+        contemporaries of Glisson, such a fact was isolated, and
+        consequently useless. Nothing is valuable while it appears to
+        stand alone.
+
+  [871] 'From the above account, it appears that whatever may be their
+        utility in the machine, the red globules certainly are not of such
+        universal use as the coagulating lymph, since they are not to be
+        found in all animals, _nor so early in those that have them_; nor
+        are they pushed into the extreme arteries, where we must suppose
+        the coagulating lymph reaches; neither do they appear to be so
+        readily formed. This being the case, _we must conclude them not to
+        be the important part of the blood in contributing to growth,
+        repair, &c. Their use would seem to be connected with strength._'
+        _A Treatise on the Blood, Inflammation, and Gunshot Wounds_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. iii. p. 68. In another remarkable passage,
+        he touches on the possibility of an increase in the amount of red
+        globules being connected with an increase in the amount of heat.
+        'I will not pretend to determine how far this may assist in
+        keeping up the animal heat.' _Observations on the Structure and
+        [OE]conomy of Whales_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 364.
+
+  [872] The evidence of this is collected in the notes to _Buckle's
+        History of Civilization_, vol. i. pp. 58-61.
+
+  [873] 'According to Lecanu, temperament has an influence upon the
+        composition of the blood. He infers from his analyses that the
+        blood of lymphatic persons is poorer in solid constituents, and
+        especially in blood corpuscules, than that of persons of
+        sanguineous temperament, while the quantity of albumen is much the
+        same in both.' _Simon's Animal Chemistry with reference to the
+        Physiology and Pathology of Man_, London, 1845, vol. i. p. 236.
+        Compare _Thomson's Chemistry of Animal Bodies_, Edinburgh, 1843,
+        p. 370.
+
+  [874] _Simon's Animal Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 234, 235. Subsequent
+        experiments have confirmed this. 'The proportion of red globules
+        _dried_ to 1000 parts of blood, is in healthy males estimated at
+        127 parts by Andral and Gavarret; lower and higher figures have
+        been given by other analysts, but this probably is the result of
+        somewhat different modes of proceeding. _In females the proportion
+        of globules is lower._ Becquerel and Rodier make the difference to
+        be about 15 parts per 1000.' _Jones and Sieveking's Pathological
+        Anatomy_, London, 1854, p. 23. Hence, the greater specific gravity
+        of male blood. See the interesting results of Dr. Davy's
+        experiments in _Davy's Physiological and Anatomical Researches_,
+        London, 1839, vol. ii. p. 32.
+
+  [875] Hunter died in 1793. The researches of Lecanu were published in
+        1831.
+
+        Another, and still more remarkable proof of the extent to which
+        Hunter outstripped his own age, appears in the following passage,
+        which has just been published in his posthumous works, and in
+        which he anticipates the grandest and most suggestive of all the
+        ideas belonging to the physiology of the nineteenth century. 'If
+        we were capable of following the progress of increase of the
+        number of the parts of the most perfect animal, as they first
+        formed in succession, from the very first to its state of full
+        perfection, we should probably be able to compare it with some one
+        of the incomplete animals themselves, of every order of animals in
+        the Creation, being at no stage different from some of the
+        inferior orders. Or, in other words, if we were to take a series
+        of animals, from the more imperfect to the perfect, we should
+        probably find an imperfect animal, corresponding with some stage
+        of the most perfect.' _Essays and Observations by John Hunter,
+        being his Posthumous Papers_, London, 1861, vol. i. p. 203.
+
+Having thus, by a comprehensive survey of the animal world, associated
+its remarkable faculty of movement with the state of its blood, Hunter
+turned his attention to another aspect of the question, and took into
+consideration the movements of the vegetable world, in the hope that, by
+comparing these two divisions of nature, he might detect some law, which,
+being common to both, should unite into one study all the principles of
+organic motion. Though he failed in this great undertaking, some of his
+generalizations are very suggestive, and well illustrate the power and
+grasp of his mind. Looking at the organic kingdom as a whole, he supposed
+that its capacity of action, both in animals and in vegetables, was of
+three kinds. The first kind, was the action of the individual upon the
+materials it already possessed; and this gave rise to growth, secretion,
+and other functions, in which the juice of the plant was equivalent to
+the blood of the animal.[876] The second kind of action had for its
+object to increase these materials; it was always excited by want, and
+its result was, to nourish and preserve the individual.[877] The third
+kind was entirely due to external causes, including the whole material
+world, all the phenomena of which were a stimulus to some kind of
+action.[878] By combining, in different ways, these different sources of
+motion, and by studying every incitement to action, first, in reference
+to one of the three great divisions just indicated, and, secondly, in
+reference to the _power_ of action, as distinguished from the _quantity_
+of action,[879] Hunter believed that some fundamental truths might be
+obtained, if not by himself, at all events by his successors. For, he
+thought that, though animals can do many things which plants cannot,
+still, the immediate cause of action is in both cases the same.[880] In
+animals, there is more variety of motion, but in plants there is more
+real power. A horse is certainly far stronger than a man. Yet a small
+vine cannot only support, but can raise, a column of fluid five times
+higher than a horse can. Indeed, the power which a plant exercises of
+holding a leaf erect during an entire day, without pause and without
+fatigue, is an effort of astonishing vigour, and is one of many proofs,
+that a principle of compensation is at work, so that the same energy
+which, in the animal world, is weakened by being directed to many
+objects, is, in the vegetable world, strengthened by being concentrated
+on a few.[881]
+
+  [876] 'The natural salutary actions, arising from stimuli, take place
+        both in animals and vegetables, and may be divided into three
+        kinds. The first kind of action, or self-motion, is employed
+        simply in the economical operations, by which means the immediate
+        functions are carried on, and the necessary operations performed,
+        with the materials the animal or vegetable is in possession of,
+        such as growth, support, secretion, &c. The blood is disposed of
+        by the actions of the vessels, according to their specific
+        stimulus, producing all the above effects. The juices of a plant
+        are disposed of according to the different actions of the
+        sap-vessels, arising also from their specific stimulus, which is
+        different from that of blood-vessels, but equally produces growth;
+        but a vine will grow twenty feet in one summer, while a whale,
+        probably, does not grow so much in as many years.' _Croonian
+        Lectures on Muscular Motion_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv.
+        p. 199.
+
+  [877] 'The second kind of action is in pursuit of external influence, and
+        arises from a compound of internal and external stimulus; it is
+        excited by the state of the animal or vegetable, which gives the
+        stimulus of want, and being completed by external stimulus,
+        produces the proper supplies of nourishment. It produces motions
+        of whole parts: thus we see the _Hedysarum gyrans_ moving its
+        lesser foliola. This is an action apparently similar to breathing
+        in animals, though, perhaps, it does not answer the same purpose;
+        yet there is an alternate motion in both.' _Croonian Lectures_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 200.
+
+  [878] 'The third kind of motion is from external stimulus, and consists
+        principally of the motion of whole parts, which is not
+        inconsiderable in vegetables, as in the _Dionæa muscipula_ and
+        _Mimosa pudica_ is very evident.' ... 'These actions are similar
+        to what arise in many animals from external stimulus.' _Ibid._
+        vol. iv. p. 201.
+
+  [879] 'I make a material difference between the power and the quantity of
+        action. Some motions may be very small, yet act with great force;
+        while others are of considerable extent, although very weak.'
+        _Ibid._ vol. iv. p. 204.
+
+  [880] 'The immediate cause of motion in all vegetables is most probably
+        the same, and it is probably the same in all animals; but how far
+        they are the same in both classes, has not yet been determined.
+        But I think it will appear, in the investigation of this subject,
+        that vegetables and animals have actions evidently common to both,
+        and that the causes of these actions are apparently the same in
+        both; and most probably there is not an action in the vegetable,
+        which does not correspond or belong to the animal, although the
+        mode of action in the parts may not be the same, or muscular, in
+        both.' _Croonian Lectures_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 196.
+        Compare the section 'Of Motion in Vegetables,' in _Hunter's
+        Essays_, London, 1861, vol. i. p. 24.
+
+  [881] 'The variety of motions is greater in animals, and more purposes
+        are answered by them.' ... 'The first kind of action appears to be
+        stronger in its power, although less in quantity, in vegetables
+        than in animals; for a small vine was capable of sustaining, and
+        even of raising, a column of sap 43 feet high, while a horse's
+        heart was only capable of supporting a column of blood 8 feet 9
+        inches high; both of which columns must have been supported by the
+        action of the internal parts, for we must suppose the heart equal,
+        or nearly so, to the strength or action of the other parts of the
+        vascular system; and when we consider that the sap of the tallest
+        tree must be supported, and even raised from the root to the most
+        distant branches, it must appear that the power of such vegetables
+        far exceeds the power of any animal, and, indeed, it is such as
+        the texture of a vegetable only can support. The power of
+        supporting a leaf erect for a whole day is as great an effort of
+        action as that of the elevator palpebrarum muscle of the eye of an
+        animal.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. pp. 203, 204. See also
+        _Hunter's Essays_, vol. i. p. 342: 'It is probable that the
+        vegetable which can the least bear a suspension of its actions,
+        can do so more than the animal which can bear it longest.'
+
+In pursuing these speculations, which, amid much that is uncertain,
+contain, I firmly believe, a large amount of important, though neglected,
+truth, Hunter was led to consider how motion is produced by various
+forces, such as magnetism, electricity, gravitation, and chemical
+attraction.[882] This carried him into inorganic science, where, as he
+clearly saw, the foundation of all organic science must be laid. Just as,
+on the one hand, the human frame could never be successfully studied,
+except by the aid of principles which had been collected from an
+investigation of animals below man,[883] so, on the other hand, the laws
+of those very animals must, he said, be approached through the laws of
+common or inorganic matter.[884] He, therefore, aimed at nothing less
+than to unite all the branches of physical science, taking them in the
+order of their relative complexity, and proceeding from the simplest to
+the most intricate. With this view, he examined the structure of the
+mineral kingdom, and, by an extensive comparison of crystals, he sought
+to generalize the principles of form, in the same way as, by a comparison
+of animals, he sought to generalize the principles of function. And, in
+doing this, he took into account, not only regular crystals, but also
+irregular ones.[885] For, he knew that, in nature, nothing is really
+irregular or disorderly; though our imperfect apprehension, or rather the
+backwardness of our knowledge, prevents us from discerning the symmetry
+of the universal scheme. The beauty of the plan, and the necessity of the
+sequence, are not always perceptible. Hence, we are too apt to fancy that
+the chain is broken, because we cannot see every link in it. From this
+serious error, Hunter was saved by his genius, even more than by his
+knowledge. Being satisfied that every thing which happens in the material
+world, is so connected and bound up with its antecedents, as to be the
+inevitable result of what had previously occurred, he looked with a true
+philosophical eye at the strangest and most capricious shapes, because to
+him they had a meaning and a necessary purpose. To him, they were neither
+strange nor capricious. They were deviations from the natural course; but
+it was a fundamental tenet of his philosophy, that nature, even in the
+midst of her deviations, still retains her regularity.[886] Or, as he
+elsewhere expresses it, deviation is, under certain circumstances, part
+of the law of nature.[887]
+
+  [882] _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 255.
+
+  [883] In his _Principles of Surgery_, he says (_Hunter's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 220), 'The human body is what I mean chiefly to treat of; but I
+        shall often find it necessary to illustrate some of the
+        propositions which I shall lay down from animals of an inferior
+        order, in whom the principles may be more distinct and less
+        blended with others, or where the parts are differently
+        constructed, in order to show, from many varieties of structure,
+        and from many different considerations, what are the uses of the
+        same parts in man; or, at least, to show that they are not for the
+        uses which have been commonly assigned to them; and, as man is the
+        most complicated part of the whole animal creation, it will be
+        proper, in the first place, to point out general principles,
+        common to all this species of matter, that I may be better
+        understood when I come to the more complicated machine, namely,
+        the human.'
+
+  [884] 'Before we endeavour to give an idea of an animal, it is necessary
+        to understand the properties of that matter of which an animal is
+        composed; but the better to understand animal matter, it is
+        necessary to understand the properties of common matter; else we
+        shall be often applying our ideas of common matter, which are
+        familiar to us, to animal matter, an error hitherto too common,
+        but which we should carefully avoid.' _Principles of Surgery_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. 211. 'In the natural history of
+        vegetables and animals, therefore, it will be necessary to go back
+        to the first or common matter of this globe, and give its general
+        properties; then see how far these properties are introduced into
+        the vegetable and animal operations; or rather, perhaps, how far
+        they are of use or subservient to their actions.' _Hunter's
+        Essays_, vol. i. p. 4. 'Every property in man is similar to some
+        property, either in another animal, or probably in a vegetable, or
+        even in inanimate matter. Thereby (man) becomes classible with
+        those in some of his parts.' _Ibid._ p. 10.
+
+  [885] He made 'a valuable collection of crystallizations, both of
+        regular and irregular forms, which he was accustomed to use in his
+        lectures to exemplify the difference between the laws which
+        regulate the growth of organic and the increase of inorganic
+        bodies.' _Ottley's Life of Hunter_, p. 138.
+
+  [886] 'Nature is always uniform in her operations, and when she deviates
+        is still regular in her deviations.' _Principles of Surgery_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. 485; see also vol. iv. pp. 44, 45.
+
+  [887] 'It certainly may be laid down, as one of the principles or laws
+        of nature, to deviate under certain circumstances.' _Hunter's
+        Works_, vol. iv. p. 278.
+
+To generalize such irregularities, or, in other words, to show that they
+are not irregularities at all, was the main object of Hunter's life, and
+was the noblest part of his mission. Hence, notwithstanding his vast
+achievements in physiology, his favourite pursuit was pathology,[888]
+where, the phenomena being more complex, the intellect has more play. In
+this great field, he studied the aberrations of structure and of
+function, in the vegetable, as well as in the animal, world;[889] while,
+for the aberrations of form, which are the external manifestations of
+disturbed structure, he took into consideration the appearances presented
+by the mineral kingdom. There, the power of crystallization is the
+leading feature, and there, violations of symmetry constitute the
+essential disorder, whether the deformity of the crystal is subsequent to
+its production, or whether, being the result of what happened before its
+production, it is an original, and, if we may so say, congenital, defect.
+In either case, it is a deviation from the normal type, and, as such, is
+analogous to the monstrosities, both of animals and of vegetables.[890]
+The mind of Hunter, by sweeping through this immense range of thought,
+attained to such commanding views of the philosophy of disease, that, in
+that department, he is certainly without a rival. As a physiologist, he
+was equalled, or perhaps excelled, by Aristotle; but as a pathologist, he
+stands alone, if we consider what pathology was when he found it, and
+what it was when he left it.[891] Since his death, the rapid advance of
+morbid anatomy and of chemistry has caused some of his doctrines to be
+modified, and some of them to be overturned. This has been the work of
+inferior men, wielding superior chemical and microscopical resources. To
+say that the successors of John Hunter are inferior to him, is no
+disparagement to their abilities, since he was one of those extremely
+rare characters who only appear at very long intervals, and who, when
+they do appear, remodel the fabric of knowledge. They revolutionize our
+modes of thought; they stir up the intellect to insurrection; they are
+the rebels and demagogues of science. And though the pathologists of the
+nineteenth century have chosen a humbler path, this must not blind us to
+their merits, or prevent us from being grateful for what they have done.
+We cannot, however, be too often reminded, that the really great men, and
+those who are the sole permanent benefactors of their species, are not
+the great experimenters, nor the great observers, nor the great readers,
+nor the great scholars, but the great thinkers. Thought is the creator
+and vivifier of all human affairs. Actions, facts, and external
+manifestations of every kind, often triumph for a while; but it is the
+progress of ideas which ultimately determines the progress of the world.
+Unless these are changed, every other change is superficial, and every
+improvement is precarious. It is, however, evident that, in the present
+state of our knowledge, all ideas respecting nature must refer either to
+the normal or to the abnormal; that is to say, they must be concerned
+either with what is regular, uniform, and obedient to recognized
+principles, or else with what is irregular, perturbed, and disobedient.
+Of these two divisions, the first belongs to science; the second, to
+superstition. John Hunter formed the superb conception of merging both
+classes of ideas into one, by showing that nothing is irregular, that
+nothing is perturbed, that nothing is disobedient. Centuries, perhaps,
+may elapse before that conception will be consummated. But what Hunter
+effected towards it, places him at the head of all pathologists, ancient
+or modern. For, with him, the science of pathology did not mean the laws
+of disease in man alone, or even in all animals, or even in the whole
+organic kingdom; but it meant the laws of disease and of malformation in
+the entire material world, organic and inorganic. His great object was,
+to raise a science of the abnormal. He determined to contemplate nature
+as a vast and united whole, exhibiting, indeed, at different times
+different appearances, but preserving, amidst every change, a principle
+of uniform and uninterrupted order, admitting of no deviation, undergoing
+no disturbance, and presenting no real irregularity, albeit to the common
+eye, irregularities abound on every side.
+
+  [888] Dr. Adams, who knew him personally, says that he studied
+        'physiology, more particularly as connected with pathology.'
+        _Adams' Life of Hunter_, p. 77.
+
+  [889] His _Principles of Surgery_ contain some curious evidence of his
+        desire to establish a connexion between animal and vegetable
+        pathology. See, for instance, his remarks on 'local diseases'
+        (_Works_, vol. i. p. 341); on the influence of the seasons in
+        producing diseases (vol. i. pp. 345, 346); and on the theory of
+        inflammation exhibited in an oak-leaf (vol. i. p. 391). But even
+        now, too little is known of the diseases of the vegetable world to
+        enable their study to be incorporated with the science of the
+        diseases of the animal world; and, in the time of Hunter, the
+        attempt was still less promising. Still, the effort shows the
+        grandeur and range of the man's mind; and though little was
+        effected, the method was right. So, too, in one of his essays on
+        the _Power of Producing Heat_, he says, 'In the course of a
+        variety of experiments on animals and vegetables, I have
+        frequently observed that the result of experiments in the one has
+        explained the economy of the other, and pointed out some principle
+        common to both.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 136.
+
+  [890] 'Nature being pretty constant in the kind and number of the
+        different parts peculiar to each species of animal, as also in the
+        situation, formation, and construction of such parts, we call
+        every thing that deviates from that uniformity a "monster,"
+        whether (it occur in) crystallization, vegetation, or
+        animalization. There must be some principle for those deviations
+        from the regular course of nature, in the economy of such species
+        as they occur in. In the present inquiry it is the animal creation
+        I mean to consider. Yet, as there may be in some degree an analogy
+        between all the three (kingdoms of nature), I shall consider the
+        other two, so far as this analogy seems to take place.' ...
+        'Monsters are not peculiar to animals: they are less so in them,
+        perhaps, than in any species of matter. The vegetable (kingdom)
+        abounds with monsters; and perhaps the uncommon formation of many
+        crystals may be brought within the same species of production, and
+        accounted for upon the same principle, viz. some influence
+        interfering with the established law of regular formation.
+        Monsters in crystals may arise from the same cause, as mentioned
+        in the "Introduction;" viz. either a wrong arrangement of the
+        parts of which the crystal is to be composed, or a defect in the
+        formation, from the first setting out being wrong, and (the
+        formation) going on in the same (wrong) line. The principle of
+        crystallization is in the solution; yet it requires more to set it
+        agoing, or into action, such, _e.g._, as a solid surface. The
+        deficiency in the production of a true crystal may be in the
+        solution itself; or, I can conceive, that a very slight
+        circumstance might alter the form of a crystal, and even give the
+        disposition for one (crystal) to form upon another. Quickness in
+        the progress of crystallization produces irregularity and
+        diminution in size.' _Hunter's Essays_, London, 1861, vol. i.
+        pp. 239-241. The reader must remember, that, when these remarks
+        were written, the phenomena of crystallization had not been
+        subjected to that exact mathematical treatment which subsequently
+        revealed so many of their laws. Indeed, the goniometer was then so
+        coarse an instrument, that it was impossible to measure the angles
+        of crystals with accuracy.
+
+  [891] Abernethy says, 'He appears to me as a new character in our
+        profession; and, briefly to express his peculiar merit, I may call
+        him the first and great physionosologist, or expositor of the
+        nature of disease.' _Abernethy's Hunterian Oration_, p. 29,
+        London, 1819. 'He may be regarded as the first who applied the
+        great truths of anatomical and physiological science to these most
+        important subjects, by tracing the processes which nature employs
+        in the construction of organic changes, in building up new
+        formations, and in repairing the effects of injury or disease.'
+        _Hodgson's Hunterian Oration_, 1855, p. 32.
+
+As pathology was the science to which Hunter was most devoted, so also
+was it that in which his natural love of deduction was most apparent.
+Here, far more than in his physiological inquiries, do we find a desire
+to multiply original principles from which he could reason; in opposition
+to the inductive method, which always aims at diminishing these
+principles by gradual and successive analysis. Thus, for instance, in
+his animal pathology, he attempted to introduce, as an ultimate principle
+from which he could argue, the idea that all diseases move more rapidly
+towards the skin than towards internal parts, by virtue of some hidden
+force, which also obliges vegetables to approach the surface of the
+earth.[892] Another favourite proposition, which he often used as a major
+premiss, and by its aid constructed deductively a pathological argument,
+was, that in no substance, be it what it may, can two processes go on in
+the same part at the same time.[893] By applying this universal
+proposition to the more limited phenomena of animal life, he inferred
+that two general diseases cannot co-exist in the same individual; and he
+relied so much on this ratiocination, that he refused to credit any
+testimony by which it was impugned.[894] There is reason to believe that
+his conclusion is erroneous, and that different diseases can so accompany
+each other, as to be united in the same individual, at the same time, and
+in the same part.[895] Whether or not this be the case, it is equally
+interesting to notice the process of thought which led Hunter to bestow
+infinitely more pains in arguing from the general theory, than in arguing
+to it. Indeed, he can hardly be said to have argued to it at all, since
+he obtained it by a rough and hasty generalization from what seemed to be
+the obvious properties of inorganic matter. Having thus obtained it, he
+applied it to the pathological phenomena of the organic world, and
+especially of the animal world. That he should have adopted this course,
+is a curious proof of the energy of his deductive habits, and of the
+force of mind which enabled him so to set at naught the traditions of his
+English contemporaries, as to follow a method which, in the opinion of
+every one who surrounded him, was not only full of danger, but could
+never lead to truth.
+
+  [892] 'The specific qualities in diseases also tend more rapidly to the
+        skin than to the deeper-seated parts, except the cancer; although,
+        even in this disease, the progress towards the superficies is more
+        quick than its progress towards the centre.' ... 'In short, this
+        is a law of nature, and it probably is upon the same principle by
+        which vegetables always approach the surface of the earth.' _A
+        Treatise on the Blood, Inflammation, and Gunshot Wounds_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. iii. p. 285. 'Granulations always tend to
+        the skin, which is exactly similar to vegetation, for plants
+        always grow from the centre of the earth towards the surface; and
+        this principle was taken notice of when we were treating of
+        abscesses coming towards the skin.' _Ibid._ pp. 489, 490.
+
+  [893] 'It may be admitted as an axiom, that two processes cannot go on
+        at the same time in the same part of any substance.' _Hunter's
+        Works_, vol. iv. p. 96. Compare _Hunter's Essays_, vol. ii. p.
+        333: 'As it appears, in general, that Nature can hardly make one
+        part perform two actions with advantage.'
+
+  [894] 'Thus, we hear of pocky itch and of scurvy and the venereal
+        disease combined; but this supposition appears to me to be founded
+        in error. I have never seen any such cases, _nor do they seem to
+        be consistent with the principles of morbid action_ in the animal
+        economy. It appears to me beyond a doubt that no two actions can
+        take place in the same constitution, or in the same part, at one
+        and the same time.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. ii. p. 132. 'As I
+        reckon every operation in the body an action, whether universal or
+        partial, _it appears to me beyond a doubt_ that no two actions can
+        take place in the same constitution, nor in the same part, at one
+        and the same time; the operations of the body are similar in this
+        respect to actions or motions in common matter. _It naturally
+        results from this principle_, that no two different fevers can
+        exist in the same constitution, nor two local diseases in the same
+        part, at the same time. There are many local diseases which have
+        dispositions totally different, but having very similar
+        appearances, have been supposed by some to be one sort of disease,
+        by others to be a different kind, and by others again a compound
+        of two diseases.' ... 'These, therefore, are often supposed to be
+        mixed, and to exist in the same part. Thus we hear of a
+        pocky-scurvy, a pocky-itch, rheumatic-gout, &c. &c., which names,
+        _according to my principle_, imply a union that cannot possibly
+        exist.' _Ibid._ vol. iii. pp. 3, 4.
+
+  [895] Dr. Robert Williams (_Encyclopædia of the Medical Sciences_,
+        London, 1847, 4to, p. 688) says, 'The diagnosis between gout and
+        rheumatism is often exceedingly difficult, so much so that
+        nosologists have given a mixed class, or rheumatic gout. Mr.
+        Hunter warmly opposed this compound appellation, for, in his
+        opinion, no two distinct diseases, or even distinct diatheses, can
+        co-exist in the same constitution; a law, it must be admitted, to
+        have many exceptions.' Compare _Watson's Principles and Practice
+        of Physic_, London, 1857, vol. i. p. 312; 'acting upon the
+        aphorism of John Hunter (an aphorism, however, which requires some
+        qualification), that two diseases or actions cannot go on in a
+        part at the same time.' According to another authority, 'There can
+        be little doubt that two or more zymotic processes do often go on
+        simultaneously in the blood and body; a fact of profound interest
+        to the pathologist, and worthy of attentive investigation.'
+        _Report on the Public Health for 1847_, in _Journal of the
+        Statistical Society_, vol. xi. p. 168, London, 1848. See also, on
+        the co-existence of specific poisons, _Erichsen's Surgery_, 2nd
+        edit., London, 1857, p. 430. Mr. Paget, in his striking and
+        eminently suggestive _Lectures on Pathology_, London, 1853, vol.
+        ii. pp. 537, 538, has made some interesting remarks on one part of
+        the theory of co-existence; and his observations, so far as they
+        go, tend to corroborate Hunter's view. He has put very forcibly
+        the antagonism between cancer and other specific diseases; and
+        especially between the cancerous diathesis and the tuberculous.
+
+Other parts of his pathology abound with similar instances, which show
+how anxious he was to assume principles on which he could build
+arguments. Of this kind were his ideas respecting sympathy, as connected
+with action. He suggested, that the simplest forms of sympathy would
+probably be found in the vegetable world, because there, the general
+arrangements are less intricate than in the animal world.[896] On this
+supposition, he constructed a series of curious and refined speculations,
+of which, however, I must confine myself to giving a very short summary.
+As animals sympathize more than vegetables, this helps us to understand
+why it is that their movements are more numerous. For, sympathy, being a
+susceptibility to impression, is also a principle of action.[897] Like
+other principles of action, it may be either natural or diseased.[898]
+But, whichever it be, it can, in plants, have only one mode of
+development, because, in them, it can only be influenced by stimulus;
+while in animals, which have sensation, it has necessarily three modes,
+one from stimulus, one from sensation, and a third compounded of the
+other two.[899] These are the largest divisions of sympathy, if we
+consider the organic world as a whole. In single cases, however, sympathy
+admits of still further subdivision. We may reason from it, in reference
+to the age of the individual;[900] we may also reason from it in
+reference to temperament, since, in point of fact, temperament is nothing
+but susceptibility to action.[901] And when sympathy is in action, we
+may, by analyzing our idea of it, reduce it to five different heads, and
+may classify it as continued, or contiguous, or remote, or similar, or
+dissimilar.[902] All these supplied Hunter with principles from which, by
+reasoning deductively, he attempted to explain the facts of disease; for,
+according to him, disease merely consists in a want of combination of
+actions.[903] By this process of thought, he was induced to neglect
+those predisposing causes, to which inductive pathologists pay great
+attention, and with which the works of his English contemporaries were
+much occupied. Such causes could only be generalized from observation,
+and Hunter made no account of them. Indeed, he even denies their real
+existence, and asserts that a predisposing cause is simply an increased
+susceptibility to form disposition to action.[904]
+
+  [896] 'The most simple sympathy is perhaps to be found in vegetables,
+        these being much more simple than the most simple animal.'
+        _Principles of Surgery_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. 327.
+
+  [897] 'This principle of action, called sympathy,' &c. _Ibid._ vol. i.
+        p. 318.
+
+  [898] 'Sympathy may be divided into two kinds, the natural and the
+        diseased.' _Principles of Surgery_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 320; see also _A Treatise on the Blood, Inflammation, &c._, in
+        _Works_, vol. iii. p. 6.
+
+  [899] _Croonian Lectures on Muscular Motion_, in _Hunter's Works_,
+        vol. iv. p. 207; and exactly the same words in his _Phytology_, in
+        _Hunter's Essays_, London, 1861, vol. i. p. 361.
+
+  [900] 'Local or partial sympathy is found more in old than in young;
+        whereas universal sympathy is more in young than in old. Sympathy
+        is less determined in young persons, every part being then ready
+        to sympathize with other parts under disease.' ... 'As the child
+        advances, the power of sympathy becomes partial, there not being
+        now, in the constitution, that universal consent of parts, but
+        some part, which has greater sympathy than the rest, falls into
+        the whole irritation; therefore the whole disposition to sympathy
+        is directed to some particular part. The different organs acquire
+        more and more of their own independent actions as the child grows
+        older.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. pp. 322, 323.
+
+  [901] 'Susceptibilities for dispositions and actions appear to me to be
+        the same with what are usually understood by temperament.
+        Temperament is the state of the body fitting it for the
+        disposition or action it is then in.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 307.
+
+  [902] _Hunter's Works_, vol. iii. p. 393.
+
+  [903] 'As every natural action of the body depends, for its perfection,
+        on a number of circumstances, we are led to conclude, that all the
+        various combining actions are established while the body is in
+        health, and well disposed; but this does not take place in
+        diseased actions, for disease, on the contrary, consists in the
+        want of this very combination.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. iii. p. 10.
+        Compare vol. i. p. 310: 'I have explained that a disease is a
+        disposition for a wrong action, and that the action is the
+        immediate effect of the disposition, and that either the actions
+        or the effects of those actions, _produce the symptoms which are
+        generally called the disease_; such as sensations, which are
+        commonly pain of all kinds, sickness, alteration visible or
+        invisible in the structure of the part or parts that act, and
+        sympathy.'
+
+  [904] 'There is no such thing, strictly speaking, as a predisposing
+        cause. What is commonly understood by a predisposing cause is an
+        increased susceptibility to form disposition to action. When I say
+        I am predisposed for such and such actions, it is only that I am
+        very susceptible of such and such impressions.' _Hunter's Works_,
+        vol. i. p. 303. See also p. 301: 'The most simple idea I can form
+        of an animal being capable of disease is, that every animal is
+        endued with a power of action, and a susceptibility of impression,
+        which impression forms a disposition, which disposition may
+        produce action, which action becomes the immediate sign of the
+        disease; all of which will be according to the nature of the
+        impression and of the part impressed.'
+
+By reasoning from the twofold ideas of action and of sympathy, Hunter
+constructed the deductive or synthetic part of his pathology. This he did
+as a Scotchman, and to this, had he always lived in Scotland, he would
+probably have confined himself. But being for forty years surrounded by
+Englishmen, and having his mind impregnated by English habits, he
+contracted something of their mode of thought. We, accordingly, find that
+a considerable portion of his pathology is as inductive as the most eager
+disciple of Bacon could desire; forming, in this respect, a striking
+contrast to the purely synthetic method of Cullen, the other great
+pathologist of Scotland. In the attempt, however, which Hunter made to
+mix these two methods, he perplexed both himself and his readers. Hence
+that obscurity, which even his warmest admirers have noticed, though they
+have not perceived its cause. Vast as his powers were, he was unable to
+effect a complete union between induction and deduction. That this should
+have happened, will not surprise any one, who considers how some of the
+greatest thinkers have failed in this, the most difficult of all
+enterprises. Among the ancients, Plato failed in induction, and all his
+followers failed with him; since none of them have placed sufficient
+confidence in facts, and in the process of reasoning from particulars to
+generals. Among the moderns, Bacon was deficient in deduction, and every
+Baconian has been similarly deficient; it being the essential vice of
+that school to despise reasoning from general propositions, and to
+underrate the value of the syllogism. It may, indeed, be doubted if the
+history of the world supplies more than two instances of physical
+philosophers being as great in one form of investigation as in the other.
+They are Aristotle and Newton, who wielded each method with equal ease,
+combining the skill and boldness of deduction with the caution and
+perseverance of induction, masters alike of synthesis and of analysis, as
+capable of proceeding from generals to particulars, as from particulars
+to generals, sometimes making ideas precede facts, and sometimes making
+facts precede ideas, but never faltering, never doubting which course to
+take, and never allowing either scheme unduly to encroach on its
+opposite. That Hunter should be unable to perform this, merely proves
+that he was inferior to these two men, whose almost incredible
+achievements entitle them to be termed the prodigies of the human race.
+But what he did was wonderful, and, in his own department, has never been
+rivalled. Of the character and extent of his inquiries, I have given a
+sketch, which, notwithstanding its imperfections, may serve to illustrate
+the antagonism of the Scotch and English intellects, by showing how the
+methods peculiar to each nation struggled for mastery in that great mind,
+which was exposed to the action of both. Which method predominated in
+Hunter, it would be hard to say. But it is certain, that his
+understanding was troubled by their conflict. It is also certain, that,
+owing to his love of deduction, or of reasoning from general ideas, he
+exercised much less sway over his English contemporaries, than he would
+have done if he had exclusively followed their favourite method of
+reasoning from particular facts. Hence, the disproportion between his
+influence and his merits. As to his merits, it is now admitted that, in
+addition to his physiological discoveries, and the great pathological
+views which he propounded, we may trace to him nearly all the surgical
+improvements which were introduced within about forty years after his
+death.[905] He was the first who explained, and, indeed, the first who
+recognized, the disease of inflammation of the veins, which is of
+frequent occurrence, and, under the name of phlebitis, has latterly been
+much studied, but which, before his time, had been ascribed to the most
+erroneous causes.[906] On general inflammation, he threw so much light,
+that the doctrines which he advocated, and which were then ridiculed as
+whimsical novelties, are now taught in the schools, and have become part
+of the common traditions of the medical profession.[907] He, moreover,
+introduced what is probably the most capital improvement in surgery ever
+effected by a single man; namely, the practice in aneurism of tying the
+artery at a distance from the seat of disease. This one suggestion has
+saved thousands of lives; and both the suggestion, and the first
+successful execution of it, are entirely owing to John Hunter, who, if he
+had done nothing else, would, on this account alone, have a right to be
+classed among the principal benefactors of mankind.[908]
+
+  [905] Hunter died in 1793. In 1835, Mr. Palmer writes: 'Those who have
+        traced the progress of modern surgery to its true source, will not
+        fail to have discerned, in the principles which Hunter
+        established, the germs of almost all the improvements which have
+        been since introduced.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. vii. Eighteen
+        years later, Mr. Paget says of Hunter's views respecting the
+        healing of injuries: 'In these sentences, Mr. Hunter has embodied
+        the principle on which is founded the whole practice of
+        subcutaneous surgery; a principle of which, indeed, it seems
+        hardly possible to exaggerate the importance.' _Paget's Lectures
+        on Surgical Pathology_, London, 1853, vol. i. p. 170. At pp. 197,
+        198: 'After what I have said respecting the process of immediate
+        union, it may appear that Mr. Hunter was more nearly right than
+        his successors.'
+
+  [906] 'Inflammation of the veins, originally studied by Hunter, has of
+        late years attracted the attention of many distinguished
+        Continental and British pathologists.' _Erichsen's Surgery_,
+        London, 1857, p. 475. 'No subject more amply illustrates the
+        essential services which the science and art of medicine have
+        derived from pathological anatomy than that of phlebitis. By this
+        study many a dark point in the phenomena of disease has been
+        either thoroughly elucidated, or, at all events, rendered more
+        comprehensible. We need only refer to the so-termed malignant
+        intermittents, consequent upon wounds and surgical operations,--to
+        certain typhoid conditions, puerperal diseases, and the like, John
+        Hunter, the elder Meckel, and Peter Frank, were the first to
+        commence the investigation.' _Hasse's Anatomical Description of
+        the Diseases of the Organs of Circulation and Respiration_,
+        London, 1846, p. 10. 'Hunter was the first to open the way, and
+        since that period the scalpel has shown that many previously
+        unintelligible malignant conditions are attributable to
+        phlebitis.' _Jones and Sieveking's Pathological Anatomy_, London,
+        1854, p. 362. On the application of this discovery to the theory
+        of inflammation of the spleen, see _Rokitansky's Pathological
+        Anatomy_, vol. ii. p. 173, London, 1849; compare vol. iv. p. 335.
+
+  [907] Sir Benjamin Brodie says: 'It is true that the essential parts of
+        John Hunter's doctrines as to inflammation and its consequences
+        are now so incorporated with what is taught in the schools, that
+        to be acquainted with them you need not seek them in his works;
+        but I recommend you, nevertheless, to make these your especial
+        study, for the sake of the other valuable information which they
+        contain, and the important views in physiology and pathology
+        which, in almost every page, are offered to your contemplation.'
+        _Brodie's Lectures on Pathology and Surgery_, London, 1846, p. 25.
+        'John Hunter, whose treatise on Inflammation is a mine in which
+        all succeeding writers have dug.' _Watson's Principles and
+        Practice of Physic_, London, 1857, vol. i. p. 146. 'The appeal to
+        philosophical principles in Hunter's works was, indeed, the cause
+        of their being a closed volume to his less enlightened
+        contemporaries; but, though the principles implied or expressed,
+        subjected them to the scorn and neglect of those less imbued with
+        the spirit of philosophy, the results of those principles,
+        verified as they were by facts, have gradually and insensibly
+        forced themselves on the conviction of the profession; and though
+        adopted silently, and without acknowledgment, as if the authors
+        themselves had forgotten or were ignorant from whence they were
+        derived, they now form the very groundwork of all books,
+        treatises, and lectures on professional subjects.' _Green's Vital
+        Dynamics_, London, 1840, p. 81. Finally, I will quote the very
+        recent testimony of Mr. Simon, who, in his masterly, and
+        singularly beautiful, essay on Inflammation, has not only brought
+        together nearly every thing which is known on that interesting
+        subject, but has shown himself to be possessed of powers of
+        generalization rare in the medical profession, or, indeed, in any
+        other profession. 'Without undue partiality, an Englishman may be
+        glad to say that the special study of Inflammation dates from the
+        labours of John Hunter. An indefatigable observer of nature,
+        untrammelled by educational forms, and thoroughly a sceptic in his
+        method of study, this large-minded surgeon of ours went to work at
+        inflammation with a full estimate of the physiological vastness of
+        his subject. He saw that, in order to understand inflammation, he
+        must regard it, not as one solitary fact of disease, but in
+        connexion with kindred phenomena--some of them truly morbid in
+        their nature, but many of them within the limits of health. He saw
+        that, for any one who would explain inflammation, all inequalities
+        of blood supply, all periodicities of growth, all actions of
+        sympathy, were part of the problem to be solved.' ... 'He cannot
+        be understood without more reflection than average readers will
+        give; and only they who are content to struggle through a veil of
+        obscure language, up to the very reality of his intent, can learn
+        with how great a master they are communing.' ... 'Doubtless, he
+        was a great discoverer. But it is for the spirit of his labours,
+        even more than for the establishment of new doctrine, that English
+        surgery is for ever indebted to him. Of facts in pathology, he
+        may, perhaps, be no permanent teacher; but to the student of
+        medicine he must always be a noble pattern. Emphatically, it may
+        be said of him, that he was the physiological surgeon. Others,
+        before him (Galen, for instance, eminently), had been at once
+        physiologists and practitioners; but science, in their case, had
+        come little into contact with practice. Never had physiology been
+        so incorporated with surgery, never been so applied to the
+        investigation of disease and the suggestion of treatment, as it
+        was by this master-workman of ours. And to him, so far as such
+        obligations can be personal, we assuredly owe it that, for the
+        last half-century, the foundations of English surgery have, at
+        least professedly, been changing from a basis of empiricism to a
+        basis of science.' _Simon on Inflammation_, in _A System of
+        Surgery_, edited by T. Holmes, London, 1860, vol. i. pp. 134-136.
+
+  [908] Mr. Bowman, in his _Principles of Surgery_ (_Encyclopædia of the
+        Medical Sciences_, London, 4to, 1847) says (p. 831): 'Before the
+        time of Hunter, the operation was performed by cutting into the
+        sac of the aneurism, and tying the vessel above and below. So
+        formidable was this proceeding in its consequences, that
+        amputation of the limb was frequently preferred, as a less
+        dangerous and fatal measure. The genius of Hunter led him to tie
+        the femoral artery, in a case of popliteal aneurism, leaving the
+        tumour untouched. The safety and efficacy of this mode of
+        operating have now been fully established, and the principle has
+        been extended to all operations for the cure of this formidable
+        disease.' See also p. 873; _Paget's Surgical Pathology_, vol. i.
+        pp. 36, 37; and _Erichsen's Surgery_, pp. 141, 142, 508, 509.
+
+But, so far as his own immediate reputation was concerned, all was in
+vain. He was in the midst of a people who had no sympathy with that mode
+of thought which was most natural to him. They cared nothing for ideas,
+except with a few to direct and tangible results; he valued ideas for
+themselves, and for the sake of their truth, independently of all other
+considerations. His English contemporaries, prudent, sagacious, but
+short-sighted, seeing few things at a time, but seeing those things with
+admirable clearness, were unable to appreciate his comprehensive
+speculations. Hence, in their opinion, he was little else than an
+innovator and an enthusiast.[909] Hence, too, even the practical
+improvements which he introduced were coldly received, because they
+proceeded from so suspicious a source. The great Scotchman, thrown among
+a nation whose habits of mind were uncongenial to his own, stood, says
+one of the most celebrated of his disciples, in a position of solitary
+and comfortless superiority.[910] Indeed, so little was he regarded by
+that very profession of which he was the chiefest ornament, that, during
+the many years in which he delivered lectures in London on anatomy and on
+surgery, his audience never amounted to twenty persons.[911]
+
+  [909] 'The majority of Hunter's contemporaries considered his pursuits to
+        have little connexion with practice, charged him with attending to
+        physiology more than surgery, and looked on him as little better
+        than an innovator and an enthusiast.' _Ottley's Life of Hunter_,
+        p. 126. In a work, which was written by a surgeon only the year
+        after Hunter died, the reader is told, in regard to his remarkable
+        inquiries respecting animal heat, that 'his experiments, if they
+        be true, carry with them no manner of information:--if they be
+        true, no effect for the benefit of man can possibly be derived
+        from them.' _Foot's Life of Hunter_, London, 1794, p. 116. At p.
+        225, the same practitioner reproaches the great philosopher with
+        propounding 'purely a piece of theory, without any practical
+        purpose whatever.' Foot, indeed, wrote under the influence of
+        personal feelings, but he rightly judged that these were the sort
+        of charges which would be most likely to prejudice the English
+        public against Hunter. It never occurred to Foot, any more than it
+        would occur to his readers, that the quest of truth, as truth, is
+        a magnificent object, even if its practical benefit is
+        imperceptible. One other testimony is worth quoting. Sir Astley
+        Cooper writes of Cline: 'His high opinion of Mr. Hunter shows his
+        judgment; for almost all others of Mr. Hunter's contemporaries,
+        although they praise him now, abused him while he lived.' _The
+        Life of Sir Astley Cooper, by Bransby Blake Cooper_, London, 1843,
+        vol. ii. p. 337.
+
+  [910] 'Those who far precede others, must necessarily remain alone; and
+        their actions often appear unaccountable, nay, even extravagant,
+        to their distant followers, who know not the causes that give rise
+        to them, nor the effects which they are designed to produce. In
+        such a situation stood Mr. Hunter, with relation to his
+        contemporaries. It was a comfortless precedence, for it deprived
+        him of sympathy and social co-operation.' _Abernathy's Hunterian
+        Oration_, p. 49.
+
+  [911] 'These he continued for several years; but so far were his
+        talents, and his enlightened views, from exciting the attention
+        they merited, that his hearers never amounted to twenty,'
+        _Ottley's Life of Hunter_, p. 28.
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+I have now completed my examination of the Scotch intellect as it
+unfolded itself in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The
+difference between those two periods must strike every reader. In the
+seventeenth century, the ablest Scotchmen wasted their energies on
+theological subjects, respecting which we have no trustworthy
+information, and no means of obtaining any. On these topics, different
+persons and different nations, equally honest, equally enlightened, and
+equally competent, have entertained, and still entertain, the most
+different opinions, which they advocate with the greatest confidence, and
+support by arguments, perfectly satisfactory to themselves, but
+contemptuously rejected by their opponents. Each side deeming itself in
+possession of the truth, the impartial inquirer, that is, he who really
+loves truth, and knows how difficult it is to obtain it, seeks for some
+means by which he may fairly adjudicate between these conflicting
+pretensions, and determine which is right and which is wrong. The further
+he searches, the more he becomes convinced that no such means are to be
+found, and that these questions, if they do not transcend the limits of
+the human understanding, do, certainly, transcend its present resources,
+and have no chance of being answered, while other and much simpler
+problems are still unsolved. It would be strange, indeed, if we, ignorant
+of so many lower and subordinate matters, should be able to reach and
+penetrate these remote and complicated mysteries. It would be strange if
+we, who, notwithstanding the advances we have made, are still in the
+infancy of our career, and who, like infants, can only walk with unsteady
+gait, and are scarce able to move without stumbling, even on plain and
+level ground, should, nathless, succeed in scaling those dizzy heights,
+which, overhanging our path, lure us on where we are sure to fall.
+Unfortunately, however, men are, in every age, so little conscious of
+their deficiencies, that they not only attempt this impossible task, but
+believe they have achieved it. Of those who are a prey to this delusion,
+there are always a certain number, who, seated on their imaginary
+eminence, are so inflated by the fancied superiority, as to undertake to
+instruct, to warn, and to rebuke the rest of mankind. Giving themselves
+out as spiritual advisers, and professing to teach what they have not yet
+learned, they exhibit in their own persons that most consistent of all
+combinations, a combination of great ignorance with great arrogance. From
+this, other evils inevitably follow. The ignorance produces superstition;
+the arrogance produces tyranny. Hence it is, that, in a country like
+Scotland, where the pressure of long-continued and adverse circumstances
+has consolidated the power of these pretenders to wisdom, such sad
+results become conspicuous in every direction. Not only the national
+character, but also the national literature, feel their influence, and
+are coloured by them. It was, therefore, natural that, in Scotland, in
+the seventeenth century, when the authority of the clergy was most
+uncontrolled, the consequences of that authority should be most apparent.
+It was natural that a literature should be created such as that of which
+I have given some account; a literature which encouraged superstition,
+intolerance, and bigotry; a literature full of dark misgivings, and of
+still darker threats; a literature which taught men that it was wrong to
+enjoy the present, and that it was right to tremble at the future; a
+literature, in a word, which, spreading gloom on every side, soured the
+temper, corrupted the affections, numbed the intellect, and brought into
+complete discredit those bold and original inquiries, without which there
+can be no advance in human knowledge, and consequently no increase of
+human happiness.
+
+To this, the literature of the eighteenth century offered a striking and
+most exhilarating contrast. It seemed as if, in a moment, all was
+changed. The Baillies, the Binnings, the Dicksons, the Durhams, the
+Flemings, the Frasers, the Gillespies, the Guthries, the Halyburtons, the
+Hendersons, the Rutherfords, and the rest of that monkish rabble, were
+succeeded by eminent and enterprising thinkers, whose genius lighted up
+every department of knowledge, and whose minds, fresh and vigorous as the
+morning, opened for themselves a new career, and secured for their
+country a high place in the annals of European intellect. Something of
+what they effected, I have endeavoured to narrate; much, however, has
+been left untold. But I have brought forward sufficient evidence to
+convince even the most sceptical reader of the splendour of their
+achievements, and of the difference between the noble literature which
+they produced, and those wretched compositions which disfigured the
+preceding century.
+
+Still, great as the difference was, the two literatures had, as I have
+shown, one important point in common. Both were essentially deductive;
+and the proof of this I have given at considerable length, because,
+though it has, so far as I am aware, escaped the attention of all
+previous inquirers, its consequences were of the utmost moment to the
+fortunes of Scotland, and are, moreover, full of interest to those who,
+in their investigations of human affairs, desire to penetrate below the
+mere surface and symptoms of things.
+
+If we take a general view of those countries where science has been
+cultivated, we shall find that, wherever the deductive method of inquiry
+has predominated, knowledge, though often increased and accumulated, has
+never been widely diffused. On the other hand, we shall find that, when
+the inductive method has predominated, the diffusion of knowledge has
+always been considerable, or, at all events, has been beyond comparison
+greater than when deduction was prevalent. This holds good, not only of
+different countries, but also of different periods in the same country.
+It even holds good of different individuals in the same period, and in
+the same country. If, in any civilized nation, two men, equally gifted,
+were to propound some new and startling conclusion, and one of these men
+were to defend his conclusion by reasoning from ideas or general
+principles, while the other man were to defend his by reasoning from
+particular and visible facts, there can be no doubt that, supposing all
+other things the same, the latter man would gain most adherents. His
+conclusion would be more easily diffused, simply because a direct appeal,
+in the first instance, to palpable facts, strikes the vulgar with
+immediate effect; while an appeal to principles is beyond their ken, and
+as they do not sympathize with it, they are apt to ridicule it. Facts
+seem to come home to every one, and are undeniable. Principles are not so
+obvious, and, being often disputed, they have, to those who do not grasp
+them, an unreal and illusory appearance, which weakens their influence.
+Hence it is that inductive science, which always gives the first place to
+facts, is essentially popular, and has on its side those innumerable
+persons, who will not listen to the more refined and subtle teachings of
+deductive science. Hence, too, we find historically that the
+establishment of the modern inductive philosophy, with its varied and
+attractive experiments, its material appliances, and its constant appeal
+to the senses, has been intimately connected with the awakening of the
+public mind, and coincides with that spirit of inquiry, and with that
+love of liberty, which have been constantly advancing since the
+sixteenth century. We may assuredly say, that scepticism and democracy
+are the two leading features of this great scientific movement. The
+seventeenth century, which ushered in the Baconian philosophy, was
+remarkable for its insubordinate spirit, especially in the country where
+that philosophy originated, and where it most flourished. In the next
+age, it was transplanted into France, and there, too, it worked upon the
+popular mind, and, was, as I have already pointed out, one of the
+principal causes of the French Revolution.
+
+If we look still closer into this interesting question, we shall find
+further corroboration of the view, that the inferences of an inductive
+philosophy are more likely to be diffused than those of a deductive one.
+Inductive science rests immediately upon experience, or, at all events,
+upon experiment, which is merely experience artificially modified. Now,
+an immense majority of mankind, even in the most advanced countries, are,
+by the constitution of their minds, incapable of seizing general
+principles and applying them to daily affairs, without doing serious
+mischief, either to themselves, or to others. Such an application
+requires not only great dexterity, but also a knowledge of those
+disturbing causes which affect the operation of all general theorems. The
+task, being so difficult to perform, is rarely attempted; and average
+men, possessed of a tolerably sound judgment, do, with good reason, rely
+mainly on experience, which is to them a safer and more useful guide than
+any principle, however accurate and scientific it might be. This begets
+in their minds a prejudice on behalf of experimental inquiries, and a
+corresponding dislike of the opposite and more speculative method. And it
+can, I think, hardly be doubted, that one of the causes of the triumph of
+the Baconian philosophy, is the growth of the industrious classes, whose
+business-like and methodical habits are eminently favourable to empirical
+observations of the uniformities of sequence, since, indeed, on the
+accuracy of such observations the success of all practical affairs
+depends. Certainly, we find that the overthrow of the purely deductive
+scholasticism of the Middle Ages has been everywhere accompanied by the
+spread of trade; and whoever will carefully study the history of Europe,
+will discern many traces of a connexion between the two movements, both
+of which are marked by an increasing respect for material and empirical
+interests, and a disregard of ideal and speculative pursuits.
+
+The relation between all this and the popular tendency of induction is
+obvious. For one person who can think, there are at least a hundred
+persons who can observe. An accurate observer is, no doubt, rare; but an
+accurate thinker is far rarer. Of this the proofs are too abundant to be
+disputed. Indeed, no one can mix with his fellow-creatures, without
+seeing how much more natural it is for them to notice than to reflect;
+and how extremely unusual it is to meet with any one whose conversation,
+or whose writings, bear marks of patient and original thought. And,
+inasmuch as thinkers are more prone to accumulate ideas, while observers
+are more prone to accumulate facts, the overwhelming predominance of the
+observing class is a decisive reason why induction, which begins with
+facts, is always more popular than deduction, which begins with ideas. It
+is often said, and probably with truth, that all deduction is preceded by
+induction; so that, in every syllogism, the major premiss, however
+obvious and necessary it may appear, is merely a generalization of facts,
+or record of what the senses had already observed. But this opinion,
+whether true or false, does not affect what I have just stated, because
+it concerns the origin of our knowledge, and not its subsequent
+treatment; that is to say, it is a metaphysical opinion, rather than a
+logical one. For, even supposing that all deduction rests ultimately on
+induction, it is, nevertheless, certain that there are innumerable cases
+in which the induction takes place at so early a period of life that we
+are unconscious of it, and can by no effort recall the process. The
+axioms of geometry afford a good specimen of this. No one can tell when
+or how he first believed that the whole is greater than its part, or that
+things which are equal to the same thing are equal to one another. All
+these preliminary steps are concealed from us, and the strength and
+dexterity of deduction are displayed in the subsequent steps by which the
+major premiss is adjusted, and, as it were, fitted to the minor. This
+often requires great subtlety of thought, and, in every instance, the
+external world is put aside, and lost sight of. The process, being ideal,
+has no concern, either with observations or experiments. The suggestions
+of the senses are shut out, while the mind passes through a long train of
+successive syllogisms, in which each conclusion is turned into the
+premiss of a new argument, until, at length, an inference is deductively
+obtained, which, to those who merely hear it enunciated, seems to have no
+connexion with the first premisses, though, in reality, it is the
+necessary consequence of them.
+
+A method, so recondite, and so hidden from the public gaze, can never
+command the public sympathy. Unless, therefore, the human mind should
+undergo some remarkable change in its nature as well as in its resources,
+the sensuous process of working upwards from particular facts to general
+principles, will always be more attractive than the ideal process of
+working downwards from principles to facts. In both cases, there is, no
+doubt, a line of argument essentially ideal; just as, in both cases,
+there is an assemblage of facts essentially sensuous. No method is pure,
+or stands entirely by itself. But, inasmuch as, in induction, the facts
+are more prominent than the ideas, while, in deduction, the ideas are
+more prominent than the facts, it is evident that conclusions arrived at
+by the former plan will, as a general rule, obtain a wider assent than
+conclusions arrived at by the latter plan. Obtaining a wider assent, they
+will produce more decisive results, and will be more likely to shape the
+national character and influence the course of national affairs.
+
+The only exception to this, is theology. There, the inductive method, as
+I have already observed, is inapplicable, and nothing remains but
+deduction, which is quite sufficient for the purposes of the theologian.
+For, he has a peculiar resource which supplies him with general
+principles, from which he can argue; and the possession of this resource
+forms the fundamental difference between him and the man of science.
+Science is the result of inquiry; theology is the result of faith. In the
+one, the spirit of doubt; in the other, the spirit of belief. In science,
+originality is the parent of discovery, and is, therefore, a merit; in
+theology, it is the parent of heresy, and is, therefore, a crime. Every
+system of religion the world has yet seen, recognizes faith as an
+indispensable duty; but to every system of science it is a hindrance,
+instead of a duty, inasmuch as it discourages those inquisitive and
+innovating habits on which all intellectual progress depends. The
+theologian, thus turning credulity into an honour, and valuing men in
+proportion as they are simple-minded and easy of belief, has little need
+to trouble himself with facts, which, indeed, he sets at open defiance,
+in his eagerness to narrate portentous, and often miraculous, events. To
+the inductive philosopher such a license is forbidden. He is obliged to
+ground his inferences on facts which no one disputes, or which, at all
+events, any one can either verify for himself, or see verified by others.
+And if he does not adopt this course, his inferences, be they ever so
+true, will have the greatest difficulty in working themselves into the
+popular mind, because they will savour of a subtlety and refinement of
+thought, which, more than any thing else, predisposes common
+understandings to reject the conclusions at which philosophers arrive.
+
+From the facts and arguments contained in this and the preceding chapter,
+the reader will, I trust, be able to see why it was that the Scotch
+intellect, during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, was
+preëminently deductive; and also why it was that, in the eighteenth
+century, the Scotch literature, notwithstanding its brilliancy, its
+power, and the splendid discoveries of which it was the vehicle, produced
+little or no effect on the nation at large. That literature, by its bold
+and innovating character, seemed peculiarly fitted to disturb ancient
+prejudices, and to rouse up a spirit of inquiry. But its method, both of
+investigation and of proof, was too refined to suit ordinary
+understandings. Therefore, upon ordinary understandings it was
+inoperative. In Scotland, as in ancient Greece, and in modern Germany,
+the intellectual classes, being essentially deductive, have been unable
+to influence the main body of the people. They have considered things at
+too great an altitude, and at too great a remove. In Greece, Aristotle
+alone had a true idea of what induction really was. But even he knew
+nothing of crucial instances and the theory of averages, the two capital
+resources of that inductive philosophy which we now possess. Neither did
+he, nor any of the great German philosophers, nor any of the great Scotch
+philosophers, attach sufficient importance to the slow and cautious
+method of gradually rising from each generalization to the one
+immediately above it, without omitting any intermediate generalizations.
+On this method, Bacon, indeed, insists too strongly, since many most
+important discoveries have been made independently of it, or, I should
+rather say, in contradiction to it. But it is a wonderful weapon, and
+none except men of real genius can dispense with its use. And when they
+do dispense with it, they cut themselves off from the general sympathies
+of their age and country. For, these small and proximate generalizations,
+which they neglect, are precisely those parts of philosophy which, being
+least removed from the region of visible facts, are best understood by
+the people, and, therefore, form the only common ground between thinkers
+and practitioners. They are a sort of middle term, which, being
+comprehended by both classes, is accessible to either. In all deductive
+reasoning, this intermediate, and, if I may so say, neutral, territory
+disappears, and the two classes have no meeting-place. Hence it is, that
+the Scotch philosophy, like the German philosophy, and like the Greek
+philosophy, has had no national influence. But in England, since the
+seventeenth century, and in France, since the eighteenth century, the
+prevailing philosophy has been inductive, and has, therefore, not only
+affected the intellectual classes, but also moved the public mind. The
+German philosophers are far superior, both in depth and in
+comprehensiveness, to the philosophers either of France or of England.
+Their profound researches have, however, done so little for their
+country, that the German people are every way inferior to the French and
+English people. So, too, in the philosophy of ancient Greece, we find a
+vast body of massive and original thought, and, what is infinitely
+better, we find a boldness of inquiry and a passionate love of truth,
+such as no modern nation has surpassed, and few modern nations have
+equalled. But the method of that philosophy was an insuperable barrier to
+its propagation. The people were untouched, and went grovelling on in
+their old folly, a prey to superstitions, most of which the great
+thinkers despised, and often attacked, but could by no means root out.
+Bad, however, as those superstitions were, we may confidently say that
+they were less noxious, that is, less detrimental to the happiness of
+man, than the repulsive and horrible notions advocated by the Scotch
+clergy, and sanctioned by the Scotch people. And on those notions the
+Scotch philosophy could make no impression. In Scotland, during the
+eighteenth century, superstition and science, the most irreconcilable of
+all enemies, flourished side by side, unable to weaken each other, and
+unable, indeed, to come into collision with each other. There was
+co-existence without contact. The two forces kept apart, and the result
+was, that, while the Scotch thinkers were creating a noble and most
+enlightened literature, the Scotch people, refusing to listen to those
+great masters of wisdom which their country possessed, remained in
+darkness, leaving the blind to follow the blind, and no one there to help
+them.
+
+It is, indeed, curious to observe how little effect was produced by the
+many great works written by Scotchmen in the eighteenth century. If we
+except the _Wealth of Nations_, I can hardly call to mind one which has
+perceptibly influenced public opinion. The reason of this exception may
+be easily explained. The _Wealth of Nations_ restricted the action of
+government within narrower limits than had ever been assigned to it by
+any other book of great merit. No previous political writer of admitted
+genius, had left so much to the people, and had demanded for them so much
+liberty in managing their own affairs, as Adam Smith did. The _Wealth of
+Nations_, being thus eminently a democratic book, was sure to find favour
+in Scotland, which was eminently a democratic country. Directly men heard
+its conclusions, they were prejudiced in favour of its arguments. So,
+too, in England, that love of liberty, which for many centuries has been
+our leading characteristic, and which does us more real honour than all
+our conquests, all our literature, and all our philosophy put together,
+invariably causes a popular bias on behalf of any claim to freedom. We,
+therefore, notwithstanding the activity of interested parties, were
+predisposed to the side of free trade, as one of the means of letting
+each man do what he liked with his own. But to imagine that ordinary
+minds are capable of mastering such a work as the _Wealth of Nations_,
+and of following without confusion its long and intricate arguments, is
+simply absurd. It has been read by tens of thousands of persons, who
+accept its conclusions because they like them; which is merely saying,
+because the movement of the age tends that way. The other great work of
+Adam Smith, namely, the _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, has had no
+influence except on a very small class of metaphysicians, although its
+style is, as some think, superior to the _Wealth of Nations_, and it is
+certainly easier to understand. It is, moreover, much shorter, which, to
+most readers, is no small recommendation; and it deals with subjects of
+great interest, which come home to the feelings of all. But the age, not
+caring for its conclusions, neglected its arguments. On the other hand,
+the _Wealth of Nations_ harmonized with the general tendency, and its
+success was supreme. It quickly moved, not only philosophers, but even
+statesmen and politicians, who eventually put into force its leading
+recommendations, though, as their laws and their speeches abundantly
+prove, they have never succeeded in mastering those great principles
+which underlie it, and of which the freedom of trade is but a minor
+accessory.
+
+Putting aside the _Wealth of Nations_, we shall find that the Scotch
+literature of the eighteenth century did scarcely any thing for Scotland,
+considered as a whole. How it has failed in its great aim of weakening
+superstition, is but too apparent to whoever has travelled in that
+country, and observed the habits and turn of mind still predominant. Many
+able and enlightened men who lived there, are so cowed by the general
+spirit, that, for their own comfort, and for the peace of their families,
+they make no resistance, but tacitly comply with what they heartily
+despise. That they err in doing so, I, at least, firmly believe; though I
+know that many honest, and in every respect competent, judges are of
+opinion, that no man is bound to be a martyr, or to jeopardize his
+personal interests, unless he clearly sees his way to some immediate
+public good. To me, however, it appears that this is a narrow view, and
+that the first duty of every one is to set his face in direct opposition
+to what he believes to be false, and, having done that, leave the results
+of his conduct to take care of themselves. Still, the temptation to a
+contrary course is always very strong, and, in a country like Scotland,
+is by many deemed irresistible. In no other Protestant nation, and,
+indeed, in no Catholic nation except Spain, will a man who is known to
+hold unorthodox opinions, find his life equally uncomfortable. In a few
+of the large towns, he may possibly escape animadversion, if his
+sentiments are not too bold, and are not too openly expressed. If he is
+timid and taciturn, his heresy may, perchance, be overlooked. But even in
+large towns, impunity is the exception, and not the rule. Even in the
+capital of Scotland, in that centre of intelligence which once boasted of
+being the Modern Athens, a whisper will quickly circulate that such an
+one is to be avoided, for that he is a free-thinker; as if free-thinking
+were a crime, or as if it were not better to be a free-thinker than a
+slavish thinker. In other parts, that is, in Scotland generally, the
+state of things is far worse. I speak, not on vague rumour, but from what
+I know as existing at the present time, and for the accuracy of which I
+vouch and hold myself responsible. I challenge any one to contradict my
+assertion, when I say that, at this moment, nearly all over Scotland, the
+finger of scorn is pointed at every man, who, in the exercise of his
+sacred and inalienable right of free judgment, refuses to acquiesce in
+those religious notions, and to practise those religious customs, which
+time, indeed, has consecrated, but many of which are repulsive to the eye
+of reason, though to all of them, however irrational they maybe, the
+people adhere with sullen and inflexible obstinacy. Knowing that these
+words will be widely read and circulated in Scotland, and averse as I
+naturally am to bring on myself the hostility of a nation, for whose many
+sterling and valuable qualities I entertain sincere respect, I do,
+nevertheless, deliberately affirm, that in no civilized country is
+toleration so little understood, and that in none is the spirit of
+bigotry and of persecution so extensively diffused. Nor can any one
+wonder that such should be the case, who observes what is going on there.
+The churches are as crowded as they were in the Middle Ages, and are
+filled with devout and ignorant worshippers, who flock together to listen
+to opinions of which the Middle Ages alone were worthy. Those opinions
+they treasure up, and, when they return to their homes, or enter into the
+daily business of life, they put them in force. And the result is, that
+there runs through the entire country a sour and fanatical spirit, an
+aversion to innocent gaiety, a disposition to limit the enjoyments of
+others, and a love of inquiring into the opinions of others, and of
+interfering with them, such as is hardly anywhere else to be found;
+while, in the midst of all this, there flourishes a national creed,
+gloomy and austere to the last degree, a creed which is full of
+forebodings and threats and horrors of every sort, and which rejoices in
+proclaiming to mankind how wretched and miserable they are, how small a
+portion of them can be saved, and what an overwhelming majority is
+necessarily reserved for excruciating, unspeakable, and eternal agony.
+
+Before bringing this volume to a close, it may be fitting that I should
+narrate an event, which, notwithstanding its recent occurrence, and the
+great attention it excited at the time, has, amid the pressure of
+weightier matters, fallen into comparative oblivion, although it is full
+of interest to those who study the various forms of national character,
+while it, moreover, supplies an admirable illustration of the essential
+antagonism which still exists between the Scotch and English minds; an
+antagonism extremely remarkable, when found among nations, both of whom,
+besides being contiguous, and constantly mixing together, speak the same
+language, read the same books, belong to the same empire, and possess the
+same interests, and yet are, in many important respects, as different as
+if there had never been any means of their influencing each other, and as
+if they had never had any thing in common.
+
+In the year 1853, the cholera, after having committed serious ravages in
+many parts of Europe, visited Scotland. There, it was sure to find
+numerous victims among a badly fed, badly housed, and not over-cleanly
+people. For, if there is one thing better established than another
+respecting this disease, it is that it invariably attacks, with the
+greatest effect, those classes who, from poverty or from sloth, are
+imperfectly nourished, neglect their persons, and live in dirty,
+ill-drained, or ill-ventilated dwellings. In Scotland, such classes are
+very numerous. In Scotland, therefore, the cholera must needs be very
+fatal. In this, there was nothing mysterious. On the contrary, the
+mystery would have been if an epidemic, like the Asiatic cholera, had
+spared a country like Scotland, where all the materials were collected on
+which pestilence feeds, and where filth, penury, and disorder, abound on
+every side.
+
+Under these circumstances, it must have been evident, not merely to men
+of science, but to all men of plain, sound understanding, who would apply
+their minds to the matter without prejudice, that the Scotch had only one
+way of successfully grappling with their terrible enemy. It behoved them
+to feed their poor, to cleanse their cesspools, and to ventilate their
+houses. If they had done this, and done it quickly, thousands of lives
+would have been spared. But they neglected it, and the country was thrown
+into mourning. Nay, they not only neglected it, but, moved by the dire
+superstition which sits like an incubus upon them, they adopted a course
+which, if it had been carried into full operation, would have aggravated
+the calamity to a frightful extent. It is well known that, whenever an
+epidemic is raging, physical exhaustion and mental depression make the
+human frame more liable to it, and are, therefore, especially to be
+guarded against. But, though this is a matter of common notoriety, the
+Scotch clergy, backed, sad to say, by the general voice of the Scotch
+people, wished the public authorities to take a step which was certain to
+cause physical exhaustion, and to encourage mental depression. In the
+name of religion, whose offices they thus abused and perverted to the
+detriment of man, instead of employing them for his benefit, they
+insisted on the propriety of ordering a national fast, which, in so
+superstitious a country, was sure to be rigidly kept, and, being rigidly
+kept, was equally sure to enfeeble thousands of delicate persons, and,
+before twenty-four hours were passed, prepare them to receive that deadly
+poison which was already lurking around them, and which, hitherto, they
+had just strength enough to resist. The public fast was also to be
+accompanied by a public humiliation, in order that nothing might be
+wanting to appal the mind and fill it with terror. On the same occasion,
+the preachers were to thunder from their pulpits and proclaim aloud the
+sins of the land; while the poor benighted people, panic-struck, were to
+sit in awe, were to remain the whole day without proper nourishment, and
+retire to their beds, weeping and starved. Then it was hoped that the
+Deity would be propitiated, and the plague be stayed. As soon as the
+entire nation had taken the course, which, of all others, was most
+certain to increase the mortality, it was believed that man having done
+his worst, the Almighty would interpose, would violate the laws of
+nature, and, by working a miracle, would preserve his creatures from
+what, without a miracle, would be the inevitable consequence of their
+own deliberate act.
+
+This was the scheme projected by the Scotch clergy, and they were
+determined to put it into execution. To give greater effect to it, they
+called upon England to help them, and, in the autumn of 1853, the
+Presbytery of Edinburgh, thinking that from their position they were
+bound to take the lead, caused their Moderator to address a letter,
+ostensibly to the English Minister, but in reality to the English nation.
+In this choice production, a copy of which is now lying before me, the
+Home Secretary is assured that the members of the Presbytery had delayed
+appointing a day for fasting and humiliation on their own ecclesiastical
+authority, because they thought it likely that one would be appointed by
+the royal authority. But as this had not been done, the Presbytery
+respectfully requested to be informed if it was intended to be done. They
+apologized for the liberty they were taking; they had no desire unduly to
+intrude themselves; neither did they wish the Home Secretary to answer
+their question unless he felt himself justified in doing so. Still, if he
+were able to answer it, they would be glad. For, there was no doubt that
+Asiatic cholera was in the country; and such being the case, the
+Presbytery of Edinburgh were interested in knowing if the appointment by
+the Queen of a national fast was in contemplation.[912]
+
+  [912] 'The members were of opinion,' writes the Moderator, 'that it
+        was likely, in the circumstances, that a national fast would be
+        appointed on royal authority. For this reason, they delayed
+        making an appointment for this locality, and directed me, in the
+        meantime, respectfully to request that you would be pleased to
+        say--if you feel yourself at liberty to do so--whether the
+        appointment of a national fast by the Queen is in contemplation.
+        The Presbytery hope to be excused for the liberty they use in
+        preferring this request.'
+
+This letter, which, through the medium of the press, was sure to become
+well known and to be widely read, was evidently intended to act on public
+opinion in England. It was, in fact, a covert reproach on the English
+Government for having neglected its spiritual duties, and for not having
+perceived that fasting was the most effectual way of stopping an
+epidemic. In Scotland, generally, it received great praise, and was
+regarded as a dignified rebuke addressed to the irreligious habits of the
+English people, who, seeing the cholera at their doors, merely occupied
+themselves with sanatory measures, and carnal devices to improve the
+public health, showing thereby that they trusted too much to the arms of
+the flesh. In England, on the other hand, this manifesto of the Scotch
+Church was met with almost universal ridicule, and, indeed, found no
+favourers except among the most ignorant and credulous part of the
+nation. The minister to whom it was addressed, was Lord Palmerston, a man
+of vast experience, and perhaps better acquainted with public opinion
+than any politician of his time. He, being well aware of the difference
+between Scotland and England, knew that what was suitable for one country
+was not suitable for the other, and that notions which the Scotch deemed
+religious, the English deemed fanatical. On a former occasion, the
+imperial government, yielding to the clamour which a few active and
+interested men succeeded in raising, had been foolish enough to set
+themselves in this matter in opposition to the temper of the age, and to
+enjoin public observances which, happily, were not strictly obeyed, but
+which, in so far as they were obeyed, heightened the general terror by
+reinforcing natural fears with supernatural ones, and thus, depressing
+the nervous system, increased the chance of mortality from the
+pestilence. To have the plague in our country is bad enough, since, do
+what we may, many victims will be struck down by it. But a fearful
+responsibility is entailed upon those who, at such a period, instead of
+exerting themselves to check its ravages, either by precautionary
+measures, or by soothing and re-assuring the people, do every thing in
+their power to aggravate the calamity, by encouraging that superstitious
+dread which weakens the popular energy at the very moment when energy is
+most requisite, and troubles the coolness, the self-reliance, and
+self-possession, without which no crisis of national danger can ever be
+averted.
+
+This time, however, there was no risk of the government committing so
+serious a blunder. Lord Palmerston, who knew that the sound sense of the
+English people would support him in what he was doing, directed a letter
+to be sent to the Presbytery of Edinburgh, which, unless I am greatly
+mistaken, will, in future ages, be quoted as an interesting document for
+illustrating the history of the progress of public opinion. A century
+ago, any statesman who had written such a letter, would have been driven
+from office by a storm of general indignation. Two centuries ago, the
+consequences to him would have been still more disastrous, and would,
+indeed, have ruined him socially, as well as politically. For, in it, he
+sets at defiance those superstitious fancies respecting the origin of
+disease, which were once universally cherished as an essential part of
+every religious creed. Traditions, the memory of which is preserved in
+the theological literature of all Pagan countries, of all Catholic
+countries, and of all Protestant countries, are quietly put aside, as if
+they were matters of no moment, and as if it were not worth while to
+discuss them. The Scotch clergy, occupying the old ground on which the
+members of their profession had always been accustomed to stand, took for
+granted that the cholera was the result of the divine anger, and was
+intended to chastise our sins. In the reply which they now received from
+the English Government, a doctrine was enunciated, which to Englishmen
+seems right enough, but which to Scotchmen sounded very profane. The
+Presbytery were informed, that the affairs of this world are regulated by
+natural laws, on the observance or neglect of which the weal or woe of
+mankind depends.[913] One of those laws connects disease with the
+exhalations of bodies; and it is by virtue of this law that contagion
+spreads, either in crowded cities, or in places where vegetable
+decomposition is going on. Man, by exerting himself, can disperse or
+neutralize these noxious influences. The appearance of the cholera proves
+that he has not exerted himself. The towns have not been purified; hence
+the root of the evil. The Home Secretary, therefore, advised the
+Presbytery of Edinburgh, that it was better to cleanse than to fast. He
+thought that the plague being upon them, activity was preferable to
+humiliation. It was now autumn, and before the hot weather would return,
+a considerable period must elapse. That period should be employed in
+destroying the causes of disease, by improving the abodes of the poor. If
+this were done, all would go well. Otherwise, pestilence would be sure to
+revisit them, 'in spite'--I quote the words of the English minister--'in
+spite of all the prayers and fastings of a united, but inactive
+nation.'[914]
+
+  [913] 'The weal or woe of mankind depends upon the observance or neglect
+        of those laws.'
+
+  [914] 'Lord Palmerston would, therefore, suggest that the best course
+        which the people of this country can pursue to deserve that the
+        further progress of the cholera should be stayed, will be to
+        employ the interval that will elapse between the present time and
+        the beginning of next spring in planning and executing measures by
+        which those portions of their towns and cities which are inhabited
+        by the poorest classes, and which, from the nature of things, must
+        most need purification and improvement, may be freed from those
+        causes and sources of contagion which, if allowed to remain, will
+        infallibly breed pestilence, and be fruitful in death, in spite of
+        all the prayers and fastings of a united, but inactive nation.'
+
+This correspondence between the Scotch clergy and the English statesman,
+is not to be regarded as a mere passing episode of light or temporary
+interest. On the contrary, it represents that terrible struggle between
+theology and science, which, having begun in the persecution of science,
+and in the martyrdom of scientific men, has, in these later days, taken a
+happier turn, and is now manifestly destroying that old theological
+spirit, which has brought so much misery and ruin upon the world. The
+ancient superstition, which was once universal, but is now slowly though
+surely dying away, represented the Deity as being constantly moved to
+anger, delighting in seeing His creatures abase and mortify themselves,
+taking pleasure in their sacrifices and their austerities, and,
+notwithstanding all they could do, constantly inflicting on them the most
+grievous punishments, among which the different forms of pestilence were
+conspicuous. It is by science, and by science alone, that these horrible
+delusions are being dissipated. Events, which formerly were deemed
+supernatural visitations, are now shown to depend upon natural causes,
+and to be amenable to natural remedies. Man can predict them, and man can
+deal with them. Being the inevitable result of their own antecedents, no
+room is left for the notion of their being special inflictions. This
+great change in our opinions is fatal to theology, but is serviceable to
+religion. For, by it, science, instead of being the enemy of religion,
+becomes its ally. Religion is to each individual according to the inward
+light with which he is endowed. In different characters, therefore, it
+assumes different forms, and can never be reduced to one common and
+arbitrary rule. Theology, on the other hand, claiming authority over all
+minds, and refusing to recognize their essential divergence, seeks to
+compel them to a single creed, and sets up one standard of absolute
+truth, by which it tests every one's opinions; presumptuously condemning
+those who disagree with that standard. Such arrogant pretensions need
+means of support. Those means are threats, which, in ignorant times, are
+universally believed, and which, by causing fear, produce submission.
+Hence it is, that the books of every theological system narrate acts of
+the grossest cruelty, which, without the least hesitation, are ascribed
+to the direct interposition of God. Humane and gentle natures revolt at
+such cruelties, even while they try to believe them. It is the business
+of science to purify theology, by showing that there has been no cruelty,
+because there has been no interposition. Science ascribes to natural
+causes, what theology ascribes to supernatural ones. According to this
+view the calamities with which the world is afflicted, are the result of
+the ignorance of man, and not of the interference of God. We must not,
+therefore, ascribe to Him what is due to our own folly, or to our own
+vice. We must not calumniate an all-wise and all-merciful Being, by
+imputing to Him those little passions which move ourselves, as if He were
+capable of rage, of jealousy, and of revenge, and as if He, with
+outstretched arm, were constantly employed in aggravating the sufferings
+of mankind, and making the miseries of the human race more poignant than
+they would otherwise be.
+
+That this remarkable improvement in religious ideas is due to the
+progress of physical science, is apparent, not only from general
+arguments which would lead us to anticipate that such must be the case,
+but also from the historical fact, that the gradual destruction of the
+old theology is everywhere preceded by the growth and diffusion of
+physical truths. The more we know of the laws of nature, the more clearly
+do we understand that every thing which happens in the material world,
+pestilence, earthquake, famine, or whatever it may be, is the necessary
+result of something which had previously happened. Cause produces effect,
+and the effect becomes, in its turn, a cause of other effects. In that
+operation, we see no gap, and we admit of no pause. To us, the chain is
+unbroken; the constancy of nature is unviolated. Our minds become
+habituated to contemplate all physical phenomena as presenting an
+orderly, uniform, and spontaneous march, and running on in one regular
+and uninterrupted sequence. This is the scientific view. It is also the
+religious view. Against it, we have the theological view; but that which
+has already lost its hold over the intellect of men is now losing its
+hold over their affections, and is so manifestly perishing, that at
+present no educated person ventures to defend it, without so limiting and
+guarding his meaning, as to concede to its opponents nearly every point
+which is really at issue.
+
+While, however, in regard to the material world, the narrow notions
+formerly entertained, are, in the most enlightened countries, almost
+extinct, it must be confessed that, in regard to the moral world, the
+progress of opinion is less rapid. The same men who believe that Nature
+is undisturbed by miraculous interposition, refuse to believe that man
+is equally undisturbed. In the one case, they assert the scientific
+doctrine of regularity; in the other, they assert the theological
+doctrine of irregularity. The reason of this difference of opinion is,
+that the movements of nature are less complex than the movements of man.
+Being less complex, they are more easily studied, and more quickly
+understood. Hence we find, that while natural science has long been
+cultivated, historical science hardly yet exists. Our knowledge of the
+circumstances which determine the course of mankind, is still so
+imperfect, and has been so badly digested, that it has produced scarcely
+any effect on popular ideas. Philosophers, indeed, are aware, that here,
+as elsewhere, there must be a necessary connexion between even the most
+remote and dissimilar events. They know that every discrepancy is capable
+of being reconciled, though we, in the present state of knowledge, may be
+unequal to the task. This is their faith, and nothing can wean them from
+it. But the great majority of people have a different faith. They believe
+that what is unexplained is inexplicable, and that what is inexplicable
+is supernatural. Science has explained an immense number of physical
+phenomena, and therefore, even to the vulgar, those phenomena no longer
+seem supernatural, but are ascribed to natural causes. On the other hand,
+science has not yet explained the phenomena of history; consequently, the
+theological spirit lays hold of them, and presses them into its own
+service. In this way there has arisen that famous and ancient theory,
+which has received the name of the moral government of the world. It is a
+high-sounding title, and imposes on many, who, if they examined its
+pretensions, would never be duped by them. For, like that other notion
+which we have just considered, it is not only unscientific, but it is
+eminently irreligious. It is, in fact, an impeachment of one of the
+noblest attributes of the Deity. It is a slur on the Omniscience of God.
+It assumes that the fate of nations, instead of being the result of
+preceding and surrounding events, is specially subject to the control and
+interference of Providence. It assumes that there are great public
+emergencies, in which such interference is needed. It assumes, that,
+without the interference, the course of affairs could not run smoothly;
+that they would be jangled and out of tune; that the play and harmony of
+the whole would be incomplete. And thus it is, that the very men who, at
+one moment, proclaim the Divine Omniscience, do, at the next moment,
+advocate a theory which reduces that Omniscience to nothing, since it
+imputes to an All-wise Being, that the scheme of human affairs, of which
+He must, from the beginning, have foreseen every issue and every
+consequence, is so weakly contrived as to be liable to be frustrated;
+that it has not turned out as He could have wished; that it has been
+baffled by His own creatures, and that, to preserve its integrity, its
+operations must be tampered with, and its disorders redressed. The great
+Architect of the universe, the Creator and Designer of all existing
+things, is likened to some clumsy mechanic, who knows his trade so ill,
+that he has to be called in to alter the working of his own machine, to
+supply its deficiencies, to fill up its flaws, and to rectify its errors.
+
+It is time that such unworthy notions should come to an end. It is time
+that what has long been known to philosophers, should also be known to
+historians, and that the history of mankind should cease to be troubled
+by what, to those who are imbued with the scientific spirit, must seem
+little better than arrant trifling. Of two things, choose one. Either
+deny the Omniscience of the Creator, or else admit it. If you deny it,
+you deny what, to my mind at least, is a fundamental truth, and, on these
+matters, there can be no sympathy between us. But if you admit the
+Omniscience of God, beware of libelling what you profess to defend. For
+when you assert what is termed the moral government of the world, you
+slander Omniscience, inasmuch as you declare that the mechanism of the
+entire universe, including the actions both of Nature and of Man, planned
+as it is by Infinite Wisdom, is unequal to its duties, unless that same
+Wisdom does from time to time interfere with it. You assert, in fact,
+either that Omniscience has been deceived, or that Omnipotence has been
+defeated. Surely, they who believe, and whose pride and happiness it is
+to believe, that there is a Power above all and before all, knowing all
+and creating all, ought not to fall into such a snare as this. They who,
+dissatisfied with this little world of sense, seek to raise their minds
+to something which the senses are unable to grasp, can hardly fail, on
+deeper reflection, to perceive how coarse and material is that
+theological prejudice, which ascribes to such a Power the vulgar
+functions of a temporal ruler, arrays him in the garb of an earthly
+potentate, and represents him as meddling here and meddling there,
+uttering threats, inflicting punishments, bestowing rewards. These are
+base and grovelling conceptions, the offspring of ignorance and of
+darkness. Such gross and sordid notions are but one remove from actual
+idolatry. They are the draff and offal of a bygone age, and we will not
+have them obtruded here. Well suited they were to those old and barbarous
+times, when men, being unable to refine their ideas, were, therefore,
+unable to purify their creed. Now, however, they jar upon us; they do not
+assimilate with other parts of our knowledge; they are incongruous; their
+concord is gone. Every thing is against them. They stand alone; there is
+nothing left with which they harmonize. The whole scope and tendency of
+modern thought force upon our minds conceptions of regularity and of law,
+to which they are diametrically opposed. Even those who cling to them, do
+so from the influence of tradition, rather than from complete and
+unswerving belief. That child-like and unhesitating faith, with which the
+doctrine of interposition was once received, is succeeded by a cold and
+lifeless assent, very different from the enthusiasm of former times.
+Soon, too, this will vanish, and men will cease to be terrified by
+phantoms which their own ignorance has reared. This age, haply, may not
+witness the emancipation; but, so surely as the human mind advances, so
+surely will that emancipation come. It may come quicker than any one
+expects. For, we are stepping on far and fast. The signs of the time are
+all around, and they who list may read. The handwriting is on the wall;
+the fiat has gone forth; the ancient empire shall be subverted; the
+dominion of superstition, already decaying, shall break away, and crumble
+into dust; and new life being breathed into the confused and chaotic
+mass, it shall be clearly seen, that, from the beginning, there has been
+no discrepancy, no incongruity, no disorder, no interruption, no
+interference; but that all the events which surround us, even to the
+furthest limits of the material creation, are but different parts of a
+single scheme, which is permeated by one glorious principle of universal
+and undeviating regularity.
+
+
+
+
+                                 INDEX.
+
+
+  Aberdeen, burnt by the Highlanders, iii. 22. Population of, in the
+    sixteenth century, 28. Linen manufacturers of, 180. The first county
+    bank in Scotland established in, 181. Tyranny of the Kirk session
+    of, 222
+
+  Abyssinians, their superstition as to the hyæna, i. 126 _note_. Causes
+    of the corruptions of the Christianity of the, i. 265 _note_
+
+  Academies, why favoured in France, ii. 127 _note_
+
+  Achenwall, considered to be the first writer on systematic statistics,
+    i. 33 _note_
+
+  Acoustics, creation of the science of, ii. 190
+
+  Adam of Bremen, cause of his error as to Turks in Finland, i. 299. His
+    authority in Northern geography, 299 _note_
+
+  Adanson, his botanical discoveries, ii. 397
+
+  Addison, Joseph, his establishment of the easy and democratic style of
+    writing, i. 437 _note_
+
+  Advocates, Faculty of, great part of the, expelled from Edinburgh,
+    iii. 145
+
+  Africa, condition of, in the desert of Sahara, i. 47, 48. Causes of its
+    stationary condition, 49
+
+  Agassiz, his classification of fossil ichthyology, ii. 383, 384
+
+  Ages, the Dark, ii. 108. Supremacy of the clergy at this period, 108
+
+  Agricola, Roman invasion of Scotland under, iii. 7
+
+  Agriculture, system of, of the Arabs of Spain, ii. 497
+
+  Agriculturists, causes of the superstitions of, i. 376, 379
+
+  Air, Boyle's discovery of the law of the elasticity of the, i. 368.
+    Marriott's confirmation of this law, 368 _note_
+
+  Albany, Regent of Scotland, his vigorous measures against the nobles,
+    iii. 45. Leaves Scotland, 57
+
+  Alberoni, his services to Spain, ii. 519, 522, 523
+
+  Alexander IV., Pope, his the first formal call to the secular power to
+    punish heretics, ii. 109 _note_
+
+  Alexandrian doctrine of development in religion, ii. 21 _note_
+
+  Alfred of Beverley, his abridgment of the history of Geoffrey of
+    Monmouth, i. 324
+
+  Alfred, King, causes of our admiration of, ii. 249 _note_. The
+    institutions popularly ascribed to him, 249 _note_
+
+  Alison, Sir A., his eulogy of William III., i. 403 _note_
+
+  Almansa, battle of, ii. 516
+
+  Alva, number of persons put to death by, in the Netherlands, ii. 451
+
+  Amazon river, extent of the, i. 97 _note_. Area drained by the,
+    97 _note_. Origin of the name, i. 299 _note_
+
+  Amazons, origin in the North of Europe of the fable of the nation of,
+    i. 298, 299
+
+  Amboise, conspiracy of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in
+    the, ii. 10
+
+  Ambrose, St., his statement of the doctrine of predestination,
+    i. 13 _note_
+
+  America, policy of the Spaniards in, in the eighteenth century, ii. 557
+
+  America, Central, ancient civilization of, i. 93. Ruins and statues
+    extant in, 93 _note_. Evidences of the unequal distribution of wealth
+    in, 94. Question as to the races which formerly inhabited it, 94.
+    Character of the national religion of, 147
+
+  America, North, rivers of importance to be found almost wholly on the
+    eastern side of, i. 97. Causes of this, 97 _note_. Extent of the Amazon
+    alone, 97 _note_. Area drained by the Mississippi, 97. The Oregon the
+    boundary of the Californian flora, 97 _note_. One of the main causes of
+    the fertility of America, heat, 98. Difference between the heat of the
+    eastern and western coasts, 98. Early state of the North American
+    tribes, 99 _note_. Intercourse between the north-east of Asia and the
+    north-west of America, 99 _note_. Another main cause of fertility of,
+    irrigation, 97. Calvinism the popular creed of the republics of,
+    ii. 339
+
+  America, South, no great river on the western side of, i. 97, 98.
+    Difference between the heat and moisture of the eastern and western
+    coasts of, 100. Way in which the trade-wind is connected with the
+    civilization of, 103. Physical condition of Brazil, 103-107. And of
+    Peru, 107 _et seq._ Exuberance of the maize plant in Mexico and Peru,
+    109. And of the banana, 111. The Mexican and Peruvian kingdoms, and
+    the effect of the physical laws under which they existed, 113-117
+
+  America, United States of. See United States
+
+  Anabaptists, number of, put to death in Holland, i. 189 _note_
+
+  Anatomy, experiments of Descartes in, ii. 80. State of the study of,
+    in the reign of Louis XIV., 197 _note_. Daubenton's union of
+    comparative anatomy with geology, 371. Cuvier's system, 376, 377.
+    Bichat's labours, 378. Results of the study of the tissues, 383. Value
+    of the examination of the teeth of animals, 384
+
+  Andrews, St., burnt by the English, iii. 14. The University of,
+    founded, 40 _note_
+
+  Aneurism, Hunter's improvement in the practice of, iii. 456
+
+  Anglo-Saxons, free men of the, all trained to the use of arms, i. 203
+    _note_. War and religion the absorbing subjects among the, 204 _note_
+
+  Animal life, examination of Bichat's work on, ii. 390
+
+  Anne, Queen, effects of her love for the clergy, i. 419. Her want of
+    abilities, as shown in her letters, 419 _note_
+
+  Antichrist, Audigier's statement respecting, ii. 281
+
+  Antinomianism, principles of Calvin leading to, ii. 338
+
+  Antiquities, study of, i. 2
+
+  Antiquity, harm worked by veneration of, i. 134. Marvellous feats of the
+    ancients as recorded in Sanscrit works, 135. The Hindu poets'
+    statements as to the duration of life in the early age of the world,
+    135. Undue reverence for antiquity, ii. 139. Voltaire's attack on the
+    admiration entertained for old writers, 306
+
+  Antonio, Spanish bibliographer, ii. 480
+
+  Apostates, number of, produced by religious persecution, i. 189
+
+  Aquinas, Thomas, on the doctrine of providential interference, i. 19
+
+  Arabs, causes of their permanent barbarism in Arabia, i. 45. Their
+    foundation of empires in Europe and Asia, 46. Their cultivation of
+    astronomy, 47 _note_. Their conquests in Spain, ii. 439. The struggles
+    which ensued between the Spaniards and Arabians, 439. Re-establishment
+    of the Spanish Christian monarchy, and extinction of the Arab power,
+    440. Their expulsion from Spain, 485 _et seq._ Number expelled, 494.
+    Their manufactures and system of husbandry, 497
+
+  Aranda, his attacks on the Inquisition, ii. 547
+
+  Archery, attempts to revive, in the reign of Elizabeth, i. 205 _note_
+
+  Architecture, condition of, in the reign of Louis XIV., ii. 209
+
+  Argensola, Spanish poet, ii. 480
+
+  Arian controversy, the, at the beginning of the last century, i. 427
+
+  Arianism established in Spain by the Visigoths, ii. 434
+
+  Aristocracy, commencement of hereditary, in Europe, ii. 112. Reason
+    why the aristocracy possessed more power in France than in England,
+    113. Policy of William the Conqueror and of Henry II. in reducing the
+    power of the nobles, 114 and _note_. Right of the nobles in France to
+    wage private war, 115. But in England they were glad to ally
+    themselves with the people against the Crown, 116. Instances of the
+    power of the French nobles, 128. Effect of the Wars of the Roses upon
+    the English nobles, 138. Aversion of the aristocracy to innovation,
+    and reverence for antiquity, 139. Causes of the alliance between the
+    nobles and clergy, 140. The noble class weakened in the reign of
+    Elizabeth, 143, 145. Aristocratic characters of the rebellion of 1569,
+    144. Abeyance of the ducal order, 146. Attempts made by James I. and
+    Charles I. to revive the power of the nobles, 147. Conduct of the
+    nobles in the Great English Rebellion, 152. Determination of the
+    rebels as to the nobles, 153. The House of Peers abolished, 153.
+    Vanity and imbecility of the French nobles, 162. Instances of this,
+    164 _et seq._ Arminianism always connected with aristocracy, 339.
+    Reasons for this, 341. Causes of the power of the nobles of Scotland,
+    iii. 19. Coalition of the Crown and clergy in Scotland against the
+    nobles, 34. Ignorance of the Scotch nobles, 40, 41. Causes of the
+    decline of the power of the Scotch nobles, 162, 167
+
+  Aristotle, authority of, overthrown by Descartes, ii. 91, 92
+
+  Ark, the, of Auriol, i. 331
+
+  Armada, the Spanish, ii. 453
+
+  Armies, origin of standing, i. 206, 207, 397. And of the custom of
+    employing mercenaries, 207. Computation of the proportion of soldiers
+    to civilians which a country can bear, 208 _note_
+
+  Arminianism, connexion of free will with, i. 14. Its feud with
+    Calvinism, ii. 338. Arminianism always aristocratic, 339. Arminianism
+    the popular creed in England at the beginning of the seventeenth
+    century, 339, 340. This doctrine one for the rich, 340. Causes of
+    this, 341, 342. Arminianism more favourable to the arts than to the
+    sciences, 342
+
+  Armorial bearings, origin of, in Europe, ii. 112
+
+  Arran, Earl of, regent of Scotland, iii. 70
+
+  Art, condition of, in the reign of Louis XIV., ii. 206-208
+
+  Arthur, King, history of, according to Geoffrey of Monmouth, i. 321
+
+  Aselli, his discovery of the lacteals, ii. 81
+
+  Asia, region of, in which wealth and progress can alone exist, i. 44,
+    45. The birthplace of almost all the cruel diseases now prevalent in
+    Europe, 130
+
+  Asser, question of the genuineness of his Life of Alfred, ii. 249
+
+  Astronomy, the only branch of knowledge raised to a science by the
+    Arabs, i. 47 _note_. Success with which it was cultivated by the
+    ancient Mexicans, 112. Encouraged by Louis XIV., ii. 191. His eminent
+    astronomers not French but foreigners, 191. Newton's discoveries, 191.
+    Practical astronomy unknown in Scotland in the seventeenth century,
+    iii. 285 _note_
+
+  Atomic theory, importance of the, ii. 364 _note_
+
+  Atheism, rise and progress of, in France, ii. 351. Publication of the
+    'Encyclopædia,' 351. The 'System of Nature,' 351. French atheists in
+    1623, 95 _note_
+
+  Atmosphere, consequences resulting from the weight of the, pointed out
+    by Descartes, ii. 78
+
+  Atomic doctrine, the natural precursor of Platonism, i. 10. The doctrine
+    of Chance of the atomists, 10
+
+  Atterbury, Bishop, his remarks on the condition of the Church in the
+    time of Anne and George I., i. 442 _note_
+
+  Audigier, examination of his 'Origin of the French,' ii. 279
+
+  Audra, his 'Abridgment of General History,' suppressed, ii. 238. His
+    death, 239
+
+  Augustin, St., the doctrine of predestination first systematically
+    methodized by, i. 13
+
+  Aurelius, Marcus, the Emperor, causes of his violent persecution of the
+    Christians, i. 186
+
+  Averages, doctrine of, its importance, i. 23 _note_
+
+  Avocats-généraux, of the eighteenth century, their functions, ii. 245
+    _note_
+
+
+  Bacon, Lord, effect of his secular philosophy, i. 329. Translation of
+    his works into French, ii. 218
+
+  Baikal, dangers of the Lake of, and their effect on the Baikal sailors,
+    i. 376 _note_
+
+  Baillou, his advancement of pathology, ii. 195
+
+  Bali, Javanese traditions preserved in the island of, i. 306
+
+  Ballads the form and groundwork of early history, i. 291. National
+    bards, 292. Antiquity of rhyme, 293 _note_. General accuracy of the
+    early ballads, 295 _note_
+
+  Balls forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 70
+
+  Banana, extraordinary reproductive powers of the, i. 111. Its nutritive
+    powers as compared with those of potatoes and wheat, 111
+
+  Bangorian controversy, effect of the, i. 427
+
+  Bank, the first County, in Scotland, iii. 181
+
+  Bannockburn, battle of, iii. 15
+
+  Bards known in almost all nations, i. 292, 293. Those of Gaul,
+    Scotland, and Ireland, 292 _note_. Cause of the extinction of the
+    class of bards, 296
+
+  Bargeton, suppression of the 'Letters' of, ii. 238
+
+  Bark, its discredit in France as a 'remède anglais,' ii. 214 _note_
+
+  Baron, different meanings attached to the word, ii. 114
+
+  Barrow, Isaac, his virtues and abilities, i. 393. Neglect with which
+    he was treated by Charles II., 393
+
+  Barter, misconception of the true nature of barter in early times,
+    i. 210-212
+
+  Bartholomew, St., massacre of, predominance of the theological spirit
+    shown in the, ii. 11
+
+  Basilides, his views of predestination, i. 13 _note_
+
+  Baxter, Richard, persecution of, i. 398
+
+  Beaton, Archbishop of St. Andrew's, compelled to resign his office of
+    Chancellor, iii. 57. His conspiracy, 58
+
+  Beaton, Cardinal, his persecution of the Protestants, iii. 63.
+    Arrested, 70. Conspiracy to assassinate him, 73, 74
+
+  Beaumarchais, his 'Memoirs' burned, ii. 237
+
+  Beauvais, Bishop of, his proposal to the Dutch, ii. 38 _note_
+
+  Bedford, Earl of, joins the Parliamentary forces, but deserts them,
+    ii. 151, 152
+
+  Being, obscurities of our, solved by the doctrines of free will and
+    predestination, i. 12
+
+  Benares, cases of suicide by drowning at, i. 26 _note_
+
+  Bentham, Jeremy, his demolition of the usury laws, i. 214 _note_. His
+    method of investigating speculative jurisprudence, i. 426
+
+  Bentley, Richard, his corrupt English style, ii. 307
+
+  Berkeley, Bishop, his erroneous notions of trade, i. 212 _note_
+
+  Berthault, his method of writing history, ii. 270
+
+  Berwick, Duke of, appointed Generalissimo of the Spanish army, ii. 515.
+    Gains the battle of Almansa, 516
+
+  Berwick destroyed by the English, iii. 13
+
+  Berwick, treaty of, iii. 81
+
+  Berzelius, his attempts to reduce mineralogical phenomena, ii. 399
+
+  Bichat, impetus given to the study of zoology by, ii. 376. Sketch of
+    his method of investigation of the human frame, 379. His views
+    respecting the tissues, 379. Publication of his great work, 380.
+    Connexion between his views and subsequent discoveries, 380-388.
+    Immense importance of his method of investigation, 388. Examination of
+    his work on life, 390
+
+  Birmingham, establishment of the first circulating library in, i. 431
+    _note_. Not a bookseller in the town in the reign of Anne, 422 _note_.
+    First printing office in, 432 _note_
+
+  Bishops, precarious tenure with which they hold their seats in the House
+    of Lords, i. 418
+
+  Black, David, his violent sermon against James VI., iii. 107. Thrown
+    into prison, 108, 109
+
+  Black, Joseph, examination of his theory of latent heat, iii. 367. And
+    of his method of physical philosophy, 368
+
+  Blackburne on 'The Confessional' ferment caused by, i. 428
+
+  Blackstone, Sir W., his 'Commentaries' translated into French, ii. 219
+
+  Blanca, Florida, prime minister of Spain, his reforms, ii. 548.
+    Concludes a treaty with Turkey, 549
+
+  Blood, discovery of the circulation of the, by Harvey, neglected by
+    his contemporaries, ii. 80. But recognized by Descartes, 81. Hunter's
+    discovery as to the red globules of the, iii. 436. Corroboration of
+    his views after his death, 438
+
+  Bodin, John, his character as a historian, i. 326
+
+  Boileau, pensioned to write a History of France for Louis XIV., ii. 277
+
+  Bombs, invention of, i. 206 _note_
+
+  Boncerf, his treatise on 'Feudal Law' burned, ii. 237
+
+  Book Clubs and Book Societies, establishment of, i. 433
+
+  Books, only use of, i. 267
+
+  Boots, the torture of the, iii. 148
+
+  Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux, character of his 'Universal History,' ii.
+    282. Connexion between his opinions and the despotism of Louis XIV.,
+    289. Character of his writings, 290. His singular arrogance, 290. His
+    works compared with those of Voltaire, 291
+
+  Botany, importance of the study of, ii. 197, 198. First steps in the
+    study of, 198. Discoveries of the seventeenth century, 199. Nothing
+    done in France in botanical discovery during the reign of Louis XIV.,
+    200. Labours of the French in, 395. Göthe's discoveries, 396. Number
+    of known species, 396 _note_
+
+  Botany. The natural method superseding the artificial one of Linnæus,
+    ii. 397. Jussieu's generalizations, 397, 398. Phyllotaxis, 399 _note_
+
+  Boucquet, suppression of the 'Letters' of, ii. 208
+
+  Boyle, Robert, his doubts as to the theological and scientific
+    theories of diseases, i. 128 _note_. Influence of the spirit of
+    opposition to unsupported authority on, 367. His great discoveries,
+    368. His view of the importance of individual experiments, and
+    disregard of ancient authority, 369. His doubts and caution as shown
+    in his works, 370
+
+  Brahmanism, remote period of its establishment in India, i. 301.
+    Introduction of a form of, into China, 302
+
+  Brain, amount of phosphorus in the, i. 57 _note_. Excretion of the
+    phosphorus under certain circumstances, 57 _note_. Doctrines of the
+    improvement of the human brain by transmission, 176 _note_
+
+  Brazil, causes of the gorgeousness of the fauna and flora of, i. 103,
+    104. Description of the rainy season of, 103 _note_. Inveterate
+    barbarism of the natives of, 105 _note_. Smallness of the population
+    of, 107
+
+  Brissot, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 225.
+    His admiration for the English Constitution, 229
+
+  Bristol, Earl of, his notions of political economy, i. 212 _note_
+
+  Brougham, Lord, his life of Robert Simson, i. 248 _note_
+
+  Browne, Sir Thomas, influence of the spirit of opposition to
+    unsupported authority on, i. 365. His 'Vulgar and Common Errors' and
+    'Religio Medici,' 365. His love of botany, 200
+
+  Brunfels, his investigations in the vegetable kingdom, ii. 198 _note_
+
+  Buchanan, George, character of his works, iii. 183
+
+  Buffier, the only Jesuit whose name has a place in abstract philosophy,
+    ii. 342
+
+  Buffon, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 218.
+    His translations of Newton and Hales, 218. Compelled to publish a
+    recantation of some of his views on geology, 236. His geological
+    theory, 368
+
+  Burgos, decay of, in the seventeenth century, ii. 503
+
+  Burke's, Edmund, his remarks on the decline of the abilities of
+    official men under George III., i. 449. His great ability and
+    accomplishments, 455, 456. His practical political principles, 458.
+    His view of the true end of legislation, 459 _note_. Effect which his
+    profound views produced in the House of Commons, 460 _note_. His
+    attack on the delusions of his time, 461. His opposition to the views
+    of George III., and consequent neglect, 461. His anticipation and
+    defence of most of the great measures of the present generation, 462,
+    463. His subsequent hallucinations and violence, 467. His rupture with
+    Fox, 469. His hostility to Condorcet and La Fayette, 470, 471.
+    Favoured in his degeneracy by George III., 476, 477
+
+  Burnet, Bishop, offer to him of a pension for a history of France,
+    ii. 277, 278
+
+
+  Caithness seized by the Norwegians, iii. 11
+
+  Calderon, his fanaticism for the Inquisition, ii. 481
+
+  Californian flora, the Oregon or Columbia river the boundary of the,
+    i. 97 _note_
+
+  Calonne, M., his attack on the church property, ii. 333
+
+  Calvin, John, his doctrine of predestination, i. 13
+
+  Calvinism, its feud with Arminianism, ii. 338. Calvinism always
+    democratic, 339. This doctrine one for the poor, 340. Animosity of the
+    Church of Rome against it, 341. Reasons why it is the doctrine of the
+    poor, 341, 342. More favourable to the sciences than to the arts, 342.
+    Reasons why the professors of this religion are likely to acquire
+    habits of independent thinking, 342, 343. The doctrine of necessity,
+    343. Alliance of Jansenism with Calvinism, 343
+
+  Campbell, Lord, character of his 'Lives of the Chancellors,'
+    i. 441 _note_
+
+  Camus, his Jansenism, ii. 345
+
+  Cannibalism in Scotland, iii. 17
+
+  Canons, invention of, i. 206 _note_
+
+  Capital, Adam Smith's views as to, iii. 327
+
+  Carbon, in food, i. 55 _et seq._
+
+  Carolan, the last Irish bard, i. 292 _note_
+
+  Carra, his familiarity with the English language and literature, ii. 224
+
+  Carrillo, Martin, Spanish jurisconsult and historian, ii. 480
+
+  Cartaud, suppression of his 'Essay on Taste,' ii. 237
+
+  Cartwright, Dr., the nonjuring bishop, i. 412 _note_
+
+  Cashmere, rent paid by the cultivator to the sovereign in, i. 76 _note_
+
+  Casualties, diminution of, one cause of the increased duration of life,
+    i. 153
+
+  Catholics, Roman, their doctrines compared with those of Protestants,
+    i. 261. Importance of the Toleration Act to them, 402 _note_. Causes
+    which led to the feeling in favour of Catholic Emancipation, 426.
+    Burke's advocacy of Roman Catholic claims, 462. Importance of the
+    Emancipation Bill, 502. Obligations Europe is under to the Catholic
+    clergy, ii. 5 _note_. Intolerance of Roman Catholics compared with
+    that of Protestants, 51. Pliancy of the Roman Church against morals,
+    and its inflexibility in regard to dogmas, 52 _note_. Theory of
+    indulgences, 339. Animosity of the Church of Rome against Calvinism,
+    ii. 341
+
+  Causes, final, the study of, abandoned by Descartes, ii. 91. And by
+    Bacon and Auguste Comte, 91 _note_. Authorities for the injury it has
+    wrought, 91 _note_
+
+  Caussin, 'le petit père,' exiled by Richelieu, ii. 29, 30
+
+  Cavaliers, the name and the English civil war, ii. 149
+
+  Cavendish, Henry, method employed by him in the discovery of the
+    composition of water, iii. 403
+
+  Celibacy of the clergy, opposed by the principle of hereditary rank,
+    ii. 113. Period of the first general and decisive movement in its
+    favour, 113 _note_
+
+  Centralization, in France, the natural successor of feudality, ii.
+    122. Its baneful effects, 123. How the system actually works, 123
+    _note_. Its results in France compared with the freedom of England,
+    126, 127
+
+  Certainty contrasted with precision in writing history, ii. 325
+
+  Cervantes, becomes a monk, ii. 479. His joy at the expulsion of the
+    Moors from Spain, 496 _note_
+
+  Chance, doctrine of, i. 8. Causes of its displacement by the doctrine
+    of Necessary Connection, 9. The doctrine of Chance of the atomists, 10
+
+  Chancery, Court of, early exertion of its powers against persecution,
+    i. 345 _note_
+
+  Chantilly, the actress, story of, ii. 243
+
+  Character, knowledge of, a key to results and action, i. 18, 19
+
+  Charlemagne. His droves of pigs, i. 314 _note_. His history as related
+    by Archbishop Turpin, 318
+
+  Charles I., character of the opposition to ecclesiastical authority in
+    the reign of, i. 359. This king's attempts to revive the power of the
+    aristocracy, and adopt the superannuated theories of protection, ii.
+    147. How treated by his Scottish subjects, iii. 4, 134. Sold by the
+    Scotch to the English, 135. His execution, 136. Character of the war
+    against him in England compared with that of the Scotch, 197
+
+  Charles II., frivolous form of the opposition to ecclesiastical
+    authority in the reign of, i. 362. His deism, 362 _note_. His last
+    refuge in superstition, 362 _note_. Antagonism in his reign between
+    the physical sciences and the theological spirit, 372. Legislative
+    improvements of this reign in spite of political degradation, 381.
+    Character of Charles II., and condition of the kingdom in his reign,
+    381, 382. Aid given by his vices to the comprehensive reforms of his
+    reign, 388. And by his dislike of the clergy, 389. Character of this
+    king's ecclesiastical appointments, 391. His inability to do permanent
+    harm to English institutions, ii. 466. Compelled by the Scotch to sign
+    a public declaration, iii. 136. His oppressions of the Scotch,
+    137-139. His attempted despotism baffled by the Scotch, 140
+
+  Charles II. of Spain, his character, ii. 468-470. Misery of Spain during
+    his reign, 501-510. His death, 513
+
+  Charles III. of Spain, vigour and success of his rule, ii. 552 _et seq._
+    His death, 571
+
+  Charles IV. of Spain, his accession, ii. 571. Reaction begun by him, 571
+
+  Charles V. the Emperor, his domestic and foreign policy, ii. 446. His
+    humiliation of the Protestant princes in Germany, 446. His repulse of
+    the Turks before Vienna, 446. Number of heretics put to death in the
+    Netherlands during his reign, 447. His codicil to his will as to
+    dealing with heretics, 448. Causes of his barbarous policy, 449
+
+  Charles IX., his massacre of St. Bartholomew, ii. 13
+
+  'Charles XII., History of,' Voltaire's, ii. 292. Charles's only
+    merits, 293. Voltaire's admiration of him, 293. His murder of Patkul,
+    293
+
+  Charles the Bald, initiates a hereditary aristocracy in Europe, ii. 112
+
+  Charron, Pierre, reputation of his 'De la Sagesse,' ii. 19. Its purity
+    and systematic completeness, 19. Analysis of the work, 20, 21
+
+  Charta, Magna, peculiar beauty of, ii. 117
+
+  Chateaubriand, his method, ii. 389 _note_
+
+  Chatillon, Marshal, ii. 43
+
+  Chauvelin, his Jansenism, ii. 345
+
+  Chemistry, the law of definite proportions in as laid down by Turner,
+    i. 59 _note_. Boyle's discoveries in, 369. His 'Sceptical Chemist,'
+    370. Study of, forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 69. State of
+    the science of, in the reign of Louis XIV., 197. Causes of its great
+    progress in modern times, 365. The existence of chemistry as a science
+    due to France, 366. Discoveries of Lavoisier, 367. Formation of a
+    chemical nomenclature, 368. Inability of chemistry to reduce
+    mineralogical phenomena, 399. Popularity of Fourcroy's lectures,
+    407 _note_
+
+  Childebert, King of the Franks, attacks the Arian Visigoths,
+    ii. 435 _note_
+
+  Chillingworth, William, his 'Religion of Protestants,' i. 347. His
+    connexion and correspondence with Laud, 347. His work compared with
+    those of Hooker and Jewel, 348. The right of private judgment held
+    sacred by him, 349, 352. Popularity of his work, 352 _note_. His
+    scepticism compared with that of Hooker, ii. 86
+
+  China, gunpowder said to have been used at an early period in, i. 203
+    _note_. Causes of the trustworthiness of the early annals of, 302.
+    Antiquity of the history of, 302 _note_. Early knowledge of printing
+    in, 302 _note_
+
+  Chivalry, origin of, ii. 131. Influence of, on the nobles, 132.
+    Results of the institution of, 132. Origin of the orders of chivalry,
+    133. Merits ascribed to chivalry, 133 _note_. Small influence of
+    chivalry in England, 134. The ballad of the 'Turnament of Tottenham,'
+    136 _note_. Extinct in England in the fifteenth century, 135. Relation
+    between chivalry and duelling, 136
+
+  Choiseul, De, his anti-ecclesiastical policy, ii. 333. Openly protects
+    the Jansenists, 345
+
+  Cholera, attempts made to revive the theological theory of disease on
+    the first outbreak of the, i. 128 _note_. And again in Scotland,
+    iii. 473
+
+  Christianity, influence of religion on the progress of society
+    illustrated by the early history of, i. 258. And by the history of
+    Catholicism and Protestantism, 261. Baneful effects of the
+    interference of governments with the opinions of the people, 261, 262.
+    Causes of the corruptions of the Christianity of the Abyssinians and
+    of the Oguiché Indians, 265 _note_. The crusade against Christianity
+    one of the antecedents of the French Revolution, ii. 247-257. Causes
+    of the Roman persecutions, i. 185
+
+  Church property, Vattel's opinions respecting, quoted, ii. 31 _note_
+
+  Church, the revenues of the, seized and appropriated by the contracting
+    parties to the peace of Westphalia, ii. 41
+
+  Church of England. See Clergy, English
+
+  Chyle, discovery of the, ii. 194
+
+  Circular progression, doctrine of, ii. 377
+
+  Clanship, in Scotland, causes of the abolition of, iii. 167, 168
+
+  Clarke, Adam, the last scholar of European repute amongst the
+    Dissenters, i. 422
+
+  Classes, the two, in France, before the Revolution, ii. 128 _et seq._
+    The Great Rebellion of England a war of, 150. Opposite character of
+    the Fronde in France, 150
+
+  Classical scholars and commentators, Locke and Voltaire's attacks on,
+    ii. 306-308
+
+  Clergy, the influence of the, the cause of the corruption of early
+    history, i. 307. Their meddling, inquisitive, and vexatious spirit,
+    ii. 72. Supremacy of the clergy in the Dark Ages, 108. Period when the
+    spirit of inquiry began to weaken the church, 108, 109. And when the
+    clergy began to punish men for thinking for themselves, 109. The first
+    constitution addressed 'inquisitoribus hæreticæ pravitatis,' 109
+    _note_. Connection between the feudal system and the ecclesiastical
+    spirit, 110, 111. Causes of the alliance between the clergy and the
+    nobles, 140. The clergy weakened in the reign of Elizabeth, 143
+
+  Clergy, English, attempts of the, in the reign of Charles II. to oppose
+    the spread of physical science, i. 372. Reasons for their hostility,
+    373. Destruction of the privileges of the clergy to burn heretics and
+    tax themselves, 383. The tender of the ex-officio oath prevented by
+    law, 384. Dislike of Charles II. of the clergy, 389. Causes of this
+    dislike, 389. Character of his ecclesiastical appointments, 391.
+    Efforts of the clergy in this reign to revive the doctrines of passive
+    obedience and divine right, 394. Good churchmen always bad citizens,
+    395 _note_. Alliance between the Protestant clergy and the Roman
+    Catholic king James II., 395. Dissolution of this compact, 397. And
+    union of the clergy with the Dissenters, 399. Which union produces the
+    Revolution of 1688, 400. Sudden repentance of the clergy of their own
+    act, 403. Hostility between them and William III., 405. Their growing
+    unpopularity, 409. King William's deprivation of six of the prelates,
+    410. The consequent schism in the church, 411. Origin of the term
+    'high church' and 'low church' parties, 412 _note_. Adoption of the
+    theory of the sovereign _de facto_ and _de jure_, 413. Encouragement
+    which the clergy thus give to scepticism, 414. The church avoided by
+    the ablest men, who prefer secular professions, 415, 416. The most
+    honourable and lucrative posts formerly occupied by ecclesiastics,
+    416. Loss of the clergy of all offices out of the church, and
+    diminution of their number in both Houses of Parliament, 416, 417. The
+    last ecclesiastic who held any of the high offices of state,
+    417 _note_. Final expulsion of the clergy from the House of Commons,
+    418. Temporary rally of the church in the reign of Anne, 419.
+    The clergy weakened by the Dissenters, headed by Wesley and Whitefield,
+    419-424. Effects of the separation of theology from morals and from
+    politics, 424-427. Rapid succession of sceptical controversies, 427.
+    Diffusion of knowledge, and the popular form taken by it, 430.
+    Opposition of the clergy to the establishment of Sunday schools, 431.
+    Their factious and disloyal conduct during the reign of the first two
+    Georges, 442. Joy of the clergy at the attachment of George III. to
+    the church, 445. Their support of the policy of George III. against,
+    and bitterness towards, the Americans, 479 _note_
+
+  Clergy, the French, greater power possessed by them than by the
+    English clergy, ii. 3, 4. Their endeavours to suppress the progress of
+    secular enquiry, 22. Their alarm at the protection given to the
+    Protestants by Henry IV., Catherine de Medici, and Louis XIII., 26.
+    Richelieu's treatment of the Clergy, and of the Protestants, 28-31.
+    Animosity between the clergy and the secular tribunals, 32. Archbishop
+    Sourdis ignominiously beaten, 32. Reasons why French literary men
+    attacked the Church and not the Government, 247. And therefore to
+    assail Christianity, 247. Personal character of the hierarchy during
+    the reign of Louis XIV., 252. And during the reign of his successor,
+    252. Attack of the Government on the clergy, 332. Machault's edict
+    against mortmain, 332. Anti-ecclesiastical policy of Machault's
+    successors, 333. Machault hated by the clergy, 333 _note_. The power
+    of the clergy weakened by the two hostile parties among themselves,
+    335. Decline of the respect entertained for the clergy, 348. Reasons
+    why their fall was averted for a time, 349, 350
+
+  Clergy, Scottish, causes of the union of the Crown and the, iii. 34.
+    Causes of the flourishing state of the clergy in the fourteenth and
+    fifteenth centuries, 38. And of their great influence, 43. The Church
+    favoured by James I., 46. Struggle between the Crown and clergy on
+    one side and the nobles on the other, 55 _et seq._ Destruction of the
+    Church, and supremacy of the nobles, 81. Abolition of episcopacy, 94.
+    Struggle between the upper classes and the clergy as to episcopacy,
+    100. Violence of the clergy, 105 _et seq._ Boons conferred by them
+    upon their country, 112. Attempts of the King to subjugate the clergy,
+    115. His cruel treatment of them, 117-123. Tyrannical conduct of the
+    bishops, 128. The bishops overthrown, 133. But again forced upon the
+    people, 141. Alliance between the Crown and the clergy, and its
+    consequences, 147. The struggle of the clergy with Cromwell, 194. And
+    with Charles I., 197. Causes which produced the Solemn League and
+    Covenant, 198. Character of the sermons and zeal of the people in
+    hearing them in the seventeenth century, 203 _et seq._ The consequent
+    extension and consolidation of the authority of the clergy, 206. Their
+    great engine of power, the Kirk-session, and its tyranny, 206-210.
+    Cases in which it was believed that their pretensions were upheld and
+    vindicated by miracles, 212, 229. Their consequent arrogance, 220.
+    Effect of their advocacy of horrible notions concerning evil spirits
+    and future punishments, 232. And concerning the Deity, 239. Harmless
+    and praiseworthy actions declared to be sinful, 252. Specimens of the
+    sins invented by them, 261, 263. Their arbitrary regulations for
+    punishing disobedience, 262. Their deductive method in philosophy, 286
+
+  Clergy, Spanish, rise of the influence of the, ii. 436-444. Proofs of
+    their power, 437, 438. Consequences of the reverence for them, 461
+    _et seq._ Causes of their increasing influence, 472. Hold of the
+    Church over all, high or low, 478-481. Use made by the clergy of
+    their power in obtaining the expulsion of the whole of the Spanish
+    Moors, 483. Forced to contribute to the support of the state, 522,
+    523. Deprived of their wealth by Mendizabal, 590. But re-endowed soon
+    after, 591. The Concordat of 1851, 591, 592
+
+  Climate, its influence on the condition of the human race, i. 40. Its
+    effect on the regularity and energy with which labour is conducted,
+    42, 43. Tartary, 45. Arabia, 45. The civilization of Europe governed
+    by climate, 50. Influence of climate on the kind of food necessary for
+    man, 56. And on his ease or difficulty in procuring it, 58. Modes in
+    which the average temperature of a country affects its civilization,
+    95. Difference between the eastern and western coasts of North
+    America, 97. Character of the climate of Spain, ii. 427
+
+  Clotaire, his attacks of the Visigoth Arians, ii. 435 _note_
+
+  Clovis, King of the Franks, his attack of the Visigoths, ii. 435
+
+  Clubs, establishment of, in France, at the end of the last century,
+    ii. 412, 414
+
+  Cobbett, William, his racy and idiomatic English, ii. 307 _note_
+
+  Codification, causes of the French love of, ii. 127 _note_
+
+  Coffee, its discredit in France as an English drink, ii. 214 _note_
+
+  Colours, Boyle's experiments in, i. 368 _note_
+
+  Comedies of Racine, character of the period in which they appeared,
+    ii. 208
+
+  Comets, feelings of terror inspired by the presence of, i. 376,
+    377 _note_
+
+  Comines, Philip de, credulity shown in his history, i. 327;
+    ii. 265 _note_
+
+  Commerce. See Trade
+
+  Commerce; Rise of trading interests in Scotland in the eighteenth
+    century, iii. 171. See Trade; Trade, Free
+
+  Commission, High Court of, established in Scotland, iii. 125. Cruelty
+    of the, 142 _note_
+
+  Commons, House of, origin of the, ii. 117. Causes of the increase of
+    the authority of the, 121
+
+  Comte, M., remarks on his 'Philosophie Positive,' i. 5 _note_
+
+  Condillac, his metaphysical work, the 'Traité des Sensations,' ii. 357.
+    Essential positions upon which the work is based, 358
+
+  Condorcet, his character and abilities, i. 470. Burke's remarks on,
+    471. His proposal of English criminal jurisprudence as a model for
+    France, ii. 226. His professed atheism, 352
+
+  Conjurors, tricks of, forbidden to be seen by the French Protestants,
+    ii. 70
+
+  Conquest, Norman, Sir F. Palgrave on the results produced by the,
+    ii. 116 _note_
+
+  Consciousness, faculty or state of the mind so called, i. 14.
+    Different opinions respecting, 14 _note_. Its fallibility, 15.
+    Authorities as to the preservation of consciousness in dreams and in
+    insanity, 17 _note_
+
+  Constant, M., his adoption of a remark of Voltaire, ii. 303
+
+  Converts, fickleness of, i. 255, 256
+
+  Convocation, falls into general contempt, i. 414. Final prorogation
+    of, by an act of the Crown, 415. Permitted recently to re-assemble,
+    415
+
+  Copyhold rights in England, ii. 119. Not recognised by the French
+    laws, 120
+
+  Coquereau, suppression of his 'Memoirs of Terrai,' ii. 238
+
+  Corn, free trade in, proposed by Stafford in 1581, i. 213 _note_. The
+    real cause of the abolition of the, 273. Merits of the Anti-Corn-Law
+    League, 274. Importance of the repeal of the Corn-laws, 502
+
+  Corneille, period in which his tragedies appeared, ii. 209
+
+  Cornwall, hardly a bookseller in, in 1780, i. 432 _note_
+
+  Corporation Act, i. 396. Suspended by James II., i. 397
+
+  Corvée, the, in France, ii. 129. Authorities respecting the, 129 _note_
+
+  Coulumb, his experiments on electrical phenomena, ii. 362
+
+  Councils, authority of, despised by Chillingworth, i. 349
+
+  Courrayeur, suppression of the 'Dissertations' of, ii. 237
+
+  Cousin, M., on free will, quoted, i. 14 _note_
+
+  Covenant, Solemn League and, framed, iii. 132. Causes which produced
+    the, 198
+
+  Coyer, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 219
+
+  Credulity of Asiatics as compared with that of Europeans, i. 134.
+    Instances of the credulity of the sixteenth century, 330. This
+    credulity the natural result of the state of the age, 333
+
+  Crime, uniform reproduction of, i. 24, 25, 31 _notes_. Crime the
+    result of the state of society into which the criminal is thrown, 29.
+    Rawson on the possibility of arriving at certain constants with regard
+    to crime, quoted, 31 _note_. Mode of preventing crime in France,
+    ii. 125
+
+  Criminals, mode of examining, in France, ii. 124
+
+  Cromwell, Oliver, his alliance with Cardinal Mazarin, ii. 98. Irritation
+    of the orthodox with their union, 98. His hostility to the Church not
+    theological, but political, 361 _note_. His plebeian origin, ii. 156.
+    Capacity of his lieutenants, 156, 157. His chain of fortresses in
+    Scotland, iii. 194. His treatment of the Scotch people, 195 _note_
+
+  Crusades, theological feeling of the English as to the, ii. 6 _note_
+
+  Crystallography, discoveries of De Lisle and Haüy in, ii. 400, 401.
+    Power of crystals, in common with animals, of repairing their own
+    injuries, 403 _note_. Hunter's inquiries into the malformation of
+    crystals, iii. 443
+
+  Cudworth, comparison of the method employed by Hume in his 'Natural
+    History of Religion' compared with that of Cudworth's 'Intellectual
+    System,' iii. 348
+
+  Cullen, William, account of his generalizations respecting pathology,
+    iii. 413. His love of theory, 414. His method of studying pathology
+    compared with that of Adam Smith, 417. His theory of the solids, 418.
+    Character of his premisses and conclusions, 418-421. His theory of
+    fever, 424. His nosology, 426
+
+  Culloden, results of the battle of, to the Highland Chieftains,
+    iii. 168 _note_
+
+  Cumberland, Dr., Bishop of Peterborough, his system of morals without
+    the aid of theology, i. 425. Relation between Hume and Cumberland,
+    426 _note_
+
+  Cuvier, Baron, his labours in geology, ii. 369. Impetus given by him
+    to the study of zoology, 376. His overthrow of the Linnæan system,
+    376, 377
+
+
+  D'Alembert, his professed atheism, ii. 352
+
+  D'Alibard, his experiments on electricity, ii. 362
+
+  Damiens, his attempted assassination of Louis XV., ii. 345
+
+  Dancing forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 69, 70. And by the
+    Scotch clergy, iii. 258
+
+  Darigrand, suppression of his work on 'Finance,' ii. 238
+
+  Dates, effect of the cheapness and abundance of, in Egypt, i. 83
+
+  David IV. of Scotland, his imprisonment by the English, iii. 20
+
+  Daubenton, his application of the principles of comparative anatomy to
+    the study of fossil bones, ii. 371
+
+  Dead, adoration of the, i. 145 _note_
+
+  Death, influence of the fear of, on the imagination, i. 127
+
+  Debating clubs, establishment of, i. 433. Authorities as to, 433 _note_
+
+  Deccan, bards of the, i. 292 _note_
+
+  Dedications, servility of the, in books of the sixteenth and seventeenth
+    centuries, i. 438. Abolition of mean and crouching, 438
+
+  Defender of the Faith, title of the, conferred on James V. of Scotland,
+    iii. 6
+
+  De Grana, entrusted by the King of Spain with the defence of the
+    Netherlands, ii. 515
+
+  De Lisles, Romé, his studies in crystallography, ii. 400
+
+  Deluge, the predicted, of St[oe]ffler, i. 330
+
+  De Maistre, his method, ii. 389 _note_
+
+  Democracy, Calvinism always connected with, ii. 339. Physical science
+    essentially democratic, 409. Democratic tendency, observable in France
+    in the change of dress just before the Revolution, 410. And in the
+    establishment of clubs, 412
+
+  Denmark, Mallet's 'History' of, ii. 299
+
+  Desaguliers, Dr., his success in popularizing physical truths,
+    i. 432 _note_
+
+  Descartes, Réné, his military genius and learning, i. 200. Effect of his
+    secular philosophy, 329. His profundity, ii. 77. His physical
+    discoveries and speculations, 78, 79. Recognizes Harvey's discovery of
+    the circulation of the blood and Aselli's discovery of the lacteals,
+    81. His origination of the modern method of philosophy, 81, 82.
+    Reasons why he deserves the gratitude of posterity, 82. Account of his
+    philosophy as showing its analogy with the anti-theological policy of
+    Richelieu, 83, 92. His words of wisdom addressed to his countrymen,
+    85. Compared with Montaigne, 86. Eminent characteristic of his
+    philosophy, 87. Analysis of his principles, 88, 89. Mischief done by
+    his principles to the old theology, 90. And to the inordinate respect
+    with which antiquity was regarded, 91. Period in which he flourished,
+    189
+
+  Desfontaines, his botanical discoveries, ii. 397
+
+  Desforges, imprisoned for his work respecting the Pretender, ii. 238
+
+  Desmarest, his geological labours, ii. 368
+
+  Desmoulins, Camille, his knowledge of the English language and
+    literature, ii. 224
+
+  De Thou, raised to the presidency of parliament in France, ii. 26. His
+    great French historical work, 266
+
+  Devil, horrible notions of the Scotch clergy concerning, iii. 232
+
+  Dhourra of Upper Egypt, its cheapness and abundance, i. 86
+
+  Diderot, his knowledge of the English language and literature,
+    ii. 218. His talents, 240. His imprisonment in Vincennes, 242. His
+    professed atheism, 352
+
+  Diogenes Laertius, on the physical which preceded metaphysical
+  inquiries, i. 10 _note_. On the preservation of consciousness in
+  dreams and in insanity, 17 _note_
+
+  Diplomacy, commencement of a purely secular era in the history of,
+    ii. 41
+
+  Disease, theological theory of, in the middle ages and in our own
+    times, i. 127, 128 _note_. Authorities as to the nature and treatment
+    of a disease and the belief that such disease is caused by
+    supernatural power, and is to be cured by it, 129 _note_. The origin
+    of almost all the cruel diseases of Europe to be found in Asia, 130.
+    Hunter's theories of diseases, iii. 448
+
+  Dissenters, persecution of the, in England, in the reign of James II.,
+    i. 397. Union of the clergy and dissenters and its result, 399, 400.
+    Authorities for the cruelties inflicted upon them in the reign of
+    Charles II. and James II., 419. Principles avowed by the clergy in
+    justification of the persecution, 419 _note_. Persecutions in the
+    reign of Anne, 419, 420. Repeal of the laws against them, 420. The
+    Toleration Act regarded by the Dissenters as their Magna Charta, 402
+    _note_. Favour shown to them by William III., 405, 406. Their struggle
+    with the clergy, 420. Wesley and Whitefield, 421. Loss of their
+    intellectual vigour, 422. Causes of their recent mental penury, 422.
+    Nonconformist statistics, from the reign of William III. to the
+    present time, 423 _note_. Treatment which the Wesleyans received from
+    the clergy, 423 _note_, 424 _note_. Combination of the Dissenters with
+    the Government against the clergy and the Pretender, 443 _note_.
+    Passing of the Schism Bill, 452. Burke's support of measures for the
+    relief of the, 463
+
+  Divine right of Kings, results of the abandonment of the theological
+    fiction of, ii. 182
+
+  Dolben, John, his character as Archbishop of York, i. 392
+
+  Dolomieu, his geological labours, ii. 368
+
+  'Domat, Life of,' by Prévost de la Jannes, suppressed, ii. 237
+
+  Douglas, Earls of, treacherously murdered by James II., iii. 49-52.
+    Subsequent power of the family, 57. Driven into exile, 60. Harboured
+    by Henry VIII. in England, 64. Return home, 69
+
+  Dramas, French, of the seventeenth century, ii. 208
+
+  Dreams, Plato's conclusion as to the truth or falsehood of,
+    i. 16 _note_
+
+  Dress, interference of the French Protestants with, ii. 60, 71. Dress
+    of the French during the reign of Louis XIV., Louis XV., and just
+    before the Revolution, 411
+
+  Droughts, frequency of, in Spain, ii. 427
+
+  Dryburgh Abbey, burnt by the English, iii. 15
+
+  Dryden, John, little effect of the intellect of France on his works,
+    i. 235. His satires, 235 _note_
+
+  Duclos, his 'History of Louis XI.' suppressed, ii. 238. His method of
+    writing history, 300
+
+  Duellings, causes of the greater popularity of, in France than in
+    England, ii. 136. Relation between chivalry and duelling, 137 _note_
+
+  Duhamel de Monceau, his botanical discoveries, ii. 397
+
+  Dukes, the order of, in abeyance in England for fifty years, ii. 146
+
+  Dumouriez, his familiarity with the English language and literature,
+    ii. 224
+
+  Dunbar, town of, iii. 32 _note_. Scotch presbyterian view of the
+    battle of, 201 _note_
+
+  Dundee burnt by the English, iii. 16
+
+  Dunfermline burnt by the English, iii. 16. Scanty population of the
+    town up to the seventeenth century, 27
+
+  Dupleix, Scipio, his new method of writing history, ii. 268. His
+    system of philosophy, 269
+
+  Dury, John, opposes episcopacy in Scotland, iii. 95. Banished from
+    Edinburgh, 102. Brought back in triumph, 103. Preaches in favour of
+    the Ruthven conspiracy, 104
+
+  Duvernet, his punishment for having written a history of the
+    Sorbonnes, ii. 237
+
+
+  Earthquakes, tendency of the fear of, to inflame the imagination, i.
+    122. Effect of the atmospherical changes preceding earthquakes upon
+    the nervous system of man, 122. Physiological effects of the fear of
+    earthquakes, 122, 123. Effect of earthquakes in encouraging
+    superstition, 123. The great earthquake at Sumbawa in 1815, 126
+    _note_. Frequency of earthquakes in Spain, ii. 428
+
+  Eclipses, feelings with which our fathers regarded, i. 376.
+    Authorities as to the superstition excited by, 377
+
+  Edda, compilation of the elder and younger, i. 301
+
+  Edinburgh burnt by Richard II., iii. 16. Population of, in the
+    sixteenth century, 30. Houses of the poorer classes at this time, 31
+    _note_. Riot of 1637, 132. Foundation of the 'Edinburgh Society' for
+    the improvement of manufactures, 181 _note_
+
+  Edward I. of England, his invasion of Scotland, iii. 12
+
+  Edward III. of England, his attacks on Scotland, iii. 16. His cruelty
+    there, 16
+
+  Egypt, causes of its wealth and civilization, i. 48, 49. Area of the
+    cultivable land of, 49 _note_. Science unknown to the Egyptians, 49.
+    Causes of their civilization as compared with the condition of the
+    other races in Africa, 82. Fertility of the soil, and abundance of the
+    national food, dates, 83-86. Cheapness of the dhourra of Upper Egypt,
+    86. Lotos bread, 87. The [Greek: kyamos] of Herodotus, 87 _note_.
+    Encouragement given to the increase of Egyptian population by the
+    fertility of the Nile, 87 _note_. Evidence of Diodorus Siculus and
+    Herodotus, 88, 89. Testimony of the condition of the people afforded
+    by the existing costly and stupendous ruins, 90, 92. The two ranks of
+    society in Egypt, 91. Tenacity with which old manners and customs were
+    adhered to by them, 116. Forms of the incarnation of the Deity
+    presented by their artists, 143 _note_. Fifty-three cities of Egypt
+    bearing the same name, 298 _note_
+
+  Election, doctrine of. See Predestination
+
+  Electricity, experiments of [OE]pinus, D'Alibard, and Coulumb,
+    ii. 362. Popularity of electricity in France at the latter part of the
+    last century, 407 _note_
+
+  Elizabeth, Queen, feelings of the nobility in the reign of, ii. 139.
+    Her conduct towards the nobility and clergy, 143. Character of her
+    government, 146
+
+  Emilius, Paulus, his 'Actions of the French,' ii. 264
+
+  'Encylopædia,' publication of the, in France, ii. 351
+
+  Encylopædias, invention of, i. 433. Harris's 'Dictionary' the first,
+    433 _note_
+
+  England, rent paid by the cultivator in proportion to the gross
+    produce in, i. 75. Causes of the extinction of the love of war in,
+    198. The military classes in the twelfth century, 205 _note_. And in
+    the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 205 _note_. Reasons why the
+    present history is confined to that of England, 231. Characteristics
+    of the history of England compared with those of France, 232-236. With
+    those of Germany, 237. And with those of America, 240. Reasons why the
+    history of England is more valuable than any other to the philosopher,
+    242, 252. England less interfered with by Government, and therefore
+    more prosperous than other nations, 286. Popular belief in the Trojan
+    descent of the English Kings, 309 _note_. Secular philosophy of the
+    seventeenth century, 329. Legislative improvements in the reign of
+    Charles II. in spite of the political degradation of the age, 381-386.
+    These improvements due to the sceptical and inquiring spirit, 388. And
+    to the vices and prejudices of Charles II., 388, 389. Proximate causes
+    of the Revolution of 1688, 399, 400. Importance of this Revolution,
+    402. War between England and the American Colonies, 477-481.
+    Importance of the success of the Americans to the preservation of the
+    liberties of England, 482, 483. The unjust war against France in 1793,
+    486. And its effect in England in producing arbitrary laws, 487.
+    Obligations England is under to the Roman Catholic clergy, ii. 5
+    _note_. Feeling of the English people as to theological disputes in
+    the twelfth as compared with the sixteenth centuries 6, 7. Secular
+    character of the civil wars in England, 7. Indifference of the people
+    to the rapid changes in the national faith under Henry VIII., Edward
+    VI., Mary, and Elizabeth, 7. Contempt into which excommunication fell
+    in England, 59 _note_. Importance of the press in England in the
+    middle of the seventeenth century, 99. Analogy between the great Civil
+    war and the war of the Fronde, 99, 100. Summary of the progress of
+    toleration in England, 102. Point at which a marked divergence between
+    England and France begins, 105. Causes of this difference, 106.
+    Comparison of the protective spirit in France and England, 108 _et
+    seq._ The first instance in England of the execution of an apostate,
+    109, 110 _note_. Reasons why the aristocracy in France were more
+    powerful than in England, 113. Period of the union of Normans and
+    Saxons, 116. Union of the nobles and people in forcing the Crown to
+    concede popular privileges, 116, 117. Origin of the House of Commons,
+    117. Sources whence the people imbibed their tone of independence,
+    118. Consequences of the social divergence between France and England
+    in the fourteenth century, 119. The three most important guarantees
+    for the liberties of England, 119, 120. The state of France under
+    centralization contrasted with that of England under municipal
+    government, 126, 127. Extinction of villenage in England, 128.
+    Illustration of the early and radical difference between France and
+    England, 131. Feeble influence of chivalry in England, 134. The
+    Reformation encouraged by the pride of Englishmen, 137. Effect of the
+    Wars of the Roses upon the nobles, 138. The clergy and nobles both
+    weakened by Elizabeth, 143. Aristocratic character of the rebellion of
+    1569, 144. Character of the reign of Elizabeth, 146. Attempts of James
+    I. and Charles I. to revive the power of the nobles and the old
+    protective spirit, 147. Difference between the great English Rebellion
+    and the Fronde, 140, 150. Abolition of the house of Peers, 153. The
+    self-denying ordinance, 153. The leaders of the Rebellion, 155, 159.
+    Barbarism and ferocity of the English people of the seventeenth
+    century, according to the French writers, 214, 215. The results of the
+    suppression of religious scepticism in England and France compared,
+    257. Prejudice existing in England against Voltaire, 313. Arminianism
+    the popular creed at the beginning of the seventeenth century, 340.
+    But it gives way to Calvinism at the death of Charles I., 340.
+    Singular dearth of great thinkers in England during the eighteenth
+    century, 374. Progress of England, notwithstanding the unskilfulness
+    of her rulers, 466. Amazement of Frenchmen at the liberty enjoyed by
+    Englishmen at the beginning of the eighteenth century, 237
+
+  Enlistment for life, Burke's opposition to, i. 463. Enlistment for a
+    term of years first authorized, 463 _note_
+
+  Ensenada, his endeavours to improve the state of Spain, ii. 535
+
+  Episcopacy, abolition of, in Scotland, iii. 94 _et seq._ Andrew
+    Melville called [Greek: hepiskopomastix], 97 _note_. Struggle between
+    the upper classes and clergy as to episcopacy, 100, 191
+
+  Erskine, Lord, his idiomatic English, ii. 307 _note_
+
+  Essex, Earl of, joins the parliamentary forces, but suspected by the
+    democrats, ii. 151, 152
+
+  Europe, the civilization of, governed by climates, i. 50. Social and
+    political consequences of the high rate of wages in Europe, 65.
+    Influence of physical causes in accelerating the progress of man in
+    Europe, 82. Differences between the civilizations in and out of, 152.
+    The energies of nature tamed by man in, 154. The country outstripped
+    by the populations of the towns in, 156. Mental laws more important
+    than physical for the history of, 156. Contrast between ancient and
+    modern military genius in, 199-202
+
+  Europe, remarks on the origin of the ecclesiastical establishments of,
+    i. 259-263. Benefits conferred by literature on, 267. Condition of
+    the mind of, from the sixth to the tenth centuries, 269
+
+  Excommunication, a French Protestant, ii. 59. Notions of theologians
+    respecting, 59 _note_. Contempt into which excommunication fell in
+    England, 59 _note_
+
+  Expediency, doctrine of, i. 425, 426. Its gradual diffusion amongst
+    us, 426 _note_
+
+  Eye, discoveries of Descartes respecting the, ii. 78
+
+
+  Fables, Voltaire's demolition of the belief in national, ii. 312
+
+  Falkirk, first printing office in, i. 432 _note_
+
+  Famines, impossibility of the return of, in Europe, i. 155. List of,
+    155 _note_. Frequency of, in Spain, ii. 427
+
+  Fathers, authority of the, according to Jewel and Hooker, i. 340.
+    Chillingworth's contempt for their authority, 349. Exposure of the
+    gross absurdities of the, 428
+
+  Favart, Madame, story of, ii. 243
+
+  Fear, special tendency of, to inflame the imagination, i. 120
+
+  Fenacute, story of the giant, i. 320
+
+  Fénelon, treatment of, by Louis XIV., ii. 276. His 'Telemachus,' 276
+
+  Ferdousi, his 'Shah Nameh,' and its authority in Persian history,
+    i. 303
+
+  Fermat, his services to geometry, ii. 190
+
+  Fernel, his eminence in medicine, ii. 195
+
+  Ferrier, excommunicated by the French Protestants, ii. 58. Result of
+    this measure, 59, 60
+
+  Fetichism, the predecessor of monotheism, according to Comte,
+    i. 251 _note_
+
+  Feud, feudum, first use of the words, ii. 110 _note_
+
+  Feudal incidents, destruction of, in England, i. 386
+
+  Feudal system, origin of the, in Europe, ii. 110. Connexion between it
+    and the ecclesiastical spirit, 110, 111. Does not destroy the spirit
+    of protection, but only compels it to assume a new form, 111.
+    Commencement of the European hereditary aristocracy, 112. The power of
+    the English and French aristocracy compared, 113 _et seq._
+    Sub-infeudation in France and in England, 119. Boncerf's treatise on
+    feudal law, 237. Voltaire's, the first historical endeavour to explain
+    the origin of feudality, 302
+
+  Fever, Cullen's theory of, iii. 424
+
+  Finance, suppression of the works of Darigrand and Le Trosne on,
+    ii. 238. Sudden eagerness in France in the eighteenth century for
+    inquiries relating to, 328, 329. Necker's celebrated Report, 329.
+    Burke's the first financial reforms, 464
+
+  Fire-arms, invention of, i. 206
+
+  Flanders, exports from, into Scotland, iii. 24
+
+  Food, effect of the supply of, among wandering and agricultural
+    tribes, i. 8. Moral consequences of diminishing the precariousness of
+    food, 9. Influence of food on the human race, 40. The two effects of
+    food necessary to existence, 55. Influence of climate on the necessary
+    kind of food, 56, 60. Connexion between food and the laws of
+    population, 57, 66, 88. Carbon and oxygen in food, 60-62. Amount of
+    carbon required in food in summer and in winter, 63. The potato, the
+    principal food of the labouring class in Ireland, 65. Countries
+    asserted to be more populous when the ordinary food is vegetable than
+    when it is animal, 68 _note_. Character of the general food of the
+    people of India, rice, 70. And of that of Egypt, dates, 83.
+    Extraordinary fecundity of the maize and banana plants in America,
+    109-111. Instances from the animal kingdom, proving the connexion
+    between carbonized food and the respiratory functions, 148. French and
+    German discoveries as to the functions of food, 367
+
+  Forbes, James, the Presbyterian preacher, iii. 203 _note_
+
+  Force, indestructibility of, iii. 363
+
+  Forces, theory of the parallelogram of, i. 30
+
+  Forestalling and regrating, Burke's attack of the laws against, i. 462
+
+  Forgetfulness, laws regulating, i. 32
+
+  Fornication made a felony by the English Commonwealth, i. 361 _note_.
+    Repeal of the law by Charles II., 362 _note_
+
+  Fossils, Daubenton's labours respecting fossil bones, ii. 371.
+    Previous opinions as to, 371 _note_. Researches of Agassiz in fossil
+    ichthyology, 383
+
+  Fourcroy, popularity of his lectures on chemistry, ii. 407 _note_
+
+  Fourier, his views as to the laws of the conduction of heat, ii. 362.
+    His mathematical theory, 362
+
+  Fox, Charles James, his remark on good churchmen, i. 395 _note_. His
+    declaration in the House of Commons against the arbitrary laws
+    proposed for extinguishing the liberties of the country, 493
+
+  Fox, Henry his eminent statesmanship, i. 450. Causes of George III.'s
+    dislike of him, 450. Burke's character of Fox, 450 _note_. Burke's
+    rupture with him, 469
+
+  France, rent paid by the cultivator, in proportion to the gross
+    produce of the land, i. 75. French notions of the English people
+    previous to the application of steam to purposes of travelling, 219.
+    The history of England compared with that of France, 234. Debt which
+    French owes to English civilization, 236. Effects of the interference
+    of the government with the people, 236. The results of the suppression
+    of scepticism in France compared with the exercise of individual
+    judgment in England, 257. How and when the political institutions of
+    France might have been saved, 258. Condition of historical literature
+    in France in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 261-273.
+    Proximate causes of the French Revolution after the middle of the
+    eighteenth century, 325 _et seq._ The social changes of the French
+    people immediately preceding the Revolution, 405. Instances of this,
+    406-412. Tolerance and freedom from superstition of the French, 263.
+    Great numbers of smugglers in France in the last century, 279. The
+    bards of ancient Gaul, 292 _note_. Corruption of Druidical traditions
+    in Gaul by Christian priests, 306. Popular belief in the middle ages
+    of the Trojan descent of the French kings, 309. Pork a common food in
+    France in the time of Charlemagne, 314 _note_. Effects of the writings
+    of Descartes, 329. Detestation of George III. of the French people,
+    448. Burke's epithets applied to France and the French at the time of
+    the Revolution, 472. Effects produced by the French Revolution upon
+    the policy of the English government, 484. First step towards an open
+    rupture between England and France, 485. Effects of the execution of
+    Louis XVI., 485
+
+  France, Causes which gave rise to the civil wars of the seventeenth
+    century, ii. 56 _et seq._ Condé's rebellion in 1615, 61. Rebellion of
+    the Protestants in Béarn, 61, 62. And at La Rochelle, 63-66. Results
+    which would have happened if the Protestants had gained the upper
+    hand, 67-72. Breaking out of the war of the Fronde, 99. Importance of
+    the press in the middle of the seventeenth century, 95. Analogy
+    between the great civil war of England and the war of the Fronde, 99,
+    100. Summary of the progress of toleration in France, 102. Point at
+    which a marked divergence between England and France begins, 105.
+    Causes of this difference, 106. Comparison of the protective spirit in
+    France and England, 108 _et seq._ Reasons why the feudal aristocracy
+    were more powerful in France than in England, 113-118. In France every
+    man either a tyrant or a slave, 119. System of subinfeudation, 119.
+    Consequences of the early social divergence between England and France
+    in the fourteenth century, 119-121. Futility of French municipal
+    institutions, 121. Feebleness of the States-General, 121. Beginning of
+    the tendency to centralization in France, 122. Its baneful effects,
+    122, 123. Machinery by which it is worked, 123. Number of civil
+    functionaries in the country, 123 _note_. Mode of examining criminals
+    in France, 124. And of preventing crime, 125. The education of the
+    people controlled by the government, 125. The worst kind of monopoly
+    established by the government, and its effects on the people, 126. The
+    great power and tyranny of the nobles, 128. Slavery in France, 129.
+    The inequality of taxation, 129. Privileges reserved to themselves by
+    the nobles, 130. Illustration of the early and radical difference
+    between France and England, from the history of chivalry, 131-134.
+    From the vanity of the French, 136. And from the practice of duelling,
+    136. Difference between the Fronde and the great English rebellion,
+    149. Objects of the Fronde, 149, 150. Causes why a war of classes was
+    impossible, 150. Results of the energy of the protective spirit and
+    power of the nobles on the issue of the Fronde, 160. Vanity and
+    imbecility of the French nobles, 162, 163. Examination of the
+    consequences of the protective spirit being carried into literature by
+    Louis XIV., 176. Servility of the people at this period, 177.
+    Revocation of the Edict of Nantes by Louis XIV., 178. The subsequent
+    dragonnades, 179. And their disastrous effects on the prosperity of
+    France, 181. Universal decline of France during the latter part of the
+    reign of Louis XIV., 210. Joy of the people at his death, 213.
+    Indignities to which French literary men were subject in the
+    eighteenth century, one of the precursors of the revolution, 230-242.
+    Outrages committed by the upper classes in the same period, 243.
+    Stringent cruelty of the French laws, 244. Proposal of the French
+    avocat-general in 1780 respecting new books, 245. The crusade against
+    Christianity in the last century, 247. Causes of the excessive loyalty
+    of the French people, 249. War of opinion between France and Spain in
+    the fifth and sixth centuries, 435
+
+  Francis I. of France, his zeal against heresy, ii. 12
+
+  Franks, their conversion to Christianity and attack of their Visigoth
+    neighbours, ii. 435
+
+  Frauds and Perjuries, security to private property effected by the
+    Statute of, i. 385
+
+  Frederick the Great, contrast between his warlike and domestic policy,
+    i. 201
+
+  Free Trade. See Trade.
+
+  Free will, probable origin of the dogma of, i. 9. Foundation of the
+    theory of, 13. Connexion of free will with Arminianism, 14
+
+  Féret, causes of his imprisonment in the Bastille, ii. 235
+
+  Fresnel, his researches into the laws of light, ii. 362
+
+  Frewen, Dr., Archbishop of York, his character, i. 392
+
+  Froissart, his the earliest instance in the Middle Ages of an
+    improvement in writing history, i. 325
+
+  Fronde, war of the, analogy between it and the civil war in England,
+    ii. 99. Difference between the Fronde and the great English Rebellion,
+    149. Character and position of the leaders of the Fronde, 160. And
+    consequent failure of the rebellion, 168-173
+
+  Fruit, amount of carbon in, i. 61
+
+  Fuch's, his investigations in the vegetable kingdom, ii. 198 _note_
+
+
+  Gaimar, his translation into Anglo-Norman of Geoffrey Monmouth's
+    history, i. 325
+
+  Garlon, suppression of the 'Therapeutics' of, ii. 238
+
+  Garrows, cause of their superstitions respecting the tiger,
+    i. 125 _note_
+
+  Gascoigne, his invention of the micrometer, ii. 192
+
+  Gassion, raised to the dignity of French marshal, ii. 98. Authorities
+    respecting him, 98 _note_
+
+  Gaul, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the Middle
+    Ages, i. 311
+
+  Génard, suppression of his 'School of Man,' ii. 238
+
+  Geoffrey, Archdeacon of Monmouth, his history of King Arthur, i. 321.
+    Translations of the work, 324, 325
+
+  Geography, physical, study of, i. 2
+
+  Geology, first exhibition of the sceptical character of, i. 429
+    _note_. Views of Dr. Arnold and Mr. Baden Powell, 430 _note_. Buffon's
+    recantation of some of his views on, ii. 236. Causes of its great
+    progress in modern times, 365. Labours of French geologists at the
+    latter part of the last century, 368. Cuvier's foundation of
+    palæontological science, 369 _note_. Remains of organic and inorganic
+    life in the secondary and tertiary strata, 370. The doctrine of
+    universal changes, 369, 371. Daubenton's union of comparative anatomy
+    with geology, 371. Character of Hutton's geological speculations, iii.
+    388, 396. Causes which have altered and are still altering the crust
+    of the earth, 388. The deductive and inductive methods of studying
+    geology, 390. William Smith's foundation of English geology, 391.
+    Werner's foundation of the German school, 393. Hall's verification of
+    Hutton's views, 401
+
+  Geometry, algebra first successfully applied to, by Descartes, ii. 77.
+    Who is regarded as the first geometrician of the age, 80. Ages of
+    Descartes and Fermat, 189, 190. Hypothetical arguments as exhibited
+    by, iii. 306
+
+  George I., his utter ignorance of the English language, i. 441
+
+  George II., his indifferent knowledge of the English language, i. 441.
+    His ignorance of English politics, 442. His highest ambition,
+    442 _note_
+
+  George III., fortunate circumstances which surrounded his accession, i.
+    444. Revival of the doctrine of divine right, 445. The king's respect
+    for church ceremonies, 445 _note_. Alliance between the Crown and the
+    clergy, 445. The king's ignorance, 446. And hatred of great statesmen,
+    446, 447. Favour with which he regarded slavery, 447. His hatred of
+    the French, 448. The 'King's Friends,' 448, 449. Notorious incapacity
+    of his ministers, 449. His hatred of the elder Pitt and of Fox, 449,
+    450. Mode in which he brought the House of Lords into disrepute, 453.
+    His hatred of the Americans, 466. Favours Burke in his violent old
+    age, 476, 477. His policy respecting the American colonies, 477, 479.
+    Reaction of this policy upon England, 481, 482. His policy towards the
+    French republic, 484 _et seq._ His monstrous principles, 466. His
+    inability however, to do harm to English institutions, 466
+
+  George IV., his character, ii. 466
+
+  Germany, Comparison of the history of England and, i. 237.
+    Interference of the German governments with the people, 237. Origin of
+    German literature, 237. Character of German intellect among the
+    highest and lowest minds, 238, 239. Process through which the esoteric
+    literature of Germany is passing at the present time, 267. Cultivation
+    of metaphysics in Germany in the latter part of the last century,
+    ii. 373
+
+  Gervaise, suppression of the 'Letters' of, ii. 237
+
+  Gibbon, Edward, fame of his 'Decline and Fall,' i. 429 _note_. His
+    fifteenth and sixteenth chapters, 429
+
+  Gipsies, origin of the, according to the writers of the middle ages,
+    i. 312
+
+  Glasgow in the fifteenth century, iii. 26, 27. Rise and progress of,
+    175. The first bank at, 181
+
+  Gloves, Spanish manufacture of, in the sixteenth and seventeenth
+    centuries, ii. 502
+
+  Goblets, game of, forbidden to be seen by French Protestants, ii. 70
+
+  God, Cartesian method of the ultimate proof of the existence of,
+    ii. 89. Horrible notions of the Scotch clergy respecting, iii. 239
+
+  Gomberville, his refutation of the idle stories as to the extreme
+    antiquity of the French, ii. 270
+
+  Gongora, the Spanish poet, ii. 480
+
+  Göthe, his obligations to Mallet's 'History of Denmark,' ii. 299
+
+  Gordon, Dr., the nonjuring bishop, i. 412 _note_
+
+  Government, inquiry into the influence of, on the progress of society,
+    i. 272. Illustrated by the abolition of the corn laws, 273. The most
+    important measures of modern British legislation the result of
+    pressure from without, 275. The best legislation the result of the
+    abrogation of former legislation, 275. Injuries caused to trade by the
+    interference of politicians, 276. Smuggling, with all its attendant
+    crimes, caused by legislation, 277. Baneful effects of legislative
+    attempts to encourage religious truth, and discourage religious error,
+    281. Consequent increase of hypocrisy and perjury, 281, 282. And of
+    usury by the laws against usury, 283. Effects of legislation in
+    hindering the advance of knowledge, 284. England less interfered with
+    by government than other nations, 286. True duties of legislators,
+    287. Attempts to make politics a mere branch of theology, 326-328.
+    Legislative improvements in the reign of Charles II. in spite of
+    political degradation, 381
+
+  Gowrie conspiracy, the, iii. 110
+
+  Gracian, the Spanish Jesuit and prose writer, ii. 480
+
+  Granada, capture of, from the Arabs, ii. 440
+
+  Gravitation, Newton's discovery of the law of, ii. 191. Tardy
+    reception of the law in France, 191, 192
+
+  Greece, condition of, contrasted with that of India, i. 138. Its area,
+    138. Its material phenomena, 139. Comparison of the Greek and Hindu
+    divinities, 140. The hero-worship of the Greeks, 144. Statesmen,
+    orators, and authors of ancient, 199. Reason of the evanescence of the
+    civilization of ancient Greece, 267
+
+  Greek language forbidden by the French Protestants to be taught,
+    ii. 69
+
+  Greek Church, cause of the small amount of authority possessed by the
+    head of the, compared with that of the Latin Church, ii. 303
+
+  Greenock, state of, in the seventeenth century, iii. 28. Rise and
+    progress of, 174
+
+  Grenobles, insolence of the Protestant assembly of, ii. 60
+
+  Grew, Dr. Nathaniel, his botanical discoveries, ii. 199, 200
+
+  Grey, Mr. (afterwards Earl), his remarks in the House on the
+    subservient conduct of Pitt, i. 447 _note_
+
+  Grimaldi, prime minister of Spain, ii. 545
+
+  Grosley, his admiration for England, ii. 228. Suppression of his
+    'Memoirs on Troyes,' 238
+
+  Grotius, his principles of foreign policy compared with those of
+    Vattel, ii. 40 _note_
+
+  Guibert, suppression of his work on 'Military Tactics,' ii. 238
+
+  Guise, the murder of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in
+    the, ii. 11
+
+  Guises, their influence in Scotland, iii. 77, 78
+
+  Guizot, his republication of Mably's 'Observations,' ii. 236
+
+  Gunpowder, invention of, i. 203. And of fire-arms, 204. Gunpowder
+    first used in mining towns, 206 _note_. Influence of the invention of,
+    in lessening the warlike spirit, 206-209
+
+  Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, his domestic and warlike policy
+    contrasted, i. 200
+
+  Guthrie, the Scotch preacher, iii. 202 _note_, 204 _note_
+
+
+  Habeas Corpus Act, passing of the, i. 385. Effect of the suspension of
+    the, in 1794, 496
+
+  Haco, his invasion of Scotland, iii. 11
+
+  Haillan, Du, his the first history of France, ii. 264. Character of
+    his work, 264, 265
+
+  Hajin tribe, cause of their worship of the tiger, i. 125 _note_
+
+  Hall, Chief Baron, his charge to the jury in a case of witchcraft in
+    1665, i. 363 _note_
+
+  Hall, Sir James, his verification of the geological speculations of
+    Hutton, iii. 401
+
+  Hardwicke, Lord, his notions of political economy, i. 211 _note_
+
+  Harris, his account of the extinction of feudalism, i. 386
+
+  Harriss's 'Dictionary of Arts and Sciences,' the origin of
+    Encyclopædias, i. 433 _note_
+
+  Harvey, his discovery of the circulation of the blood, ii. 80. Denies
+    the existence of the lacteals, 81 _note_
+
+  Haüy, his studies in crystallography, ii. 401
+
+  Heat, together with moisture, the causes which regulate the fertility
+    of every country, i. 96. Difference between the heat of the eastern
+    and western coasts of North America, 98; and of South America, 100.
+    French researches on the phenomena of heat in the last century, ii.
+    361. The laws of heat, iii. 362. The indestructibility of force and
+    interchange of forces, 363. Black's theory of latent heat, 367.
+    Leslie's philosophy, 383
+
+  Heat, animal food necessary for keeping up the, i. 55, 58. The
+    blood-corpuscles and animal heat, 58 _note_. Heat disengaged by the
+    union of carbon and oxygen, 58, 59 _note_
+
+  Heavenly witnesses, controversy on the text of the, i. 429
+
+  Helvétius, his knowledge of the English language and literature,
+    ii. 218. His admiration for England, 229. Persecuted by the
+    government, 236. His professed atheism, 352. Analysis of his essay
+    'On the Mind,' 353
+
+  Hénault, his method of writing history, ii. 300
+
+  Henrion, his views as to fossil bones, ii. 371 _note_
+
+  Henry II. of England, his destruction of the baronial castles,
+    ii. 114 _note_
+
+  Henry II. of France, his zeal against heresy, ii. 12
+
+  Henry III. of England, his inability to do permanent harm to English
+    institutions, ii. 466
+
+  Henry III. of France, murder of, predominance of the theological
+    spirit shown in the, ii. 11. His zeal against heresy, 13. His
+    affection for monks, 29 _note_
+
+  Henry IV. of France, his accession, ii. 12. His character as a ruler,
+    12. His apostasies, 13, 14. Publishes the Edict of Nantes, 14. Refuses
+    to accede to the pope's request to punish the Protestants, 22, 23. His
+    measures for their protection, 23, 24. His death, 24. Henry the first
+    French sovereign stained with the imputation of heresy, 267
+
+  Henry IV. of England, his invasion of Scotland, iii. 18 _note_
+
+  Henry VII. of England, his establishment of the Yeomen of the Guard,
+    ii. 7 _note_
+
+  Henry VIII. of England, indifference of the people to his arrangement
+    of the formularies of the Church, ii. 7. His bodyguard, 7 _note_.
+    Character of his reign, 138
+
+  Henshaw, his discoveries in the vegetable world, ii. 199
+
+  Herculaes, origin of the story of the exploits of, i. 297
+
+  Hereditary descent connected with the formation of character, question
+    of, i. 176 _note_. Hereditary talents, vices, and virtues, 177 _note_
+
+  Heresies, the great religious, founded on previous philosophies, i. 11
+    _note_. Destruction by the legislature of the writ 'De Hæretico
+    Comburendo,' 383. The first papal call on the secular power to punish,
+    ii. 109 _note_. Harshness of the early Spanish laws for the punishment
+    of heresy, 438
+
+  Hero-worship, ancient Greek, causes of the, i. 144
+
+  'High-church' and 'low-church,' origin of the terms, i. 412 _note_
+
+  Highlanders, their ferocity, iii. 21, 22. Let loose upon the
+    Lowlanders in 1678, 145. The only powerful friends of James II., 151.
+    Their love of war and rapine, 151, 152. Reasons which induced them to
+    rebel in favour of the exiled Stuarts, 152. Their rebellions of 1715
+    and 1745 not the result of loyalty, 153. Their veneration for their
+    chieftains, 156 _note_. Their insignificance after 1745, 157, 168
+
+  Hill, Sir John, his the first publication of popular scientific works
+    in numbers, i. 432 _note_. His great success, 432 _note_
+
+  Hilton, Laird of, story of the, and the minister, iii. 217
+
+  Hindostan, Persian origin of the word, i. 69 _note_
+
+  History, statement of the resources for investigating, i. 1.
+    Confidence in the value of, 1. Use made of the materials for
+    investigating, 3. Instances of endeavours to remedy the backwardness
+    of history, 4. Present prospects of historical literature, 5.
+    Inferiority of the most celebrated historians to the most successful
+    cultivators of physical science, 7. Materials from which a philosophic
+    history can alone be composed, 20, 33. Reasons why historians have not
+    yet collected materials for writing history, 229. Reasons why the
+    present history is restricted to that of England, 231, 242. Hume's
+    method of treating history, 251 _note_. Why the history of England is
+    eminently valuable, 252. Origin of history, and state of historical
+    literature during the Middle Ages, 288. Value of historical inquiries
+    in throwing light on the changes in society, 290, 291. The ballad form
+    of the earliest histories, 291. Error in history caused by the
+    invention of writing, 296. Corruptions in early history caused by
+    changes in religion, 300. Illustration of this from Scandinavian
+    history, 301. Trustworthiness of histories where there has been no
+    change in religion, 301-304. The influence of the clergy the most
+    active cause of the corruption of early history, 307. Absurdities
+    believed in consequence, 309-325. Beginning of the first improvement
+    in writing modern history, 325. Prevalence of credulity in the time of
+    Comines, 326, 327. Character of Bodin's historical work, 326.
+    Intellectual regeneration of the seventeenth century, 329. Instances
+    of the credulity of the sixteenth century, 330. This absurd way of
+    writing history the natural result of the spirit of the age, 333. The
+    history of every civilized country the history of its intellectual
+    development, 387. Importance to history of the question whether normal
+    phenomena should or should not precede the study of abnormal ones, ii.
+    1, 2 _note_. Condition of historical literature in France before the
+    end of the sixteenth century, 261. The Middle Age historians of France
+    merely annalists, 263. Du Haillan's the first French history, 264. De
+    Thou's work, 266. Sully's history, 266. Serres' view of the importance
+    of correct dates in history, 267. Dupleix's 'History of France,' 268.
+    La Popelinière's 'History of Histories,' 269. Improvement in the
+    method of writing history in the seventeenth century, 270. De Rubis's
+    work, 270. Gomberville's, 270. Berthault's, 270. Mezeray's great work,
+    271. The retrograde movement under Louis XIV., 273. As illustrated in
+    the works of Audigier and Bossuet, 279. Reasons why history is
+    superior to theology, 289. Bossuet's method of writing history
+    compared with that of Voltaire, 291. Other historians by whom
+    Voltaire's views were adopted, 299 _et seq._ His opinions as to
+    feudality, 302. As to free trade, 304. As to political economy, 304.
+    His demolition of the admiration entertained for classical works, and
+    for the fables of early history, 306-312. Value of Montesquieu's
+    method, 315. History separated from biography by him, 316, 317.
+    Turgot's views of the duties of a historian, 321. Difference between
+    certainty and precision in writing history, 325. The first and most
+    essential quality of an historian, iii. 186
+
+  Hobbes, Thomas, his works, i. 390. Animosity of the clergy against
+    him, 390. Encouraged by Charles II., 391. Popularity of his works at
+    this time, 391 _note_
+
+  Hogg, Thomas, story of, and the 'factour,' iii. 214
+
+  Holbach, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 219
+
+  Holcus arundinaceus, use of, as food by the Egyptians, i. 87
+
+  Holland, rescued by man from the grasp of the sea, i. 154. Number of
+    Anabaptists put to death in, 186 _note_. The Dutch fleet in the Thames
+    and Medway, 382. Proposal of the Bishop of Beauvais, ii. 38 _note_.
+    Calvinism the popular creed of, 339. The war carried on by Philip II.
+    against the Dutch Protestants, 451. Number of heretics put to death by
+    Alva, 451
+
+  Holyrood robbed by the English, iii. 15
+
+  Homer, his investigations of the human mind, i. 23 _note_
+
+  Hooke, his discoveries in the vegetable world, ii. 199
+
+  Hooker, Richard, his 'Ecclesiastical Polity' compared with Jewel's
+    'Apology for the Church of England,' i. 339, 340. And with
+    Chillingworth's 'Religion of Protestants,' 348. Connexion between the
+    Reformation and the views advocated by Hooker, 351. Locke's opinion of
+    his philosophy, 351. Compared with Chillingworth, ii. 86. His
+    scepticism, 86
+
+  Horst, Dr., his work on the Golden tooth, i. 332
+
+  Howe, John, his exile, i. 398
+
+  Huguenots. See Protestants, French
+
+  Humber, origin of the name of the, according to the historians of the
+    Middle Ages, i. 311
+
+  Hume, David, his method of metaphysical investigation, i. 250, 426
+    _note_. His 'Natural History of Religion' and 'History of England,'
+    251. His views as to monotheism, 251 _note_. His 'Political
+    Discourses' translated into French by Le Blanc, ii. 219. Examination
+    of his philosophy, iii. 331. His want of imagination, 331. Importance
+    and novelty of his doctrines, 333. His disregard of facts, 337. His
+    method, 338. His injustice to Bacon, 338. His 'Natural History of
+    Religion,' 343. Comparison between his method and that employed by
+    Cudworth, 348
+
+  Humidity, together with heat, the causes which regulate fertility,
+    i. 96. Difference between the humidity of the eastern and western
+    coasts of North America, 98. And of South America, 100. Relation
+    between the amount of rain and the extent of coast, 99. The heavy
+    rains of Brazil, 103
+
+  Hungary, disease in, from eating pork, i. 314 _note_
+
+  Hunter, John, account of his generalizations, iii. 428. His grandeur
+    and obscurity of language, 428. Conflict of the methods employed by
+    him, and the consequent result, 429-432. His industry in collecting
+    facts, 433. His discovery as to the red globules of the blood, 436.
+    His inquiries as to the movements of animals and vegetables, 439. His
+    idea of uniting all the physical sciences, 443. His inquiry into the
+    malformation of crystals, 443. His physiological and pathological
+    inquiries, 447. His pathological speculations respecting the
+    principles of action and the principles of sympathy, 450 _et seq._
+    Causes of the little influence which he exercised over his English
+    contemporaries, 457
+
+  Hutcheson, Francis, his method of metaphysical investigation, i. 248.
+    Remarks of Sir J. Mackintosh and M. Cousin, 248 _note_. Notice of him,
+    iii. 292. Examination of his philosophy, 292. Its results, tendency,
+    and method, 295-300
+
+  Hutton, James, his attempts to explain the former changes of the
+    earth's crust by reference solely to natural causes, i. 429 _note_.
+    Establishes the first library in Birmingham, 431 _note_. Character of
+    his geological speculations, iii. 388, 396. Verification of his views,
+    401
+
+  Hyænas regarded by the Abyssinians as enchanters, i. 126 _note_
+
+  Hydrostatics, Boyle's discoveries in, i. 368 _note_
+
+  Hypocrisy, cause of the increase of, due to evil legislation, i. 281
+
+
+  Idolatry, the natural fruit of ignorance, i. 258
+
+  Ichthyology, fossil, researches of Agassiz in, ii. 383
+
+  Ignorance and idolatry, i. 258. The 'learned ignorance' for which many
+    men are remarkable, 269
+
+  Imagination, special tendency of fear to inflame the, i. 120. Triumph
+    of the imagination in the tropics, from this cause, 121. Instances in
+    the case of earthquakes, 122. And in disease, 127. Imaginative
+    character of the literature of ancient India, 132. The imagination
+    controlled by the understanding in Greece 138-146
+
+  Imbert, his French translation of Clarke's 'Letters on Spain'
+    suppressed, ii. 234
+
+  Impeachments, general effect of the abolition of, i. 386
+
+  Independence, personal, idea of, takes root, i. 436. First occurrence
+    of the word 'independence,' in the modern acceptation of the word,
+    436 _note_
+
+  India, fertility and civilization of, i. 69. Character of the food of
+    the people of, 70, 71. Causes of the unequal distribution of wealth in
+    India in all ages, 72. Amount of rent paid by the cultivator in India
+    in proportion to the gross produce of the land, 76. Testimony of
+    Bishop Heber to the poverty of the labouring classes, 77 _note_.
+    Provisions of the native laws respecting the caste of the Sudras, 78.
+    And of the Brahmins, 79, 80. Character of the ancient Indian
+    literature, 132. And of the religion and art of, 137. Contrasted with
+    Greece in these conditions, 137. Absence of harbours in India, 138.
+    Antiquity of the worship of Siva in, 141. The bards of, 292 _note_.
+    Causes of trustworthiness in the early history of, 301 _note_.
+    Antiquity of the history of, 302 _note_. Cause of the existence of
+    this history, 303 _note_
+
+  'Individualisme,' De Tocqueville on the word, i. 436 _note_
+
+  Indulgence, Declaration of, of James II., i. 397. Refusal of the
+    clergy to read it in their churches, 399
+
+  Indulgences, theory of, of the Church of Rome, ii. 339
+
+  Innovation, aversion of the aristocracy for, ii. 139
+
+  Inquisition in Spain, character of the founders of the, i. 187.
+    Establishment of the, in Spain, ii. 446. The different punishments for
+    heresy, 448. Attacked by Aranda, 547. The last heretic burned by the
+    Inquisition, 548
+
+  'Inquisitoribus hæreticæ pravitatis,' the first constitution
+    addressed, ii. 109
+
+  Insanity, former notions respecting, ii. 404. Pinel's views of the
+    aberrations of the human mind, 404
+
+  Insects, incredible number of, in Brazil, i. 106
+
+  Insolvents, Burke's opposition to the cruel laws against, i. 463
+
+  Intellect, English; English literature unknown in France in the reign
+    of Louis XIV., ii. 213. Causes of the junction of English and French
+    intellects after this king's death, 214. Essential difference between
+    the civilization of England and Spain, 465. Outline of the history of
+    the English intellect from the middle of the sixteenth to the end of
+    the eighteenth century, 333. Origin of religious toleration in
+    England, 337. Hooker contrasted with Jewel, 339, 340. Theology and
+    persecution, 344. Scepticism and the spirit of inquiry on other
+    subjects, 340. Chillingworth's 'Religion of Protestants,' 347. The
+    rapid increase of heresy in the middle of the seventeenth century, 347
+    _note_. Increasing indifference to theological matters, 350. The work
+    of Chillingworth a vindication of religious dissent, 352. Political
+    character of the opposition to ecclesiastical authority in the reigns
+    of James I. and Charles I., 359. Its frivolous form in the reign of
+    Charles II., 362. Progress of the English intellect in the seventeenth
+    century towards shaking off ancient superstitions, 363. Destruction of
+    the old notions as to witchcraft, 363 _note_. Sir Thomas Browne's
+    works, 365. Boyle's discoveries, 368. Foundation of the Royal Society,
+    371. Ecclesiastical opposition to physical science in the reign of
+    Charles II., 372. Popular belief in supernatural causation, 373.
+    Improvements in legislation in the reign of Charles II., and the
+    causes which produced them, 388, 389. Hobbists, 390. Effects of the
+    alliance of the clergy with James II., 395. Dissolution of this
+    alliance, 396. Union of the clergy and dissenters, 399. Causes which
+    produced the revolution of 1688, 400. Effects of the expulsion of the
+    Stuarts on English civilization, 402. Struggle between William III.
+    and the clergy, 405. Loss of the clergy of all power out of the
+    Church, 416-418. The clergy weakened by the founders of Wesleyanism,
+    419-424. Loss of the intellectual vigour of the dissenters, 422. But
+    increase in their numbers, 423 _note_. Final separation of theology
+    from morals and politics, 424-427. Discoveries of geologists, 429.
+    Diffusion of knowledge among the people, 430. Sunday schools, 430.
+    Sunday newspapers, 431. Country printing offices, 431. Popular works
+    on physical truth first published, 432. Invention of encyclopædias,
+    433. Literary periodical reviews, 433. Reading clubs, 433. Debating
+    societies, 433. Right of public meeting, and publication of
+    parliamentary debates, 434, 435. Doctrine of personal representation
+    and of personal independence, 436. Change in the style of authors,
+    436. Review of the reactionary and retrogressive period of English
+    history, 441. Political degeneracy of England during the reign of
+    George III., 446-455. Sketch of the career of Edmund Burke, 455 _et
+    seq._ Arbitrary laws of George III. against the liberties of his
+    country, 487, 488. Gloomy prospects of the people late in the
+    eighteenth century, 494. Secret imprisonment of opponents of the
+    government, 494. Effect of the suspension of the habeas corpus act in
+    1794, 496. Preparation for a counter reaction, owing to the progress
+    of knowledge, 498. To which, and to the power of public opinion,
+    England owes her reforms of the present century, 498. The Scotch and
+    English methods of philosophy contrasted, iii. 290.
+
+  Intellect, French, outline of the history of the, from the middle of
+    the sixteenth century to the accession to power of Louis XIV., ii. 1.
+    Greater power of the Church in France than in England, 4. As shown by
+    the successful efforts of the clergy to withstand the Reformation, 4.
+    This influence greater in France than in England during the sixteenth
+    century, 6. Hence the impossibility of toleration in France, 7, 8. The
+    civil wars in France conducted in the name of Christianity, 8.
+    Internal condition of the country before the accession of Henry IV.,
+    11. Beginning of toleration by the publication of the Edict of Nantes,
+    14. Appearance of scepticism, 14, 15. Rabelais and Montaigne, 15.
+    Charron, 19. The party of the 'Politiques', 22 _note_. Decline of the
+    ecclesiastical power in France, 26. Richelieu's endeavours to humble
+    the French nobles, 28. Fails, but effectually humbles the clergy, 29.
+    Favour shown by Richelieu to the Protestants, 37-39. Causes of the
+    religious feuds of the seventeenth century, 55. Character of the civil
+    war raised by the Protestants, 63-66. Efforts of the Protestants to
+    suppress the thirst for knowledge, 69, 70. And to hamper and vex the
+    people, 71, 72. The liberal policy of Richelieu only part of a much
+    larger movement, 76. Illustration of this from the philosophy of
+    Descartes, 77. Who is regarded as one of the founders of French prose,
+    80. His origination of the modern method of philosophy, 81, 82.
+    Progress of the French mind as shown in the very existence of the
+    ideas of Descartes and Richelieu, 93. Spread of scepticism in France
+    in the reign of Louis XIII. and during the minority of Louis XIV., 95.
+    The anti-ecclesiastical spirit exhibited by Mazarin, 96. Injurious
+    effects of the protective spirit carried by Louis XIV. into
+    literature, 176-188. Proof that the literary splendour of his reign
+    was not his work, 188. Effect of his protection in stopping the
+    progress of science, 190. In mathematics, 191. And in astronomy, 191.
+    Newton's discoveries neglected for forty-five years, 191. Absence of
+    mere practical ingenuity in the reign of Louis XIV., 192. Few and
+    insignificant improvements effected during this period in
+    manufactures, 193. Decline at the same time in physiology, surgery,
+    and medicine, 194-196. In zoology and chemistry, 197. And in botany,
+    197. Results which followed the decline of the national intellect in
+    the reign of Louis XIV., 203 _et seq._ Reaction against the protective
+    spirit on the death of Louis XIV., and preparations for the French
+    Revolution, 213. Ignorance of the English language and literature at
+    the end of the seventeenth century, 214. Causes of the junction of the
+    French and English intellect after the death of Louis XIV., 215.
+    Voltaire and his works, 216. Other authors, 216 _et seq._ Admiration
+    for England expressed by Frenchmen, 222. Who disseminate liberal
+    opinions which the government attempts to stifle, 228, 229.
+    Persecution of literary men, 230-242. The avocat-general's proposition
+    as to the publication of new works, 245. Reasons why French literary
+    men at first attacked the Church and not the government, 247-251.
+    Effects of the hostility of the French intellect against the state,
+    258. Rise and extent of scepticism in France, 261 _et seq._ The two
+    epochs through which the French intellect passed during the eighteenth
+    century, 327. Inquiries respecting political economy, 327-329.
+    Eagerness of the French for economical and financial inquiries, 329.
+    Influence of Rousseau, 330-332. Anti-ecclesiastical policy of Machault
+    and his successors, 332-334. Concession of civil rights to
+    Protestants, 335. Revival of Jansenism, and consequent overthrow of
+    the Jesuits, 344, 345. Destruction of the French Church, 347. Rise and
+    progress of atheistical opinions, 351. Tendency of the French
+    intellect during the latter half of the eighteenth century to withdraw
+    from the internal, and concentrate attention upon the external world,
+    351-353. Works of Helvetius and Condillac, 353-360. Researches as to
+    the laws of heat, light, and electricity, 361-363. And in chemistry
+    and geology, 364. The study of physical phenomena in connexion with
+    the French Revolution, 375. Impetus given to zoology by Cuvier, 375.
+    And by Bichat, 376. Reaction in France at the commencement of the
+    present century, 388, 389. Researches in botany and mineralogy at the
+    end of the last century, 395. And in the aberrations of the human
+    mind, 404
+
+  Intellect, German. The Scotch method of philosophy compared with that
+    of Germany, iii. 289
+
+  Intellect, human, sole source of the, ii. 89
+
+  Intellect, Scotch, examination of the, during the seventeenth century,
+    iii. 191-280. And during the eighteenth century, 281-482. Barrenness
+    of the Scotch mind in science in the seventeenth century, 284. Causes
+    of this, 287. Results of the ignorance of the inductive or analytical
+    method, 289. Scotland in this respect compared and contrasted with
+    Germany and England, 288. Hutcheson, Adam Smith, Hume, and Reid,
+    292-360. Examination of Scotch physical philosophy, 361 _et seq._
+    Difference between the results achieved by Scotchmen in the
+    seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 458. The deductive method
+    supreme in both centuries, 462. Reasons why the Scotch literature of
+    the eighteenth century affected the nation so little, 465.
+    Superstition and illiberality still existing in Scotland,
+    471 _et seq._
+
+  Intellect, Spanish, outline of the history of the, from the fifth to
+    the middle of the nineteenth century, ii. 425 _et seq._ Influence of
+    the clergy over the Spanish intellect, high and low, 479
+
+  Intellectual progress of man, i. 174. Progressive aspect of
+    intellectual truths, 181. Mischievousness of ignorant men in
+    proportion to their sincerity, 183
+
+  Interest, in what it consists, i. 52. Rate of interest in India in
+    900 B.C., 74. And in 1810 A.D., 75
+
+  Inverness burnt by the Highlanders, iii. 22
+
+  Ireland, the potato the principal food of the people of, for above two
+    hundred years, i. 65. Period of its introduction into that country, 65
+    _note_. Potato crops as compared with those of wheat, 65. Daily
+    average consumption of potatoes in Ireland, 66 _note_. Evil
+    consequences of the cheapness and abundance of food, 67. Idleness of
+    the Irish at home compared with their industry abroad, 68 _note_. The
+    bards of Ireland, 292 _note_. Their contributions to the early history
+    of their country, 292 _note_. Injuries done to the traditions of the
+    bards of, by clerical historians, 306. Pork the chief food of the
+    Irish in the twelfth century, 314 _note_. Causes which have produced
+    the present superstition of the Irish Catholics, ii. 53, 54. The Irish
+    invasion of Scotland, iii. 9
+
+  Irritability, Glisson's anticipation of the truth respecting,
+    ii. 196 _note_
+
+  Isomorphism, Mitscherlich's discovery of, in minerals, ii. 400
+
+  Italy, physical causes of the superstition existing in, i. 123.
+    Triumph of the imaginative and small proportion of scientific men in,
+    124
+
+
+  Jacobites, extinction of the hopes of the, i. 444
+
+  James I., political character of the opposition to ecclesiastical
+    authority in the reign of, i. 359. His attempts to revive the power of
+    the nobles, ii. 147. His imprisonment in Scotland, iii. 103. Recovers
+    his liberty, 104. Bearded by the ministers, 104. The Gowrie
+    Conspiracy, 110. Ascends the throne of England, 115. Attempts to
+    subjugate the Scotch Church, 115. His cruelties, 117. Forces
+    episcopacy upon Scotland, 117. And sets up High Courts of Commission,
+    125
+
+  James I. of Scotland, attacks the nobles, and favours the Church, iii.
+    46, 47. Causes of his failure, 47, 48. Put to death by his
+    aristocracy, 49
+
+  James II. of England, his accession, i. 395. Attempts of Archbishop
+    Sancroft to convert him to Protestantism, 395 _note_. Services
+    rendered to him by the Protestant clergy, 396. Alliance between the
+    Roman Catholic King and the Protestant clergy, 396. Causes of the
+    dissolution of this alliance, 397. His declaration of indulgence, 397.
+    Establishes the first standing army in England, 397 _note_.
+    Persecutions in his reign, 397, 398. Union of the Churchmen and
+    Dissenters, and production of the revolution, 400. His character, iii.
+    147. His fiendish cruelty, 147-149. His ignominious flight, 151
+
+  James II. of Scotland, his treachery, iii. 49-52
+
+  James IV. of Scotland, his policy, iii. 56
+
+  James V. of Scotland, seized by the Douglases, iii. 57. His escape,
+    58, 59. Favours the Church, and punishes the nobles, 59, 60. Who bring
+    about the Reformation, 62. Accepts the title of 'Defender of the
+    Faith,' 62. His marriage with Mary of Guise, 63. Cause of his death,
+    69
+
+  Jamin's 'Thoughts,' suppression of, ii. 238
+
+  Jansenism, tenets of, ii. 343. Its introduction into France, previous
+    to the time of Louis XIV., but suppression by him, 344. Its revival in
+    the eighteenth century, and its effect on the democratic movement,
+    344. Its overthrow of the Jesuits, 344, 345
+
+  Java, early civilization of, i. 305. Causes of the loss of the
+    historical traditions of, 305. Establishment of Mohammedanism in, 305
+    _note_. Period of the Indian colonization of, 305 _note_. Traditions
+    of Java preserved in the island of Bali, 306
+
+  Jefferson, Thomas, his part in the French Revolution, ii. 418
+
+  Jeffreys, Lord, his cruelty, i. 397
+
+  Jehangueir, the emperor, his extraordinary wealth, i. 77 _note_
+
+  Jerusalem, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the
+    Middle Ages, i. 311
+
+  Jesuits, the, banished from France by Henry IV., ii. 23. Recalled, 23,
+    24 _note_. Services of the early Jesuits to civilization, 336. Their
+    system of education, 336. Their incompatibility with the opinions of
+    the eighteenth century, 337. Buffier the only Jesuit name in the
+    history of abstract philosophy, 342 _note_. The order overthrown in
+    France in the last century, 345, 346. Regarded as the instigators of
+    Damiens' attempted assassination of Louis XV., 345. Expelled from
+    Spain, 546
+
+  Jewel, Bishop, his 'Apology for the Church of England' compared with
+    Hooker's 'Ecclesiastical Polity,' i. 340. And with Chillingworth's
+    'Religion of Protestants,' 348
+
+  Jews, influence of religion on the progress of society illustrated by
+    the history of the, i. 257, 258. Importance of the history of the,
+    according to Bossuet, ii. 285. Harshness of the early Spanish laws
+    against them, 438. Decree of expulsion of Ferdinand and Isabella, 445.
+    Number of Jews expelled from Spain, 446 _note_
+
+  Johnson, Dr., on free will, i. 14 _note_
+
+  Joubert, his eminence in medicine, ii. 195
+
+  Jousse, suppression of his 'Treatise on Presidial jurisdiction,'
+    ii. 238
+
+  Joyce, Cornet, his origin, ii. 155
+
+  Judas, history of, according to Matthew of Westminster, i. 316
+
+  Judges in France, ii. 124. Period when judges were first knighted in
+    England, 135 _note_
+
+  Julian, the emperor, causes of his persecution of the Christians,
+    i. 186
+
+  Jurisdictions, hereditary, abolition of, in Scotland, iii. 161, 169
+
+  Jury, origin of trial by, ii. 117 _note_
+
+  Jussieu, his botanical generalizations, ii. 397
+
+  Justice, permanent improvement in the administration of, in England,
+    i. 402
+
+  Juxon, William, his character as archbishop of Canterbury, i. 391
+
+
+  Kamtschatkans, religious regard they pay to some animals,
+    i. 126 _note_
+
+  Kant, his views as to the scientific conception of the understanding,
+    i. 18 _note_; quoted, 35-38
+
+  Ken, Bishop, deprived, i. 408, 410. Refuses to admit in the secular
+    power the right of deprivation, 410
+
+  Kennedy, Bishop of St. Andrew's, his power in Scotland, iii. 53. His
+    counsel to the king, 53, 54
+
+  Kilmarnock, state of, in the seventeenth century, iii. 28. Rise of the
+    manufactures of, 180
+
+  'King's Friends,' the party so called, i. 448
+
+  Kings, causes of the diminution of the respect formerly felt for, ii.
+    182. Reasons why their information is inaccurate, and their prejudices
+    numerous, 183. Their nonsensical or blasphemous titles, 183 _note_
+
+  Kirke, Colonel, his cruelty, i. 397
+
+  Kirk-sessions in Scotland, in the seventeenth century, iii. 206, 207.
+    Their tyranny, 209, 210
+
+  Knights Templars, discourse of St. Bernard on the, quoted,
+    ii. 133 _note_
+
+  Knighthood, bane of the order of, in France, ii. 133, 134. Little
+    respect paid to it in England, 135. Compulsory knighthood in that
+    country, 135
+
+  Knowledge, influence of the progress of, in diminishing religious
+    persecution, i. 189. And in diminishing war, 190. The three ways in
+    which the progress of knowledge has lessened the warlike spirit,
+    203-223. The totality of human actions governed by the totality of
+    human knowledge, 229. Remarkable diffusion of knowledge in the United
+    States, 243. Books the storehouse of knowledge, 267. In what the
+    knowledge in which all civilization consists is based, 268. The
+    'learned ignorance' for which many men are remarkable, 269. Condition
+    and results of the literature of Europe from the sixth to the tenth
+    centuries, 269. Endeavours of governments to hinder the advance of
+    knowledge, 284. Craving of the people after knowledge, 430. Popular
+    form taken by the diffusion of knowledge, 430, 431. Simplicity of the
+    style of the authors of the last century, 437. The increase and
+    diffusion of knowledge in England at the latter part of the eighteenth
+    century antagonistic to the political events of the same period, 498.
+    Efforts of the French Protestant clergy to suppress the pursuit of
+    knowledge, ii. 70. Sudden craving after knowledge in France at the
+    latter part of the last century, 407
+
+  Knox, John, commencement of his career, iii. 74, 75. His influence in
+    promoting the Reformation, 75. His part in the murder of Beaton, 76.
+    Goes to Geneva, 76. Returns, 79. His petition to Parliament as to the
+    Church revenues, 84, 85. His death, 93
+
+  Konigseg, his services to Spain, ii. 519
+
+
+  La Bletterie, cause of his expulsion from the French Academy, ii. 235
+
+  Labour, effect of climate on the energy and regularity with which it
+    is conducted, i. 42, 43. See Wages
+
+  Labourers and employers, their wages and profits, i. 52. Effect of the
+    supply of food on the labouring classes, 54. Native laws respecting
+    the Sudras or labourers of India, 79, 80
+
+  La Bruyère, his 'Charactères,' ii. 209
+
+  Lacteals, Aselli's discovery of the, ii. 81. Recognized by Descartes,
+    but denied by Harvey, 81 and _note_
+
+  La Fayette, character and abilities of, i. 470. Burke's hostility to,
+    471. His familiarity with English language and literature, ii. 224.
+    His introduction of democratic opinions into France, 417
+
+  La Fontaine, 'Fables' of, ii. 209
+
+  La Force, Marshal, ii. 43
+
+  La Harpe, his 'Éloge sur Fénelon' suppressed, ii. 237
+
+  Laing, Mr., his remarks on the German literary class, quoted,
+    i. 239 _note_
+
+  Laland, his advocacy of atheism, ii. 352
+
+  Lamplugh, translated from Exeter to the see of York, i. 404
+
+  Lanjuinais, his work on Joseph II. ordered to be burned, ii. 236
+
+  Lanthenás, his familiarity with the English language and literature,
+    ii. 224
+
+  Laplace, his professed atheism, ii. 352
+
+  La Popelinière, his French historical works, ii. 269
+
+  Lateran, Matthew of Westminster's etymology of the name, i. 317
+
+  Latin, a vernacular dialect in the Middle Ages, i. 271. Results of
+    Latin being colloquially employed by the monks, 271 _note_
+
+  Laverdy, openly protects the Jansenists, ii. 345
+
+  Lavoisier, his discoveries in chemistry, ii. 367
+
+  Law courts, first publication of the proceedings in the, i. 434
+
+  Layamon, his translation into English of the history of Geoffrey of
+    Monmouth, i. 324
+
+  Le Blanc, his knowledge of the English language and literature,
+    ii. 219. His admiration for England, 228
+
+  Le Brun, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 225
+
+  Legat, one of the last English martyrs to religious opinions,
+    i. 345 _note_
+
+  Legislation, main object of, i. 23. Burke's views as to the true end
+    of, 459. The safest course for a legislator to pursue, 504. See
+    Government
+
+  Leicester, Earl of, the founder of the House of Commons, ii. 117
+
+  Lenglet du Fresnoy, his imprisonment in the Bastille, ii. 235
+
+  Lens, the crystalline, discoveries of Descartes respecting the, ii. 78
+
+  Leprosy, superstitions respecting, i. 127. The leprosy of the Middle
+    Ages extirpated from modern Europe, 155
+
+  Lerma, Duque de, prime minister of Spain, ii. 473, 474. His alliance
+    with the clergy, 474. And its consequences, 475-477. His part in the
+    expulsion of the Moriscoes, 493
+
+  Lesdiguières, Marshal, ii. 43. His apostacy, 48
+
+  Leslie, his philosophy of heat, iii. 383. Aid which he derived from
+    poetry, 385. His injustice to Bacon, 388
+
+  Le Trosne, suppression of his work on 'Finance,' ii. 238
+
+  Lettes, their fondness for pork, i. 314 _note_
+
+  Le Vassor, his 'Histoire de Louis XIII.,' ii. 30 _note_
+
+  L'Hopital, his recommendation of religious toleration, ii. 10. His
+    failure to effect any of his noble schemes, 10
+
+  Libel, Burke's attack of the power exercised by judges in trials for,
+    i. 464
+
+  Libraries, circulating, first establishment of, i. 431. Licences
+    required by Act of Parliament for keeping reading-rooms or circulating
+    libraries, i. 490
+
+  Lichfield, first printing office in, i. 432 _note_
+
+  Life, statements of Hindu poets as to the ancient duration of, i. 135.
+    Active causes of the increased duration of, 153. Examination of
+    Bichat's work on Life, ii. 390
+
+  Light, French researches as to the phenomena of, in the eighteenth
+    century, ii. 362
+
+  Lindsey, Mr. his establishment of Sunday schools, i. 430 _note_
+
+  Linen, manufacture, rise of in Glasgow, iii. 176, 179. And in other
+    parts of Scotland, 180
+
+  Linguet, his works suppressed and their author imprisoned,
+    ii. 236, 237
+
+  Linnæus, his artificial botanical system superseded by the French
+    natural method, ii. 376, 397
+
+  Literature, American, characteristics of, i. 241
+
+  Literature, influence of on the progress of society, i. 266. Result
+    which is sure to happen to a literature above the level of its age,
+    266, 267. Illustrations from Greece, Rome, and Germany, 267. In what
+    real knowledge consists, 268. Men and countries where erudition merely
+    ministers to ignorance, 269. Condition and effects of the literature
+    of Europe from the sixth to the tenth centuries, 269, 270. Effect of
+    the monopoly of literature by the clergy, 307. Character of the
+    literature of India, 132. And of ancient Greece, 137
+
+  Literature, English--characteristics of, in the reign of Charles II.,
+    i. 234. Influence of the intellect of France on Dryden's plays, 235
+    _note_. Causes which have maintained the independence, and increased
+    the value of English literature, 235 _note_. Change in the form and
+    make of English literature in the last century, 436. Coleridge's
+    lamentations of this change, 437 _note_. Addison's establishment of
+    the easy and democratic style, 437. Failure of an attempt to revive
+    the pedantic style, 437 _note_. Abolition of servile dedications, 438.
+    Introduction of the plan of publishing books by subscription, 439.
+    First instance of a popular writer attacking public men by name, 439.
+    English literature unknown to the French at the end of the seventeenth
+    century, ii. 214 _note_. But begun to be studied after the death of
+    Louis XIV., 215. Its services to French, and thence to European
+    liberty, 227
+
+  Literature, French, effect of, on English writings, i. 235.
+    Characteristics of French literature at the time of Descartes and
+    Richelieu, ii. 93, 94. The protective spirit carried by Louis XIV.
+    into literature, 176. Result in an alliance between literature and
+    government, 176, 177. Servility of men of letters at this time, 177.
+    Injurious effects of the protective system of Louis XIV. upon
+    literature, 182. And of pensions to literary men, 183, 187. The
+    literary splendour of the reign of Louis XIV. not of his creation,
+    188, 189. Causes of its decay in his reign, 208. Causes of the
+    junction of English and French intellects after the death of Louis
+    XIV. Systematic and prolonged persecution to which literature was
+    exposed in the eighteenth century, 230-242. Proposal of the
+    avocat-general as to the publication of new works, 245. Why the
+    Church, and not the government, was first attacked by literary men,
+    247. State of French historical literature from the end of the
+    sixteenth to the end of the eighteenth century, 261 _et seq._
+
+  Literature, German, since the middle of the eighteenth century,
+    i. 237. Origin of, 237. Remarks on Mr. Kay's picture of German
+    education, 238 _note_. Mr. Laing's observations on the German
+    literary class, 239 _note_
+
+  Literature, Scotch, poverty of, down to the commencement of the
+    eighteenth century, iii. 183. Buchanan and Napier, 183. Character of
+    the Scotch philosophical literature of the eighteenth century, 281.
+    Reasons why the Scotch literature of the eighteenth century was unable
+    to affect the nation, iii. 465
+
+  Literature, Spanish, causes which gave it its adventurous and romantic
+    tone, ii. 433, 434. Hold retained by the Spanish Church over the
+    highest and lowest intellects, 479
+
+  Liver, business of the, i. 148. The liver and lungs always
+    compensatory, 148. Size of the f[oe]tal liver, 149 _note_
+
+  Locke, John, his views as to the use of money in trade, i. 212 _note_.
+    Causes of his Socinian views, 363. His death, ii. 374
+
+  Locomotion, effect of improved means of, in weakening the love of war,
+    i. 221-223
+
+  Logarithms, discovery of, iii. 183
+
+  Logos, influence of the Platonism of Alexandria in developing the idea
+    of the, ii. 286
+
+  London, the Great Plague and Fire of, i. 387
+
+  Lords, House of, abandons its pretensions to an original jurisdiction
+    in civil suits, i. 384. Origin of the disrepute into which the, fell
+    in the reign of George III., 451-453. Abolished, ii. 153
+
+  Lotos bread of Egypt, i. 87. Herodotus on the lotos, quoted, 87 _note_
+
+  Loudun, insolence of the Protestant assembly of, ii. 61
+
+  Louis, Saint, of France, his etymology of the word Tartar,
+    i. 313 _note_
+
+  Louis, suppression of his thesis on 'Generation,' ii. 238
+
+  Louis IX. of France, recognizes the right of the nobles to wage
+    private war, ii. 116
+
+  Louis XIII., his protection of the French protestants, ii. 25. Le
+    Vassor's 'Histoire de Louis XIII.,' 30 _note_. Heretics not only
+    protected during his reign, but openly rewarded, 43. Illtreated by the
+    Protestants whom he had protected, 57, 58, 60
+
+  Louis XIV., his accession, ii. 96. The protective spirit carried into
+    literature during his reign, 176. Character of the King's private life
+    and public career, 178. His revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and the
+    results, 178-181. His reign notwithstanding held up by some to
+    admiration, 181. Gratitude of men of letters to him, 181. Injurious
+    effect of his system of protection upon literature, 182-187. The
+    literary glory of his reign not his work, 188. Scarcely anything added
+    during his reign to the sum of human knowledge, 189-202. Causes of
+    this intellectual decay, 202. Universal decline of France in every
+    department during the latter part of his reign, 210-212. His death,
+    213. The retrograde movement in historical literature in the reign of,
+    273. Causes of this, 273. His treatment of literary men, 274-277. His
+    thirst for glory, 277. Voltaire's 'Age of Louis XIV.,' 296. His
+    disposition to favour the King, 297
+
+  Louis XVI., rupture between England and France caused by the execution
+    of, i. 485. His edict granting civil rights to the Huguenots, ii. 335
+
+  Loyalty, causes which weakened, in the reign of Charles II., i. 388.
+    Origin of the deep feelings of loyalty among the French people, ii.
+    249. And among the Spaniards, 249 _note_. The loyalty of the English
+    and French compared, 250, 251. Causes of the loyalty of the Spaniards,
+    455 _et seq._ Connexion between loyalty and superstition, 455. Old
+    punishments for disloyalty in Spain, 458. The loyalty of Spain
+    contrasted with that of Scotland, iii. 2
+
+  Lulli, the French musician, ii. 207
+
+  Lungs, connexion between carbonized food and the respiratory
+    functions, i. 148. The lungs and liver always compensatory, 148
+
+
+  Mably, his admiration for England, ii. 229. Suppression of his
+    'Observations on the History of France,' 236. Guizot's edition of this
+    work, 236. Character of his 'History of France,' 300
+
+  Macaulay, Mr., character of his 'History of England,' i. 394 _note_
+
+  Macchiavelli, his views as to the real history of Rome, ii. 314 _note_
+
+  Machault, controller-general of France, his edict against mortmain,
+    ii. 332. Dislike of the clergy for him, 333. Favour with which he
+    regarded the Jansenists, 344
+
+  Madden, Sir F., his edition of Wace's 'Brut,' i. 325 _note_
+
+  Madrid, decline in the population of, in the seventeenth century,
+    ii. 501. Starving condition of the people of, 505, 509. Scenes of
+    robbery and murder in consequence, 509-511. No public library in,
+    in 1679, 527. Beautified by Charles III., 561
+
+  Magendie, his division of food into azotized and non-azotized,
+    i. 55 _note_
+
+  Maize, its extraordinary fecundity in Mexico and Peru, i. 109. Most
+    probably peculiar to the American continent, 109
+
+  Malaga captured from the Arabs, ii. 440
+
+  Malayo-Polynesian race, causes of the corruption of the early
+    histories of the, i. 305. Eastern and western limits of the, 304,
+    305 _note_
+
+  Malebranches, his 'Inquiry respecting Truth,' ii. 209
+
+  Malesherbes, M., his attack on church property in France, ii. 333
+
+  Mallet, character of his 'History of Denmark,' ii. 299
+
+  Malus, his researches into the laws of light, ii. 362
+
+  Malthus, principle of his work anticipated by Voltaire, ii. 304
+
+  Man modified by nature and nature modified by man, i. 20. Inquiry into
+    the laws of this double modification, 20. Inferences respecting human
+    actions, 21. Two classes of actions, 22. The powers of man unlimited,
+    51. Modes in which his energies are checked by the energies of nature,
+    119. Laws of the process by which the mind of man is influenced by the
+    aspects of nature, 119. Effects of the force and majesty of nature in
+    the tropics, 120. Causes which give birth to superstition, 122, 123.
+    Fictions in Sanscrit literature as to the longevity of the human race
+    at an early period of the world, 135. Moral and intellectual progress
+    of man, 174. No evidence of the improvement of the natural faculties
+    of man, 176. Dependence of his progress on an improvement of the
+    circumstances under which his faculties come into play, 178. The
+    standard of action having varied in every age, the causes of action
+    must be variable, 179. Stationary character of moral principles, 180.
+    Progressive aspect of intellectual truths, 181. Ignorant men always
+    mischievous in proportion to their sincerity, 183. Religious
+    persecutions in Rome and Spain, 185-188. More virtue than vice in
+    every country, 221. Inferences to be drawn as to the causes of social
+    progress, 224. The totality of human actions governed by the totality
+    of human knowledge, 229
+
+  Manchester, Earl of, joins the Parliamentary forces, ii. 151
+
+  Manichæans, their doctrine of predestination, i. 13
+
+  Manrent, in Scotland, iii. 65 _note_
+
+  Mansfield, Lord, his speech on the Theological Society, i. 436 _note_
+
+  Manufactures, few and insignificant improvements made in, in France
+    during the reign of Louis XIV., ii. 193. Sudden rise of the
+    manufactures in Scotland, in 1707, iii. 171, 172
+
+  Marat, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 224
+
+  Marchand, Prosper, his 'Dictionnaire Historique,' ii. 267 _note_
+
+  Margat, suppression of his 'History of Tamerlane,' ii. 235
+
+  Marlborough, Duke of, character of, i. 201
+
+  Marmontel, how treated by a French noble, ii. 239, 240
+
+  Marriages, determined by uniformity of sequence, and not by the temper
+    and wishes of individuals, i. 32. Effects of the price of food upon
+    marriages, 32
+
+  Marsy, his 'Analysis of Bayle' suppressed, ii. 236
+
+  Martin, bishop of Tours, Bossuet's estimate of, ii. 287. The
+    Benedictines' life of, 288. His miracles, 288 _note_
+
+  Martyrs, adoration of, in the early ages of the Church, i. 145 _note_
+
+  Mary, Queen, restores England to Catholicism, ii. 7. But fails to
+    effect a restoration of church property, 7 _note_
+
+  Mary of Guise, her marriage with James V. of Scotland, iii. 63. Her
+    attempt to establish a standing army, 77. Becomes regent, 77. Deposed,
+    80
+
+  Masillon, the last of the great French pulpit orators, ii. 348
+
+  Masquerades forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 70
+
+  Mathematicians, their pretence to certainty in their own pursuits,
+    ii. 326. The study of mathematics in France in the seventeenth
+    century, 189
+
+  Mathew of Westminster, his history of Judas, i. 316. His origin of the
+    custom of kissing the Pope's toe, 317. His etymology of the Lateran,
+    317
+
+  Maxwell, Lord, iii. 71. His venality, 71 _note_
+
+  Mazarin, Cardinal, his anti-ecclesiastical policy, ii. 96. His
+    toleration, 96, 97. His alliance with Oliver Cromwell, 98. Signs the
+    treaty of the Pyrenees, 98
+
+  Mechanics, why less superstitious than agriculturists, i. 376-379
+
+  Medici, Catherine de', her protection of the French Protestants,
+    ii. 25. Her foreign policy, 35
+
+  Medicine, decline of the science of, in the reign of Louis XIV.,
+    ii. 195, 196
+
+  Meetings, public political, establishment of the right of, i. 434.
+    Passing of an Act intended to stifle religious or political meetings,
+    489
+
+  Melrose Abbey robbed by the English, iii. 15
+
+  Melville, Andrew, takes the lead of the Scotch reformed church,
+    iii. 93. Begins a struggle with the State, which lasted for sixty
+    years, 94. His name of [Greek: episkopomastix], 97 _note_. Appointed
+    moderator at St. Andrew's in 1582, 101. His personal insult to the
+    king, 110. Summoned by the king to England, 124. Imprisoned in the
+    Tower, 124
+
+  Memory, aberrations of, the laws respecting the, i. 32
+
+  Mental laws, examination of the method employed by metaphysicians for
+    discovering, i. 152. Failure of their two methods, 164. Mental laws
+    either moral or intellectual, 168. Comparison between moral and
+    intellectual laws, 168, 175. Necessity of ascertaining the fundamental
+    laws of intellectual progress, 242. Advantages to be gained in that
+    respect from studying the histories of Germany, America, France,
+    Spain, and Scotland, 243
+
+  'Mence, Institutes of,' authority of in India, i. 75. Vast antiquity
+    of the, according to the Hindu writers, 137
+
+  Menzies, John, the Aberdeen preacher, iii. 203 _note_
+
+  Mercenaries employed by William the Conqueror and his immediate
+    successors, ii. 114
+
+  Mercury, mine of, at Almaden, ii. 540
+
+  Mescua, Mira de, the Spanish dramatist, ii. 479
+
+  Metaphysics; metaphysical inquiry preceded and often controlled by the
+    physical, i. 10 _note_. The only successful mode of prosecuting the
+    study of metaphysics, 17. Examination of the two metaphysical methods
+    of generalizing mental laws, 156. Definition of the term metaphysics,
+    164 _note_. The English inductive and the Scotch deductive methods,
+    245 _et seq._ Robert Simson and Matthew Stewart, 247. Adam Smith, 249.
+    David Hume, 250. Examination of the method employed by metaphysicians
+    for discovering mental laws, 152. Failure of their two methods, 164.
+    Descartes, the originator of the modern method of philosophy, ii. 81,
+    82. Analogy of his philosophy with the anti-theological policy of
+    Richelieu, 83. The eminent characteristic of the philosophy of
+    Descartes, 87. Analysis of his principles, 88, 89. Services which
+    metaphysicians formerly rendered to the Church, 262. Analysis of the
+    works of Helvetius and Condillac, 353-360. Rise of the reactionary
+    party in France at the beginning of the present century, 389. See also
+    Philosophy
+
+  Meteorology, causes which have retarded the progress of,
+    i. 377 _note_. Supernatural causes attributed by ignorance to changes
+    in the weather, 378 _note_
+
+  Method, importance of the philosophy of, ii. 387
+
+  Mey, suppression of his treatise on 'French Law,' ii. 237
+
+  Mexico, authentic existing materials for forming an opinion on the
+    ancient state of, i. 95. Characteristics of the climate of, and
+    reasons for its early civilization, 99. Exuberance of the maize plant
+    in, 109. The potato introduced by the Spaniards into, 110, 111.
+    Extraordinary fecundity of the banana in, 111. Success with which
+    astronomy was cultivated in, 112. Condition of the upper and lower
+    classes of the inhabitants of, when discovered by the Europeans, 114.
+    Custom of caste in Mexico, 115. Frivolous waste of labour of the
+    Mexicans, 116. Their immense buildings, 117
+
+  Mezeray, character of his 'History of France,' ii. 270, 271. How
+    treated by Louis XIV., 274, 275. His 'Abrégé Chronologique,'
+    275 _note_
+
+  Michael, St., foundation of the order of, i. 313 _note_
+
+  Micrometer, discovery of the, ii. 192
+
+  Microscope, invention of the, ii. 198, 199
+
+  Middle Ages, the childish admiration of the, dispelled by Voltaire,
+    ii. 305
+
+  Middleton, Dr., ferment caused by his 'Free Inquiry,' i. 428
+
+  Mill, James, his method of investigating speculative jurisprudence,
+    i. 426
+
+  Mill, John, his inquiry into the method of investigation which
+    political economists ought to follow, i. 250 _note_
+
+  Millet, use of, as food in India, i. 71 _note_
+
+  Millington, Sir Thomas, his botanical discoveries, ii. 200. Causes of
+    his opposition to ecclesiastical authority, i. 363
+
+  Milton, John, parts of his works translated into French by Mirabeau,
+    ii. 225
+
+  Minana, Spanish historian, ii. 480
+
+  Mineralogy, French researches in, at the end of the eighteenth
+    century, ii. 399. Doubts as to the true method of investigating, 399.
+    The discovery of isomorphism, 400
+
+  Mines, military employment of gunpowder in, i. 206 _note_
+
+  Mirabeau, his knowledge of the English language and literature,
+    ii. 225. His professed atheism, 352
+
+  Miracles, the celebrated dispute respecting, i. 428
+
+  Missionaries, influence of religion on the progress of society
+    illustrated by the efforts of the, i. 255
+
+  Mississippi, area drained by the, i. 97 _note_
+
+  Mohammed, cause of his death, according to Mathew Paris, i. 315. And
+    cause of his becoming a heretic, 316. How regarded by Bossuet,
+    ii. 286
+
+  Mohammedanism, area of the countries in which it is professed,
+    ii. 286. Lofty ideas of the Mohammedan writers on the oneness of God,
+    287 _note_. The Mohammedans in Spain, 439
+
+  Molina, Tirso de, the Spanish dramatist, ii. 480
+
+  Monboddo, Lord, his lamentation over the extinction of pedantry in
+    English literature, i. 437 _note_
+
+  'Monconys, Voyages de,' i. 371 _note_
+
+  Money, notions of the use of, in trade, in the seventeenth and
+    eighteenth centuries, i. 210-212. Right of coining allowed to the
+    aristocracy of France, but never in England, ii. 115
+
+  Monks, results of Latin being colloquially employed by the, of the
+    Middle Ages, i. 271 _note_
+
+  Monotheism, forms of religion preceding, according to Hume and Comte,
+    i. 250 _note_
+
+  Monsoons, causes of the, i. 102 _note_
+
+  Monstrosities, animal, discoveries respecting, ii. 396 _note_
+
+  Montaigne, Michel de, first appearance of his essays, ii. 16.
+    Difference between him and Rabelais, 16. Regarded as the first French
+    sceptic, 16. Opinions of Dugald Stewart and Rousseau of his writings,
+    18 _note_. Immense influence of his works, 18 _note_. Compared with
+    Charron, 19. His scepticism compared with that of Descartes, 86. His
+    the first sceptical work published in France, 266
+
+  Montalvan, Spanish dramatist, his office in the Inquisition, ii. 479
+
+  Montbarey, Prince de, character of his censures of Louis XV.,
+    ii. 406 _note_
+
+  Montesquieu, his erroneous notions as to political economy, i. 212
+    _note_. His knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 218.
+    His admiration for England, 228. His the first information concerning
+    the real history of Rome, 314. Character of his 'Spirit of Laws,' 314.
+    His method, and its value, 315
+
+  Montgomery, Robert, appointed Archbishop of Glasgow, iii. 100.
+    Excommunicated by the General Assembly, 100. Submits, 100.
+
+  Montgon, suppression of the 'Letters' of, ii. 237
+
+  Montlosier, his geological labours, ii. 368
+
+  Moral truths, little changes which they have undergone, i. 180. Moral
+    truths in the New Testament quoted from pagan authors, 180 _note_.
+    Influence of moral feelings on individuals, but not on society in the
+    aggregate, 228. Separation of theology from morals, 424. Consequences
+    of this separation, 425-427
+
+  Morals, Charron's, the first attempt to create a system of morals
+    independent of theology, ii. 19
+
+  Morellet, l'Abbé, his translation of the 'Wealth of Nations' into
+    French, ii. 219, 239. His punishment in the Bastille, 240
+
+  Moriscoes, their expulsion from Spain, ii. 485 _et seq._ Number
+    expelled, 494
+
+  Morris-dances forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 70
+
+  Mortmain, Machault's edict against, in France, ii. 332
+
+  Morton, the Regent, his persecution of the reformed clergy of
+    Scotland, iii. 91
+
+  Mosaic cosmogony first impugned, i. 429
+
+  Mounier, his familiarity with the English language and English
+    institutions, ii. 225. His proposal for the establishment of two
+    Chambers in France, 225
+
+  Muhlberg, results of the battle of, ii. 446
+
+  Municipal privileges in England, ii. 119. Futility of, in France, 121
+
+  Murder, uniform reproduction of the crime of, i. 24, 25
+
+  Muscular system, waste or decomposition of the, i. 56 _note_
+
+  Music forbidden by the Scotch clergy, iii. 258
+
+  Muskets, the, of the fifteenth century, i. 206 _note_
+
+
+  Names, origin of the habit of generalizing, i. 297 _note_
+
+  Nantes, edict of, confirmed by Catherine de' Medici, ii. 25. By her
+    son Louis XIII., 25. And by Mazarin, 96
+
+  Napier, Sir William, his military genius and works, i. 200
+
+  Napier, John, his discovery of logarithms, iii. 183
+
+  Naples, foundation of the city of, according to the writers of the
+    Middle Ages, i. 313
+
+  Napoleon I., compared with Richelieu, ii. 27
+
+  Nasmyth, his researches into the structure of the teeth, ii. 385
+
+  'Nations, Morals, Manners, and Character of,' Voltaire's, ii. 297
+
+  Nature, laws of, origin of the perception of the, i. 9. Causes of the
+    disturbances in the laws of, 30. Influence and results of the general
+    aspects of, on the human race in its infancy, 39, 118. Modes in which
+    the energies of Nature hamper the energies of Man in South America,
+    106. Laws of the process by which the aspects of Nature influence the
+    human mind, its natural movements, and natural progress, 119. Feelings
+    inspired by the force and majesty of natural phenomena in tropical
+    regions, 120, 121. Physiological effects of the fear of earthquakes,
+    122, 123. Comparison of the material phenomena of Greece and India,
+    139, 140. Instance in the proportion of births of the sexes of the
+    regularity of natural laws, 168
+
+  'Nature, the System of,' publication of, ii. 351
+
+  Necessity, doctrine of, its displacement of the doctrine of Chance,
+    i. 9. Origin of the doctrine, ii. 343
+
+  Necker, M., his Report on the Finances of France, ii. 329. Eagerness
+    of the French to read it, 329. Character of the work, 330. His
+    anti-ecclesiastical policy, 333. His Calvinist opinions, 345.
+
+  Newspapers, first publication of, on Sundays, i. 431. Establishment of
+    political ones, 434. And of the right to publish parliamentary
+    debates, 435. Vast increase in the circulation of newspapers in the
+    latter half of the last century, 439 _note_
+
+  Newton, Sir Isaac, his imagination i. 124 _note_. His death, ii. 374
+
+  Niebuhr, his arguments as to the early history of Rome anticipated by
+    Voltaire, ii. 311. The three principles fundamental to his history
+    which it is impossible to refute, 311
+
+  Nile, effects of the overflow of the, on the civilization of Egypt, i.
+    48, 49. Herodotus's expression [Greek: dôron tou potamou], 49 _note_
+
+  Nîmes, insolence of the Protestant assembly of, ii. 60
+
+  Nobles. See Aristocracy
+
+  Nonconformists. See Dissenters
+
+  Nonjurors, the, amongst the bishops and inferior clergy, i. 408-412.
+    The last of the nonjuring bishops, 412 _note_
+
+  Norfolk, Duke of, concludes the treaty of Berwick, iii. 81
+
+  North, Lord, overpersuaded by George III. to engage in war with
+    America, i. 480 _note_
+
+  Norwegians, their invasion of Scotland, iii. 10
+
+  Nosology, the, of Cullen, iii. 426
+
+  Nutrition, M. Chevreul's generalizations of the laws of,
+    ii. 198 _note_
+
+
+  Oaths, causes which have given rise to, in England, of every kind and
+    in every direction, i. 282. Amount of perjury in England caused by
+    legislation, 282 _note_
+
+  [OE]pinus, his experiments on electricity, ii. 362
+
+  Oils, amount of carbon in, i. 61
+
+  Okey, the fifth-monarchy man, ii. 155
+
+  Opinion, public, origin of the supremacy of, i. 209. The real cause of
+    the abolition of the corn-laws, 273
+
+  Optics, discoveries of Descartes in, ii. 78
+
+  Orders of chivalry, origin of the, ii. 132, 133
+
+  Ordinance, the Self-denying, passed, ii. 153
+
+  Oregon or Columbia river, the only river of importance on the western
+    coast of North America, i. 97
+
+  Orkney Isles, seized by the Norwegians, iii. 10
+
+  Orleans, Duke of, his residence in England, ii. 226
+
+  Osteology, comparative, Ambrose Paré's contributions to, ii. 195
+
+  Owen, Professor, his researches into the structure of the teeth,
+    ii. 384, 385. His services to comparative anatomy, 386
+
+  Oxford, effort of the clergy to instil their principles at, i. 442
+    _note_. Pitt's denunciation, 442 _note_. Execution of the first
+    heretic at, ii. 109
+
+  Oxygen in food, i. 55 _et seq._
+
+
+  Paganism, large amount of, existing in every Christian sect,
+    i. 260 _note_
+
+  Paisley, population of, in 1700, iii. 28. Rise and progress of, 176
+
+  Palæontology, Cuvier the founder of, ii. 369. Its importance to
+    geology, 369 _note_. Daubenton's labours, 371. Owen's, 386
+
+  Palatine, endeavours of Richelieu to save the, ii. 38 _note_
+
+  Paley, Dr., effect of his utilitarian moral system, i. 426 _note_
+
+  Palm-tree, the date, its importance in Africa, i. 83, 84
+
+  Palm-wine, of Africa, i. 84 _note_
+
+  Paravicino, Spanish poet, his sermons, ii. 480
+
+  Paré, Ambroise, his eminence in surgery, ii. 195. One of the founders
+    of comparative osteology, 195
+
+  Paris, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the
+    Middle Ages, i. 310. State of the pulpit oratory of, in 1771, ii. 348
+
+  Paris, Mathew, his statement as to the reason why Mohammedans refuse
+    to eat pork, i. 315. Sismondi's eulogy of him as an historian,
+    315 _note_
+
+  Parliament, gradual diminution of the number of ecclesiastics in,
+    i. 416, 417. Final expulsion of the clergy from the House of Commons,
+    418. Establishment of the right to publish the debates in Parliament,
+    435. And of the doctrine of personal representation, 435
+
+  Parr, Dr., classical style of his English, ii. 307
+
+  Pascal, Blaise, period in which he flourished, ii. 189. His great
+    works, 189. His 'Provincial Letters,' 209
+
+  Pathology, characteristics of, iii. 410. Compared with Physiology,
+    411. Account of the generalizations of Cullen and of Hunter, 413.
+    Difference between the science of pathology and the art of
+    therapeutics, 416. Cullen's theory of the solids and fluids, 418. His
+    theory of fever, 424. His nosology, 426. His services to pathology,
+    429, 447
+
+  Patin, his opinion of the English of the seventeenth century,
+    ii. 214 _note_
+
+  Patronage of literature. See Protective spirit
+
+  Pecquet, his discovery of the chyle, ii. 194
+
+  Pedantry of ancient English authors, i. 436. Discarded for a lighter
+    style, 437
+
+  Pelagius, his doctrines as to free will, ii. 338. Absence of the
+    speculative spirit in, 342. His learning, 342
+
+  Penal code, increasing severity of the, in the reign of George III.,
+    i. 463
+
+  Pensions, literary, injurious effect of, ii. 183-187
+
+  Perjury, cause of the increase of, i. 281. Amount of, in England,
+    282 _note_
+
+  Persecution of the Christians under the Roman Emperors, causes of,
+    i. 185. And of those of Spain, 187. Causes of the diminution of
+    religious persecution, 188. Number of persons put to death in Holland
+    and Spain, 189. Old theological theory of the justification of
+    persecution, 344
+
+  Persia, Arab conquest of, i. 46. Causes of the absence of authentic
+    information respecting the early history of, 303. The 'Shah Nameh' of
+    Ferdousi, 303. Antagonism between Mohammedanism and the old Persian
+    history, 303. Results anticipated from a decipherment of the Persian
+    cuneiform inscriptions, 304 _note_
+
+  Perth burnt by the English, iii. 14, 16. Population of, in the
+    sixteenth century, 30
+
+  Peru, physical condition of, i. 107. Exuberance of maize of, 109. And
+    of the banana of, 111. Condition of the upper and lower classes of the
+    people of, when discovered by the Europeans, 113. Rigid enforcement of
+    caste in Peru, 114 _note_. Frivolous waste of labour of the Peruvians,
+    117. Their immense buildings, 117. The effect of earthquakes in Peru
+    in encouraging superstition, 122, 123
+
+  Pestilence, superstitions respecting, i. 127. Pestilences 'the
+    harvests of the ministers of God,' 130 _note_
+
+  Petit, Antoine, popularity of his lectures on anatomy, ii. 406 _note_
+
+  Pharamond, authorities for the existence of, ii. 265 _note_
+
+  Philip Augustus, his policy in regard to the French aristocracy,
+    ii. 115
+
+  Philip II. of Spain, his fondness for bacon, i. 314 _note_. His hatred
+    of the Calvinists, ii. 341. His character, 449, 450. His war against
+    the Dutch Protestants, 451. Object of all his wars and negotiations,
+    452. His celebrated Armada, 453. Supported in everything by his loyal
+    subjects, 453. Ascendancy retained by him over the ecclesiastical
+    hierarchy, 473 _note_. His cruelty to the Moriscoes, 485, 486. His
+    character as a ruler, 468, 473. His part in the extension of the
+    influence of the Church, 475
+
+  Philip III. of Spain, his cruelty to the Moriscoes, ii. 489
+
+  Philip IV. of Spain, his character, ii. 468
+
+  Philip V. of Spain, his accession, ii. 513. His policy, 513. Attacks
+    the inquisition, but is unable to abolish it, 521. Opposed by his
+    people in everything, 522 _note_
+
+  Philip the Fair, recognizes the right of the nobles to wage private
+    war, ii. 116
+
+  Philippine Islands, pure form of the Polytheism of the, i. 305.
+    Spanish conquest of the, ii. 464
+
+  Philology, study of, i. 2. Buffier the only Jesuit whose name has a
+    place in the history of abstract philosophy, ii. 342 _note_.
+    Examination of the Scotch philosophy of the eighteenth century, iii.
+    281. Causes of the success of the deductive and not of the inductive
+    method in Scotland, 282. The Scotch method compared and contrasted
+    with those of Germany and England, 289, 290. Summary of the most
+    important distinctions between deduction and induction, 290.
+    Hutcheson's philosophy, 292. Adam Smith's, 304. Hume's, 331. Reid's,
+    348. See also Metaphysics
+
+  Phlebitis first recognized by Hunter, iii. 454
+
+  Phosphorus, amount of, in the brain, i. 57 _note_. First announced by
+    Hensing, 57 _note_
+
+  Phrenologists, the principal obstacle in the way of the, i. 176 _note_
+
+  Phyllotaxis, ii. 397 _note_
+
+  Physical science, present state of, compared with history, i. 7.
+    Physical, the natural precursor of metaphysical inquiries, 10 _note_.
+    Remarks on the influence exercised by physical laws over the
+    organization of society and over the character of individuals, 39.
+    Effects of food, climate, and soil, 40 _et seq._ Democratic character
+    of the physical sciences, ii. 409. Popular works of Desaguliers and
+    Hill on physical truth, 432 _note_. Examination of the Scotch method
+    employed in physical philosophy, iii. 361. The laws of heat, 362.
+    Black's philosophy of latent heat, 367. Reasons why it is incumbent on
+    physical philosophers to cultivate the imagination, 381, 382. Leslie's
+    philosophy of heat, 383. Geological speculations in Scotland, England,
+    and Germany, 388-393. Watt's invention of the steam-engine, 402.
+    Methods employed by Watt and Cavendish in the discovery of the
+    composition of water, 403. Nature of the supposed difference between
+    the organic and inorganic world, 407. Life probably a property of all
+    matter, 408. Division of organic science into physiology and
+    pathology, 411. Theory in science, 414. Hunter's idea of uniting all
+    the physical sciences, 443. The deductive method supreme in Scotland
+    in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 462. The two methods
+    compared, 462-464. Science the ally of religion, 477. Attempts of the
+    clergy of the reign of Charles II. to oppose the spread of physical
+    science, i. 372. The term _natural_ science, in contradistinction to
+    _supernatural_, as used at this period, 372 _note_
+
+  Physiologists, view taken by, of the origin of the sexes, i. 170.
+    Probable causes of the small contributions of physiologists towards
+    the power of predicting events, 171 _note_
+
+  Physiology, decline of the science of, in the reign of Louis XIV.,
+    ii. 194. Glisson's services to, 196. Characteristics of the science
+    of, iii. 410. Compared with pathology, 411. John Hunter's
+    generalizations, 428 _et seq._
+
+  Piracy of the Rochellois, in the seventeenth century, ii. 63
+
+  Pistols, invention of, i. 206 _note_
+
+  Pitt, William, the elder, his reputation as a statesman, i. 449.
+    Reason why he was hated by George III., 450
+
+  Pitt, William, his subserviency to George III., i. 447, 448. His
+    abandonment of liberal principles, 447. Prosecutes and persecutes his
+    brother reformers, 447 _note_
+
+  Plague, the Great, i. 387
+
+  Plants, effects of heat and moisture on, the geographical distribution
+    of, i. 96
+
+  Plato, his conclusion as to the truth or falsehood of spectral
+    phenomena or dreams, i. 16 _note_
+
+  Platonism, its natural precursor the atomic doctrine, i. 10 _note_.
+    Influence of the Platonism of Alexandria in developing the idea of the
+    Logos, ii. 286
+
+  Poetry cultivated solely by the ancient Sanscrit authors, i. 132, 133.
+    Indian metres, 133. Cause of the reverence felt for great poets,
+    294 _note_
+
+  Poisons, general theory of, i. 56 _note_
+
+  Poissy, conference of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in
+    the, ii. 10
+
+  Political economy, study of, i. 2. Influence of the discoveries made
+    in, in lessening the warlike spirit, 209. Misconception of the true
+    nature of barter in early times, 210-212. Movement of the eighteenth
+    century, 213. Smith's 'Wealth of Nations,' 214. His method of treating
+    the laws of wealth, 249. Mr. John Mill's and Mr. Rae's inquiry into
+    the proper method of investigation, 250 _note_. French translations of
+    the 'Wealth of Nations' in the eighteenth century, ii. 219. Voltaire's
+    opinions respecting, 304. Rise of the French political economists in
+    the middle of the eighteenth century, 327. The revolutionary tendency
+    of this economical movement, 327. Schism effected between the nation
+    and government by the economists, 328. Influence exercised shortly
+    before the revolution by the economists, 329. Examination of Adam
+    Smith's 'Wealth of Nations,' iii. 314. Salutary effects of man's
+    constant endeavours to better his condition, 319. Malthus's work on
+    population, 326. Constant struggle between capital and labour,
+    according to Adam Smith, 326, 327. Views of David Hume, 333
+
+  Politics, separation of theology from, i. 424. Consequences of this
+    separation, 425-427. Effect of the protective spirit carried into
+    politics, ii. 107
+
+  Polytheism, the predecessor of monotheism, according to Hume,
+    i. 251 _note_. Natural creed of the Romans, 252. The religion of the
+    Malayo-Polynesians, 304, 305
+
+  Pope, origin of kissing his toe, according to Mathew of Westminster,
+    i. 317. Voltaire's Reasons for the unity and consolidation of the
+    power of the popes as compared with that of the Greek patriarchs,
+    ii. 303
+
+  Population, connexion between food and the laws of, i. 57. Case of the
+    potato and Irish population, 66. A poor diet said to be more
+    favourable to fecundity than a rich one, 68 _note_. Voltaire's ideas
+    respecting the ratios by which population and food increase, ii. 304.
+    Malthus's work on, iii. 326
+
+  Pork, in general use in Europe as food, for centuries, i. 314. Cause
+    of the refusal of the Mohammedans to eat pork, according to Mathew
+    Paris, 315. Eaten in Asia and Africa, 315 _note_
+
+  Porson, Richard, his letter on the texts of the Heavenly Witnesses,
+    i. 429. His appreciation of the beauties of the English language,
+    ii. 307
+
+  Portugal, physical causes of the superstition existing in, i. 123.
+    Absence of science and triumph of the imagination in, 124
+
+  Potato, the principal food of the labouring classes in Ireland, i. 65.
+    Time of its introduction into that country, 65 _note_. The potato crop
+    compared with that of wheat, 65. Used as food by the ancient
+    Peruvians, 110. Introduced into Mexico by the Spaniards, 110, 111. The
+    starch of the potato frozen into saccharine in Southern Peru,
+    111 _note_
+
+  Pouissin, his works of art, ii. 209 _note_
+
+  Prathama-Raja, the Hindu poets' account of, i. 136
+
+  Precision contrasted with certainty in writing history, ii. 325
+
+  Predestination, probable origin of the dogma of, i. 9. Foundation of
+    the theory, 13. Calvin, Augustin, and the Manichæans, 13. Ambrose, 13
+    _note_. Writers on the absurdity of 'an omnipotent arbitrary deity,'
+    13 _note_. Barrenness of the hypothesis of predestination in a
+    scientific investigation, 14. The doctrine of providential
+    interference bound up with that of predestination, 19 _note_
+
+  Preëmption, destruction of the prerogative of, i. 385
+
+  Prerogative, royal limits set to the, after the expulsion of the
+    Stuarts, i. 402. None of our sovereigns since Queen Anne allowed to be
+    present at state deliberations, 442 _note_. Reaction in favour of
+    divine right, 445
+
+  Prescription, old customary French law of, ii. 115
+
+  'Presidial Jurisdiction,' by Jousse, suppressed, ii. 238
+
+  Press, efforts made by governments to destroy the liberty of the, i.
+    284, 285. Foundation of the public press in England, and its effect on
+    English civilization, 386. Final abolition of the censorship over the,
+    in England, 402. Practice of the English clergy of censuring all books
+    that encouraged free inquiry, 414. First publication of Sunday
+    newspapers, 431. Speech of Danvers as to the power of the press in his
+    time, 484 _note_. War carried on in the reign of George III. against
+    free discussion of the acts of the government, 488, 491. Vindictive
+    prosecutions and persecutions of eminent men, 488. Importance of the
+    press in England and France in the middle of the seventeenth century,
+    99
+
+  Preston-pans, battle of, iii. 154
+
+  Prévost de la Jannes, his 'Life of Domat' suppressed, ii. 237
+
+  Prévost, his views as to the laws of the radiation of heat, ii. 362
+
+  Priapus, Voltaire's remarks on the worship of, quoted, ii. 303 _note_
+
+  Pride compared with vanity, ii. 163
+
+  Pride, Colonel, his origin, ii. 155
+
+  Primi, the Abbé, his 'History of Louis XIV.,' ii. 276. Thrown into the
+    Bastille, 277
+
+  Printing, early knowledge of, in China, i. 302 _note_. Legislative
+    restrictions in former times on, 386 _note_. When first generally
+    practised in country towns, 431, 432 _note_
+
+  Probability, Romish doctrine of, i. 22 _note_
+
+  Profits, in what they consist, i. 52. Always reduced by high wages,
+    74
+
+  Progress, moral and intellectual, i. 174. Comparison of the moral with
+    the intellectual element, 175. See Knowledge; Intellect; Man
+
+  Progress, social, inferences to be drawn as to the causes of, i. 224
+
+  Proselytism, why opposed by Charron, ii. 20 _note_
+
+  Protective spirit, effect of the prevalence of the, in France, in
+    trade and in politics, ii. 106, 107. History of the protective spirit,
+    and comparison of it in France and England, 108. This spirit not
+    destroyed by the feudal system, but only assumed a new shape, 111. New
+    form of the protective spirit which continues in France to the present
+    time, 122. The results compared in France and England, 126. Activity
+    of the protective spirit in France, as shown by the history of
+    chivalry, 131-134. Effect of this spirit carried into religion at the
+    period of the Reformation, 137. Attempts of Charles I. to revive the
+    old protective spirit, 147. Results of the energy of the protective
+    spirit on the issue of the Fronde, 160-174. The protective spirit
+    carried by Louis XIV. into literature, and its result, 176 _et seq._
+    Lamentable results of the system of patronage in the reign of Louis
+    XIV., 202. Reasons why government patronage should take a wrong
+    course, 203. Illustrations of, 206. Reaction against the protective
+    spirit in France, and preparations for the French Revolution, 213, 226
+
+  Protestantism, compared with Roman Catholicism, i. 261. Intolerance,
+    bigotry, and persecution of the Protestantism of Sweden, 264.
+    Intolerance of Protestants compared with that of the Catholics, ii.
+    51. Policy of Mazarin as to the French Protestants, 96 _et seq._ The
+    war of Philip II. against the Dutch Protestants, 451. Refusal of Henry
+    IV. of France to punish them at the request of the pope, 22, 23. The
+    King's measures for their protection, 23, 24. The Edict of Nantes
+    confirmed by Catherine de Medici and by Louis XIII., 25. Richelieu's
+    liberal treatment of the Protestants, 37-39, 42. The Protestant
+    Confederation of 1633, 39. Desertion of the Protestant leaders, and
+    consequent fall of the Protestant party into the hands of the clergy,
+    47-50. De Rohan and his brother the only staunch Protestant leaders in
+    1621, 49. Causes of the intolerance of the French Protestants, 50, 51.
+    Causes which produced their former superstition, 52-54. Evidence of
+    their intolerance, 55. Decisions of the assembly at Saumur, 56. And of
+    other assemblies, 57. Their interference in the functions of
+    government and in other matters, 60. Bitterness of feeling exhibited
+    in the works put forth by them, 61. Join the rebellion under Condé,
+    and are defeated, 61. Their rebellion in Béarn, 61, 62. Civil war
+    raised by them, and its character, 63. Their wealth, accumulated by
+    industry and piracy, 63. The General Assembly of La Rochelle and its
+    decisions, 64, 65. The consequent civil war, 66. Treaties of
+    Montpelier and La Rochelle, 66. Interference of the Protestants in the
+    commonest occurrences of life, 68. Results which would have happened
+    to France if the Protestants had gained the upper hand, 71, 72. The
+    rebellion of the Protestants put down by Richelieu, who, however,
+    refuses to persecute them, 73. Siege of La Rochelle, 74. Civil rights
+    conceded to Protestant by a royal edict, 335
+
+  Providential interference, doctrine of, i. 19 _note_
+
+  Prussia, Extent of popular superstitions in, i. 238 _note_. Origin of
+    the name of, according to the historians of the Middle Ages, i. 311
+
+  Punishments future, Charron's views as to the doctrine of,
+    ii. 22 _note_
+
+  Punjab, Arab conquest of the, i. 46.
+
+  Puppet-shows forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 70
+
+  Puritans, their government of England, i. 360. Their fanaticism, and
+    little superstition, 361. Instances of their ignorance of the real
+    principles of government, 361
+
+  Purveyance, destruction of the prerogative of, i. 385
+
+  Pyramids of Egypt, a testimony of the degraded condition of the
+    people, i. 90, 92. Weight of the great pyramid, 90 _note_. Hypotheses
+    as to the purposes for which they were built, 90 _note_. Estimate of
+    the expense of building one of the pyramids, 91 _note_
+
+  Pyrenees, treaty of the, signed by Cardinal Mazarin, ii. 98
+
+
+  Quæns, historical error to which their name gave rise, i. 298
+
+  Quid emptores, statute of, ii. 119
+
+  Quiché Indians, corrupt Christianity of the, i. 265 _note_
+
+  Quinault, the poet of French music, ii. 207
+
+
+  Rabelais, not the first French sceptic, ii. 15, 16. His ridicule of
+    the clergy, 15. Difference between him and Montaigne, 16
+
+  Racine, his works, ii. 208. Pensioned to write a history of France for
+    Louis XIV., ii. 277
+
+  Rae, Mr., his inquiry into the method of investigation which political
+    economists ought to follow, i. 250 _note_
+
+  Ragi, use of the grain called, in the south of India, i. 71
+
+  Ragnar Lodbrok, confusion in Saxo-Grammaticus's life of, i. 298
+
+  Raikes, Robert, his organization of Sunday schools, i. 430 _note_
+
+  Railways, effect of, in correcting national prejudices, and in
+    diffusing desires for peace, i. 221-223
+
+  Rainbow, the causes of the, detected by Descartes, ii. 79. Notions of
+    the Hebrews and of other nations respecting the, 79 _note_
+
+  Raleigh, Sir Walter, his military genius and works, i. 200
+
+  Ravaillac, murders Henry IV. of France, ii. 24. Accounts of him,
+    24 _note_
+
+  Raynal, l'Abbé, suppression of his work on the Indies, ii. 236
+
+  Reading clubs, formation of, i. 433
+
+  Reaumur, appearance of his work on the natural history of animals,
+    ii. 197 _note_
+
+  Rebellion, the Great English, causes which gave rise to, ii. 147.
+    Characteristics of the, 148. Difference between it and the Fronde,
+    149. Conduct of the nobles, 151, 152. The true character of the
+    Rebellion, 154. Plebeian origin of the leaders, 155-159. Causes of its
+    success, 174, 175
+
+  Reboulet, suppression of his 'History of Clement XI.,' ii. 238
+
+  Red Sea Canal, number of lives sacrificed in the construction of the,
+    i. 93
+
+  Reform, the principle of, abandoned by William Pitt, i, 447. Mr.
+    Grey's remarks on Pitt's conduct, 447 _note_
+
+  Reformation, connexion between the, and the views advocated by Richard
+    Hooker, i. 351 _note_. Immediate fall of the Church in England at the
+    first assault of the Reformation, ii. 4. Influence of the Reformation
+    generally in increasing the power of the Catholic clergy, 5 _note_.
+    The Reformation encouraged by the pride of Englishmen, 137. Analogy
+    between the Reformation and the Revolutions of the seventeenth
+    century, 138-140. Short existence of the Reformation in Spain, 450.
+    Causes which brought about the Reformation in Scotland, iii. 62. John
+    Knox, 75. The Reformation established, 78
+
+  Reform Bill, important effects of the, i. 502
+
+  Reid, Thomas, examination of his philosophy, iii. 348. Estimate of the
+    value of what he effected, 353. Opposition between his method and that
+    of Bacon, 356
+
+  Religion; views of Hume and Comte respecting monotheism, i. 251
+    _note_. Influence of religion on the progress of society, 254.
+    Illustration from the efforts of the missionaries, 255. From the
+    history of the Jews, 257, 258. From the early history of Christianity,
+    259. And from Sweden and Scotland, 263-266. Baneful results of
+    legislative attempts to encourage religious truth and discourage
+    religious error, 281-285. Origin of religious toleration in England,
+    337. The last executions in England for heresy, 345. The right of
+    private judgment held sacred by Chillingworth, 349. Whose work formed
+    a decisive vindication of religious dissent, 352. Passing of the
+    Toleration Act, 402. Easy and rapid changes in the national faith
+    under Henry VIII., Edward VI., Mary and Elizabeth, ii. 7. Charron's
+    the first instance in modern language of the doctrine of religious
+    development, 21. An end put to religious wars by Richelieu, 40.
+    Authorities respecting religious wars, 40 _note_. Effect of the peace
+    of Westphalia, 42. Origin of the difference between religious theory
+    and religious practice, 51. Eagerness of the clergy rather directed
+    against error than against virtue, 52 _note_. Causes of the energy and
+    vitality of a religion not protected by the government, 53, 54.
+    Descartes' remarks on the slaves to form in religion, 85. Causes which
+    lessen the disposition to form new creeds, 263 _note_. Religious wars,
+    massacres, and persecutions, the result of ignorance of the duties of
+    governments, i. 262
+
+  Rent, theory of, i. 51 _note_. Considered as a division of wealth, 53
+    _note_. Rent in England, Scotland, France, and the United States, 75.
+    In India, 76. Mode of ascertaining the true theory of rent,
+    250 _note_. Remarks on the theory of, iii. 336
+
+  Representation, personal establishment of the political doctrine of,
+    i. 435
+
+  Reptiles, noxious, worship of, i. 126 _note_
+
+  Respiration, theory of, ii. 367
+
+  Retz, Cardinal de, character of, ii. 102. Secular view taken by him of
+    political affairs, 102
+
+  Reviews, literary periodical, origin of, i. 433
+
+  Revolution of 1688, proximate cause of the, i. 399, 400. Importance
+    of the, to England, 402. Sudden repentance of the clergy in having
+    promoted it, 403
+
+  Revolution, the French, preparations for the, ii. 213. Precursors of
+    the, 230, 247. Causes of the hideous peculiarities of the, 248. Its
+    proximate causes, after the middle of the eighteenth century, 323. The
+    first epoch through which the French intellect passed in the
+    eighteenth century, viz., the attack on the Church, 323. The second
+    epoch, viz., the attack on the State, 327. Rise of the political
+    economists, 327. Sudden increase of works relating to finance and
+    other questions of government, 328. Influence of Rousseau, 330, 331.
+    Attack of the government on the Church, 332. Machault's edict against
+    mortmain, 332. Excitement caused by the edict, 333 _note_. The
+    anti-ecclesiastical policy of Machault's successors, 333. Religious
+    toleration of the government, 434. Revival of Jansenism in France, and
+    consequent overthrow of the Jesuits, 344, 345. After the fall of the
+    Jesuits, the fall of the clergy inevitable, 347. Reasons for this,
+    349. Rise and progress of atheistical opinions in France, 351. Study
+    of physical phenomena in France in connexion with the Revolution,
+    375-404. Effect of the American Rebellion in hastening the Revolution
+    in France, 416, 417. Jefferson's part in the final blow dealt to the
+    French government, 418. Summary of the causes of the French
+    Revolution, 418
+
+  Revolution, the Scottish, of 1559, iii. 81
+
+  Rey, the first European philosophic chemist, ii. 197
+
+  Rhyme, antiquity of, i. 293 _note_
+
+  Rice, the general food of the people of India, i. 70. Nutritive
+    qualities of, 70, 71. Immense yield of a rice-crop, 71
+
+  Richard I. of England, historical error as to his appellation of the
+    Lion, i. 299
+
+  Richardson, admiration of Diderot for the works of, ii. 218
+
+  Richelieu, Cardinal, his character, ii. 27, 29. Compared with
+    Napoleon, 27. Fails to diminish the power of the French nobility, 28.
+    Effectually humbles the clergy, 29-31. His treatment of the clergy how
+    regarded by them, 33. Charges brought against him, 34. Review of his
+    career, 34, 35. Supports the new secular scheme of government against
+    the old ecclesiastical schemes, 36. His liberal treatment of the
+    Protestants, 37-42. His endeavours to save the Palatine, 38. The
+    peculiar glory of his administration, 39. Correspondence of his policy
+    in regard to the French Protestant and Catholic Churches, 42 _et seq._
+    Puts down the rebellion of the Protestants, but abstains from
+    persecuting them, 73. Confirms the Edict of Nantes, 74. Determines on
+    the siege of Rochelle, 74. Reasons why he put down the Protestant
+    party, 75, 76. His liberal policy part only of a much larger movement,
+    76. Analogy of the philosophy of Descartes with Richelieu's
+    anti-theological policy, 83, 92
+
+  Rio de Janeiro, vigour and profusion of the vegetation near,
+    i. 103 _note_
+
+  Rioja, Spanish poet, ii. 480
+
+  Riolan, period in which he flourished, ii. 194
+
+  Ripperda, his services to Spain, ii. 519, 542
+
+  Roads in Scotland in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, iii. 5,
+    6 _note_. Aversion of the Highlanders to roads, 159, 160 _note_
+
+  Robertson, Dr., value of his 'History of Scotland,' iii. 19 _note_
+
+  Robinson, John, Bishop of Bristol, the last ecclesiastic who held any
+    of the high offices of state, i. 417 _note_
+
+  Rochelle, La, intolerance of the Protestants in the town of, ii. 57.
+    Determinations of the general assembly of 1620, ii. 63, 64. The civil
+    war and its character, 63-66. Peace of La Rochelle, 66. The great
+    siege of, 74
+
+  Rochester, first printing office in, i. 432 _note_
+
+  Rohan, Duc de, employed by Richelieu, ii. 44. De Rohan and his brother
+    Soubise the only staunch Protestant leaders in 1621, 49. An amnesty
+    granted to him by Richelieu, 75
+
+  Rohan, Chevalier de, his ill-treatment of Voltaire, ii. 231
+
+  Roland, Madame, her knowledge of the English language and literature,
+    ii. 226
+
+  Rolle, his remark on the peers created by George III., i. 454
+
+  Romans, the, in Scotland, iii. 7. Character of their civilization in
+    their best days, 8. Cause of their decline, 8, 9
+
+  Rome, causes of the persecutions of the Christians by the Emperors of,
+    i. 185. Reason of the evanescence of the civilization of ancient, 267.
+    Voltaire's services in purging the early history of Rome of its
+    absurdities, 309, 310. Niebuhr's arguments anticipated by Voltaire,
+    310, 311. Montesquieu's the first account of the real history of Rome,
+    314. Machiavelli's views, 314 _note_. Vico's opinions, 314 _note_
+
+  Roses, wars of the, effect of the, upon the English nobles, ii. 138
+
+  Ross, Western, seized by the Norwegians, ii. 11. Annexed to the Crown
+    of Scotland, 46
+
+  Ross, John, his violent sermon against James VI., iii. 107.
+
+  Rouelle, his geological labours, ii. 368
+
+  Roundheads, title first bestowed, ii. 149
+
+  Rousseau, J. J., his opinion of the works of Montaigne, ii. 18 _note_.
+    Persecuted by the Government, 236. Influence of his works, 330.
+    Enthusiasm of the nation in his favour, 331 _note_. Immense demand for
+    his works, 331 _note_. Belongs to the Calvinistic sect, 345
+
+  Royal Society, avowed object of the establishment of the, i. 371
+
+  Rubis, De, his work on the European monarchies, ii. 270
+
+  Russia, cause of the war between Turkey and, i. 195. And of Russian
+    predilection for war, 196
+
+  Ruthven, Raid of, iii. 103, 104
+
+
+  Sabbath, the Scotch, iii. 265
+
+  Sahara desert, its extent, i. 47. Condition of its inhabitants, 48
+
+  Sailors, causes of the superstitions of, i. 375, 379
+
+  Saint-Fargeau, Pelletier de, his Jansenism, ii. 345
+
+  Saint Lambert, his professed atheism, ii. 352
+
+  Salamanca, reply of the University of, when urged to teach the
+    physical sciences, i. 125 _note_
+
+  Sales, Delisle de, persecuted for his writings, ii. 237
+
+  Sancroft, William, his character as archbishop of Canterbury, i. 392.
+    Dr. Birch's opinion of him, 392 _note_. His attempts to convert James
+    II. to Protestantism, 395 _note_. His open disloyalty, 401, 407, 408
+
+  Sandoval, Spanish historiographer, ii. 480
+
+  Sanscrit, character of the works written in, i. 132, 133. And of the
+    Sanscrit language, 134 _note_
+
+  Saracens, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the
+    Middle Ages, i. 312
+
+  Saragossa besieged by Childebert and Clotaire, ii. 435 _note_
+
+  Saumaise, his opinion of the English people of the seventeenth
+    century, ii. 214 _note_
+
+  Saumur, decisions of the Protestant assembly at, ii. 56
+
+  Saveur, considered as the inventor of acoustics, ii. 190 _note_
+
+  Saxe, Maurice de, his treatment of the actress Chantilly, ii. 243
+
+  Saxo Grammaticus, confusion in his life of Ragnar Lodbrok, i. 298
+
+  Scandinavia, causes of error in the early history of, i. 300. The
+    elder and younger Eddas, 301. Pork the chief food of the Scandinavians
+    in early times, 314 _note_. Scandinavian pirates in Scotland, iii. 5
+
+  Scepticism; the spirit of doubt the necessary precursor of
+    improvement, i. 334. Hence the immense importance of scepticism, 335.
+    First open appearance of scepticism in England and France, 336.
+    Authorities as to the increase of scepticism in England since the
+    latter part of the eighteenth century, 356 _note_. What the author
+    means by the term scepticism, 357 _note_. Degree of suffering produced
+    on some minds, 357. Legislative improvements of the reign of Charles
+    II. caused by the sceptical and inquiring spirit, 388. Encouragement
+    given to scepticism by the conduct of the clergy, 414. Rapid
+    succession of sceptical controversies early in the eighteenth century,
+    427. First appearance of scepticism in France, ii. 14. Rabelais, 15.
+    Intimate connexion between scepticism and toleration in France, 16.
+    Montaigne, the first systematic sceptic in that country, 16. The first
+    open declaration of scepticism in France, 18. Reason why scepticism
+    was favoured by Henry IV. of France, 23. Scepticism of Hooker and
+    Chillingworth, and of Montaigne and Descartes, 86, 87. Spread of
+    scepticism in France in the middle of the seventeenth century, 95
+    _note_. Analogy between the progress of scepticism in England and
+    France, 103, 104. Period when the spirit of inquiry began to weaken
+    the church, 109. Commencement of the struggle between the advocates of
+    inquiry and the advocates of belief, 109, 110. Rise and extent of
+    historical scepticism, 261. The first sceptical book in the French
+    language, by Montaigne, 266
+
+  Schism Act, passing of the, i. 452
+
+  Scholastic prejudices overthrown by Descartes, ii. 92
+
+  Science unknown to the Egyptians, i. 49. Relation between inventions,
+    discoveries, and method, ii. 386, 387
+
+  Scotland, rent paid by the cultivator in proportion to the gross
+    produce, i. 75. Character of the method of investigation of the great
+    thinkers of, 245. Cause and effect of the divergence and hostility
+    between the practical and speculative classes of, 246. Robert Simson
+    and Matthew Stewart, 247. Superstition, intolerance and bigotry of the
+    clergy and people, 264, 265. The bards of Scotland, 292 _note_. Origin
+    of the Scotch people, according to the writers of the Middle Ages,
+    312. Abolition of episcopacy in Scotland, by William III., 406.
+    Condition of Scotland to the end of the fourteenth century, iii. 1 _et
+    seq._ Scotland and Spain compared as to loyalty, 2. Similarity of the
+    two countries as to superstition, 4. Investigation of the causes of
+    Scotch liberality in politics united with illiberality in religion, 4
+    _et seq._ Influence of the physical geography of the country on the
+    course of events, 5. Scotch roads in the seventeenth century, 5
+    _note_. The Roman invasion, 7. The Irish invasion, 9. The Norwegian
+    invasion, 10. Attacks of the English, 12. Immediate consequences of
+    their struggle with the English in the Scottish character, 13.
+    Agriculture stopped, 16. Cannibalism, 17. Wars on the borders, 18. The
+    growth of towns stopped by the wars, and the power of the nobles
+    thereby increased, 18. Circumstances favourable to the authority of
+    the nobles, 19. Weakness of the Crown, 20, 21. Ravages of the
+    Highlanders, 21, 22. Prevalence of barter, 23. Industry impossible,
+    and the commonest arts unknown, 23, 24. Dirty habits of the people, 25
+    _note_. Scanty population of the Scotch towns, 26 _et seq._ Their
+    utter feebleness, 32. Causes of the alliance of the Crown with the
+    Church, 34. Superstition of Scotland, and its causes, 35, 36.
+    Witchcraft, 37. Ignorance of the upper and lower classes, 41, 42.
+    Triumph of the aristocracy over the Church and Crown, 43. Their
+    subsequent decline, 43. Condition of Scotland in the fifteenth and
+    sixteenth centuries, 45. Vigorous measures of Albany against the
+    nobles, 45. And of James I., 46. And of James II., 49. Clanship, 50.
+    The Crown encouraged by the clergy against the nobles, 54. Struggle in
+    consequence, 55 _et seq._ The Reformation in Scotland the result of
+    this struggle, 62. Battle of Solway and death of James V., 68, 69.
+    Murder of Cardinal Beaton, 74. Career of John Knox, 75. Influence of
+    the Guises, 77, 78. Mary of Guise deposed from the Regency, 80. Treaty
+    of Berwick, 81. Supremacy of the nobles established, and destruction
+    of the Church, 81. Quarrel between the nobles and the preachers about
+    the wealth of the Church, 84. Presentation of the First Book of
+    Discipline, 87. The shares of the new and old clergy, 87. The nobles
+    said to have been instigated by the devil, 88. Persecution of the new
+    clergy by Morton, at the head of the nobles, 91. The consequent
+    rupture between Church and State, 93. The struggle under the leader,
+    ship of Andrew Melville, 94. Attack on the bishops, ending with the
+    abolition of episcopacy, 94 _et seq._ The Second Book of Discipline,
+    98. Struggle between the upper classes and clergy as to episcopacy,
+    100. Violent language used by the clergy, Melville's personal insult
+    to the King, 110. The Gowrie conspiracy, 110. Boons conferred upon
+    their country by the clergy, 112. Condition of Scotland during the
+    seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 115 _et seq._ Attempts of James
+    VI. (now James I. of England) to subjugate the clergy, 115. He forces
+    episcopacy upon them, 117. And sets up High Courts of Commission, 125.
+    Tyrannical conduct of the bishops, 128. The reaction, and its causes,
+    129. Framing of the National Covenant, 132. Overthrow of the Bishops,
+    133. Oppressions of Charles II., 137-139. His attempts to establish a
+    permanent despotism baffled, 140. Episcopacy re-established, 141.
+    Dragonnades in the west, 143, 144. Cruelties of James II., 147.
+    Consequences of the alliance between the Crown and the clergy, 147.
+    The reaction of 1688, 151. Causes of the rebellion of the Highlanders
+    in 1715 and 1745 in favour of the Stuarts, 153. Insignificance into
+    which the Highlanders sank after 1745, 157. Beginning of the trading
+    spirit, 160. Connexion between the rise of the trading spirit and the
+    abolition of hereditary jurisdictions, 161, 162. Armour ceased to be
+    worn, 161. Causes of the decline of the power of the nobles, 162, 167.
+    Treatment which they received in London, 163, 164. Rage in Scotland
+    for speaking with an English accent, 163 _note_. Causes of the
+    abolition of clanship, 167, 168. Sudden rise of trading and
+    manufacturing interests, 171. Their growth assisted by the union with
+    England, 172. Facts illustrative of the history of Scotch industry
+    down to the middle of the eighteenth century, 178 _et seq._ The first
+    banks in Scotland, 181. Rise of a new and splendid literature, 183.
+    Which, however, fails to diminish the national superstition, 184.
+    Recapitulation of the history of the struggle with episcopacy, 191 _et
+    seq._ Cromwell's chain of fortresses in Scotland, 194. Causes of the
+    war of the people against Charles I., 197. Events which produced the
+    solemn League and Covenant, 198. Effect and cause of Scotch
+    superstition, 203. Zeal of the people to hear sermons of inordinate
+    frequency and of terrible length, 203. Effect of the pretensions and
+    arrogance of the clergy on the Scotch mind, 203, 269 _et seq._
+    Examination of Scotch philosophical literature of the eighteenth
+    century, 281. And of Scotch physical philosophy, 361. Superstition and
+    illiberality in religion still existing in Scotland, 469. Notions
+    countenanced there respecting the origin of epidemics, 471.
+    Correspondence between the Presbytery of Edinburgh and Lord Palmerston
+    on the origin of the cholera in 1853, 473
+
+  Sculpture, condition of, in the reign of Louis XIV., ii. 209
+
+  Segovia, appearance of, in 1659, ii. 503 _note_. Decline of the silk
+    and wool manufactures of, 503 _note_
+
+  Seiks, cause of their superstition respecting the wounds inflicted by
+    the tiger, i. 125 _note_
+
+  Serpent, worship of the, i. 126 _note_
+
+  Serra, his views as to the exportation of the precious metals,
+    i. 212 _note_
+
+  Serres, historiographer of France, importance attached by him to
+    correct dates in history, ii. 267
+
+  Severus, his expedition against Scotland, iii. 8
+
+  Sévigné, Madame, her name for Queen Mary, consort of William III.,
+    ii. 214 _note_
+
+  Seville, decline of, in the seventeenth century, ii. 501
+
+  Sewell, Mr., his remarks on the doctrines of passive obedience and
+    divine right, i. 394 _note_
+
+  Sexes, proportion kept up by the law of Nature in the births of the,
+    i. 168. Opinions respecting the origin of the, 170 _note_, 173 _note_.
+    Method by which the discovery of the proportion has been made, 172
+
+  Shaftesbury, Earl of, Lord Chancellor, his notions of political
+    economy, i. 211 _note_
+
+  Shakspeare, his investigations of the human mind, i. 23 _note_. His
+    pure English, ii. 307 _note_
+
+  Sharp, archbishop of St. Andrews, iii. 141. His cruelty and rapacity,
+    141
+
+  Sheldon, Gilbert, his character as archbishop of Canterbury, i. 391,
+    392
+
+  Shetland Isles, seized by the Norwegians, iii. 10
+
+  'Siam, History of,' by Turpin, ii. 238
+
+  Silk trade of Toledo, lost, ii. 502
+
+  Sinclair, Sir John, his services to statistical science, i. 33 _note_
+
+  Sion College, the only public library in London at the end of the
+    seventeenth century, i. 431 _note_
+
+  Sigfussen Sæmund, his compilation of the Elder Edda, i. 301
+
+  Silesia, origin of the name of, i. 312
+
+  Simson, Professor Robert, his efforts to revive the pure Greek
+    geometry, i. 247. Notice of him, 247 _note_. His reasons for
+    recommending the old analysis, 248 _note_
+
+  Sines, law of the, pointed out by Descartes, ii. 278
+
+  Sins, specimens of the, invented by the Scotch clergy, iii. 261
+
+  Siva, antiquity of the worship of, in India, i. 141. How represented
+    by the Hindus, 141. His wife Doorga or Kali, 141
+
+  Skye, Isle of, seized by the Norwegians, iii. 11
+
+  Slavery, favour with which it was regarded by George III., i. 447,
+    463. Burke's attack on, 463. Extinction of slavery in England,
+    ii. 128. Its recent extinction in France, 129
+
+  Small-pox, extra European origin of, i. 130 _note_
+
+  Smith, Adam, publication of his 'Wealth of Nations,' i. 214. Its
+    influence in a few years, 214, 215. His views as to the usury laws,
+    214 _note_. His services to mankind, 216. His method of metaphysical
+    investigation, 249. French translations of his 'Theory of the Moral
+    Sentiments,' ii. 219. And of his 'Wealth of Nations,' 219. Examination
+    of his philosophy, as shown together in the 'Moral Sentiments' and in
+    the 'Wealth of Nations,' iii. 305. His obliviousness and disregard of
+    facts, 340, 341. His method of studying pathology compared with that
+    of Cullen, 417
+
+  Smith, William, character of his geological speculations, iii. 391
+
+  Smuggling, the only means of keeping up trade during the evil
+    interference of legislation, i. 277. Moral evils of smuggling, 278,
+    279
+
+  Social laws, triumph of, over every obstacle, i. 31. Best method of
+    arriving at social truth, ii. 1
+
+  Socrates, effect produced by his method of dialectics upon some Greek
+    minds, i. 357
+
+  Soil, influence of, on the human race, i. 40. The Great Sahara, 47.
+    The valley of the Nile, 48, 49. Heat and moisture the causes which
+    regulate the fertility of every country, 96
+
+  Soldiers, why less superstitious than sailors, i. 376, 379
+
+  Solids, Cullen's theory of the, iii. 418
+
+  Solis, the Spanish historian, ii. 480
+
+  Solway, battle of, iii. 68
+
+  Somers, Lord, prosecution instituted against him by the House of
+    Commons, i. 452. Protected by the House of Lords, 452
+
+  Sorbonne, Duvernet's history of the, ii. 237
+
+  Sowrdis, Archbishop of Bordeaux, ignominiously beaten, ii. 32. Flies
+    to Carpentras, 33
+
+  Space, the idea of, of the metaphysicians, i. 160. Authorities on the
+    different theories of space, 161 _note_
+
+  Spain, Arab conquest of, i. 46. Physical causes of the superstition
+    existing in, 123. Triumph of the imagination, and absence of science
+    in, 124. Causes of the persecutions in, 187. Numbers of persons put to
+    death by the inquisition in, 189. Pork, a common food in, in former
+    ages, 314 _note_. Archbishop Turpin's account of Charlemagne's
+    conquest of, 319, 320. Scepticism punished, and its promulgation
+    prevented in, 336. Influence of French literature in, in diffusing
+    scepticism late in the last century, 336 _note_. Outline of the
+    history of the intellect of, from the fifth to the middle of the
+    nineteenth century, 425. Heat and dryness of the climate, 427. And
+    therefore droughts and famines frequent and serious, 427. Earthquakes,
+    428. Causes of the prevalence of a pastoral life in Spain, 432.
+    Settlement of the Visigoths and establishment of their opinions, 434.
+    Attacks of the Franks upon their Arian neighbours, 435. Rise of the
+    influence of the Spanish priesthood, 436. Character of Durham's
+    'History of Spain and Portugal,' 438 _note_. Proofs of the power of
+    the Spanish clergy, 437, 438. Harsh character of the Spanish laws
+    against heresy and the Jews, 438. The eight centuries of struggle
+    between the Arabs and Spaniards, 439, 440. Effect of the dangers of
+    the Spaniards in exciting their superstitious feelings, 441. Their
+    chest of relics in the Asturias, 441. Their miracles and dreams, 442.
+    The three ways in which the Mohammedan invasion strengthened the
+    devotional feelings of the Spanish people, 444. Capacity and honesty
+    of Isabella in the war with the Arabs, 444. Ferdinand and Isabella's
+    decree against the Jews, 445. The number of Jews actually expelled
+    from Spain, 446 _note_. Domestic and foreign policy of Charles V.,
+    446. His obedience to the tendencies of his age, 447-449. Character of
+    Philip II., 449, 450. His war against the Dutch Protestants, 451.
+    Number of persons put to Death by Alva, 451. Object of all the wars
+    and negotiations of Philip II., 452. The Armada prepared to humble
+    England, 453. Unshaken loyalty of Philip's subjects, 454, 455. Causes
+    of the spirit of loyalty which has distinguished the Spanish above
+    every other European nation, 455. The Arab invasion one of the causes,
+    456. The old ballads, 456. The poem of 'The Cid,' 457. Loyalty of the
+    Spanish codes, 458. Consequences of Spanish loyalty and superstition,
+    461 _et seq._ Rapid progress of Spain in the fifteenth and sixteenth
+    centuries, 463. Her territories in America and in other parts of the
+    world, 464. Her military superiority over her contemporaries, 464. Her
+    eminent literary men who were also soldiers, 464. Causes of her
+    decline, 465, 467. Essential difference between English and Spanish
+    civilization, 465, 466. The decay of Spain in the seventeenth century
+    due to the weakness of her people, 470. The declining energy of the
+    government the cause of the increasing influence of the clergy, 472.
+    Davila's statement of the Spanish theory of government, 472 _note_.
+    Flourishing state of the Church, 475. Her hold over the highest as
+    well as the lowest intellects, 478, 479. Great numbers of works on
+    Spanish ecclesiastical history, 483. Expulsion of the Moors from
+    Spain, 483-485. Cruelty with which they were treated, 485-494. Effect
+    of the expulsion of the Moors in impoverishing the country, 497. Steps
+    which mark the decline of Spain, 500. Loss of population and of
+    manufactures, 501-504. Increase of poverty, 504-506. Destruction of
+    the military reputation of Spain, 506, 515. The whole kingdom
+    unprotected, 509. Gangs of robbers and murderers in the capital, 510
+    _note_. The Austrian dynasty succeeded by the Bourbons, 513. Policy of
+    the first Bourbon, Philip V., 513. The Dukes of Berwick and Vendôme,
+    515-517. The finances of Spain administered by Orry, 518. Alberoni
+    Ripperda, and Konigseg, 519. Endeavours of foreigners to improve the
+    country by weakening the Church, 521. The clergy forced to contribute
+    to the taxes, 523. Alliances formed between Spain and the Mohammedans,
+    525, 549. Inertness and ignorance of the people, high and low, at this
+    period, 526. State of medical science in the seventeenth century, 532.
+    Foreign aid called in to remedy native ignorance, 536. Expulsion of
+    the Jesuits, 546. Attacks made on the Inquisition, 547. Foreign policy
+    of Spain under the influence of foreigners, 549. A prospect of the
+    return of wealth opened up, 550, 551. Effects of the vigour displayed
+    by Charles III., 552 _et seq._ Causes of his failure to produce
+    permanent good, 553. Decline of Spain under Charles IV., 571.
+    Endeavours in the nineteenth century to improve the country, 574.
+    Causes of their failure, 575. Immense natural advantages of Spain,
+    583. Her great men, 585. Her progress prevented by national ignorance,
+    589. The essential vice of the Spanish people, 592, 593. Causes which
+    keep Spain in her miserable condition, 593 _et seq._ Scotland
+    contrasted with Spain as to loyalty and superstition, iii. 1
+
+  Stafford, William, his work on the theory of politics, 'A Brief
+    Conceipt of English Policy,' i. 212 _note_
+
+  Stanyan's 'History of Greece,' ii. 218
+
+  Starch, amount of oxygen in, i. 62
+
+  Starvation, proximate causes of, i. 58 _note_
+
+  States-General of France, feebleness of the, ii. 121
+
+  Statesmen, why as a body they are always in the rear of their age,
+    i. 213
+
+  Statistics, study of, i. 2. Importance of, 23 _note_. Of murder and
+    other crimes, 24-29. Value of statistics in the light thrown upon the
+    study of human nature, 33. Early writers on statistics, 33 _note_.
+    Dislike of Adam Smith and David Hume for statistics, iii. 339.
+    Objections to them, 339 _note_
+
+  Steam, effect of the application of, to purposes of travelling, in
+    weakening the love of war, i. 219-221
+
+  Steam-engine, Watt's invention of the, iii. 402
+
+  Stearn, Richard, his character as Archbishop of Canterbury, i. 392
+
+  Stepney, Mr., his notions of political economy, i. 211 _note_
+
+  Stewart, Professor Matthew, his crusade against the algebraic or
+    symbolical analysis, i. 247
+
+  St[oe]ffler, John, his predictions as to the deluge of 1524, i. 330
+
+  Stoics, the, on the preservation of consciousness in dreams and in
+    insanity, i. 17 _note_
+
+  Stuart, Charles, the young Pretender, his stupidity and drunkenness,
+    i. 444 _note_
+
+  Subinfeudation, effects of, in France, ii. 119
+
+  Suicide, the crime of, dependent upon the individual, i. 26. Futility
+    of endeavours to diminish, by legislation, 26 _note_. Bentham on the
+    perjury of English juries in cases of, 26 _note_. Regularity of the
+    recurrence of, 28. Causes of, 28. Supposed effect of gloomy weather on
+    the love of, 220 _note_. Statistics of, 28, 29
+
+  Sully, Marshal, ii. 43. His historical work, 266
+
+  Sumatra, superstitions of the people of, respecting tigers,
+    i. 126 _note_
+
+  Sumbawa, the great earthquake and volcanic eruption of 1815 at,
+    i. 126 _note_
+
+  Sunday schools begun, i. 430. Opposition of the clergy to their
+    establishment, 431 _note_
+
+  Superstition, physical causes which give birth to, i. 122, 123.
+    Earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, 123, 126. The worship of ferocious
+    animals, 125, 126. The fear of death, 127. Pestilences, 127. Extent of
+    popular superstition in Prussia, 238 _note_. Progress of the English
+    intellect in the seventeenth century in shaking off ancient
+    superstitions, 363. Instance in Scotland of the popular belief in
+    supernatural causation, 373. Causes of the superstitions of sailors
+    and agriculturists, 375. Terror inspired by comets and eclipses, 376.
+    The study of final causes abandoned by Descartes, ii. 91. Connexion
+    between loyalty and superstition, 455. Similarity between Scotland and
+    Spain as to superstition, iii. 4. Scotland favourable to superstition,
+    35. Sources of superstition, 35. Cause and effect of Scotch
+    superstition, 203. Superstition of the Scotch still existing, 471.
+    Superstitions every day becoming effaced as physical science advances,
+    477
+
+  Surgery, decline of the science of, in the reign of Louis XIV.,
+    ii. 195
+
+  Surnames, origin of, in Europe, ii. 112
+
+  Sweden, intolerance, bigotry, and persecution of the Protestantism of,
+    i. 264. Swedish heroes of antiquity, 298
+
+  Switzerland, Calvinism the popular creed of, ii. 339
+
+  Sydenham, Thomas, his reformation in therapeutics, ii. 196
+
+  Sympathy, examination of, iii. 310. Hunter's pathological speculations
+    respecting the principles of, 450
+
+
+  Taille, the, in France, ii. 129. Authorities respecting the,
+    129 _note_. The diminution of the, proposed by the Fronde, 150 _note_
+
+  Talleyrand, M. de, his admiration for Charron's 'De la Sagesse,'
+    ii. 19 _note_
+
+  'Tamerlane, History of,' by Margat, suppressed, ii. 237
+
+  Tarrega, the Spanish dramatist, ii. 479
+
+  Tartars, origin of the, according to the writers of the Middle Ages,
+    i. 313. And according to Whiston, 313 _note_. Effects of the
+    barrenness of the steppes of, in keeping the people uncivilized, 45
+
+  'Taste, Essay on,' by Cartaud, suppressed, ii. 237
+
+  Taxation; settlement of the right of the people of England to be taxed
+    entirely by their own representatives, i. 384. Disputes between the
+    two Houses of Parliament respecting taxation, 384 _note_
+
+  Taylor, Jeremy, his abilities and virtues, i. 393. Marked neglect with
+    which he was treated by Charles II., 393. His assertion of the
+    doctrine of passive obedience, 401 _note_
+
+  Teeth of animals, researches of Nasmyth and Owen on the structure of,
+    ii. 384, 385
+
+  Temperaments, the theory of, the principal stumbling-block of the
+    phrenologists, i. 176 _note_
+
+  Teratology, formation of the science of, ii. 396, 397 _note_
+
+  Terray, M., his attack on Church property in France, ii. 333. His open
+    protection of the Jansenists, 345
+
+  Test Act, the, i. 396. Suspended by James II., 397. Repealed,
+    426 _note_
+
+  Theology, state of the, of Europe from the sixth to the tenth
+    centuries, i. 270. Attempts to make politics a mere branch of
+    theology, 326-328. Theological justification of persecution, 344.
+    Increasing indifference to theological matters in England in the
+    seventeenth century, 350. Chillingworth's views, 350, 351. Connexion
+    between the Reformation and the dogma of an infallible church, 350,
+    351. The authority of private judgment recognized, 352. Ecclesiastical
+    power almost extinct in Europe, 354 _note_. Decline in British
+    theology at the present time, 355 _note_. Efforts of the clergy to
+    check the progress of scepticism, 356. Political character of the
+    opposition to ecclesiastical authority in the reigns of James I. and
+    Charles I., 359. Antagonism in the reign of Charles II. between the
+    physical sciences and the theological spirit, 372. Reasons of the
+    hostility of the clergy, 373. Separation of theology from morals and
+    politics, 424. Effect of this separation, 425. Attempts to put down
+    the Theological Society, 436 _note_. Theological influence greater in
+    France in the sixteenth century than in England, ii. 6. Charron's the
+    first attempt made in a modern language to construct a system of
+    morals without the aid of theology, 19. Preparation of the way for the
+    separation of theology from politics, 40, 41. Analogy of the
+    anti-theological policy of Richelieu with the philosophy of Descartes,
+    83. Mischief done to the old theology by Descartes' principles, 90.
+    Effect of the protective spirit carried into theology, 107. Former
+    subservience of philosophy to theology, and universal interest which
+    theological discussions once inspired, 262. Exactness of the knowledge
+    of theologians on subjects on which nothing is known, 284 _note_.
+    Reasons why theology is inferior to history, 289. Voltaire's attack on
+    mere theologians, 308, 309. The question of free will taken up by
+    theologians, 338. De Maistre's method of investigation, 389 _note_.
+    Reasons why the theological or deductive method of philosophy was
+    followed in Scotland, iii. 284. The deductive method of philosophy
+    only applicable to theology, 464
+
+  Theory, necessity of, in science, but dangerous in practice, iii. 414
+
+  Thermotics, attention given to, in France, in the eighteenth century,
+    ii. 361, 362
+
+  Therapeutics, Sydenham's reformations in, ii. 196. Difference between
+    the art of, and the science of, pathology, iii. 416
+
+  Thibet, bards of, i. 292 _note_
+
+  Thomas, suppression of his 'Eloge on Marcus Aurelius,' ii. 238
+
+  Thomson, Hugh, the Presbyterian preacher, iii. 204 _note_
+
+  Thread manufacture of Paisley, rise of the, iii. 176
+
+  Thumb-screw, torture of the, iii. 149
+
+  Tigers worshipped by the Hajin tribe, i. 125 _note_. Superstitions of
+    the Garrows and Seiks respecting them, 125 _note_. How regarded by the
+    Malasir, 125 _note_. And by the inhabitants of Sumatra, 126 _note_
+
+  Tissues, food necessary for repairing the waste of the, i. 55, 58.
+    Bichat's views respecting the, ii. 379-382. The degenerations of,
+    382 _note_. The study of, neglected by Cuvier, 383 _note_
+
+  Toledo, power of the clergy at, in the seventeenth century, ii. 437.
+    Captured from the Arabs, 440. Decline of, in the seventeenth century,
+    502
+
+  Toleration, religious, origin of, in England, i. 337. Unusual amount
+    of toleration in Holland two centuries back, 337 _note_. State of the
+    two hostile creeds in England in the reign of Elizabeth, 338. Hooker's
+    'Ecclesiastical Polity' compared with Jewel's 'Apology for the Church
+    of England,' 340. Causes which always hasten the march of toleration,
+    53, 54. Summary of the progress of toleration in England and France,
+    102. The religious toleration of the French government in the middle
+    of the eighteenth, century, 334
+
+  Toleration Act, passing of the, i. 402
+
+  Toolholos, or bards of Thibet, i. 292 _note_
+
+  Tooth, golden, work of Dr. Horst on the, i. 332
+
+  Tories, the, re-established in power under George III., i. 443, 446
+
+  Tournaments, origin of, ii. 134. Extinction of, 134
+
+  Tournefort, his inferiority as a botanist, ii. 201
+
+  Townsend, his views respecting political economy, ii. 304
+
+  Tracheæ of plants, discovery of the, ii. 199
+
+  Trade-wind, tract north and south of the equator covered by the,
+    i. 101. Causes of the, 192. Way in which the trade-wind is connected
+    with the civilization of South America, 103
+
+  Trade, absurd notions respecting, in the 17th and 18th centuries,
+    i. 213. Number of laws passed by the English legislature respecting,
+    213 _note_. Struggles of Parliament against the principles of free
+    trade, 215. Objects of early commercial treaties, 216 _note_. Why the
+    commercial spirit, formerly warlike, is now pacific, 218. Injuries
+    inflicted upon trade by the interference of legislators, 276.
+    Uncertainty of legislation the bane of commerce, 277, 278. Burke's
+    advocacy of free trade, 462. Effect of the protective spirit carried
+    into trade, ii. 107. Voltaire the first historian to recommend free
+    trade, iii. 304. The free trade of the American colonies in the
+    eighteenth century, 186
+
+  Tragedies of Corneille, period in which they appeared, ii. 209
+
+  Transubstantiation, relation of the Cartesian philosophy to the
+    doctrine of, ii. 90. Development of the doctrine of, by the
+    metaphysicians, 262
+
+  Travelling, advantages of, in producing contact and respect, and in
+    weakening the love of war, i. 219-221
+
+  Travis, George, his letters on the text of the Heavenly Witnesses,
+    i. 429
+
+  Trojan origin of different nations, believed in, in the Middle Ages,
+    i. 309
+
+  Tuffnel, the fifth-monarchy man, ii. 155
+
+  Turenne, created a marshal, ii. 98
+
+  Turgot, M., his lectures and their influence, ii. 320. Sir James
+    Mackintosh's opinion of his writings, 321. Influence he exercised
+    shortly before the Revolution, 329. His anti-ecclesiastical policy,
+    333. Said to have been a Jansenist, 345
+
+  Turkey, causes of the war between Russia and, i. 95
+
+  Turks, their defeat before Vienna, ii. 447
+
+  Turku, the ancient name of Abo, i. 299
+
+  Turner, Sir James, his cruelties in Scotland, iii. 143, 144 _note_
+
+  Turpin, Archbishop of Rheims, his absurd history of Charlemagne,
+    i. 318
+
+  Turpin, M., suppression of his 'History of Siam,' ii. 238
+
+
+  Understanding, Kant's views as to the scientific conception of the,
+    i. 18 _note_. Why controlled by the imagination in India, and
+    paramount in Greece, 138-146
+
+  United States of North America, rent paid by the cultivator in, in
+    proportion to the gross produce of the land, i. 75. Causes of low
+    rent, 76 _note_. Comparison of the history of England with that of the
+    United States, 240. Characteristics of American literature, 241. Love
+    of the people for the study of the law, 241 _note_. Policy of George
+    III. respecting, 477, 479. His hatred of the Americans, 480 _note_.
+    Effect of the Declaration of Independence in hastening the French
+    Revolution, ii. 416
+
+  Usury-laws, Adam Smith's views as to the, i. 214 _note_. Jeremy
+    Bentham's demolition of the, 214 _note_. Increase of usury due to the
+    attempts of legislators to keep it down, 283. Efforts of the Church to
+    suppress it, 283 _note_. Jeremy Bentham's treatment of the usury-laws
+    referred to, 284 _note_
+
+
+  Vanity compared with pride, ii. 163
+
+  Vassy, massacre of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in
+    the, ii. 11
+
+  Vattel, his views as to political economy, i. 212 _note_. His
+    principles of foreign policy compared with those of Grotius,
+    ii. 40 _note_
+
+  Vega, Lope de, his offices in the Church and in the Inquisition,
+    ii. 479. His joy at the expulsion of the Moors from Spain, 496 _note_
+
+  Velly, character of his 'History of France,' ii. 300
+
+  Vendôme, Duc de, his command of the Spanish army, ii. 517
+
+  Veneration, origin of, ii. 171
+
+  Venner, the fifth-monarchy man, ii. 155
+
+  Vergil, Polydore, his attack of the popular belief in the Trojan
+    descent of the English kings, i. 309 _note_
+
+  Verse, historical and scientific works written in, i. 293, 294 _note_.
+    See Poetry
+
+  Vico, his opinions as to the real history of Rome, ii. 314
+
+  Villaret, character of his 'History of France,' ii. 300
+
+  Villaviciosa, Spanish poet, his office in the Inquisition, ii. 481
+
+  Vienna, defeat of the Turks before, ii. 447
+
+  Villenage, extinction of, in England, ii. 128
+
+  Visigoths, their settlement in Spain, and establishment of their Arian
+    opinions there, ii. 434. Attacked by the orthodox Franks, under Clovis
+    and his successors, 435
+
+  Voisins, Gilbert des, his Jansenism, ii. 345
+
+  Volcanic eruption of 1815 at Sumbawa, i. 126 _note_
+
+  Voltaire, his visit to England and study of its language and
+    literature, ii. 216-218. His admiration for England, 228. Persecutions
+    to which he was exposed, 231. His method of writing history compared
+    with that of Bossuet, 291. As instanced in his 'History of Charles
+    X.,' 292. Turns his attention to physical and speculative science,
+    295. Returns to history, 295. His 'Age of Louis XIV.,' 296. His
+    'Morals, Manners, and Character of Nations,' 297. His intellect, 301.
+    His habit of looking at epochs, and not at the character of the men by
+    whom a country is governed, 301. His tragedies, 302. His endeavours to
+    explain the origin of feudality, 302. His remark on licentious
+    religious ceremonies, 303. The first historian to recommend free
+    trade, 304. His anticipation of Malthus's principle, 304. His attack
+    on the admiration entertained for the Middle Ages, 305. And for the
+    pedantic admirers of antiquity and classical models, 306-308. Ignorant
+    prejudice against him in England, 313. His vast labours aided by
+    Montesquieu, 314
+
+
+  Wace, his translation into Anglo-Norman of Geoffrey of Monmouth's
+    history, i. 325
+
+  Wages, in what they consist, i. 52. And on what they depend, 53.
+    Enquiry into the physical conditions which over supply the labour
+    market and keep the average rate of wages at a low point, 54 _et seq._
+    Effects of climate on wages, 62-64. Social and political consequences
+    of the high rate of wages in Europe, 65. Highest, lowest, and average
+    rates of wages in England during the last few years, 66 _note_. Rates
+    of wages in Ireland, 67. And in India, 73, 74. Adam Smith's views as
+    to the conflict between capital and, iii. 327
+
+  Wales, injuries done by clerical historians to the traditions of the
+    bards of, i. 306
+
+  Wall, his part in Spanish affairs, ii. 544
+
+  Walpole, Sir Robert, endeavours of the House of Commons to hunt him to
+    the death, i. 452. His refusal to tax the colonies, 478
+
+  War, decline of the practice of, i. 190. Causes of this, 190, 191,
+    198. Military spirit of Russia and Turkey, and its causes, 195, 196.
+    Love of war extinct in England, 198. Contrast between the military
+    genius of ancient and modern Europe, 199-202. Causes of the decay of
+    this genius in modern times, 202-223. The right of private war allowed
+    to the French nobles, ii. 115. Early extinction of private war in
+    England, 138
+
+  Warburton, Dr., Bishop of Gloucester, his separation of theology from
+    politics, i. 425. Effect of his opinions, 426
+
+  Watches, superiority of the English in the seventeenth century,
+    ii. 193 _note_
+
+  Water, methods employed by Watt and Cavendish in the discovery of,
+    iii. 403
+
+  Watson's 'History of Philip II.,' translated by Mirabeau, ii. 225
+
+  Watt, James, his invention of the steam-engine, iii. 402. His
+    discovery of the composition of water, and the method employed, 403
+
+  Wealth, effects of climate, food, and soil on the accumulation of,
+    i. 41. Effects of wealth on the existence of an intellectual class,
+    42. Physical causes by which the creation of wealth is governed,
+    42 _et seq._ Laws of the distribution of wealth, 51. Interest,
+    profits, and wages, 52. Causes of the unequal distribution of wealth
+    in India in all ages, 72-77
+
+  Weather, alleged effect of gloomy, on the love of suicide,
+    i. 220 _note_
+
+  Wellington, Duke of, his character as a warrior and statesman, i. 201,
+    202
+
+  Welsh, John, story of, and the Popish mocker, iii. 212
+
+  Werner, A. G., character of his method of geological speculation,
+    iii. 393
+
+  Wesley, John, his abilities as a theological statesman, i. 421, 422.
+    Calumnies and insults to which he and his followers were subjected by
+    the clergy, 423. His ambitious views as to his sect, 424 _note_
+
+  Westphalia, Congress of, purely secular policy of the, ii. 41. The
+    revenues of the Church seized by the contracting parties, 41.
+    Indignation of the pope at the treaty, 41 _note_
+
+  Whewell, Dr., his errors, ii. 401 _note_
+
+  Whigs, their long monopoly of power, i. 443. Displaced by the Tories
+    in the reign of George III., 443, 446
+
+  Whitby, first printing office in, i. 432 _note_
+
+  White, Blanco, on free will, quoted, i. 15 _note_
+
+  Whitefield, George, his career, i. 421 _note_. Character of his
+    sermons, 421 _note_. Excitement produced by him, 421 _note_.
+    Opposition of the clergy to him, 423, 424 _note_
+
+  Wightman, one of the last English martyrs to religious opinions,
+    i. 345 _note_
+
+  Will, free, controversies of the Calvinists and Arminians as to,
+    ii. 338
+
+  William the Conqueror, his modification of the feudal system in
+    England, ii. 114
+
+  William III., main characteristics of the reign of, i. 402, 403.
+    Eulogy of Sir A. Alison, 403 _note_. Hostility between the King and
+    the clergy, 405. His abolition of episcopacy in Scotland, 406. His
+    deprivation of the Archbishop of Canterbury and six of his brethren,
+    410
+
+  Williams, John, Bishop of Lincoln, the last ecclesiastical lord
+    keeper, i. 417 _note_
+
+  Witchcraft, period of the destruction of the old notions respecting,
+    i. 363 _note_. Charge of Chief Baron Hale in 1665, 363 _note_. The
+    last witches executed in England and in Spain, 364 _note_. John
+    Wesley's belief in the existence of witches, 364 _note_. Repeal of the
+    statutes against witchcraft, 364 _note_. Witchcraft in Scotland,
+    iii. 37
+
+  Woodrow, value of his 'Analecta,' iii. 230 _note_
+
+  Wool manufactures of Spain in the eighteenth century, ii. 542
+
+  Writing, invention of, a cause of error in history, i. 296. Modes in
+    which it effects this, 296, 297
+
+
+  Yeomanry, rights of English, ii. 119. Unknown in France, 120. Decay of
+    the Yeomanry in England, 120 _note_
+
+  Yeomen of the Guard, establishment of the, ii. 7 _note_
+
+
+  Zamora, Spanish poet, ii. 480
+
+  Zoology, state of the science of, in France under Louis XIV., ii. 197
+
+  Zoology, generalizations in, of Frenchmen in the eighteenth century,
+    ii. 375. The statical and dynamical parts of, 375. Impetus given to
+    the science by Cuvier and Bichat, 376-381
+
+  Zurich, antiquity of, according to Swiss authorities, i. 312
+
+
+                                THE END.
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+                           LONDON: PRINTED BY
+                 SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
+                          AND PARLIAMENT STREET
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
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+
+
+Transcriber's Notes:
+
+The original spelling and minor inconsistencies in the spelling and
+formatting have been maintained.
+
+Inconsistent hyphenation and accents are as in the original if not marked
+as a misprint.
+
+Index entries out of sequence have not been corrected.
+
+Text in italics has been marked with underscores (_text_).
+
+The ligatures OE and oe have been marked as [OE] and [oe], the acute
+accent above r as [/r] and the macron above a letter as [=letter].
+
+The sign ^ has been used as a superscript.
+
+The table below lists all corrections applied to the original text.
+
+  p. xii: 361-sqq. -> 361-seq.
+  p. xiv: 420-sqq. -> 420-seq.
+  p. 7: vol iv. p. 313: -> p. 313;
+  p. 7: vol. xviii. p, 309 -> p. 309
+  p. 12: by the English. -> by the English.'
+  p. 13: Somerville's Memoire -> Memorie
+  p. 18: sovereignty over Scotland. -> Scotland.'
+  p. 18: Chalmer's Caledonia -> Chalmers' Caledonia
+  p. 20: days of Robert the First, -> First,'
+  p. 21: 18, 27, 375; vol. -> 18, 27, 375, vol.
+  p. 21: 485; vol. x. p. 584; vol. -> 485, vol. x. p. 584, vol.
+  p. 23: Extract from the -> Extracts from the
+  p. 24: mercery and haberdashery. -> haberdashery.'
+  p. 25: vol. i. p. 512 -> 512.
+  p. 26: the bishop and chapter. -> chapter.'
+  p. 29: though it is is -> though it is
+  p. 30: Great Tay, through Perth, -> 'Great
+  p. 31: ces salles parées. -> parées,
+  p. 37: the Spottiswoode -> The Spottiswoode
+  p. 41: could sign his own name.' -> name."
+  p. 46: justiciaries to assist. -> assist.'
+  p. 50: not the king himselue -> himselfe
+  p. 62: Calderwood's Historie -> History
+  p. 64: Henry VIII., "in -> 'in
+  p. 65: Pitcairn's Criminal Trials of -> in
+  p. 66: favor ony heretike. -> heretike.'
+  p. 78: 'the secound of Maij. -> 'the secound of Maij.'
+  p. 80: he (the orator)' -> he (the orator)
+  p. 86: on the extreame povertie -> 'on
+  p. 91: "To requyre payment -> 'To
+  p. 94: _Church and State in Scotland_ vol. -> _Scotland_, vol.
+  p. 95: in this reformed Kirk. -> Kirk.'
+  p. 97: and ordaines, That -> that
+  p. 106: miscreants and bribers -> bribers.
+  p. 107: salbe the worst.' -> worst."'
+  p. 111: Edinburgh, 1847. p. xxxix. -> Edinburgh, 1847, p. xxxix.
+  p. 119: of Montrose, in 1600 -> 1600.
+  p. 121: pp. 265, 266, 272; vol. -> 272, vol.
+  p. 129: twentie thowsand pounds." -> twentie thowsand pounds.'
+  p. 137: The Diary of Mr. John Lamont, -> Lamont
+  p. 147: Duke of York's instigation. -> instigation.'
+  p. 147: instigation.' _Shield's Hind let loose_ -> Shields' Hind
+  p. 147: See _Shield's Hind let loose_ -> Shields' Hind
+  p. 148: According to Burnet, the -> 'the
+  p. 149: with an exquisite torture; -> torture;'
+  p. 152: greatest of his works -> works.
+  p. 154: to about 4500 men; -> men;'
+  p. 158: London, 4to, 1817, vol ii. p -> vol. ii. p.
+  p. 162: Fountainhall's Notes on -> Notes of
+  p. 204: _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 211: whole counsel of God. -> God.'
+  p. 215: before he reached him!"' -> him!'
+  p. 218: p. 43, in vol i. -> vol. i.
+  p. 224: _Binning's Sermons_, vol. ii. p. 118; vol. -> 118, vol.
+  p. 226: his people by Satan, -> Satan,'
+  p. 228: and continoues sick." -> sick.'
+  p. 228: when this happened. -> happened.'
+  p. 250: Fleming's Fulfilling of -> of the
+  p. 250: Balfour's Annals -> Annales
+  p. 253: then when they are are -> then when they are
+  p. 254: and we should chose -> choose
+  p. 262: On the 22d October -> On the 22nd October
+  p. 264: The History -> Historie
+  p. 280: _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 287: _Gray's Precious Promises_, p. 139 -> p. 139.
+  p. 288: _of Edinburgh_,, -> _of Edinburgh_,
+  p. 311: vol. ii. p. 23, seqq. -> vol. ii. pp. 23 seq.
+  p. 312: united with biography, -> biography.
+  p. 313: vol. ii. p: 206. -> p. 206.
+  p. 328: the wages of labour. -> labour.'
+  p. 333: _Brougham's Works_, Glasgow, 1856. -> 1856,
+  p. 336: to determine what Adam's -> Adam
+  p. 338: Moral Sentiment -> Sentiments
+  p. 349: of Smith, not -> nor
+  p. 352: murder by persons unknown?' -> unknown?
+  p. 358: pp. 36, 37, 340, 343; vol. -> 343, vol.
+  p. 358: pp. 115, 116, 288-299; vol. -> 288-299, vol.
+  p. 358: vol. i. p. 305; vol. -> 305, vol.
+  p. 359: vol. i. p. 329, 334; vol. -> 334, vol.
+  p. 361: into execution in his writings. -> writings.'
+  p. 368: concealed in them,--_latet_ -> _latent_
+  p. 387: says of it, very grvaely -> gravely
+  p. 392: strata from the year 1790. -> 1790.'
+  p. 398: were of igneous origin. -> origin.'
+  p. 410: if not superior, to Newton. -> Newton.'
+  p. 436: _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. 43; vol. -> 43, vol.
+  p. 473: 'The members were of opinion that it was -> 'that it was
+  p. 483: Geoffrey of Monmouth, i. 324. -> i. 324
+  p. 484: statement respecting, ii. 281. -> ii. 281
+  p. 488: one of Linnæus, -> one of Linnæus, ii.
+  p. 490: civil war, ii, -> ii.
+  p. 491: at an early period in, -> at an early period in, i.
+  p. 492: peace of Westphalia, ii, -> ii.
+  p. 494: they appeared, ii. 208. -> 208
+  p. 496: his secular philosophy, 329 -> 329.
+  p. 497: with the clergy, 420, -> 420.
+  p. 497: for the relief of the, 463. -> 463
+  p. 498: Dryburgh Abbey -> Abbey,
+  p. 498: sixteenth century, iii. 30. -> sixteenth century, 30.
+  p. 500: term of years first authorized. -> authorized,
+  p. 501: establishments of, -> establishments of, i.
+  p. 502: first financial reforms, i. -> first financial reforms,
+  p. 502: Fossils; -> Fossils,
+  p. 504: Francis 1. of France -> Francis I. of France
+  p. 505: surrounded his accession, -> surrounded his accession, i.
+  p. 505: 'Letters' of, ii, -> ii.
+  p. 506: of political degradation. -> degradation,
+  p. 506: admiration for England, ii, -> ii.
+  p. 507: studies in crystallography -> crystallography,
+  p. 508: causes of the, i. 144. -> i. 144
+  p. 510: French by Le Blanc, ii, -> ii.
+  p. 511: in the reign of Louis XIV., -> in the reign of Louis XIV., ii.
+  p. 512: of the government, 494, -> 494.
+  p. 514: Ismorphism -> Isomorphism
+  p. 515: his accession, -> his accession, i.
+  p. 515: 'Ecclesiastical Polity,' -> 'Ecclesiastical Polity,' i.
+  p. 519: literary class, 239 _note_. -> _note_
+  p. 520: to favour the King, 297. -> 297
+  p. 520: the Jansenists, ii. 344 -> the Jansenists, 344
+  p. 521: of human knowledge, 229. -> 229
+  p. 523: drained by the, 97 -> drained by the, i. 97
+  p. 524: literature, i. 437 _note_. -> _note_
+  p. 525: Calvinist opinions, 345. -> 345
+  p. 530: Mathew Paris, i. 315. -> Mathew Paris, 315.
+  p. 533: theory of rent, i. 250 -> theory of rent, 250
+  p. 534: Religious teleration -> toleration
+  p. 534: clergy inevitable, ii. 347. -> clergy inevitable, 347.
+  p. 535: pointed out by Descartes, -> pointed out by Descartes, ii.
+  p. 543: once inspired, ii. 262. -> once inspired, 262.
+  p. 544: in the eighteenth century, 558 -> 186
+  p. 545: conception of the, 18 -> conception of the, i. 18
+  p. 546: aided by Montesquieu, 314. -> 314
+  p. 546: tax the colonies, 478 -> 478
+  p. 547: office in, i 432 -> office in, i. 432
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England,
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+
+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England, Vol. 3
+of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: History of Civilization in England, Vol. 3 of 3
+
+Author: Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+Release Date: December 28, 2013 [EBook #44495]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND, III ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Clarke, Jens Nordmann and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<h1>HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.</h1>
+
+<p class="title">BY<br /><br />
+<span style="font-size: 150%">HENRY THOMAS BUCKLE.</span><br /><br /><br />
+IN THREE VOLUMES.<br /><br />
+<span style="font-size: 125%">VOL. III.</span><br /><br /><br />
+<span style="font-size: 125%"><i>NEW EDITION.</i></span><br /><br /><br />
+<span style="font-size: 150%">TORONTO:<br />
+ROSE-BELFORD PUBLISHING COMPANY,</span><br />
+<span style="font-size: 125%">60 YORK STREET.<br />
+1878.</span></p>
+
+<hr class="hr95" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.</h2>
+
+<table summary="TOC">
+  <colgroup>
+    <col width="90%" />
+    <col width="10%" />
+  </colgroup>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%">CHAPTER I.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">CONDITION OF SCOTLAND TO THE END OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="page">PAGE</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Scotland and Spain are very dissimilar in regard to loyalty</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But are very similar in regard to superstition</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_4">4</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The Scotch unite liberality in politics with illiberality in religion.
+This is the largest and most important fact in their history; and the rest
+of the Volume will be occupied in investigating its causes</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_5">5</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Influence of physical geography</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_5">5&ndash;7</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Roman invasion of Scotland </td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_7">7&ndash;9</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Irish invasion of Scotland</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_9">9</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Norwegian invasion of Scotland</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_11">11&ndash;12</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">English invasion of Scotland</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_12">12&ndash;17</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The injury which these invasions inflicted upon Scotland stopped the
+growth of towns, and thereby favoured the power of the nobles</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_18">18</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The power of the nobles was still further favoured by the physical
+structure of the country</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_19">19&ndash;20</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And by the weakness of the Crown</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_20">20&ndash;21</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence their authority had, before the close of the fourteenth century,
+become enormous. The Crown, completely overshadowed by them, could derive
+no aid from the citizens, because, owing to the circumstances just mentioned,
+there were no cities</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_21">21&ndash;23</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">For, industry was impossible, and the commonest arts were unknown</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_23">23&ndash;26</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Evidence of the scanty population of the Scotch towns</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_26">26&ndash;30</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">They were too feeble and insignificant to elect their own magistrates</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_32">32&ndash;33</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The municipal element being thus imperfect, the only ally, which the
+Crown could possibly find, was the Church</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_34">34&ndash;35</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence, a coalition between the kings and the clergy against the nobles</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_34">34</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The clergy were the only body who could withstand the nobles. Causes of
+the great influence of the clergy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_35">35&ndash;44</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%">CHAPTER II.</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">CONDITION OF SCOTLAND IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Early in the fifteenth century, the alliance between the Crown and the
+Church against the nobles, became obvious</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_45">45</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">James I. attacked the nobles, and favoured the Church; hoping thereby to
+establish the supremacy of the throne</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_46">46&ndash;47</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But his policy failed, because it was opposed by the operation of general
+causes</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_47">47&ndash;48</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Besides failing, it produced his own destruction</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_49">49</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Power of the Douglases, who were at the head of the southern nobility</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_49">49&ndash;50</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">James II. murdered the chiefs of that family</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_51">51&ndash;52</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The Crown, in its efforts against the nobles, was encouraged by the clergy;
+and before the middle of the fifteenth century, the Church and the
+aristocracy were completely estranged from each other</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_52">52&ndash;54</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">James III., like James II. and James I., allied himself with the clergy
+against the nobles</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_55">55&ndash;56</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Their power, however, was too deeply rooted to be shaken; and in 1488,
+they put the king to death</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_55">55</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Still, and notwithstanding these successive failures, James IV. followed the
+same policy as his predecessors</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_56">56</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">So did James V. Consequently the nobles imprisoned him, and ejected the
+clergy from all offices in the state</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_57">57</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In 1528, James V. escaped; the Crown and the Church regained the ascendant,
+and the principal nobles were banished</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_58">58</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">From this moment, the nobles hated the Church more than ever. Their hatred
+brought about the Reformation</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_58">58&ndash;59</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Active measures of the government against the nobles</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_60">60&ndash;61</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The nobles revenged themselves by becoming Reformers</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_62">62</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">James V., on the other hand, threw himself entirely into the arms of the Church</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_62">62&ndash;63</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">As the nobles took the opposite side, and as the people had no influence,
+the success or failure of the Reformation in Scotland was simply a question of the success or failure of the aristocratic power</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_65">65&ndash;68</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In 1542, the nobles openly refused obedience to James V.; and their treatment
+of him at this critical period of his life, broke his heart</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_68">68&ndash;69</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">
+Directly he died, they regained authority. The clergy were displaced, and
+measures favourable to Protestantism were adopted</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_69">69&ndash;72</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In 1546, Cardinal Beaton was assassinated, and Knox began his career<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span></td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_74">74&ndash;75</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Subsequent proceedings of Knox</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_76">76&ndash;77</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">While Knox was abroad, the nobles established the Reformation</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_78">78</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">He returned to Scotland in 1559, by which time the struggle was nearly over</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_79">79</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In 1559, the queen regent was deposed; the nobles became supreme; and, in
+1560, the Church was destroyed</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_80">80&ndash;84</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Immediately this revolution was completed, the nobles and the preachers
+began to quarrel about the wealth of the Church</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_84">84</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The nobles, thinking that they ought to have it, took it into their own hands</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_85">85&ndash;88</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Thereupon, the Protestant preachers said that the nobles were instigated by
+the devil</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_88">88&ndash;90</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Morton, who was at the head of the nobility, became enraged at the
+proceedings of the new clergy, and persecuted them</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_91">91&ndash;92</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">A complete rupture between the two classes</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_93">93</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The clergy, finding themselves despised by the governing class, united themselves
+heartily with the people, and advocated democratic principles</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_93">93</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In 1574, Melville became their leader. Under his auspices, that great
+struggle began, which never stopped until, sixty years later, it produced
+the rebellion against Charles I.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_94">94</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The first manifestations of this rebellious spirit was the attack on the
+bishops</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_94">94</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In 1575, the attack began. In 1580, episcopacy was abolished</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_96">96&ndash;97</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But the nobles upheld that institution, because they loved inequality for
+the same reasons which made the clergy love equality</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_97">97&ndash;100</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Struggle between the upper classes and the clergy respecting episcopacy </td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_100">100&ndash;103</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In 1582, James VI. was imprisoned; and his captivity was justified by the
+clergy, whose democratic principles were now openly proclaimed</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_103">103&ndash;104</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Violent language used by the clergy against the king and against the nobles</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_104">104&ndash;109</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Their leader, Melville, personally insulted the king, and they were probably
+privy to the Gowrie conspiracy in 1600</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_110">110</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Still, the clergy, notwithstanding the indecency of their conduct, conferred
+the greatest of all boons upon Scotland, by keeping alive and nurturing the
+spirit of liberty</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_111">111&ndash;114</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%">CHAPTER III.</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">CONDITION OF SCOTLAND DURING THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In 1603, the King of Scotland became also King of England, and determined
+to use his new resources in curbing and chastising the Scotch clergy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_115">115&ndash;122</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His cruel treatment of them</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_122">122&ndash;124</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In 1610, James, backed by the power of England, forced episcopacy upon
+Scotland. Courts of High Commission were also set up</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_125">125&ndash;127</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Tyrannical conduct of the bishops</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_127">127&ndash;129</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Meanwhile, a reaction was preparing</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_129">129&ndash;132</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In 1637, the reaction declared itself, and, in 1638, the bishops were
+overthrown</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_132">132&ndash;133</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The movement being essentially democratic, could not stop there, but quickly
+spread from the Church to the State. In 1639, war was made upon Charles I.
+by the Scotch, who, having defeated the king, sold him to the English, who
+executed him</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_134">134&ndash;136</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The Scotch, before they would crown Charles II., compelled him to humble
+himself, and to confess his own errors and the errors of his family</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_136">136&ndash;137</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But, after Charles II. mounted the throne of England, he became powerful
+enough to triumph over the Scotch. He availed himself of that power to
+oppress Scotland even more grievously than his two predecessors had done</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_137">137&ndash;140</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Happily, however, the spirit of liberty was strong enough to baffle his
+attempts to establish a permanent despotism</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_140">140</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Still, the crisis was terrible, and the people and their clergy were
+exposed to every sort of outrage</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_141">141&ndash;146</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Now, as before, the bishops aided the government in its efforts to enslave
+Scotland. Being hated by the people, they allied themselves with the Crown,
+and displayed the warmest affection towards James II., during whose reign
+cruelties were perpetrated worse than any previously known</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_147">147&ndash;150</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In 1688, another reaction, in which the Scotch again freed themselves from
+their oppressors</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_151">151</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The only powerful friends of this bad government were the Highlanders</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_151">151</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Reasons which induced the Highlanders to rebel in favour of the Stuarts</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_151">151&ndash;153</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The Highland rebellions of 1715 and 1745 were not the result of loyalty</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_153">153&ndash;159</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">After 1745, the Highlanders sank into complete insignificance, and the
+progress of Scotland was uninterrupted</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_159">159</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[ix]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Beginning of the trading spirit</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_160">160&ndash;161</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Connexion between the rising of the trading spirit and the abolition, in
+1748, of hereditary jurisdictions</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_161">161&ndash;162</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The abolition of these jurisdictions was a symptom of the declining power
+of the Scotch nobles, but not a cause of it</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_161">161</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">One cause of the decline of their power was the union with England, in 1707</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_162">162&ndash;167</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Another cause was the failure of the Rebellion of 1745</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_167">167</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The nobles being thus weakened, were, in 1748, easily deprived of their right
+of jurisdiction. In this way, they lost the last emblem of their old authority</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_169">169&ndash;170</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">This great democratic and liberating movement was aided by the growth of
+the mercantile and manufacturing classes</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_171">171&ndash;172</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And their growth was itself assisted by the Union with England</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_172">172</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Evidence of the rapid progress of the industrious classes in the first half
+of the eighteenth century</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_173">173&ndash;183</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">During the same period, a new and splendid literature arose in Scotland</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_183">183&ndash;184</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But, unfortunately, this literature, notwithstanding its bold and inquisitive
+spirit, was unable to diminish national superstition</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_184">184&ndash;186</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">It is the business of the historian to ascertain the causes of its failure.
+If he cannot do this, he cannot understand the history of Scotland</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_186">186</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The first and most essential quality of an historian, is a clear perception
+of the great scientific doctrine of Law. But whoever seeks to apply this
+doctrine to the whole course of history, and to elucidate, by its aid, the
+march and theory of affairs, is met by obstacles which no single mind can
+remove</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_186">186&ndash;190</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%">CHAPTER IV.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The rest of the Volume will be occupied with a still closer investigation of
+the double paradox presented by the history of Scotland; namely, 1st, that
+the same people should be liberal in politics, and illiberal in religion;
+and, 2nd, that the free and sceptical literature which they produced in the
+eighteenth century, should have been unable to lessen their religious
+illiberality</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_191">191</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Their religious illiberality was the result of the immense power possessed
+by their clergy in the seventeenth century. The causes of that power will
+be examined in the present chapter</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_192">192</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[x]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The failure of their literature in diminishing this illiberality during
+the eighteenth century, was the result of the peculiar method of the
+inquiry adopted by the Scotch philosophers. The causes of the universal
+diffusion of that method, the nature of the method, and the consequences
+of it, will be examined in the next chapter, which will conclude the
+Volume</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_192">192&ndash;193</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Circumstances in the seventeenth century favourable to the influence of
+the Scotch clergy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_193">193&ndash;197</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">While the English war against Charles I. was essentially political, the
+Scotch war against him was essentially religious</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_197">197&ndash;200</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Though this was the effect of Scotch superstition, it was also a cause of
+its further progress</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_201">201&ndash;202</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence, in the seventeenth century, secular interests were neglected, and
+theological ones became supreme. Illustration of this, from the zeal of
+the people to hear sermons of inordinate frequency and of terrible
+length; so that they passed the greater part of their lives in what were
+erroneously termed religious exercises</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_203">203&ndash;206</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The clergy availed themselves of these habits to extend and consolidate
+their own authority</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_205">205&ndash;206</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Their great engine of power was the Kirk-Session. Tyranny of the
+Kirk-Sessions</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_206">206&ndash;210</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Monstrous pretensions of the clergy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_210">210&ndash;212</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Cases in which it was believed that these pretensions were upheld and
+vindicated by miracles</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_212">212&ndash;220</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The clergy, becoming elated, indulge in language of extraordinary
+arrogance</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_221">221&ndash;227</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">They asserted that miracles were wrought in their behalf, and often on
+their persons</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_228">228&ndash;229</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Effect of these proceedings upon the Scotch mind</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_230">230&ndash;232</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The clergy, to intimidate the people, and bring them completely under
+control, advocated horrible notions concerning evil spirits and future
+punishments</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_232">232&ndash;243</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">With the same object they propounded notions more horrible still,
+respecting the Deity, whom they represented as a cruel, passionate, and
+sanguinary Being</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_245">245&ndash;252</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">They moreover declared that harmless and even praiseworthy actions were
+sinful, and would provoke the Divine wrath</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_251">251&ndash;262</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">To prevent such imaginary sins, the clergy made arbitrary regulations,
+and punished those who disobeyed them, sometimes by flogging, and
+sometimes by branding with hot irons, and sometimes in other ways</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_262">262&ndash;263</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Specimens of the sins which the clergy invented</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_264">264&ndash;268</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[xi]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The result was, that all mirth, all innocent gaiety, all demonstrations
+of happiness, and nearly all physical enjoyments, were destroyed in
+Scotland</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_268">268&ndash;269</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence, the national character was mutilated. For, the pleasures of the
+body are, in our actual condition, as essential a part of the great
+scheme of life, and are as necessary to human affairs, as are the
+pleasures of the mind</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_269">269&ndash;271</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But the clergy, by denouncing these pleasures of the senses, do what they
+can, in every country, to diminish the total amount of happiness of which
+humanity is susceptible, and which it has a right to enjoy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_271">271&ndash;275</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In no Protestant country have the clergy pushed these narrow and unsocial
+tenets so far as in Scotland</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_275">275&ndash;276</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Indeed, in some respects, the Scotch clergy were more ascetic than those
+of any branch of the Catholic Church, except the Spanish; since they
+attempted to destroy the affections, and to sever the holiest ties of
+domestic love</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_276">276&ndash;279</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%">CHAPTER V.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The Scotch philosophical literature of the eighteenth century, was a
+reaction against the theological spirit of the seventeenth</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_281">281</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But the peculiarity of the philosophy which now arose, is that, instead
+of being an inductive philosophy, it was a deductive one</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_281">281&ndash;282</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">This is well worthy of notice; because the inductive method being
+essentially anti-theological, it might have been expected that the
+opponents of the theological spirit would have followed that method</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_282">282&ndash;284</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The truth, however, was, that the theological spirit had taken such hold
+of the Scotch mind, that it was impossible for the inductive method to
+gain a hearing</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_284">284&ndash;289</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence, the secular philosophy of the eighteenth century, though new in
+its results, was not new in the method by which those results were
+obtained</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_289">289</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In this respect, Scotland is similar to Germany, but dissimilar to
+England</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_289">289&ndash;290</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Summary of the most important distinctions between induction and
+deduction</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_291">291</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The whole of the Scotch philosophy, physical as well as metaphysical, is
+deductive</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_291">291</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hutcheson's philosophy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_292">292&ndash;304</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Its results and tendency</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_292">292&ndash;299</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Its method</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_299">299&ndash;304</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[xii]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Adam Smith's philosophy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_304">304&ndash;330</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His <i>Theory of Moral Sentiments</i> and his <i>Wealth of Nations</i> are
+different parts of one subject. To understand either, we must study both</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_304">304&ndash;305</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His deductive method depended upon a suppression of premisses</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_304">304&ndash;309</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Account of his <i>Theory of Moral Sentiments</i></td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_309">309&ndash;314</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Account of his <i>Wealth of Nations</i></td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_314">314&ndash;330</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hume's philosophy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_331">331&ndash;349</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His want of imagination</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_331">331&ndash;332</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Importance and novelty of his doctrines</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_333">333&ndash;337</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His method was eminently deductive; and he, like Adam Smith, cared little
+for experience</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_337">337&ndash;341</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence, his injustice to Bacon, whose method was diametrically opposed to
+his own</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_338">338&ndash;339</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His <i>Natural History of Religion</i></td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_342">342&ndash;348</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Comparison between the method of this work, and the method employed by
+Cudworth</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_348">348</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Reid's philosophy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_349">349&ndash;361</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His timidity made him look at the practical tendency of speculative
+doctrines, instead of confining himself to the question of their truth or
+falsehood</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_349">349&ndash;354</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But a philosopher should deem it his business to ascertain new truths,
+without regard to their consequences</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_349">349&ndash;350</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Reid attacked Hume's method, because he disliked the results to which
+that method had led</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_354">354&ndash;355</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And yet, in raising his own philosophy, he followed the very same method
+himself</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_355">355&ndash;359</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Estimate of the value of what Reid effected</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_359">359&ndash;360</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Opposition between the method of Reid and that of Bacon</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_360">360&ndash;361</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In physical philosophy, the deductive method was equally prevalent in
+Scotland</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_361">361&ndash;seq.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The laws of heat</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_362">362</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Indestructibility of force. Interchange of forces</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_362">362&ndash;365</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Black's philosophy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_367">367&ndash;377</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His theory of latent heat prepared the way for subsequent discoveries</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_367">367&ndash;371</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His method was deductive, and does not come under any of the rules of the
+Baconian philosophy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_371">371&ndash;372</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">He reasoned from his principles speculatively, instead of
+occupying himself with a long course of experiments</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_372">372&ndash;377</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">To do this was to indulge the imagination, which is deemed dangerous by
+the inductive school of English physicists. But, in the pursuit of truth,
+we need all our powers; and the advance of physical science is retarded
+by our neglect of the imaginative and emotional faculties</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_377">377&ndash;382</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Black, therefore, did immense service by giving free scope, to the
+imagination. The same plan was pursued by his successor, Leslie</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_383">383</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[xiii]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Leslie's philosophy of heat</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_383">383&ndash;388</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">He derived great aid from poetry</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_385">385</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And was unjust to Bacon, whose inductive views he disliked</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_388">388</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Fire and water are the two causes which have altered, and are still
+altering, the crust of the earth. The supposition that volcanic action
+was formerly more powerful than at present, is quite consistent with the
+doctrines of an unbroken sequence of events, and of the uniformity of
+natural laws</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_388">388&ndash;390</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The action of fire and water on the crust of the earth, may be studied
+deductively, by computing separately the probable operation of each. Or
+they maybe studied inductively, by observing their united effects, and
+rising from the effects to the causes; while the deductive plan is to
+descend from the causes to the effects</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_390">390&ndash;391</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Of these two methods, the English followed the inductive; the Scotch and
+Germans followed the deductive</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_391">391</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">English geology founded by William Smith</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_391">391&ndash;393</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">German geology founded by Werner</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_393">393&ndash;395</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Scotch geology founded by Hutton</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_396">396</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The English observed effects in order to ascertain causes. The Germans,
+assuming water to be the cause, reasoned from it to the effects. The
+Scotch, assuming heat to be the cause, made its principles the first step
+in their argument</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_391">391&ndash;396</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Reasons which made the Scotch geologists argue from the principles of
+heat, instead of, like the German geologists, arguing from the principles
+of water</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_396">396</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Though Hutton founded the theory of metamorphic rocks, and ascribed such
+immense importance to heat, he would not take the trouble of examining a
+single region of active volcanos, where he might have seen those very
+operations of nature, respecting which he speculated</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_398">398</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But, by a deductive application of the principles unfolded by Black, he
+arrived at a conclusion concerning the consolidation of strata by heat</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_399">399&ndash;400</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">That conclusion was entirely speculative, and unsupported by experience</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_399">399</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Though experiment might perhaps verify it, no one had yet made the trial;
+and Hutton was too averse to the inductive method to undertake the
+investigation himself</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_400">400&ndash;401</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Sir James Hall afterwards took the matter up, and empirically verified
+the great idea which Hutton had propounded</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_401">401&ndash;402</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Watt's invention of the steam-engine, and discovery of the composition of
+water</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_402">402&ndash;406</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[xiv]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Contrast between the method by which he, as a Scotchman, discovered the
+composition of water, and the opposite method by which the Englishman,
+Cavendish, made the same discovery at the same time</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_404">404&ndash;406</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">
+Nature of the evidence of the supposed difference between the organic and
+inorganic world. Life is probably a property of all matter</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_406">406&ndash;410</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Assuming, however, for the purposes of classification, that the organic
+world is fundamentally different from the inorganic, we may divide
+organic science into physiology and pathology</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_410">410&ndash;412</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The two great Scotch pathologists are Cullen and John Hunter. Hunter,
+having a larger mind than Cullen, was also a physiologist</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_412">412</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Account of Cullen's philosophy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_413">413&ndash;427</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His love of theory</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_413">413</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Theory, though necessary in science, is dangerous in practice</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_414">414&ndash;416</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Difference between the science of pathology and the art of therapeutics</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_417">417&ndash;418</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Comparison between the method of Cullen's pathology and the method
+employed by Adam Smith</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_417">417&ndash;419</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Cullen's theory of the solids</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_420">420&ndash;seq.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">He refused to inquire into the truth of the principles from which he
+argued</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_421">421&ndash;422</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His conclusions, like his premisses, represent only a part of the truth,
+and were extremely one-sided. Still, their value is unquestionable,
+forming, as they did, a necessary part of the general progress</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_423">423&ndash;424</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His theory of fever</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_424">424&ndash;426</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His nosology</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_426">426&ndash;427</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The philosophy of John Hunter</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_428">428&ndash;458</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His grandeur, and, unfortunately, his obscurity of language</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_428">428&ndash;430</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In his mind, the inductive and deductive methods struggled for mastery.
+Their conflict oppressed him. This is one of the causes of the darkness
+of his thoughts and consequently of his style</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_429">429&ndash;432</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His natural disposition was towards deduction</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_432">432</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But circumstances made him inductive, and he collected facts with
+untiring industry</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_432">432&ndash;434</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">By this means he made a large number of curious physiological discoveries</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_434">434&ndash;436</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">He traced the history of the red globules of the blood, and arrived at
+the conclusion that their function is to strengthen the system rather
+than to repair it</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_436">436&ndash;437</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Long after his death, this inference was corroborated by the progress of
+miscroscopical and chemical researches. It was especially corroborated by
+Lecanu's comparison of the blood in different sexes, and in different
+temperaments.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_439">439</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[xv]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hunter's inquiries concerning the movements of animals and vegetables</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_439">439&ndash;441</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">He recognized the great truth that the sciences of the inorganic world
+must be the foundation of those of the organic</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_443">443</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His object was, to unite all the physical sciences, in order to show
+that, the operations of nature being always uniform, regularity prevails
+even amidst the greatest apparent irregularity</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_443">443&ndash;444</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence, aiming chiefly at a generalization of irregularities, his
+favourite study was pathology</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_444">444</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In his pathological inquiries, he took into account the malformations of
+crystals</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_445">445</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">As a physiologist, he was equalled or excelled by Aristotle; but as a
+pathologist, he is unrivalled for the grandeur of his views</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_446">446&ndash;447</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In pathology, his love of deduction was more obvious than in physiology</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_447">447</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His pathological speculations respecting the principles of
+action and the principles of sympathy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_448">448&ndash;452</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But his English contemporaries, being eminently inductive, so disliked
+his method, that he exercised scarcely any influence over them</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_453">453</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">This is the more observable, because his discoveries respecting disease
+have caused him to be recognized as the founder of modern surgery, and
+the principal author of the doctrines now taught in the medical
+profession</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_454">454&ndash;457</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Such were the great results achieved by Scotchmen in the eighteenth
+century. Difference between this splendid literature and the wretched
+productions of the Scotch mind in the seventeenth century.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_458">458&ndash;460</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Notwithstanding this difference, the deductive method was supreme in both
+centuries</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_461">461</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The deductive method strikes the senses less than the inductive. Hence,
+induction being more accessible to average understandings, is more
+popular than deduction. Hence, too, the teachings of an inductive
+philosophy are more likely to affect national character than the teaching
+of a deductive philosophy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_461">461&ndash;464</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Theology forms the only exception to this rule</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_464">464&ndash;465</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The Scotch literature of the eighteenth century, being essentially
+deductive, was, on that account, unable to affect the nation. It was,
+therefore, unable to weaken national superstition</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_465">465&ndash;469</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Superstition and religious illiberality still existing in Scotland</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_469">469&ndash;471</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[xvi]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The notions countenanced there respecting the origin of epidemics.
+Correspondence which, in consequence of those notions, took place, in
+1853, between the Scotch Church and the English Government</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_471">471&ndash;476</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">These superstitions are eminently irreligious, and are everywhere
+becoming effaced, as physical science advances. Nothing else can touch
+them. Hence the gradual liberation of the human mind from the slavish and
+unmanly fears by which it has long been oppressed</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_476">476&ndash;482</a></td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<hr class="hr95" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="title"><span style="font-size: 175%;">HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">CONDITION OF SCOTLAND TO THE END OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.</div>
+
+<p>In the preceding view of the rise and decay of Spain,
+I have sought to exhibit the successive steps by
+which what was formerly one of the greatest nations of
+the earth, was broken, and cast down from its high
+estate. As we look back on that scene, the picture is,
+indeed, striking. A country rich in all natural productions,
+inhabited by a brave, a loyal, and a religious
+people, removed, too, by its geographical position from
+the hazards of European revolutions, did, by the operation
+of those general causes which I have indicated,
+suddenly rise to unparalleled grandeur; and then, without
+the occurrence of any new combination, but by a
+mere continuance of the same causes, fall with an equal
+velocity. Yet, these vicissitudes, strange and startling
+as they appear, were perfectly regular. They were the
+legitimate consequence of a state of society, in which
+the spirit of protection had reached its highest point,
+and in which, every thing being done for the people,
+nothing was done by the people. Whenever this happens,
+there may be great political progress, but there
+can be no really national progress. There may be accessions
+of territory, and vast increase of fame and of power.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span>
+There may be improvements in the practice of administration,
+in the management of finances, in the organization
+of armies, in the art and theory of war, in the tricks
+of diplomacy, and in those various contrivances by which
+one nation is able to outwit and insult another. So
+far, however, from this benefiting the people, it will
+injure them in two different ways. In the first place,
+by increasing the reputation of the ruling classes, it
+encourages that blind and servile respect which men
+are too apt to feel for those who are above them, and
+which, wherever it has been generally practised, has
+been found fatal to the highest qualities of the citizen,
+and therefore to the permanent grandeur of the nation.
+And, in the second place, it multiplies the resources of
+the executive government, and thus renders the country
+unable, as well as unwilling, to correct the errors of
+those who are at the head of affairs. Hence, in Spain,
+as in all countries similarly circumstanced, it was at the
+very moment when things were most prosperous at
+the surface, that they were most rotten at the foundation.
+In presence of the most splendid political success,
+the nation hastened to its downfall, and the crisis was
+fast approaching, in which, the whole edifice being overturned,
+nothing would be left, except a memorable
+warning of the consequences which must ensue, when
+the people, giving themselves up to the passions of
+superstition and loyalty, abdicate their own proper
+functions, forego their own responsibility, renounce
+their highest duties, and degrade themselves into passive
+instruments to serve the will of the Church and
+the throne.</p>
+
+<p>Such is the great lesson taught by the history of
+Spain. From the history of Scotland, we may gather
+another lesson, of a different, and yet of a similar, kind.
+In Scotland, the progress of the nation has been very
+slow, but, on the whole, very sure. The country is
+extremely barren; the executive government has, with
+rare exceptions, been always weak; and the people have
+never been burdened with those feelings of loyalty which
+circumstances had forced upon the Spaniards. Certainly,
+the last charge that will be brought against the Scotch,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span>
+is that of superstitious attachment to their princes.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
+We, in England, have not always been very tender of
+the persons of our sovereigns, and we have occasionally
+punished them with what some consider excessive
+severity. With this, we have been frequently taunted
+by the more loyal nations of the Continent; and, in
+Spain in particular, our conduct has excited the greatest
+abhorrence. But, if we compare our history with that
+of our northern neighbours, we must pronounce ourselves
+a meek and submissive people.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> There have
+been more rebellions in Scotland than in any other
+country; and the rebellions have been very sanguinary,
+as well as very numerous. The Scotch have made war
+upon most of their kings, and put to death many. To
+mention their treatment of a single dynasty, they murdered
+James I. and James III. They rebelled against
+James II. and James VII. They laid hold of James V.,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>
+and placed him in confinement. Mary, they immured
+in a castle, and afterwards deposed. Her successor,
+James VI., they imprisoned; they led him captive about
+the country, and on one occasion attempted his life.
+Towards Charles I., they showed the greatest animosity,
+and they were the first to restrain his mad career. Three
+years before the English ventured to rise against that
+despotic prince, the Scotch boldly took up arms, and
+made war on him. The service which they then rendered
+to the cause of liberty it would be hard to overrate;
+but the singular part of the transaction was, that
+having afterwards got possession of the person of Charles,
+they sold him to the English for a large sum of money,
+of which they, being very poor, had pressing need. Such
+a sale is unparalleled in history; and although the Scotch
+might have plausibly alleged that this was the only
+gain they had derived, or ever could derive, from the
+existence of their hereditary prince, still the event is
+one which stands alone; it was unprecedented; it has
+never been imitated; and its occurrence is a striking
+symptom of the state of public opinion, and of the feelings
+of the country in which it was permitted.</p>
+
+<p>While, however, in regard to loyalty, the opposition
+between Scotland and Spain is complete, there is, strange
+to say, the most striking similarity between those countries
+in regard to superstition. Both nations have
+allowed their clergy to exercise immense sway, and
+both have submitted their actions, as well as their
+consciences, to the authority of the Church. As a
+natural consequence, in both countries, intolerance has
+been, and still is, a crying evil; and in matters of religion,
+a bigotry is habitually displayed, discreditable indeed
+to Spain, but far more discreditable to Scotland,
+which has produced many philosophers of the highest
+eminence, who would willingly have taught the people
+better things, but who have vainly attempted to remove
+from the national mind that serious blemish which mars
+its beauty, and tends to neutralize its many other admirable
+qualities.</p>
+
+<p>Herein lies the apparent paradox, and the real difficulty,
+of Scotch history. That knowledge should not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>
+have produced the effects which have elsewhere followed
+it; that a bold and inquisitive literature should be found
+in a grossly superstitious country, without diminishing
+its superstition; that the people should constantly withstand
+their kings, and as constantly succumb to their
+clergy; that while they are liberal in politics, they
+should be illiberal in religion; and that, as a natural
+consequence of all this, men who, in the visible and
+external department of facts and of practical life, display
+a shrewdness and a boldness rarely equalled, should
+nevertheless, in speculative life, and in matters of theory,
+tremble like sheep before their pastors, and yield assent
+to every absurdity they hear, provided their Church has
+sanctioned it; that these discrepancies should coexist,
+seems at first sight a strange contradiction, and is surely
+a phenomenon worthy of our careful study. To indicate
+the causes of this anomaly, and to trace the results to
+which the anomaly has led, will be the business of the
+remaining part of this volume; and although the investigation
+will be somewhat lengthy, it will not, I hope,
+be considered prolix, by those who recognise the importance
+of the inquiry, and are aware how completely
+it has been neglected, even by those who have written
+most fully on the history of the Scottish nation.</p>
+
+<p>In Scotland, as elsewhere, the course of events has
+been influenced by its physical geography; and by this
+I mean, not only its own immediate peculiarities, but
+also its relation to adjoining countries. It is close to
+Ireland; it touches England; and by the contiguity of
+the Orkney and Shetland Isles, it was eminently exposed
+to the attacks of that great nation of pirates,
+which for centuries inhabited the Scandinavian peninsula.
+Considered merely by itself, it is mountainous
+and sterile; nature has interposed such obstacles, that
+it was long impossible to open regular communications
+between its different parts, which, indeed, in regard to
+the Highlands, was not effected till after the middle of
+the eighteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Finally, and this, as we shall<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>
+presently see, was a matter of great importance, the
+most fertile land in Scotland is in the south, and was,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>
+therefore, constantly ravaged by the English borderers.
+Hence, the accumulation of wealth was hindered; the
+growth of towns was discouraged, by the serious hazards
+to which they were liable; and it was impossible to develop
+that municipal spirit, which might have existed, if
+the districts most favoured by nature had been situated
+in the north of Scotland, instead of in the south. If
+the actual state of things had been reversed, so that the
+Highlands were in the south,<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and the Lowlands in the
+north, it can hardly be doubted, that, after the cessation
+in the thirteenth century of the great Scandinavian invasions,
+the most fertile parts of Scotland, being comparatively
+secure, would have been the seat of towns,
+which the active spirit of the people would have caused
+to prosper, and the prosperity of which would have introduced
+a new element into Scotch affairs, and changed
+the course of Scotch history. This, however, was not
+to be; and, as we have to deal with events as they actually
+are, I will now endeavour to trace the consequences
+of the physical peculiarities which have just
+been noticed; and by coördinating their results, I
+will, so far as I am able, show their general meaning,
+and the way in which they have shaped the national
+character.</p>
+
+<p>The earliest fact with which we are acquainted
+respecting the history of Scotland, is the Roman invasion
+under Agricola, late in the first century. But<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>
+neither his conquests, nor those of his successors, made
+any permanent impression. The country was never
+really subjugated, and nothing was effected except a
+military occupation, which, in spite of the erection of
+numerous forts, walls, and ramparts, left the spirit of
+the inhabitants unbroken. Even Severus, who, in the
+year 209, undertook the last and most important expedition
+against Scotland, does not appear to have penetrated
+beyond the Firth of Moray;<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and directly he
+retired, the natives were again in arms, and again
+independent. After this, nothing was attempted upon
+a scale large enough to give a chance of success.
+Indeed, the Romans, far from being equal to such an
+effort, were themselves deteriorating. In their best
+days, their virtues were the virtues of barbarians, and
+even those they were now about to lose. From the
+beginning, their scheme of life was so one-sided and
+imperfect, that the increase of wealth, which improves
+the civilization of really civilized countries, was to the
+Romans an irreparable mischief; and they were corrupted
+by luxury, instead of being refined by it. In
+our time, if we compare the different nations of Europe,
+we find that the richest are also the most powerful, the
+most humane, and the most happy. We live in that
+advanced state of society, in which wealth is both the
+cause and the effect of progress, while poverty is the
+fruitful parent of weakness, of misery, and of crime.
+But the Romans, when they ceased to be poor, began to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>
+be vicious. So unstable was the foundation of their
+greatness, that the very results which their power
+produced, were fatal to the power itself. Their empire
+gave them wealth, and their wealth overthrew their
+empire. Their national character, notwithstanding its
+apparent strength, was in truth of so frail a texture,
+that it was ruined by its own development. As it
+grew, it dwarfed. Hence it was, that, in the third and
+fourth centuries, their hold on mankind visibly slackened.
+Their authority being undermined, other nations,
+of course, stepped in; so that the inroads of those
+strange tribes which came pouring from the north, and
+to whose appearance the final catastrophe is often
+ascribed, were at best the occasion, but by no means
+the cause, of the fall of the Roman Empire. Towards
+that great and salutary event, every thing had long been
+pointing. The scourgers and oppressors of the world,
+whom a false and ignorant sympathy has invested with
+noble qualities which they never possessed, had now to
+look to themselves; and when, after receding on all
+sides, they, in the middle of the fifth century, withdrew
+their forces from the whole of Britain, they merely
+executed a movement, which a train of circumstances,
+continued through several generations, had made
+inevitable.</p>
+
+<p>It is at this point that we begin to discern the operation
+of those physical and geographical peculiarities
+which I have mentioned as influencing the fortunes of
+Scotland. The Romans, gradually losing ground, the
+proximity of Ireland caused repeated attacks from that
+fertile island, whose rich soil and great natural advantages
+gave rise to an exuberant, and therefore a restless,
+population. An overflow, which, in civilized times, is
+an emigration, is, in barbarous times, an invasion.
+Hence the Irish, or Scotti as they were termed, established
+themselves by force of arms in the west of
+Scotland, and came into collision with the Picts, who
+occupied the eastern part. A deadly struggle ensued,
+which lasted four centuries after the withdrawal of the
+Romans, and plunged the country into the greatest
+confusion. At length, in the middle of the ninth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>
+century, Kenneth M'Alpine, king of the Scotti, gained
+the upper hand, and reduced the Picts to complete
+submission.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> The country was now united under one
+rule; and the conquerors, slowly absorbing the conquered,
+gave their name to the whole, which, in the
+tenth century, received the appellation of Scotland.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p>
+
+<p>But the kingdom was to have no rest. For, in the
+mean time, circumstances, which it would be tedious to
+relate, had raised the inhabitants of Norway to be the
+greatest maritime power in Europe. The use which
+that nation of pirates made of their strength, forms
+another and a very important link in the history of
+Scotland, and moreover illustrates the immense weight,
+which, in an early period of society, should be assigned
+to mere geographical considerations. The nearest land
+to the centre of the long coast of Norway is the Shetland
+Isles, whence it is an easy sail to the Orkneys.
+The northern pirates naturally seized these small, but,
+to them, most useful islands, and, as naturally, made<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>
+them intermediate stations, from which they could
+conveniently pillage the coasts of Scotland. Being
+constantly reinforced from Norway, they, in the ninth
+and tenth centuries, advanced from the Orkneys, made
+permanent settlements in Scotland itself, and occupied
+not only Caithness, but also great part of Sutherland.
+Another body of them got possession of the Western
+Islands; and as Skye is only separated from the
+mainland by a very narrow channel, these pirates easily
+crossed over, and fixed themselves in Western Ross.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>
+From their new abodes, they waged incessant and
+destructive war against every district within their
+reach; and, keeping a large part of Scotland in constant
+alarm, they, for about three centuries, prevented the
+possibility of its social improvement. Indeed, that
+unhappy country was never free from the dangers of
+Norwegian invasion, until the failure of the last great
+attack, in 1263, when Haco left Norway with a prodigious
+armament, which he further strengthened by
+reinforcements from the Orkneys and Hebrides. Scotland
+could offer but little resistance. Haco, with his
+allies, sailed along the western coast to the Mull of
+Kentire, wasted the country with fire and sword, took
+Arran and Bute, entered the Firth of Clyde, suddenly
+fell upon Loch Lomond, destroyed all the property on
+its shores and on its islands, ravaged the whole county
+of Stirling, and threatened to descend with all his force
+upon Ayrshire. Fortunately, the inclemency of the
+weather broke up this great expedition, and scattered
+or destroyed the entire fleet.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> After its dispersal, the
+course of affairs in Norway prevented the attempt from
+being renewed; and danger from that quarter being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>
+over, it might have been hoped that Scotland would
+now enjoy peace, and would have leisure to develop the
+natural resources which she possessed, particularly those
+in the southern and more favoured districts.</p>
+
+<p>This, however, was not to be. For, scarcely were
+the attacks from Norway at an end, when those from
+England began. Early in the thirteenth century, the
+lines of demarcation which separated Normans from
+Saxons, were, in our country, becoming so obliterated,
+that in many cases it was impossible to distinguish
+them.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> By the middle of the same century, the two
+races were fused into one powerful nation; and, as that
+nation had a comparatively feeble neighbour, it was
+certain that the stronger people would try to oppress
+the weaker.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> In an ignorant and barbarous age,
+military success is preferred to all other kinds of fame;
+and the English, greedy for conquest, set their eyes
+upon Scotland, which they were sure to invade at the
+first opportunity. That Scotland was near, made it
+tempting; that it was believed to be defenceless, made
+the temptation irresistible. In 1290, Edward I. determined
+to avail himself of the confusion into which
+Scotland was thrown by disputes respecting the succession
+of the crown. The intrigues which followed,
+need not be related; it is enough to say, that, in 1296,
+the sword was drawn, and Edward invaded a country
+which he had long desired to conquer. But he little
+recked of the millions of treasure, and the hundreds of
+thousands of lives, which were to be squandered, before<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>
+that war was over.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> The contest that ensued was of
+unexampled length and severity; and in its sad course,
+the Scotch, notwithstanding their heroic resistance, and
+the victories they occasionally gained, had to endure
+every evil which could be inflicted by their proud and
+insolent neighbour. The darling object of the English,
+was to subjugate the Scotch; and if anything could
+increase the disgrace of so base an enterprise, it would
+be that, having undertaken it, they ignominiously
+failed.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> The suffering, however, was incalculable, and
+was aggravated by the important fact, that it was
+precisely the most fertile part of Scotland which was
+most exposed to the English ravages. This, as we
+shall presently see, produced some very curious results
+on the national character; and for that reason, I will,
+without entering into many details, give a slight summary
+of the more immediate consequences of this long
+and sanguinary struggle.</p>
+
+<p>In 1296, the English entered Berwick, the richest
+town Scotland possessed, and not only destroyed all the
+property, but slew nearly all the inhabitants.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> They<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>
+then marched on to Aberdeen and Elgin; and so
+completely desolated the country, that the Scotch,
+flying to the mountains, and stripped of their all, had
+no resource left but to wage from their native fastnesses
+a war similar to that which their savage ancestors,
+twelve centuries earlier, had conducted against the
+Romans.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> In 1298, the English again broke in, burnt
+Perth and St. Andrews, and ravaged the whole territory
+south and west.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> In 1310, they invaded Scotland by
+the eastern march, and carrying off such provisions as
+were left, caused so terrible a dearth, that the people
+were forced to feed on horses and other carrion.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> All
+over southern Scotland, both east and west, the inhabitants
+were now reduced to a horrible condition, being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>
+for the most part houseless and starved. In 1314, made
+desperate by their state, they rallied for a moment, and,
+in the battle of Bannockburn, gloriously defeated their
+oppressors. But their unrelenting enemy was at hand,
+and pressed them so hard, that, in 1322, Bruce, in order
+to baffle an English invasion, was obliged to lay waste
+all the districts south of the Firth of Forth; the people
+taking refuge, as before, in the mountains.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> This
+time, therefore, when Edward II. reached Edinburgh,
+he plundered nothing, because, the country being a
+desert, there was nothing to plunder; but, on his
+return, he did what he could, and meeting with some
+convents, which were the only signs of life that he
+encountered, he fell upon them, robbed the monasteries
+of Melrose and Holyrood, burnt the abbey of Dryburgh,
+and slew those monks who, from age or disease, were
+unable to escape.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> In 1336, the next king, Edward
+III., equipped a numerous army, devastated the Lowlands,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>
+and great part of the Highlands, and destroyed
+every thing he could find, as far as Inverness.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> In
+1346, the English overran the districts of Tweeddale,
+the Merse, Ettrick, Annandale, and Galloway;<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> and in
+1355, Edward, in a still more barbarous inroad, burnt
+every church, every village, and every town he approached.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>
+And scarcely were these frightful losses
+somewhat repaired, when another storm burst upon the
+devoted land. In 1385, Richard II. traversed the
+southern counties to Aberdeen, scattering destruction on
+every side, and reducing to ashes the cities of Edinburgh,
+Dunfermline, Perth, and Dundee.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p>
+
+<p>By these disasters, the practice of agriculture was
+every where interrupted, and in many places ceased for
+several generations.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> The labourers either fled, or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>
+were murdered; and there being no one to till the
+ground, some of the fairest parts of Scotland were
+turned into a wilderness, overgrown with briers and
+thickets. Between the invasions, a few of the inhabitants,
+taking courage, issued from the mountains, and
+raised wretched huts in the place of their former
+abodes. But, even then, they were pursued to their
+very doors by wolves, searching for food, and maddened
+with hunger. If they escaped from these
+famished and ferocious animals, they and their families
+were exposed to a danger still more horrible. For,
+in those terrible days, when famine stalked abroad,
+despair perverted the souls of men, and drove them to
+new crime. There were cannibals in the land; and we
+have it on contemporary authority, that a man and his
+wife, who were at length brought to justice, subsisted
+during a considerable period on the bodies of children,
+whom they caught alive in traps, devouring their flesh,
+and drinking their blood.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus the fourteenth century passed away. In the
+fifteenth century, the devastations of the English<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>
+became comparatively rare; and although the borders
+were the scene of constant hostilities,<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> there is no
+instance, since the year 1400, of any of our kings invading
+Scotland.<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> An end being put to those
+murderous expeditions, which reduced the country to
+a desert, Scotland drew breath, and began to recover
+her strength.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> But, though the material losses were
+gradually repaired; though the fields were again cultivated,
+and the towns rebuilt, there were other consequences,
+which were less easy to remedy, and from
+whose effects the people long smarted. These were
+inordinate power of the nobles, and the absence of the
+municipal spirit. The strength of the nobles, and the
+weakness of the citizens, are the most important peculiarities
+of Scotland during the fifteenth and sixteenth
+centuries; and they, as I am about to show, were
+directly encouraged by the ravages committed by the
+English troops. We shall, moreover, see that this
+combination of events increased the authority of the
+clergy, weakened the influence of the intellectual
+classes, and made superstition more prevalent than it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>
+would otherwise have been. It is in this way, that in
+Scotland, as in all other countries, every thing is linked
+together; nothing is casual or accidental; and the
+whole march of affairs is governed by general causes,
+which, owing to their largeness and remoteness, often
+escape attention, but which, when once recognized,
+are found to be marked by a simplicity and uniformity,
+which are the invariable characteristics of the highest
+truths that the mind of man has reached.</p>
+
+<p>The first circumstance favourable to the authority of
+the nobles, was the structure of the country. Mountains,
+fens, lakes, and morasses, which even the resources
+of modern art have only recently made accessible
+supplied the great Scottish chieftains with retreats,
+in which they could with impunity defy the power of
+the crown.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> The poverty of the soil also, made it
+difficult for armies to find means of subsistence; and
+from this cause alone, the royal troops were often
+unable to pursue the lawless and refractory barons.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>
+During the fourteenth century, Scotland was constantly
+ravaged by the English; and in the intervals of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>
+their absence, it would have been a hopeless undertaking
+for any king to try to repress such powerful
+subjects, since he would have had to march through
+districts so devastated by the enemy, that they no
+longer yielded the common necessaries of life. Besides
+this, the war with the English lessened the authority
+of the crown, absolutely as well as relatively. Its
+patrimony, lying in the south, was incessantly wasted
+by the borderers, and before the middle of the fourteenth
+century, greatly deteriorated in value.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> In
+1346, David II. fell into the hands of the English, and
+during his captivity of eleven years, the nobles carried
+all before them, and affected, says an historian, the
+style and title of princes.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> The longer the war with
+England continued, the more these consequences were
+felt; so that before the close of the fourteenth century,
+a few of the leading Scotch families had raised themselves
+to such preëminence, that it was evident, either
+that a deadly struggle must ensue between them and
+the crown, or else that the executive government
+would have to abdicate its most essential functions,
+and leave the country a prey to these headstrong and
+ferocious chiefs.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p>
+
+<p>At this crisis, the natural allies of the throne would
+have been the citizens and free burgesses, who in most
+European countries were the eager and resolute opponents
+of the nobles, whose licentious habits interfered
+not only with their trade and manufactures, but also
+with their personal liberty. Here again, however, the
+long war with England was favourable to the aristocracy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>
+of Scotland. For, as the invaders ravaged the
+southern parts of Scotland, which were also the only
+tolerably fertile parts, it was impossible that towns
+should flourish in the places which nature had appointed
+for them. There being no large cities, there
+was no asylum for the citizens, and there could be no
+municipal spirit. There being no municipal spirit,
+the crown was deprived of that great resource, which
+enabled the English kings to curtail the power of the
+nobles, and to punish a lawlessness which long
+impeded the progress of society.</p>
+
+<p>During the middle ages, the Scotch towns were so
+utterly insignificant, that but few notices have been
+preserved of them; contemporary writers concentrating
+their attention upon the proceedings of the nobles
+and clergy. Respecting the people, who found shelter
+in such miserable cities as then existed, our best
+accounts are very imperfect; it is, however, certain
+that, during the long English wars, the inhabitants
+usually fled at the approach of the invaders, and the
+wretched hovels in which they lived were burned to the
+ground.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> Hence the population acquired a fluctuating
+and vagabond character, which prevented the formation
+of settled habits of industry, and thus took away
+one reason which men have for congregating together.
+This applied more especially to the southern Lowlands;
+for the north, there were other evils equally threatening.
+The ferocious Highlanders, who lived entirely
+by plunder, were constantly at hand; and to them
+were not unfrequently added the freebooters of the
+Western Isles. Any thing which bore even the
+semblance of wealth, was an irresistible excitement to
+their cupidity. They could not know that a man
+had property, without longing to steal it; and, next<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>
+to stealing, their greatest pleasure was to destroy.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>
+Aberdeen and Inverness were particularly exposed to
+their assaults; and twice during the fifteenth century,
+Inverness was totally consumed by fire, besides having
+to pay at other times a heavy ransom, to save itself
+from a similar fate.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Such insecurity<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> both on the north and on the south,
+made peaceful industry impossible in any part of Scotland.
+No where could a town be built, without being
+in danger of immediate destruction. The consequence
+was, that, during many centuries, there were no manufactures;
+there was hardly any trade; and nearly all
+business was conducted by barter.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> Some of the commonest
+arts were unknown. The Scotch were unable
+to make even the arms with which they fought. This,
+among such a warlike people, would have been a very
+profitable labour; but they were so ignorant of it, that,
+early in the fifteenth century, most of the armour
+which they wore was manufactured abroad, as also were
+their spears, and even their bows and arrows; and the
+heads of these weapons were entirely imported from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>
+Flanders.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> Indeed, the Flemish artizans supplied
+the Scotch with ordinary farming implements, such as
+cart-wheels and wheel-barrows, which, about the year
+1475, used to be regularly shipped from the Low Countries.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>
+As to the arts which indicate a certain degree
+of refinement, they were then, and long afterwards,
+quite out of the question.<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> Until the seventeenth century,
+no glass was manufactured in Scotland,<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> neither
+was any soap made there.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> Even the higher class of
+citizens would have deemed windows absurd in their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>
+wretched abodes;<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> and as they were alike filthy in
+their persons as in their houses, the demand for soap
+was too small to induce any one to attempt its manufacture.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>
+Other branches of industry were equally
+backward. In 1620, the art of tanning leather was
+for the first time introduced into Scotland;<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> and it is
+stated, on apparently good authority, that no paper was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>
+made there until about the middle of the eighteenth
+century.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the midst of such general stagnation, the most
+flourishing towns were, as may be easily supposed, very
+thinly peopled. Indeed, men had so little to do, that if
+they had collected in large numbers, they must have
+starved. Glasgow is one of the oldest cities in Scotland,
+and is said to have been founded about the sixth century.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>
+At all events, in the twelfth century, it was,
+according to the measure of that age, a rich and prosperous
+place, enjoying the privilege of holding both a
+market and a fair.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> It had also a municipal organization,
+and was governed by its own provosts and baillies.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>
+Yet, even this famous town had no kind of trade before
+the fifteenth century, when the inhabitants began
+to cure salmon, and export it.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> That was the only
+branch of industry with which Glasgow was acquainted.
+We need not, therefore, be surprised at hearing, that so
+late as the middle of the fifteenth century, the entire
+population did not exceed fifteen hundred persons, whose
+wealth consisted of some small cattle, and a few acres of
+ill-cultivated land.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p>
+
+<p>Other cities, though bearing a celebrated name, were
+equally backward at a still more recent period. Dunfermline
+is associated with many historic reminiscences;
+it was a favourite residence of Scotch kings, and many
+Scotch parliaments have been held there.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> Such events
+are supposed to confer distinction; but the illusion vanishes,
+when we inquire more minutely into the condition
+of the place where they happened. In spite of the
+pomp of princes and legislators, Dunfermline, which at
+the end of the fourteenth century was still a poor village,
+composed of wooden huts,<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> had, by the beginning
+of the seventeenth century, advanced so slowly that its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>
+whole population, including that of its wretched suburbs,
+did not exceed one thousand persons.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> For a Scotch
+town, that was a considerable number. About the same
+time, Greenock, we are assured, was a village consisting
+of a single row of cottages, tenanted by poor fishermen.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>
+Kilmarnock, which is now a great emporium of industry
+and of wealth, contained, in 1668, between five and
+six hundred inhabitants.<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> And, to come down still
+lower, even Paisley itself, in the year 1700, possessed a
+population which, according to the highest estimate,
+did not amount to three thousand.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p>
+
+<p>Aberdeen, the metropolis of the north, was looked up
+to as one of the most influential of the Scotch towns,
+and was not a little envied during the Middle Ages, for
+its power and importance. These, however, like all
+other words, are relative, and mean different things at
+different periods. Certainly, we shall not be much struck
+by the magnitude of that city, when we learn, from calculations
+made from its tables of mortality, that so late
+as 1572, it could only boast of about two thousand nine
+hundred inhabitants.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> Such a fact will dispel many a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>
+dream respecting the old Scotch towns, particularly
+if we call to mind that it refers to a date, when the
+anarchy of the Middle Ages was passing away, and
+Aberdeen had for some time been improving. That city&mdash;if
+so miserable a collection of persons deserves to be
+termed a city&mdash;was, nevertheless, one of the most densely
+peopled places in Scotland. From the thirteenth century
+to the close of the sixteenth, no where else were
+so many Scotchmen assembled together, except in
+Perth, Edinburgh, and possibly in Saint Andrews.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> Respecting
+Saint Andrews, I have been unable to meet with
+any precise information;<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> but of Perth and Edinburgh,
+some particulars are preserved. Perth was long the
+capital of Scotland, and after losing that preëminence, it
+was still reputed to be the second city in the kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>
+Its wealth was supposed to be astonishing; and every
+good Scotchman was proud of it, as one of the chief
+ornaments of his country.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> But, according to an estimate
+recently made by a considerable authority in these
+matters, its entire population, in the year 1585, was
+under nine thousand.<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> This will surprise many readers;
+though, considering the state of society at that time,
+the real wonder is, not that there were so few, but that
+there were so many. For, Edinburgh itself, notwithstanding
+the officials and numerous hangers-on, which
+the presence of a court always brings, did not contain,
+late in the fourteenth century, more than sixteen thousand
+persons.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> Of their general condition, a contemporary
+observer has left us some account. Froissart,
+who visited Scotland, and records what he saw, as well
+as what he heard, gives a lamentable picture of the state
+of affairs. The houses in Edinburgh were mere huts,
+thatched with boughs; and were so slightly put together,
+that when one of them was destroyed, it only took three
+days to rebuild it. As to the people who inhabited these
+wretched hovels, Froissart, who was by no means given
+to exaggeration, assures us, that the French, unless they
+had seen them, could not have believed that such destitution
+existed, and that now, for the first time, they
+understood what poverty really was.<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>After this period, there was, no doubt, considerable
+improvement; but it was very slow, and even late
+in the sixteenth century, skilled labour was hardly
+known, and honest industry was universally despised.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>
+It is not, therefore, surprising, that the citizens, poor,
+miserable, and ignorant, should frequently purchase
+the protection of some powerful noble by yielding to
+him the little independence that they might have retained.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>
+Few of the Scotch towns ventured to elect
+their chief magistrate from among their own people;
+but the usual course was, to choose a neighbouring<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>
+peer as provost or baillie.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> Indeed, it often happened
+that his office became hereditary, and was looked upon
+as the vested right of some aristocratic family.<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> To
+the head of that family, every thing gave way. His
+authority was so incontestable, that an injury done
+even to one of his retainers was resented, as if it had
+been done to himself.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> The burgesses who were sent
+to parliament, were completely dependent on the noble
+who ruled the town. Down to quite modern times,
+there was in Scotland no real popular representation.
+The so-called representatives were obliged to vote as
+they were ordered; they were, in fact, delegates of the
+aristocracy; and as they possessed no chamber of their
+own, they sat and deliberated in the midst of their
+powerful masters, by whom they were openly intimidated.<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Under these circumstances, it would have been idle
+for the crown to have expected aid from a body of men
+who themselves had no influence, and whose scanty
+privileges existed only on sufferance. But there was
+another class, which was extremely powerful, and to
+which the Scotch kings naturally turned. That class
+was the clergy; and the interest which both parties
+had in weakening the nobles, caused a coalition between
+the church and the throne, against the aristocracy.
+During a long period, and indeed until the latter half
+of the sixteenth century, the kings almost invariably
+favoured the clergy, and increased their privileges in
+every way they could. The Reformation dissolved
+this alliance, and gave rise to new combinations, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>
+I shall presently indicate. But while the alliance
+lasted, it was of great use to the clergy, by imparting
+to their claims a legitimate sanction, and making them
+appear the supporters of order and of regular government.
+The result, however, clearly proved that the
+nobles were more than equal to the confederacy which
+opposed them. Indeed, looking at their enormous
+power, the only wonder is, that the clergy could have
+prolonged the contest as they did; since they were not
+actually overthrown until the year 1560. That the
+struggle should have been so arduous, and should have
+extended over so considerable a period, is what, on a
+superficial view, no one could have expected. The
+reason of this, I shall now endeavour to explain; and
+I shall, I trust, succeed in proving, that in Scotland
+there was a long train of general causes, which secured
+to the spiritual classes immense influence, and which
+enabled them, not only to do battle with the most
+powerful aristocracy in Europe, but to rise up, after
+what seemed their final defeat, fresh and vigorous
+as ever, and eventually to exercise, as Protestant
+preachers, an authority nowise inferior to that which
+they had wielded as Catholic priests.</p>
+
+<p>Of all Protestant countries, Scotland is certainly
+the one where the course of affairs has for the longest
+period been most favourable to the interests of superstition.
+How these interests were encouraged during
+the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, I shall hereafter
+relate. At present, I purpose to examine the
+causes of their early growth, and to show the way in
+which they were not only connected with the Reformation,
+but gave to that great event some peculiarities
+which are extremely remarkable, and are diametrically
+opposed to what happened in England.</p>
+
+<p>If the reader will bear in mind what I have elsewhere
+stated,<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> he will remember that the two principal
+sources of superstition are ignorance and danger;
+ignorance keeping men unacquainted with natural
+causes, and danger making them recur to supernatural<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>
+ones. Or, to express the same proposition in other
+words, the feeling of veneration, which, under one of
+its aspects, takes the form of superstition, is a product
+of wonder and of fear;<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> and it is obvious that wonder
+is connected with ignorance, and that fear is connected
+with danger.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> Hence it is, that whatever in any
+country increases the total amount of amazement, or
+whatever in any country increases the total amount
+of peril, has a direct tendency to increase the total
+amount of superstition, and therefore to strengthen the
+hands of the priesthood.</p>
+
+<p>By applying these principles to Scotland, we shall
+be able to explain several facts in the history of that
+country. In the first place the features of its scenery
+offer a mark contrast to those of England, and are
+much more likely, among an ignorant people, to
+suggest effective and permanent superstitions. The
+storms and the mists, the darkened sky flashed by
+frequent lightning, the peals of thunder reverberating
+from mountain to mountain, and echoing on every side,
+the dangerous hurricanes, the gusts sweeping the innumerable
+lakes with which the country is studded,
+the rolling and impetuous torrent flooding the path of
+the traveller and stopping his progress, are strangely
+different to those safer and milder phenomena, among
+which the English people have developed their prosperity,
+and built up their mighty cities. Even the
+belief in witchcraft, one of the blackest superstitions
+which has ever defaced the human mind, has been
+affected by these peculiarities; and it has been well
+observed, that while, according to the old English<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>
+creed, the witch was a miserable and decrepit hag,
+the slave rather than the mistress of the demons
+which haunted her, she, in Scotland, rose to the
+dignity of a potent sorcerer, who mastered the evil
+spirit, and, forcing it to do her will, spread among the
+people a far deeper and more lasting terror.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Similar results were produced by the incessant and
+sanguinary wars to which Scotland was exposed, and
+especially by the cruel ravages of the English in the
+fourteenth century. Whatever religion may be in the
+ascendant, the influence of its ministers is invariably
+strengthened by a long and dangerous war, the uncertainties
+of which perplex the minds of men, and induce
+them, when natural resources are failing, to call on the
+supernatural for help. On such occasions, the clergy
+rise in importance; the churches are more than usually
+filled; and the priest, putting himself forward as the
+exponent of the wishes of God, assumes the language
+of authority, and either comforts the people under
+their losses in a righteous cause, or else explains to
+them that those losses are sent as a visitation for their
+sins, and as a warning that they have not been sufficiently
+attentive to their religious duties; in other
+words, that they have neglected rites and ceremonies,
+in the performance of which the priest himself has a
+personal interest.</p>
+
+<p>No wonder, therefore, that in the fourteenth century,
+when the sufferings of Scotland were at their height,
+the clergy flourished more than ever; so that as the
+country became poorer, the spiritual classes became
+richer in proportion to the rest of the nation. Even in
+the fifteenth, and first half of the sixteenth century,
+when industry began somewhat to advance, we are
+assured that notwithstanding the improvement in the
+position of laymen, the whole of their wealth put together,
+and including the possessions of all ranks, was
+barely equal to the wealth of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> If the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>
+hierarchy were so rapacious and so successful during a
+period of comparative security, it would be difficult to
+overrate the enormous harvest they must have reaped
+in those earlier days, when danger being much more
+imminent, hardly any one died without leaving something
+to them; all being anxious to testify their respect
+towards those who knew more than their fellows, and
+whose prayers could either avert present evil, or secure
+future happiness.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></p>
+
+<p>Another consequence of these protracted wars was,
+that a more than ordinary proportion of the population
+embraced the ecclesiastical profession, because in it
+alone there was some chance of safety: and the monasteries
+in particular were crowded with persons who
+hoped, though frequently in vain, to escape from the
+burnings and slaughterings to which Scotland was
+exposed. When the country, in the fifteenth century,
+began to recover from the effects of these ravages, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>
+absence of manufactures and of commerce, made the
+Church the best avenue to wealth;<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> so that it was
+entered by peaceful men for the purpose of security,
+and by ambitious men as the surest means of achieving
+distinction.</p>
+
+<p>Thus it was, that the want of great cities, and of
+that form of industry which belongs to them, made the
+spiritual classes more numerous than they would otherwise
+have been; and what is very observable is, that
+it not only increased their number, but also increased
+the disposition of the people to obey them. Agriculturists
+are naturally, and by the very circumstances of
+their daily life, more superstitious than manufacturers,
+because the events with which they deal are more
+mysterious, that is to say, more difficult to generalize
+and predict.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> Hence it is, that, as a body, the inhabitants
+of agricultural districts pay greater respect to the
+teachings of their clergy than the inhabitants of manufacturing
+districts. The growth of cities has, therefore,
+been a main cause of the decline of ecclesiastical power;
+and the fact that, until the eighteenth century, Scotland
+had nothing worthy of being called a city, is one of
+many circumstances which explain the prevalence of
+Scotch superstition, and the inordinate influence of the
+Scotch clergy.</p>
+
+<p>To this, we must add another consideration of great
+moment. Partly from the structure of the country,
+partly from the weakness of the Crown, and partly from
+the necessity of being constantly in arms to repel
+foreign invaders, the predatory habits incidental to an
+early state of society were encouraged, and consequently
+the reign of ignorance was prolonged. Little was
+studied, and nothing was known. Until the fifteenth
+century, there was not even an university in Scotland,
+the first having been founded at St. Andrews in 1412.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>
+The nobles, when they were not making war upon the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>
+enemy, occupied themselves in cutting each other's
+throats, and stealing each other's cattle.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> Such was
+their ignorance, that, even late in the fourteenth century,
+there is said to be no instance of a Scotch baron
+being able to sign his own name.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> And as nothing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>
+approaching to a middle class had been yet formed, we
+may from this gain some idea of the amount of knowledge
+possessed by the people at large.<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> Their minds
+must have been immersed in a darkness which we can
+now barely conceive. No trades, or arts, being practised
+which required skill, or dexterity, there was
+nothing to exercise their intellects. They consequently
+remained so stupid and brutal, that an intelligent
+observer, who visited Scotland in the year 1360, likens
+them to savages, so much was he struck by their barbarism
+and their unsocial manners.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> Another writer,
+early in the fifteenth century, uses the same expression;
+and classing them with the animals which they tended,
+he declares that Scotland is fuller of savages than of
+cattle.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p>
+
+<p>By this combination of events, and by this union of
+ignorance with danger, the clergy had, in the fifteenth
+century, obtained more influence in Scotland than in
+any other European country, Spain alone excepted.
+And as the power of the nobles had increased quite as
+rapidly, it was natural that the Crown, completely
+overshadowed by the great barons, should turn for aid
+to the Church. During the fifteenth century, and part
+of the sixteenth, this alliance was strictly preserved;<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>
+and the political history of Scotland is the history of
+a struggle by the kings and the clergy against the
+enormous authority of the nobles. The contest, after<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>
+lasting about a hundred and sixty years, was brought to
+a close in 1560, by the triumph of the aristocracy, and
+the overthrow of the Church. With such force, however,
+had the circumstance just narrated, engrained superstition
+into the Scotch character, that the spiritual
+classes quickly rallied, and, under their new name of
+Protestants, they became as formidable as under their
+old name of Catholics. Forty-three years after the establishment
+of the Reformation in Scotland, James VI.
+ascended the throne of England, and was able to array
+the force of the southern country against the refractory
+barons of the northern. From that moment the Scotch
+aristocracy began to decline; and the equipoise to the
+clergy being removed, the Church became so powerful,
+that, during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
+it was the most effectual obstacle to the progress of
+Scotland; and even now it exercises a sway which is
+incomprehensible to those who have not carefully studied
+the whole chain of its antecedents. To trace with
+minuteness the long course of affairs which has led to
+this unfortunate result, would be incompatible with
+the object of an Introduction, whose only aim it is to
+establish broad and general principles. But, to bring
+the question clearly before the mind of the reader, it will
+be necessary that I should give a slight sketch of the
+relation which the nobles bore to the clergy in the
+fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and of the way in
+which their relative positions, and their implacable
+hatred of each other, brought about the Reformation.
+By this means, we shall perceive, that the great Protestant
+movement, which, in other countries, was
+democratic, was in Scotland aristocratic. We shall
+also see, that, in Scotland, the Reformation, not being
+the work of the people, has never produced the effects
+which might have been expected from it, and which it
+did produce in England. It is, indeed, but too evident,
+that, while in England Protestantism has diminished
+superstition, has weakened the clergy, has increased
+toleration, and, in a word, has secured the triumph of
+secular interests over ecclesiastical ones, its result in
+Scotland has been entirely different; and that, in that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>
+country, the Church, changing its form, without altering
+its spirit, not only cherished its ancient pretensions,
+but unhappily retained its ancient power; and that,
+although that power is now dwindling away, the Scotch
+preachers still exhibit, whenever they dare, an insolent
+and domineering spirit, which shows how much real
+weakness there yet lurks in the nation, where such
+extravagant claims are not immediately silenced by the
+voice of loud and general ridicule.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> One of their own historians complacently says, &lsquo;but the
+Scots were seldom distinguished for loyalty.&rsquo; <i>Laing's History of
+Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 199, edit. 1819. See also p. 366. To the same
+effect, Brodie (<i>History of the British Empire</i>, Edinburgh, 1822, vol.
+i. p. 388): &lsquo;The little respect paid to royalty is conspicuous in every
+page of Scottish history.&rsquo; Or, as Wilkes expressed himself in the House
+of Commons, &lsquo;Scotland seems, indeed, the natural <i>foyer</i> of rebellion,
+as Egypt is of the plague.&rsquo; <i>Parliamentary History</i>, vol. xix. p. 810,
+London, 1814; and Nimmo (<i>History of Stirlingshire</i>, Edinburgh, 1777, p.
+219): &lsquo;Never was any race of monarchs more unfortunate than the
+Scottish. Their reigns were generally turbulent and disastrous, and
+their own end often tragical.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Indeed, a well-known Scotchman of the seventeenth century,
+scornfully says of the English, &lsquo;such is the obsequiousness, and almost
+superstitious devotion of that nation towards their prince.&rsquo; <i>Baillie's
+Letters</i>, vol. i. p. 204, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1841. This, however,
+was written in 1639, since which we have effectually wiped off that
+reproach. On the other hand, an English writer of the seventeenth
+century, indignantly, though with evident exaggeration, imputes to the
+Scotch that &lsquo;forty of their kings have been barbarously murdered by
+them; and half as many more have either made away with themselves, for
+fear of their torturing of them, or have died miserably in strait
+imprisonment.&rsquo; <i>Account of Scotland in</i> 1670, in <i>Harleian Miscellany</i>,
+vol. vi. p. 140, edit. Park, 4to, 1810. Compare two curious passages in
+<i>Shields' Hind let loose</i>, 1687, pp. 8, 9, 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> In England, the travelling was bad enough; in Scotland, it
+was far worse. Morer, stating what he saw in 1689, says &lsquo;Stage-coaches
+they have none; yet there are a few Hackney's at Edinburgh, which they
+may hire into the country upon urgent occasions. The truth is, the roads
+will hardly allow 'em those conveniences, which is the reason that their
+gentry, men and women, chuse rather to use their horses.&rsquo; <i>Morer's
+Account of Scotland</i>, London, 1702, p. 24.</p>
+
+<p>As to the northern parts, we have the following account, written in
+Inverness, between 1726 and 1730. &lsquo;The Highlands are but little known
+even to the inhabitants of the low country of Scotland, for they have
+ever dreaded the difficulties and dangers of travelling among the
+mountains; and, when some extraordinary occasion has obliged any one of
+them to such a progress, he has, generally speaking, made his testament
+before he set out, as though he were entering upon a long and dangerous
+sea-voyage, wherein it was very doubtful if he should ever return.&rsquo;
+<i>Letters from a Gentleman in the North of Scotland</i>, edit. London, 1815,
+vol. i. p. 4. Between 1720 and 1730, military roads were cut through
+parts of the Highlands, but they were &lsquo;laid down by a practical soldier,
+and destined for warlike purposes, with scarcely any view towards the
+ends for which free and peaceful citizens open up a system of internal
+transit,&rsquo; <i>Burton's History of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 255. See also
+<i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. ii. p. 36. This is confirmed by the fact,
+that even between Inverness and Edinburgh, &lsquo;until 1755, the mail was
+conveyed by men on foot.&rsquo; Account of Inverness-shire, in <i>M<sup>c</sup>Culloch's
+British Empire</i>, London, 1847, vol. i. p. 299; to which I may add, that
+in <i>Anderson's Essay on the Highlands</i>, Edinburgh, 1827, pp. 119, 120,
+it is stated, that &lsquo;A postchaise was first seen in Inverness itself in
+1760, and was, for a considerable time, the only four-wheeled carriage
+in the district.&rsquo; As to the communications in the country about Perth,
+see <i>Penny's Traditions of Perth</i>, pp. 131, 132, Perth, 1836; and as to
+those from Aberdeen to Inverness, and from Aberdeen to Edinburgh, see
+<i>Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen</i>, vol. ii. pp. 269, 270, London, 4to,
+1818.</p>
+
+<p>The history of the improvement of the roads during the latter half of
+the eighteenth century, has never been written; but it is of the
+greatest importance for its intellectual results, in causing national
+fusion, as well as for its economical results, in helping trade. Some
+idea may be formed of the extraordinary energy displayed by Scotland in
+this matter, by comparing the following passages: <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 494, 865, 939, vol. iii. pp. 599, 799; <i>Crawfurd's History
+of the Shire of Renfrew</i>, part ii. pp. 128, 160; <i>Irving's History of
+Dumbartonshire</i>, pp. 245, 246; <i>Sinclair's Statistical Account of
+Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 109, 210, 367, 430, 496; vol. ii. p. 498; vol.
+iii. pp. 331, 352, 353; vol. iv. p. 313; vol. v. pp. 128,
+234, 235, 315, 364, 365; vol. vi. pp. 107, 154, 180, 458; vol. vii. pp.
+135, 251, 275, 299, 417; vol. viii. pp. 81, 243, 344, 345, 541; vol. ix.
+pp. 414, 530; vol. x. pp. 221, 237, 238, 466, 618; vol. xi. pp. 127,
+380, 418, 432, 522, 541; vol. xii. p. 59; vol. xiii. pp. 42, 141, 488,
+542, 663; vol. xiv. pp. 217, 227, 413, 443, 466, 506; vol. xv. pp. 54,
+88, 276; vol. xvi. p. 120; vol. xvii. pp. 5, 267, 297, 377, 533; vol.
+xviii. p. 309; vol. xx. p. 156.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> I use the word Highlands, in the common, though improper,
+sense of including all Scotland from the Pentland Firth to the beginning
+of the mountains, a few miles north of Glasgow, Stirling, Perth, and
+Dundee. All such distinctions are necessarily somewhat vague, because
+the boundaries of nature are never clearly marked. Compare <i>Macky's
+Scotland</i>, p. 124, London, 1732, with <i>Anderson's Guide to the
+Highlands</i>, Edinburgh, 1847, pp. 17, 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Browne (<i>History of the Highlands</i>, vol. i. p. 33) says
+that &lsquo;he traversed the whole of North Britain, from the wall of
+Antoninus to the very extremity of the island.&rsquo; The same thing is stated
+in <i>Pennant's Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 90. Neither of these writers quote
+their authority for this; but they probably relied on a passage in
+<i>Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia</i>, lib. iv. p. 94. &lsquo;Neque tamen
+desideratis quinquaginta millibus (ut scribit Dion) prius ab inc&oelig;pto
+destiterunt, quam ad finem insulæ penetrassent.&rsquo; I believe, however,
+that Scotch antiquaries are now agreed that this is wrong, as Chalmers
+was one of the first to perceive. See his <i>Caledonia</i>, vol. i. p. 187; a
+very valuable and learned, but unhappily ill-arranged, book, and written
+in a style which is absolutely afflicting. See also <i>Irving's History of
+Dumbartonshire</i>, 4to, 1860, p. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> The history of Scotland, in this period, is in great
+confusion, and perhaps will never be recovered. For the statements made
+in the text, I have chiefly used the following authorities: <i>Fordun's
+Scotichronicon</i>, vol. i.; <i>Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia</i>, lib.
+v. pp. 121&ndash;132, and the beginning of the sixth book. Also various parts
+of <i>Bede</i>; <i>Pinkerton's Enquiry into the Early History of Scotland</i>;
+<i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>; the first volume of <i>Browne's History of the
+Highlands</i>; and, above all, Mr. Skene's acute and learned work on the
+Highlanders. In the last-named book, the western boundary of the Picts
+is traced with great ingenuity, though perhaps with some uncertainty.
+<i>Skene's Highlanders of Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 26&ndash;33, London, 1837.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Here, again, we are involved in doubt; it being uncertain
+when the name Scotia was first applied to Scotland. The date, therefore,
+which I have given, is only intended as an approximative truth. In
+arriving at it, I have compared the following different, and often
+conflicting, passages: <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. i. p. 339. <i>Browne's
+History of the Highlands</i>, vol. i. p. 34. <i>Pinkerton's Enquiry into the
+Early History of Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 253, 254, vol. ii. pp. 151, 228,
+237, 240. <i>Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, edit.
+Russell, 1851, vol. i. p. 16, note, where, however, Pinkerton's
+authority is appealed to for an assertion which he did not make.
+<i>Skene's Highlanders</i>, vol. i. pp. 45, 61, 244. <i>Anderson's Prize Essay
+on the Highlands</i>, p. 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> <i>Pinkerton's Enquiry into the Early History of Scotland</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 136, 317, vol. ii. pp. 179, 298. <i>Skene's Highlanders</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 90, 91, 94, 106, 114, 258, 259. <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 340&ndash;347.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 38&ndash;54. The
+account in <i>Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle</i>, vol. i. pp. 399&ndash;403,
+ascribes too much to the prowess of the Scotch, and too little to the
+elements which dispersed the fleet. Compare <i>Irving's History of
+Dumbartonshire</i>, second edition, 4to, 1860, pp. 48, 49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> <i>Buckle's History of Civilization</i>, vol. ii. pp. 116,
+117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> In <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 18, &lsquo;the
+early part of the reign&rsquo; of Alexander III. is indicated as the period in
+which &lsquo;the first approaches were made towards the
+great plan for the reduction of Scotland, by the English.&rsquo; Alexander III.
+came to the throne in 1249. Earlier, the feeling was very different.
+Thus, late in the twelfth century, &lsquo;the two nations, according to
+Fordun, seemed one people; Englishmen travelling at pleasure through all
+the corners of Scotland (?); and Scotchmen in like manner through
+England.&rsquo; <i>Ridpath's Border History</i>, p. 76. Compare <i>Dalrymple's Annals
+of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 158. At that time, England, being weak, was
+peaceably disposed.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> An old Scotch writer says, with some exaggeration, &lsquo;The
+year 1296, at which tyme, the bloodyest and longest warr that ever was
+betwixt two nationes fell out, and continued two hundreth and sextie
+years, to the undoeing and ruineing of many noble families, with the
+slaughter of a million of men.&rsquo; <i>Somerville's Memorie of the
+Somervilles</i>, vol. i. p. 61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> See some just and biting remarks in <i>Hume's History of the
+House of Douglas</i>, vol. i. p. 85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> &lsquo;Anno gratiæ <span class="smcap">MCCXCVI</span>. tertio kalendas Aprilis, villa et
+castro de Berevvico, per magnificum regem Angliæ Eadvvardum captis,
+omnes ibidem inuentos Angli gladio occiderunt, paucis exceptis, qui
+ipsam villam postmodum abiurar&#363;t.&rsquo; <i>Flores Historiarum per Matthæum
+Westmonasteriensem collecti</i>, Lond. 1570, folio, lib. ii. p. 403. &lsquo;Atque
+modo prædicto villâ captâ, civibus prostratis, rex Angliæ prædictus
+nulli ætati parcens aut sexui, duobus diebus rivulis de cruore occisorum
+fluentibus, septem millia et quingentas animas promiscui sexûs jusserat,
+in sua tyrannide desæviens, trucidari.&rsquo; <i>Fordun's Scotichronicon, curâ
+Goodall</i>, Edinb. 1775, folio, vol. ii. pp. 159, 160. &lsquo;Secutus Rex cum
+peditum copiis miserabilem omnis generis cædem edit.&rsquo; <i>Buchanan's Rerum
+Scoticarum Historia</i>, Abredoniæ, 1762, lib. viii. p. 200. &lsquo;They left not
+one creature alive of the Scotish blood within all that toune.&rsquo;
+<i>Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle</i>, Arbroath, 1805, 4to, vol. i. p. 418.
+In 1286, that is, only ten years earlier, &lsquo;No other part of Scotland, in
+point of commercial importance, came near to a comparison with Berwick.&rsquo;
+<i>Macpherson's Annals of Commerce</i>, London, 4to, 1805, vol. i. p. 446.
+Such were the brutal crimes of our wretched and ignorant ancestors.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> &lsquo;The Scots assembled in troops and companies, and betaking
+themselves to the woods, mountains, and morasses, in which their fathers
+had defended themselves against the Romans, prepared for a general
+insurrection against the English power.&rsquo; <i>Scott's History of Scotland</i>,
+London, 1830, vol. i. p. 70. Elgin appears to have been the most
+northern point of this expedition. See <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>,
+vol. i. p. 119, and <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. i. p. 657. The general
+results are summed up by Buchanan: &lsquo;Hanc stragem ex agrorum incultu
+consecuta est fames, et famem pestis, unde major quàm è bello clades
+timebatur.&rsquo; <i>Rerum Scoticarum Historia</i>, lib. viii. p. 203.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> &lsquo;The army then advanced into Scotland by moderate marches,
+wasting and destroying every thing on their way.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;A party of
+Edward's army, sent northwards, wasted the country, and burnt Perth and
+Saint Andrews.&rsquo; <i>Ridpath's Border History</i>, pp. 146, 147.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> &lsquo;The king entered Scotland by the eastern march with a
+great army.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;There was this year so terrible a dearth and scarcity
+of provisions in Scotland, arising from the havoc of war, that many were
+obliged to feed on the flesh of horses and other carrion.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> pp.
+164, 165. See also <i>Fordun's Scotichronicon</i>, vol. ii. pp. 242, 243.
+&lsquo;Quo anno, propter guerrarum discrimina, tanta erat panis inopia et
+victualium caristia in Scotia, quòd in plerisque locis, compellente
+famis necessitate, multi carnibus equorum et aliorum pecorum immundorum
+vescebantur.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Bruce &lsquo;carefully laid the whole borders waste as far as
+the Firth of Forth, removing the inhabitants to the mountains, with all
+their effects of any value. When the English army entered, they found a
+land of desolation, which famine seemed to guard.&rsquo; <i>Scott's History of
+Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 145. See also <i>Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum
+Historia</i>, lib. viii. p. 218.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> &lsquo;Eadwardus, rex Angliæ, intravit Scotiam cum magno
+exercitu equitum et peditum, ac navium multitudine copiosa, duodecimo
+die mensis Augusti, et usque villam de Edinburgh pervenit.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;Spoliatis tamen tunc in reditu Anglorum et prædatis monasteriis Sanctæ
+Crucis de Edinburgh et de Melros, atque ad magnam desolationem
+perductis. In ipso namque monasterio de Melros dominus Willelmus de
+Peblis, ejusdem monasterii Prior, unus etiam monachus tunc infirmus, et
+duo conversi cæci effecti, in dormitorio eorundem ab eisdem Anglis sunt
+interfecti, et plures monachi lethaliter vulnerati. Corpus Dominicum
+super magnum altare fuit projectum, ablatâ pixide argenteâ in quâ erat
+repositum. Monasterium de Driburgh igne penitùs consumptum est et in
+pulverem redactum. Ac <i>alia pia loca quamplurima</i> per prædicti regis
+violentiam ignis flamma consumpsit: quod, Deo retribuente, eisdem in
+prosperum non cessit.&rsquo; <i>Fordun's Scotichronicon</i>, vol. ii. p. 278. &lsquo;In
+redeundo sacra juxta ac prophana spoliata. Monasteria Driburgum et
+Mulrossia etiam cæsis monachis infirmioribus, qui vel defectu virium,
+vel senectutis fiducia soli remanserant, incensa,&rsquo; <i>Buchanan's Rerum
+Scoticarum Historia</i>, lib. viii. p. 219.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>Fordun's Scotichronicon</i>, vol. ii. pp. 322, 323.
+<i>Dalrymple's Annals</i>, vol. ii. pp. 232, 447. <i>Scott's History of
+Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 187, 188.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 451.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Dalrymple's Annals</i>, vol. ii. p. 288. <i>Fordun's
+Scotichronicon</i>, vol. ii. pp. 352&ndash;354.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> &lsquo;Rex Angliæ, Richardus secundus ægrè ferens Scotos et
+Francos tam atrociter terram suam deprædare, et municipia sua assilire
+et ad terram prosternere, exercitum collegit grandem, et intravit
+Scotiam, ætate tunc novemdecim annorum, in multitudine superba
+progrediens, omnia circumquaque perdens, et nihil salvans; templa Dei et
+sanctuaria religiosorum monasteria viz. Driburgh, Melros et Newbottel,
+ac nobilem villam de Edinburgh, cum ecclesia Sancti Ægidii ejusdem,
+voraci flammâ incineravit; et, destructione permaximâ factâ per eum in
+Laudonia, ad propria sine damno repatriavit&rsquo; <i>Fordun's Scotichronicon</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 401. &lsquo;En ce séjour que le roi Richard fit en Haindebourch
+les Anglois coururent tout le pays d'environ et y firent moult de
+desrois; mais nullui n'y trouvèrent; car tout avoient retrait ens ès
+forts, et ens ès grands bois, et là chassé tout leur bétail.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Et
+ardirent les Anglois la ville de Saint-Jean-Ston en Ecosse, où la
+rivière du Tay cuert, et y a un bon port pour aller partout le monde; et
+puis la ville de Dondie; et n'épargnoient abbayes ni moûtiers; tout
+mettoient les Anglois en feu et en flambe; et coururent jusques à
+Abredane les coureurs et l'avant-garde.&rsquo; <i>Les Chroniques de Froissart</i>,
+edit. Buchon, vol. ii. pp. 334, 335, Paris, 1835. See also, on this
+ruffianly expedition, <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. ii. pp. 592, 593, and
+<i>Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia</i>, lib. ix. p. 253: &lsquo;Nulli loco,
+neque sacro, neque profano, nulli homini, qui modò militari esset ætate,
+parcebat.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> &lsquo;Agriculture was ruined; and the very necessaries of life
+were lost, when the principal lords had scarcely a bed to lye on.&rsquo;
+<i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. ii. p. 142. See also, in p. 867 of the same
+volume of this learned work, some curious extracts from Scotch charters
+and other sources, illustrating the horrible condition of the country.
+And on the difficulty of obtaining food, compare <i>Fordun's
+Scotichronicon</i>, vol. ii. pp. 242, 324; <i>Dalrymple's Annals</i>, vol. i. p.
+307, vol. ii. pp. 238, 330; and <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 94.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Notices of Scotch cannibals will be found in <i>Lindsay of
+Pitscottie's Chronicles of Scotland</i>, edit. 1814, vol. i. p. 163; and in
+<i>Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle</i>, 4to, 1805, vol. ii. pp. 16, 99. In
+<i>Fordun's Scotichronicon</i>, vol. ii. p. 331, the following horrible
+account is given: it refers to the neighbourhood of Perth in the year
+1339: &lsquo;Tota illa patria circumvicina eo tempore in tantum fuit vastata,
+quòd non remansit quasi domus inhabitata, sed feræ et cervi de montanis
+descendentes circa villam sæpiùs venabantur. Tanta tunc temporis facta
+est caristia, et victualium inopia, ut passim plebicula deficeret, et
+tanquam oves herbas depascentes, in foveis mortua reperirentur. Prope
+illinc in abditis latitabat quidam robustus rusticus, Crysticleik
+nomine, cum viragine sua, qui mulierculis et pueris ac juvenibus
+insidiabantur, et, tanquam lupi eos strangulantes, de ipsorum carnibus
+victitabant.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Even when the two nations were at peace, the borderers
+were at war. See <i>Ridpath's Border History</i>, pp. 240, 308, 394; and for
+other evidence of this chronic anarchy, compare <i>Hollinshead's Scottish
+Chronicle</i>, vol. ii. p. 30. <i>Lesley's History of Scotland</i>, pp. 40, 52,
+67. <i>Sadler's State Papers</i>, vol. i. pp. 300, 301, 444, 449. <i>State
+Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII.</i>, 4to, 1836, vol. iv. pp. 366, 370,
+569, 570, vol. v. pp. 17, 18, 161. <i>Historie of James the Sext</i>, pp. 21,
+91, 146.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> In 1400, Henry IV. made &lsquo;the last invasion which an
+English monarch ever conducted into Scotland.&rsquo; <i>Tytler's History of
+Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 406. It is said, however, that it was not till
+the reign of Elizabeth than an English sovereign &lsquo;had the policy to
+disavow any claim of sovereignty over Scotland.&rsquo; <i>Chalmers'
+Caledonia</i>, vol. i. p. 650.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> But very slowly. Pinkerton (<i>History of Scotland</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 166, 167) says: &lsquo;The frequent wars between Scotland and England,
+since the death of Alexander III., had occasioned to the former country
+the loss of more than a century in the progress of civilization. While
+in England, only the northern provinces were exposed to the Scotish
+incursions, Scotland suffered in its most civilized departments. It is
+apparent that in the reign of Alexander III., the kingdom was more
+abundant in the useful arts and manufactures, than it was in the time of
+Robert III.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Owing to this, their castles were, by position, the
+strongest in Europe; Germany alone excepted. Respecting their sites,
+which were such as to make them in many instances almost unassailable,
+see <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. ii. pp. 122, 406, 407, 918, 919, vol.
+iii. pp. 268, 269, 356&ndash;359, 864; <i>Pennant's Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 175,
+177; <i>Sinclair's Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 169, vol. vii. p. 510, vol xi.
+pp. 102, 212, 407, 408, vol. xii. pp. 25, 58, vol. xiii. p. 598, vol.
+xv. p. 187, vol. xvi. p. 554, vol. xviii. p. 579, vol. xix. p. 474, vol.
+xx. pp. 56, 312; <i>Macky's Scotland</i>, pp. 183, 297; and some good remarks
+in <i>Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire</i>, p. 56. Neither England, nor
+France, nor Italy, nor Spain, afforded such immense natural advantages
+to their aristocracy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> &lsquo;By retiring to his own castle, a mutinous baron could
+defy the power of his sovereign, it being almost impracticable to lead
+an army through a barren country, to places of difficult access to a
+single man.&rsquo; <i>History of Scotland</i>, book i. p. 59, in <i>Robertson's
+Works</i>, edit. London, 1831. Notwithstanding the immense materials which
+have been brought to light since the time of Robertson, his <i>History of
+Scotland</i> is still valuable; because he possessed a grasp of mind which
+enabled him to embrace general views, that escape ordinary compilers,
+however industrious they may be.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> &lsquo;The patrimony of the Crown had been seriously dilapidated
+during the period of confusion which succeeded the battle of Durham,&rsquo;
+<i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 86.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> &lsquo;During the long captivity of David,&rsquo; the nobles had been
+completely insubordinate, and &lsquo;affected the style and title of princes,&rsquo;
+<i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 85. See also, on the state
+of the barons under David II., <i>Skene's Highlanders</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+63&ndash;67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> In 1299, &lsquo;a superior baron was in every respect a king in
+miniature.&rsquo; <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 150. In 1377,
+&lsquo;the power of the barons had been decidedly increasing since the days of
+Robert the First,&rsquo; p. 332. And, by 1398, it had risen still higher, p.
+392.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> On this burning of Scotch towns, which appears to have
+been the invariable practice of our humane forefathers, see <i>Chalmers'
+Caledonia</i>, vol. ii. pp. 592, 593; <i>Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 18, 27, 375, vol. ii. p. 304; <i>Mercer's History of Dunfermline</i>,
+pp. 55, 66; <i>Sinclair's Scotland</i>, vol. v. p. 485, vol. x. p. 584, vol.
+xix. p. 161; <i>Ridpath's Border History</i>, pp. 147, 221, 265.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> A curious description of them is given in a Scotch
+statute, of the year 1597. &lsquo;They hawe lykwayis throche thair barbarus
+inhumunitie maid and presentlie makis the saidis hielandis and Iles qlk
+are maist c&#333;modious in thame selwes alsueill be the ferteillitie of
+the ground as be riche fischeingis altogidder vnproffitabill baithe to
+thame selffis and to all vthuris his hienes liegis within this realme;
+Thay nathair intertening onie ciuill or honest societie amangis thame
+selffis neyther, zit admittit vtheris his hienesse lieges to trafficque
+within thair boundis vithe saiftie of thair liues and gudes; for remeid
+quhairof and that the saidis inhabitantis of the saidis hilandeis and
+Iles may the better be reduced to ane godlie, honest, and ciuill maner
+of living, it is statute and ordanit,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Acts of the Parliaments of
+Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 138, edit. folio, 1816.</p>
+
+<p>These little peculiarities of the Highlanders remained in full force
+until about the middle of the eighteenth century, as will appear in the
+course of this history. But without anticipating what will be narrated
+in a subsequent chapter, I will merely refer the reader to two
+interesting passages in <i>Pennant's Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 154, and in
+<i>Heron's Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 218, 219; both of which illustrate the
+state of things a little before 1745.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Inverness was burned in 1429. <i>Gregory's History of the
+Western Highlands</i>, p. 36; and again in 1455, <i>Buchanan's Rerum
+Scoticarum Historia</i>, lib. xi. p. 322. &lsquo;The greatest part&rsquo; of it was
+also burned in 1411. See <i>Anderson on the Highlands</i>, Edinb. 1827, p.
+82.</p>
+
+<p>Aberdeen, being richer, was more tempting, but was likewise more able to
+defend itself. Still, its burgh records supply curious evidence of the
+constant fear in which the citizens lived, and of the precautions which
+they took to ward off the attacks, sometimes of the English, and
+sometimes of the clans. See the <i>Council Register of Aberdeen</i>
+(published by the Spalding Club, Aberdeen, 1844&ndash;1848, 4to), vol. i. pp.
+8, 19, 60, 83, 197, 219, 232, 268, vol. ii. p. 82. The last entry, which
+is dated July 31, 1593, mentions &lsquo;the disordourit and lawles helandmen
+in Birss, Glentanner, and their about, nocht onlie in the onmerciful
+murthering of men and bairnis, bot in the maisterfull and violent
+robbing and spulzeing of all the bestiall, guidis, and geir of a gryt
+pairt of the inhabitantis of theas boundis, rasing of gryt hairschip
+furth of the samen, being committit to ewous and nar this burgh, within
+xx mylis theirunto, deuysit and ordanit for preservation of this burgh
+and inhabitantis theirof, fra the tyrannous invasion of the saidis
+hieland men, quha has na respect to God nor man; that the haill
+inhabitantis of this burgh, fensiball persones als weill onfrie as frie,
+salbe in reddiness weill armit for the defence of this burgh, thair awin
+lyvis, gudis, and geir, and resisting and repressing of the said heland
+men, as occasioun salbe offered, at all tymes and houris as thay salbe
+requirt and chargit.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>Even in 1668 we find complaints that Highlanders had forcibly carried
+off women from Aberdeen or from its neighbourhood. <i>Records of the Synod
+of Aberdeen</i>, p. 290. Other evidence of their attacks in the sixteenth
+and seventeenth centuries, may be seen in <i>Kennedy's Annals of
+Aberdeen</i>, vol. i. p. 133; <i>Spalding's History of the Troubles</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 25, 217; <i>Extracts from the Presbytery Book of Strathbogie</i>, pp. 62,
+73.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Even Perth ceased to be the capital of Scotland, because
+&lsquo;its vicinity to the Highlands&rsquo; made it dangerous for the sovereign to
+reside there. <i>Lawson's Book of Perth</i>, p. xxxi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> On the prevalence of barter and lack of specie, in
+Scotland, see the <i>Spalding Club Miscellany</i>, vol. iv. pp. lvii.&ndash;lx.,
+Aberdeen, 1849, 4to. In 1492, the treasury of Aberdeen was obliged to
+borrow 4<i>l.</i> 16<i>s.</i> Scots. <i>Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen</i>, vol. i. p.
+61. Compare <i>Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland</i>, vol. x. p.
+542. Fynes Moryson, who was in Scotland late in the sixteenth century,
+says, &lsquo;the gentlemen reckon their revenues not by rents of money, but by
+chauldrons of victuals.&rsquo; <i>Moryson's Itinerary</i>, part iii. p. 155,
+London, folio, 1617; a rare and extremely curious book, which ought to
+be reprinted. A hundred years after Moryson wrote, it was observed that,
+&lsquo;in England, the rents are paid in money; in Scotland, they are,
+generally speaking, paid in kind, or victual, as they call it.&rsquo; <i>De
+Foe's History of the Union</i>, p. 130.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> In the reign of James I. (1424&ndash;1436), &lsquo;It appears that
+armour, nay spears, and bows and arrows, were chiefly imported.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;In
+particular, the heads of arrows and of spears seem to have been entirely
+imported from Flanders,&rsquo; <i>Pinkerton's History of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p.
+163. We learn from Rymer's <i>F&oelig;dera</i>, that, in 1368, two Scotchmen
+having occasion to fight a duel, got their armour from London.
+<i>Macpherson's Annals of Commerce</i>, vol. i. p. 575.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> From the <i>Bibel of English Policy</i>, supposed to have been
+written in the reign of Edward IV., we learn that &lsquo;the Scotish imports
+from Flanders were mercery, but more haberdashery, cart-wheels, and
+wheel-barrows,&rsquo; <i>Pinkerton's History of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 408. In
+<i>Mercer's History of Dunfermline</i>, p. 61, we are told that, in the
+fifteenth century, &lsquo;Even in the best parts of Scotland, the inhabitants
+could not manufacture the most necessary articles. Flanders was the
+great mart in those times, and from Bruges chiefly, the Scots imported
+even horse-shoes, harness, saddles, bridles, cart-wheels, and
+wheel-barrows, besides all their mercery and haberdashery.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Aberdeen was, for a long period, one of the most wealthy,
+and, in some respects, the most advanced, of all the Scotch cities. But
+it appears, from the council-registers of Aberdeen, that, &lsquo;in the
+beginning of the sixteenth century, there was not a mechanic in the town
+capable to execute the ordinary repairs of a clock,&rsquo; <i>Kennedy's Annals
+of Aberdeen</i>, vol. i. p. 99. On the Scotch clocks in the middle of the
+sixteenth century, compare Mr. Morley's interesting <i>Life of Cardan</i>,
+London, 1854, vol. ii. p. 128. Cardan was in Scotland in 1552.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> About 1619, Sir George Hay &lsquo;set up at the village of
+Wemyss, in Fife, a small glass-work, being the first known to have
+existed amongst us.&rsquo; <i>Chambers' Annals</i>, vol. i. p. 506. See also p.
+428.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> &lsquo;Before this time, soap was imported into Scotland from
+foreign countries, chiefly from Flanders.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. i. p. 507,
+under the year 1619, where mention is made of the manufactory set up at
+Leith. &lsquo;The sope-workes of Leith&rsquo; are noticed in 1650, in <i>Balfour's
+Annales</i>, vol. iv. p. 68.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Ray, who visited Scotland in 1661, says, &lsquo;In the best
+Scottish houses, even the king's palaces, the windows are not glazed
+throughout, but the upper part only; the lower have two wooden shuts or
+folds to open at pleasure and admit the fresh air.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The ordinary
+country-houses are pitiful cots, built of stone, and covered with
+turves, having in them but one room, many of them no chimneys, the
+windows very small holes and not glazed.&rsquo; <i>Ray's Itineraries</i>, p. 153,
+edited by Dr. Lankester, London, 1846. &lsquo;About 1752, the glass window was
+beginning to make its appearance in the small farm-houses.&rsquo; <i>Brown's
+History of Glasgow</i>, vol. ii. p. 265, Edinburgh, 1797.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> In 1650, it was stated of the Scotch, that &lsquo;many of their
+women are so sluttish, that they do not wash their linen above once a
+month, nor their hands and faces above once a year.&rsquo; <i>Whitelock's
+Memorials</i>, p. 468, London, 1732, folio. Six or seven years after this,
+a traveller in Scotland says, &lsquo;the linen they supplied us with, were it
+not to boast of, was little or nothing different from those female
+complexions that never washed their faces to retain their christendom.&rsquo;
+<i>Franck's Northern Memoirs</i>, edit. Edinburgh, 1821, p. 94. A celebrated
+Scotchman notices, in 1698, the uncleanly habits of his countrymen, but
+gives a comical reason for them; since, according to him, they were in a
+great measure caused by the position of the capital. &lsquo;As the happy
+situation of London has been the principal cause of the glory and riches
+of England, so the bad situation of Edinburgh has been one great
+occasion of the poverty and uncleanliness in which the greater part of
+the people of Scotland live.&rsquo; <i>Second Discourse on the Affairs of
+Scotland</i>, in <i>Fletcher of Saltoun's Political Works</i>, p. 119, Glasgow,
+1749. Another Scotchman, among his reminiscences of the early part of
+the eighteenth century, says, that &lsquo;table and body linen [were] seldom
+shifted.&rsquo; <i>Memoires by Sir Archibald Grant of Monymusk</i>, in <i>Spalding
+Club Miscellany</i>, vol. ii. p. 100, Aberdeen, 1842, 4to. Finally, we have
+positive proof that in some parts of Scotland, even at the end of the
+eighteenth century, the people used, instead of soap, a substitute too
+disgusting to mention. See the account communicated by the Rev. William
+Leslie to Sir John Sinclair, in <i>Sinclair's Statistical Account of
+Scotland</i>, vol. ix. p. 177, Edinburgh, 1793.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> <i>Chambers' Annals</i>, vol. i. p. 512.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> A paper-mill was established near Edinburgh in 1675; but
+&lsquo;there is reason to conclude this paper-mill was not continued, and that
+paper-making was not successfully introduced into Scotland till the
+middle of the succeeding century.&rsquo; <i>Chambers' Annals</i>, vol. ii. p. 399.
+I have met with so many proofs of the great accuracy of this valuable
+work, that I should be loath to question any statement made by Mr.
+Chambers, when, as in this case, I have only my memory to trust to. But
+I think that I have seen evidence of paper being successfully
+manufactured in Scotland late in the seventeenth century, though I
+cannot recall the passages. However, Arnot, in his <i>History of
+Edinburgh</i>, p. 599, edit. 4to, says, &lsquo;About forty years ago, printing or
+writing paper began to be manufactured in Scotland. Before that, papers
+were imported from Holland, or brought from England,&rsquo; As Arnot's work
+was printed in 1788, this coincides with Mr. Chambers' statement. I may
+add, that, at the end of the eighteenth century, there were &lsquo;two
+paper-mills near Perth.&rsquo; <i>Heron's Journey through Scotland</i>, vol. i. p.
+117, Perth, 1799; and that, in 1751 and 1763, the two first paper-mills
+were erected north of the Forth. <i>Sinclair's Statistical Account of
+Scotland</i>, vol. ix. p. 593, vol. xvi. p. 373. Compare <i>Lettice's Letters
+from Scotland in 1792</i>, p. 420.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> &lsquo;This city was founded about the sixth century.&rsquo; <i>M'Ure's
+History of Glasgow</i>, edit. 1830, p. 120. Compare <i>Denholm's History of
+Glasgow</i>, p. 2, Glasgow, 1804.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> In 1172, a market was granted to Glasgow; and in 1190, a
+fair. See the charters in the Appendix to <i>Gibson's History of Glasgow</i>,
+pp. 299, 302, Glasgow, 1777.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> &lsquo;By the sale of land made by Robert de Mythyngby to Mr.
+Reginald de Irewyne, <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1268, it is evident that the town was then
+governed by provosts, aldermen, or wardens, and baillies, who seem to
+have been independent of the bishop, and were possessed of a common
+seal, distinct from the one made use of by the bishop and chapter.&rsquo;
+<i>Gibson's History of Glasgow</i>, p. 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> &lsquo;A Mr. William Elphinston is made mention of as the first
+promoter of trade in Glasgow, so early as the year 1420; the trade which
+he promoted was, in all probability, the curing and exporting of
+salmon.&rsquo; <i>Gibson's History of Glasgow</i>, p. 203. See also <i>M'Ure's
+History of Glasgow</i>, p. 93.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Gibson (<i>History of Glasgow</i>, p. 74), with every desire to
+take a sanguine view of the early state of his own city, says, that, in
+1450, the inhabitants &lsquo;might perhaps amount to fifteen hundred;&rsquo; and
+that &lsquo;their wealth consisted in a few burrow-roods very ill-cultivated,
+and in some small cattle, which fed on their commons.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> &lsquo;Dunfermline continued to be a favourite royal residence
+as long as the Scottish dynasty existed. Charles I. was born here; as
+also his sister Elizabeth, afterwards Queen of Bohemia, from whom her
+present Majesty is descended; and Charles II. paid a visit to this
+ancient seat of royalty in 1650. The Scottish parliament was often held
+in it.&rsquo; <i>M'Culloch's Geographical Dictionary</i>, London, 1849, vol. i. p.
+723. Compare <i>Mercer's History of Dunfermline</i>, 1828, pp. 56, 58, and
+<i>Chalmers' History of Dunfermline</i>, 1844, p. 264.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> In 1385, it was &lsquo;only a sorry wooden village, belonging to
+the monastery.&rsquo; <i>Mercer's History of Dunfermline</i>, p. 62.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> See &lsquo;Ms. Annals,&rsquo; in <i>Chalmers' History of Dunfermline</i>,
+p. 327. In 1624, we learn from <i>Balfour's Annales</i>, edit. 1825, vol. ii.
+p. 99, that &lsquo;the quholl bodey of the towne, which did consist of 120
+tenements, and 287 families was brunt and consumed.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> &lsquo;Greenock, which is now one of the largest shipping towns
+in Scotland, was, in the end of the sixteenth century, a mean fishing
+village, consisting of a single row of thatched cottages, which was
+inhabited by poor fishermen.&rsquo; <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. iii. p. 806,
+4to, 1824.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> In May 1668, Kilmarnock was burnt; and &lsquo;the event is
+chiefly worthy of notice as marking the smallness of Kilmarnock in those
+days, when as yet, there was no such thing as manufacturing industry in
+the country. A hundred and twenty families speaks to a population of
+between five and six hundred.&lsquo; <i>Chambers' Annals</i>, Edinburgh, 1858, vol.
+ii. p. 320. In 1658, their houses are described by an eye-witness as
+&lsquo;little better than huts.&lsquo; <i>Franck's Northern Memoirs</i>, reprinted
+Edinburgh, 1821, p. 101.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> &lsquo;Betwixt two and three thousand souls,&lsquo; <i>Denholm's History
+of Glasgow</i>, p. 542, edit. Glasgow, 1804.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> In 1572, the registers of Aberdeen show that seventy-two
+deaths occurred in the year. An annual mortality of 1 in 40 would be a
+very favourable estimate; indeed, rather too favourable, considering the
+habits of the people at that time. However, supposing it to be 1 in 40,
+the population would be 2880; and if, as I make no doubt, the mortality
+was more than 1 in 40, the population must of course have been less.
+Kennedy, in his valuable, but very uncritical, work, conjectures that
+&lsquo;one fiftieth part of the inhabitants had died annually;&rsquo; though it is
+certain that there was no town in Europe any thing like so
+healthy as that. On this hypothesis, which is contradicted by every sort
+of statistical evidence that has come down to us, the number would be 72
+× 50 = 3600. See <i>Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen</i>, vol. i. p. 103, London,
+1818, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> &lsquo;St. Andrews, Perth, and Aberdeen, appear to have been the
+three most populous cities before the Reformation.&rsquo; <i>Lawson's Roman
+Catholic Church in Scotland</i>, 1836, p. 26. The same assertion is made in
+<i>Lyon's History of St. Andrews</i>, 1843, vol. i. p. 2. But neither of
+these writers appear to have made many researches on the subject, or
+else they would not have supposed that Aberdeen was larger than
+Edinburgh.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> I have carefully read the two histories of St. Andrews, by
+Dr. Grierson and by Mr. Lyon, but have found nothing in them of any
+value concerning the early history of that city. Mr. Lyon's work, which
+is in two thick volumes, is unusually superficial, even for a local
+history; and that is saying much.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> &lsquo;Of the thirteen parliaments held in the reign of King
+James I., eleven were held at Perth, one at Stirling, and one at
+Edinburgh. The National Councils of the Scottish clergy were held there
+uniformly till 1459. Though losing its pre-eminence by the selection of
+Edinburgh as a capital, Perth has uniformly and constantly maintained
+the second place in the order of burghs, and its right to do so has been
+repeatedly and solemnly acknowledged.&rsquo; <i>Penny's Traditions of Perth</i>,
+Perth, 1836, p. 231. See also p. 305. It appears, however, from
+Froissart, that Edinburgh was deemed the capital in the latter half of
+the fourteenth century.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> I find one instance of its being praised by a man who was
+not a Scotchman. Alexander Necham &lsquo;takes notice of Perth in the
+following distich, quoted in Camden's Britannia:</p>
+
+<div class="poem-container">
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Transis ample Tai, per rura, per oppida, per Perth:</span><br />
+<span class="i0">Regnum sustentant illius urbis opes.</span><br />
+<span class="i0">Thus Englished in Bishop Gibson's Translations of Camden's Book:</span><br />
+<span class="i0">Great Tay, through Perth, through towns, through country flies:</span><br />
+<span class="i0">Perth the whole kingdom with her wealth supplies.&rsquo;</span><br />
+</div></div></div>
+
+<p><i>Sinclair's Scotland</i>, vol. xviii. p. 511.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> 1427 × 6 = 8562, the computed population in 1584 and 1585,
+exclusive of the extraordinary mortality caused by the plague.
+<i>Chambers' Annals of Scotland</i>, 1858, vol. i. p. 158.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> &lsquo;The inhabitants of the capital, in the reign of Robert
+II., hardly exceeded sixteen thousand.&rsquo; <i>Pinkerton's History of
+Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 152.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> When the French arrived in Edinburgh, the Scotch said,
+&lsquo;&ldquo;Quel diable les a mandés? Ne savons-nous pas bien faire notre guerre
+sans eux aux Anglois? Nous ne ferons jà bonne besogne tant comme ils
+soient avec nous. On leur dise que ils s'en revoisent, et que nous
+sommes gens assez en Escosse pour parmaintenir notre guerre, et que
+point nous ne voulons leur compagnie. Ils ne nous entendent point, ni
+nous eux; nous ne savons parler ensemble; ils auront tantôt riflé et
+mangé tout ce qui est en ce pays: ils nous feront plus de contraires, de
+dépits, et de dommages, si nous les laissons convenir, que les Anglois
+ne feroient si ils s'étoient embattus entre nous sans ardoir. Et si les
+Anglois ardent nos maisons, que peut il chaloir? Nous les aurons tantôt
+refaites à bon marché, nous n'y mettons au refaire que trois jours, mais
+que nous ayons quatre ou six estaches et de la ramée pour lier par
+dessus.&rdquo;&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Ainsi disoient les Escots en Escosse à la venue des seigneurs de
+France,&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Et quand les Anglois y chevauchent ou que ils y vont,
+ainsi que ils y ont été plusieurs fois, il convient que leurs
+pourvéances, si ils veulent vivre, les suivent toujours au dos; car on
+ne trouve rien sur le pays: à grand'peine y recuevre-l'en du fer pour
+serrer les chevaux, ni du cuir pour faire harnois, selles ni brides. Les
+choses toutes faites leur viennent par mer de Flandre, et quand cela
+leur défaut, ils n'ont nulle chose. Quand ces barons et ces chevaliers
+de France qui avoient appris ces beaux hôtels à trouver, ces salles
+parées, ces chasteaux et ces bons mols lits pour reposer, se virent
+et trouvèrent en celle povreté, si commencèrent à rire et à dire: &ldquo;En
+quel pays nous a ci amenés l'amiral? Nous ne sçumes oncques que ce fût
+de povreté ni de dureté fors maintenant.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Les Chroniques de
+Froissart</i>, edit. Buchon, Paris, 1835, vol. ii. pp. 314, 315. &lsquo;The
+hovels of the common people were slight erections of turf, or twigs,
+which, as they were often laid waste by war, were built merely for
+temporary accommodation. Their towns consisted chiefly of wooden
+cottages,&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Even as late as 1600, the houses of Edinburgh were
+chiefly built of wood.&rsquo; <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. i. p. 802. Another
+account, written in 1670, says, &lsquo;The houses of the commonalty are very
+mean, mudwall and thatch, the best; but the poorer sort live in such
+miserable huts as never eye beheld.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;In some parts, where turf is
+plentiful, they build up little cabbins thereof, with arched roofs of
+turf, without a stick of timber in it; when the house is dry enough to
+burn, it serves them for fuel, and they remove to another.&rsquo; <i>Harleian
+Miscellany</i>, vol. vi. p. 139, 4to, 1810.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> &lsquo;Our manufactures were carried on by the meanest of the
+people, who had small stocks, and were of no reputation. These were, for
+the most part, workmen for home-consumpt, such as masons,
+house-carpenters, armourers, blacksmiths, taylors, shoemakers, and the
+like. Our weavers were few in number, and in the greatest contempt, as
+their employments were more sedentary, and themselves reckoned less fit
+for war, in which all were obliged to serve, when the exigencies of the
+country demanded their attendance.&rsquo; <i>The Interest of Scotland
+Considered</i>, Edinburgh, 1733, p. 82. Pinkerton (<i>History of Scotland</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 392), referring to the Sloane manuscripts, says, &lsquo;The author
+of an interesting memoir concerning the state of Scotland about 1590,
+observes, that the husbandmen were a kind of slaves, only holding their
+lands from year to year; that the nobility being too numerous for the
+extent of the country, there arose too great an inequality of rank and
+revenue; and there was no middle station between a proud landholder and
+those who, having no property to lose, were ready for any tumult. A rich
+yeomanry, numerous merchants and tradesmen of property, and all the
+denominations of the middle class, so important in a flourishing
+society, were long to be confined to England.&rsquo; Thirteen years later, we
+are told that the manufactures of Scotland &lsquo;were confined to a few of
+the coarsest nature, without which the poorest nations are unable to
+subsist.&rsquo; <i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 7, under the year
+1603.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Thus, for instance, &lsquo;the town of Dunbar naturally grew up
+under the shelter of the castle of the same name.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Dunbar became
+the town, in demesn, of the successive Earls of Dunbar and March,
+partaking of their influences, whether unfortunate or happy.&rsquo; <i>Chalmers'
+Caledonia</i>, vol. ii. p. 416. &lsquo;But when the regal government became at
+any time feeble, these towns, unequal to their own protection, placed
+themselves under the shelter of the most powerful lord in their
+neighbourhood. Thus, the town of Elgyn found it necessary, at various
+periods between the years 1389 and 1452, to accept of many charters of
+protection, and discharges of taxes, from the Earls of Moray, who held
+it in some species of vassalage.&rsquo; <i>Sinclair's Scotland</i>, vol. v. p. 3.
+Compare <i>Pinkerton's History of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 396; and two
+letters, written in 1543 and 1544, by the magistrates of Aberdeen, to
+the Earl of Huntly, and printed in the <i>Council Register of Aberdeen</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 190, 201, Aberdeen, 1844, 4to. They say to him, &lsquo;Ye haf our
+band as protectour to wss.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 225. See also
+p. 131; and <i>Pinkerton's History of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 179.
+Sometimes the nobles did not leave to the citizens even the appearance
+of a free election, but fought it out among themselves. An instance of
+this happened at Perth, in 1544, &lsquo;where a claim for the office of
+provost was decided by arms, between Lord Ruthven on the one side,
+supported by a numerous train of his vassals, and Lord Gray, with Norman
+Leslie, master of Rothes, and Charteris of Kinfauns, on the other.&rsquo;
+<i>Tytler</i>, vol. iv. p. 323.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> For illustrations of this custom, see <i>Hollinshead's
+Scottish Chronicle</i>, vol. ii. p. 230. <i>Brown's History of Glasgow</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 154. <i>Denholm's History of Glasgow</i>, p. 249. <i>Mercer's History of
+Dunfermline</i>, p. 83.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> &lsquo;An injury inflicted on the &ldquo;man&rdquo; of a nobleman was
+resented as much as if he himself had been the injured party.&rsquo; <i>Preface
+to the Council Register of Aberdeen</i>, vol. i. p. xii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> See, in <i>Macaulay's History of England</i>, vol. i. p. 93,
+1st edit., a spirited description of Scotland in 1639. &lsquo;The parliament
+of the northern kingdom was a very different body from that which bore
+the same name in England.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The three estates sat in one house. The
+commissioners of the burghs were considered merely as retainers of the
+great nobles,&rsquo; &amp;c. To come down much later, Lord Cockburn gives a
+terrible account of the state of things in Scotland in 1794, the year in
+which Jeffrey was called to the bar. &lsquo;There was then, in this country,
+no popular representation, no emancipated burghs, no effective rival of
+the established church, no independent press, no free public meetings,
+and no better trial by jury, even in political cases (except high
+treason), than what was consistent with the circumstances, that the
+jurors were not sent into court under any impartial rule, and that, when
+in court, those who were to try the case were named by the presiding
+judge. The Scotch representatives were only forty-five, of whom thirty
+were elected for counties, and fifteen for towns. Both from its price
+and its nature (being enveloped in feudal and technical absurdities),
+the elective franchise in counties, where alone it existed, was far
+above the reach of the whole lower, and of a great majority of the
+middle, and of many even of the higher, ranks. There were probably not
+above 1500 or 2000 county electors in all Scotland; a body not too large
+to be held, hope included, in government's hands. The return, therefore,
+of a single opposition member was never to be expected.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Of the
+fifteen town members, Edinburgh returned one. The other fourteen were
+produced by clusters of four or five unconnected burghs electing each
+one delegate, and these four or five delegates electing the
+representative. Whatever this system may have been originally, it had
+grown, in reference to the people, into as complete a mockery as if it
+had been invented for their degradation. The people had nothing to do
+with it. It was all managed by town-councils, of never more than
+thirty-three members; and every town-council was self-elected, and
+consequently perpetuated its own interests. The election of either the
+town or the county member was a matter of such utter indifference to the
+people, that they often only knew of it by the ringing of a bell, or by
+seeing it mentioned next day in a newspaper; for the farce was generally
+performed in an apartment from which, if convenient, the public could be
+excluded, and never in the open air.&rsquo; <i>Cockburn's Life of Jeffrey</i>,
+Edinburgh, 1852, vol. i. pp. 74&ndash;76. On the state of Scotch
+representation between this and the Reform Bill, compare <i>Irving's
+History of Dumbartonshire</i>, 4to, 1860, pp. 275, 276, with <i>Moore's
+Memoirs</i>, edited by Lord John Russell, vol. iv. p. 268, vol. vi. p. 163,
+London, 1853&ndash;4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> <i>History of Civilization</i>, vol. i. pp. 125&ndash;129, 373&ndash;380.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> <i>History of Civilization</i>, vol. ii. p. 171.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> We must discriminate between wonder and admiration. Wonder
+is the product of ignorance; admiration is the product of knowledge.
+Ignorance wonders at the supposed irregularities of nature; science
+admires its uniformities. The earlier writers rarely attended to this
+distinction, because they were misled by the etymology of the word
+&lsquo;admiration.&rsquo; The Romans were very superficial thinkers upon all matters
+except jurisprudence; and their blundering use of &lsquo;admirari&rsquo; gave rise
+to the error, so common among our old writers, of &lsquo;I admire,&rsquo; instead of
+&lsquo;I wonder.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> &lsquo;Our Scottish witch is a far more frightful being than her
+supernatural coadjutor on the south side of the Tweed. She sometimes
+seems to rise from the proper sphere of the witch, who is only the
+slave, into that of the sorcerer, who is master of the demon.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;In a
+people so far behind their neighbours in domestic organization, poor and
+hardy, inhabiting a country of mountains, torrents, and rocks, where
+cultivation was scanty, accustomed to gloomy mists and wild storms,
+every impression must necessarily assume a corresponding character.
+Superstitions, like funguses and vermin, are existences peculiar to the
+spot where they appear, and are governed by its physical accidents.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;And thus it is that the indications of witchcraft in Scotland are as
+different from those of the superstition which in England receives the
+same name, as the Grampian Mountains from Shooter's Hill or Kennington
+Common.&rsquo; <i>Burton's Criminal Trials in Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 240&ndash;243.
+This is admirably expressed, and exhausts the general view of the
+subject. The relation between the superstition of the Scotch and the
+physical aspects of their country is also touched upon, though with much
+inferior ability, in <i>Brown's History of the Highlands</i>, vol. i. p. 106,
+and in <i>Sinclair's Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 560. Hume, in his
+<i>Commentaries on the Laws of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 556, has an
+interesting passage on the high pretensions of Scotch witchcraft, which
+never degenerated, as in other countries, into a mere attempt at
+deception, but always remained a sturdy and deep-rooted belief. He says,
+&lsquo;For among the many trials for witchcraft which fill the record, I have
+not observed that there is even one which proceeds upon the notion of a
+vain or cheating art, falsely used by an impostor to deceive the weak
+and credulous.&rsquo; Further information respecting Scotch witchcraft will be
+found in <i>Mackenzie's Criminal Laws of Scotland</i>, Edinburgh, folio,
+1699, pp. 42&ndash;56; <i>Correspondence of Mrs. Grant of Laggan</i>, London, 1844,
+vol. iii. pp. 186, 187; <i>Southey's Life of Bell</i>, London, 1844, vol. i.
+p. 52; <i>Vernon Correspondence</i>, edited by James, London, 1841, vol. ii.
+p. 301; <i>Weld's History of the Royal Society</i>, London, 1848, vol. i. p.
+89; <i>Letters from a Gentleman in the North of Scotland</i>, edit. 1815,
+vol. i. pp. 220, 221; <i>The Spottiswoode Miscellany</i>, vol. ii. p. 41,
+Edinburgh, 1845; <i>Lyon's History of St. Andrews</i>, Edinburgh, 1843, vol.
+ii. pp. 56, 57. The work of James I., and that of Sir Walter Scott, need
+hardly be referred to, as they are well known to every one who is
+interested in the history of witchcraft; but Pitcairn's <i>Criminal
+Trials</i>, though less read, are, in every respect, more valuable, on
+account of the materials they contain for a study of this department of
+Scotch superstition.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Pinkerton (<i>History of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 414) says
+that, in the reigns of James II. and James III., &lsquo;the wealth of the
+Church was at least equivalent to that of all the lay interest.&rsquo; See
+also <i>Life of Spottiswoode</i>, p. liii., in vol. i. of his <i>History of the
+Church of Scotland</i>. &lsquo;The numerous devices employed by ecclesiastics,
+both secular and regular, for enriching the several Foundations to which
+they were attached, had transferred into their hands more than half of
+the territorial property of Scotland, or of its annual produce.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>In regard to the first half of the sixteenth century, it is stated by a
+high authority, that, just before the Reformation, &lsquo;the full half of the
+wealth of the nation belonged to the clergy.&rsquo; <i>M'Crie's Life of Knox</i>,
+p. 10. And another writer says, &lsquo;If we take into account the annual
+value of all these abbeys and monasteries, in conjunction with the
+bishoprics, it will appear at once that the Scottish Catholic hierarchy
+was more munificently endowed, considering the extent and resources of
+the kingdom, than it was in any other country in Europe.&rsquo; <i>Lawson's
+Roman Catholic Church in Scotland</i>, p. 22. See also, respecting the
+incomes of the Scotch bishops, which, considering the poverty of the
+country, were truly enormous, <i>Lyon's History of St. Andrews</i>,
+Edinburgh, 1843, vol. i. pp. 97, 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> &lsquo;They could employ all the motives of fear and of hope, of
+terror and of consolation, which operate most powerfully on the human
+mind. They haunted the weak and the credulous; they besieged the beds of
+the sick and of the dying; they suffered few to go out of the world
+without leaving marks of their liberality to the Church, and taught them
+to compound with the Almighty for their sins, by bestowing riches upon
+those who called themselves his servants.&rsquo; <i>History of Scotland</i>, book
+ii. p. 89, in <i>Robertson's Works</i>, London, 1831. It is interesting to
+observe the eagerness with which the clergy of one persuasion expose the
+artifices of those of another. By comparing their different statements,
+laymen gain an insight into the entire scheme.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Pinkerton observes, under the year 1514, that
+&lsquo;ecclesiastical dignities presented almost the only path to opulence.&rsquo;
+<i>History of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> <i>Buckle's History of Civilization</i>, vol. i. pp. 376&ndash;380.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Arnot (<i>History of Edinburgh</i>, p. 386) says, that the
+University of St. Andrews was founded in 1412; and the same thing is
+stated in <i>Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen</i>, vol. ii. p. 83. Grierson, in
+his <i>History of St. Andrews</i>, Cupar, 1838, p. 14, says, &lsquo;In 1410, the
+city of St. Andrews first saw the establishment of its famous
+university, the most ancient institution of the kind that exists in
+Scotland;&rsquo; but, at p. 144 of the same work, we are told, that the
+charter, &lsquo;constituting and declaring it to be a university,&rsquo; is &lsquo;dated
+at St. Andrews, the 27th of February, 1411.&rsquo; See also <i>Lyon's History of
+St. Andrews</i>, vol. i. pp. 203&ndash;206, vol. ii. p. 223. At all events, &lsquo;at
+the commencement of the fifteenth century, no university existed in
+Scotland; and the youth who were desirous of a liberal education were
+under the necessity of seeking it abroad.&rsquo; <i>M'Crie's Life of Melville</i>,
+vol. i. p. 211. The charter granted by the Pope, confirming the
+university, reached Scotland in 1413. <i>Lawson's Roman Catholic Church in
+Scotland</i>, Edinburgh, 1836, p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Those were times, when, as a Scotch lawyer delicately
+expresses himself, &lsquo;thieving was not the peculiar habit of the low and
+indigent, but often common to them with persons of rank and landed
+estate.&rsquo; <i>Hume's Commentaries on the Law of Scotland</i>, 4to, 1797, vol.
+i. p. 126. The usual form of robbery being cattle-stealing, a particular
+name was invented for it; see p. 148, where we learn that it &lsquo;was
+distinguished by the name of Hership or Herdship, being the driving away
+of numbers of cattle, or other bestial, by the masterful force of armed
+people.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Tytler, who was a great patriot, and disposed to
+exaggerate the merit of everything which was Scotch, does nevertheless
+allow that, &ldquo;from the accession of Alexander III. to the death of David
+II. (<i>i.e.</i> in 1370), it would be impossible, I believe, to produce a
+single instance of a Scottish baron who could sign his own name.&rdquo;
+<i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. pp. 239, 240. Early in the
+sixteenth century, I find it casually mentioned, that &lsquo;David Straiton, a
+cadet of the house of Laureston,&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;could not read.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's
+Collections</i>, vol. i. pp. 5, 6. The famous chief, Walter Scott of
+Harden, was married in 1567; and &lsquo;his marriage contract is signed by a
+notary, because none of the parties could write their names.&rsquo; <i>Chambers'
+Annals</i>, vol. i. p. 46. Crawfurd (<i>History of Renfrew</i>, part iii. p.
+313) says: &lsquo;The modern practice of subscribing names to writes of moment
+was not used in Scotland till about the year 1540;&rsquo; but he forgets to
+tell us why it was not used. In 1564, Robert Scot of Thirlstane,
+&lsquo;ancestor of Lord Napier,&rsquo; could not sign his name. See <i>Pitcairn's
+Criminal Trials in Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 394.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> A Scotchman, of considerable learning, says: &lsquo;Scotland was
+no less ignorant and superstitious at the beginning of the fifteenth
+century, than it was towards the close of the twelfth.&rsquo; <i>Dalrymple's
+Annals of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 428.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> &lsquo;Et sont ainsi comme gens sauvages qui ne se savent avoir
+ni de nulli accointer.&rsquo; <i>Les Chroniques de Froissart</i>, edit. Buchon,
+Paris, 1835, vol. ii. p. 315.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> &lsquo;Plus pleine de sauvagine que de bestail.&rsquo; <i>Hist. de
+Charles VI, par Le Laboureur</i>, quoted in <i>Pinkerton's History of
+Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 149.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> Occasionally, we find evidence of it earlier, but it was
+hardly systematic. Compare <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p.
+66, with <i>Dalrymple's Annals</i>, vol. i. pp. 72, 110, 111, 194, vol. iii.
+p. 296; <i>Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire</i>, p. 88; <i>Chalmers' History of
+Dunfermline</i>, pp. 133, 134.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">CONDITION OF SCOTLAND IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES.</div>
+
+<p>Early in the fifteenth century, the alliance between
+the Crown and the Church, and the determination of
+that alliance to overthrow the nobles, became manifest.
+Indications of this may be traced in the policy of Albany,
+who was Regent from 1406 to 1419, and who made it
+his principal object to encourage and strengthen the
+clergy.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> He also dealt the first great blow upon which
+any government had ventured against the aristocracy.
+Donald, who was one of the most powerful of the Scottish
+chieftains, and who, indeed, by the possession of
+the Western Isles, was almost an independent prince,
+had seized the earldom of Ross, which, if he could have
+retained, would have enabled him to set the Crown at
+defiance. Albany, backed by the Church, marched into
+his territories, in 1411, forced him to renounce the earldom,
+to make personal submission, and to give hostages
+for his future conduct.<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> So vigorous a proceeding on
+the part of the executive, was extremely unusual in
+Scotland;<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> and it was the first of a series of aggressions,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>
+which ended in the Crown obtaining for itself, not
+only Ross, but also the Western Isles.<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> The policy
+inaugurated by Albany, was followed up with still
+greater energy by James I. In 1424, this bold and
+active prince procured an enactment, obliging many of
+the nobles to show their charters, in order that it might
+be ascertained what lands they held, which had formerly
+belonged to the Crown.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> And, to conciliate the affections
+of the clergy, he, in 1425, issued a commission,
+authorizing the Bishop of Saint Andrews to restore to
+the Church whatever had been alienated from it; while
+he at the same time directed that the justiciaries should
+assist in enforcing execution of the decree.<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> This occurred
+in June; and what shows that it was part of a
+general scheme is, that in the preceding spring, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>
+king suddenly arrested, in the parliament assembled at
+Perth, upwards of twenty of the principal nobles, put
+four of them to death, and confiscated several of their
+estates.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> Two years afterwards, he, with equal perfidy,
+summoned the Highland chiefs to meet him at Inverness,
+laid hands on them also, executed three, and
+imprisoned more than forty, in different parts of the
+kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></p>
+
+<p>By these measures, and by supporting the Church
+with the same zeal that he attacked the nobles, the king
+thought to reverse the order of affairs hitherto established,
+and to secure the supremacy of the throne over
+the aristocracy.<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> But herein, he overrated his own
+power. Like nearly all politicians, he exaggerated the
+value of political remedies. The legislator and the
+magistrate may, for a moment, palliate an evil; they
+can never work a cure. General mischiefs depend upon
+general causes, and these are beyond their art. The
+symptoms of the disease they can touch, while the
+disease itself baffles their efforts, and is too often exasperated
+by their treatment. In Scotland, the power of
+the nobles was a cruel malady, which preyed on the
+vitals of the nation; but it had long been preparing; it
+was a chronic disorder; and, having worked into the
+general habit, it might be removed by time, it could
+never be diminished by violence. On the contrary, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>
+this, as in all matters, whenever politicians attempt
+great good, they invariably inflict great harm. Over-action
+on one side produces reaction on the other, and
+the balance of the fabric is disturbed. By the shock of
+conflicting interests, the scheme of life is made insecure.
+New animosities are kindled, old ones are embittered,
+and the natural jar and discordance are aggravated,
+simply because the rulers of mankind cannot be brought
+to understand, that, in dealing with a great country,
+they have to do with an organization so subtle, so
+extremely complex, and withal so obscure, as to make it
+highly probable, that whatever they alter in it, they
+will alter wrongly, and that while their efforts to protect
+or to strengthen its particular parts are extremely
+hazardous, it does undoubtedly possess within itself a
+capacity of repairing its injuries, and that to bring
+such capacity into play, there is merely required that
+time and freedom which the interference of powerful
+men too often prevents it from enjoying.</p>
+
+<p>Thus it was in Scotland, in the fifteenth century.
+The attempts of James I. failed, because they were particular
+measures directed against general evils. Ideas
+and associations, generated by a long course of events,
+and deeply seated in the public mind, had given to
+the aristocracy immense power; and if every noble in
+Scotland had been put to death, if all their castles had
+been razed to the ground, and all their estates confiscated,
+the time would unquestionably have come, when
+their successors would have been more influential than
+ever, because the affection of their retainers and dependents
+would be increased by the injustice that had
+been perpetrated. For, every passion excites its opposite.
+Cruelty to-day, produces sympathy to-morrow.
+A hatred of injustice contributes more than any other
+principle to correct the inequalities of life, and to maintain
+the balance of affairs. It is this loathing at tyranny,
+which, by stirring to their inmost depth the warmest
+feelings of the heart, makes it impossible that tyranny
+should ever finally succeed. This, in sooth, is the noble
+side of our nature. This is that part of us, which, stamped
+with a godlike beauty, reveals its divine origin, and,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>
+providing for the most distant contingencies, is our
+surest guarantee that violence shall never ultimately
+triumph; that, sooner or later, despotism shall always
+be overthrown; and that the great and permanent interests
+of the human race shall never be injured by the
+wicked counsels of unjust men.</p>
+
+<p>In the case of James I., the reaction came sooner
+than might have been expected; and, as it happened in
+his lifetime, it was a retribution, as well as a reaction.
+For some years, he continued to oppress the nobles with
+impunity;<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> but, in 1436, they turned upon him, and
+put him to death, in revenge for the treatment to which
+he had subjected many of them.<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> Their power now
+rose as suddenly as it had fallen. In the south of Scotland,
+the Douglases were supreme,<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> and the earl of that
+family possessed revenues about equal to those of the
+Crown.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> And, to show that his authority was equal
+to his wealth, he, on the marriage of James II., in 1449,
+appeared at the nuptials with a train composed of five
+thousand followers.<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> These were his own retainers,
+armed and resolute men, bound to obey any command<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>
+he might issue to them. Not, indeed, that compulsion
+was needed on the part of a Scotch noble to secure the
+obedience of his own people. The servitude was a
+willing one, and was essential to the national manners.
+Then, and long afterwards, it was discreditable, as well
+as unsafe, not to belong to a great clan; and those who
+were so unfortunate as to be unconnected with any
+leading family, were accustomed to take the name of
+some chief, and to secure his protection by devoting
+themselves to his service.<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></p>
+
+<p>What the Earl of Douglas was in the south of Scotland,
+that were the Earls of Crawford and of Ross in
+the north.<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> Singly they were formidable; united they
+seemed irresistible. When, therefore, in the middle of
+the fifteenth century, they actually leagued together,
+and formed a strict compact against all their common
+enemies, it was hard to say what limit could be set to
+their power, or what resource remained to the government,
+except that of sowing disunion among them.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>But, in the mean time, the disposition of the nobles
+to use force against the Crown, had been increased by
+fresh violence. Government, instead of being warned
+by the fate of James I., imitated his unscrupulous acts,
+and pursued the very policy which had caused his destruction.
+Because the Douglases were the most powerful
+of all the great families, it was determined that their
+chiefs should be put to death; and because they could
+not be slain by force, they were to be murdered by
+treachery. In 1440, the Earl of Douglas, a boy of
+fifteen, and his brother, who was still younger than he,
+were invited to Edinburgh on a friendly visit to the
+king. Scarcely had they arrived, when they were
+seized by order of the chancellor, subjected to a mock
+trial, declared guilty, dragged to the castle-yard, and
+the heads of the poor children cut off.<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a></p>
+
+<p>Considering the warm feelings of attachment which
+the Scotch entertained for their chiefs, it is difficult to
+overrate the consequences of this barbarous murder, in
+strengthening a class it was hoped to intimidate. But
+this horrible crime was committed by the government
+only, and it occurred during the king's minority: the
+next assassination was the work of the king himself.
+In 1452, the Earl of Douglas<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> was, with great show of
+civility, requested by James II. to repair to the court
+then assembled at Stirling. The Earl hesitated, but
+James overcame his reluctance by sending to him a safeconduct<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>
+with the royal signature, and issued under the
+great seal.<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> The honour of the king being pledged,
+the fears of Douglas were removed. He hastened to
+Stirling, where he was received with every distinction.
+The evening of his arrival, the king, after supper was
+over, broke out into reproaches against him, and, suddenly
+drawing his dagger, stabbed him. Gray then
+struck him with a battle-axe, and he fell dead on the
+floor, in presence of his sovereign, who had lured him
+to court, that he might murder him with impunity.<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a></p>
+
+<p>The ferocity of the Scotch character, which was the
+natural result of the ignorance and poverty of the
+nation, was, no doubt, one cause, and a very important
+one, of the commission of such crimes as these, not
+secretly, but in the open light of day, and by the
+highest men in the State. It cannot, however, be
+denied, that another cause was, the influence of the
+clergy, whose interest it was to humble the nobles, and
+who were by no means scrupulous as to the means
+that they employed.<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> As the Crown became more
+alienated from the aristocracy, it united itself still
+closer with the Church. In 1443, a statute was enacted,
+the object of which was, to secure ecclesiastical property
+from the attacks made upon it by the nobles.<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>
+And although, in that state of society, it was easier to
+pass laws than to execute them, such a measure indicated
+the general policy of the government, and the
+union between it and the Church. Indeed, as to this,
+no one could be mistaken.<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> For nearly twenty years,
+the avowed and confidential adviser of the Crown was
+Kennedy, bishop of Saint Andrews, who retained power
+until his death, in 1466, during the minority of
+James III.<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> He was the bitter enemy of the nobles,
+against whom he displayed an unrelenting spirit, which
+was sharpened by personal injuries; for the Earl of
+Crawford had plundered his lands, and the Earl of Douglas
+had attempted to seize him, and had threatened to
+put him into irons.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> The mildest spirit might well
+have been roused by this; and as James II., when he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>
+assassinated Douglas, was more influenced by Kennedy
+than by any one else, it is probable that the
+bishop was privy to that foul transaction. At all
+events, he expressed no disapprobation of it; and
+when, in consequence of the murder, the Douglases
+and their friends rose in open rebellion, Kennedy gave
+to the king a crafty and insidious counsel, highly characteristic
+of the cunning of his profession. Taking
+up a bundle of arrows, he showed James, that when
+they were together, they were not to be broken;
+but that, if separated, they were easily destroyed.
+Hence he inferred, that the aristocracy should be overthrown
+by disuniting the nobles, and ruining them one
+by one.<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p>
+
+<p>In this he was right, so far as the interests of his own
+order were concerned; but, looking at the interest of
+the nation, it is evident that the power of the nobles, notwithstanding
+their gross abuse of it, was, on the whole,
+beneficial, since it was the only barrier against despotism.
+The evil they actually engendered, was indeed
+immense. But they kept off other evils, which would
+have been worse. By causing present anarchy, they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>
+secured future liberty. For, as there was no middle
+class, there were only three orders in the commonwealth;
+namely, government, clergy, and nobles. The
+two first being united against the last, it is certain that
+if they had won the day, Scotland would have been oppressed
+by the worst of all yokes, to which a country
+can be subjected. It would have been ruled by an
+absolute king and an absolute Church, who, playing
+into each other's hands, would have tyrannized over a
+people, who, though coarse and ignorant, still loved a
+certain rude and barbarous liberty, which it was good
+for them to possess, but which, in the face of such a
+combination, they would most assuredly have forfeited.</p>
+
+<p>Happily, however, the power of the nobles was too
+deeply rooted in the popular mind to allow of this
+catastrophe. In vain did James III. exert himself
+to discourage them,<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> and to elevate their rivals, the
+clergy.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> Nothing could shake their authority; and,
+in 1482, they, seeing the determination of the king,
+assembled together, and such was their influence over
+their followers, that they had no difficulty in seizing
+his person, and imprisoning him in the Castle of
+Edinburgh.<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> After his liberation, fresh quarrels arose;<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>
+and in 1488, the principal nobles collected troops, met
+him in the field, defeated him, and put him to death.<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>
+He was succeeded by James IV., under whom the
+course of affairs was exactly the same; that is to say,
+on one side the nobles, and on the other side the Crown
+and the Church. Every thing that the king could do
+to uphold the clergy, he did cheerfully. In 1493, he
+obtained an act to secure the immunities of the sees of
+Saint Andrews and of Glasgow, the two most important
+in Scotland.<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> In 1503, he procured a general
+revocation of all grants and gifts prejudicial to the
+Church, whether they had been made by the Parliament
+or by the Council.<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> And, in 1508, he, by the
+advice of Elphinston, bishop of Aberdeen, ventured on
+a measure of still greater boldness. That able and
+ambitious prelate induced James to revive against the
+nobility several obsolete claims, by virtue of which the
+king could, under certain circumstances, take possession
+of their estates, and could, in every instance in
+which the owner held of the Crown, receive nearly
+the whole of the proceeds during the minority of the
+proprietor.<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a></p>
+
+<p>To make such claims was easy; to enforce them
+was impossible. Indeed, the nobles were at this time<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>
+rather gaining ground than losing it; and, after the
+death of James IV., in 1513, they, during the
+minority of James V., became so powerful, that the
+regent, Albany, twice threw up the government in
+despair, and at length abandoned it altogether.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> He
+finally quitted Scotland in 1524, and with him the
+authority of the executive seemed to have vanished.
+The Douglases soon obtained possession of the person
+of the king, and compelled Beaton, archbishop of
+Saint Andrews, the most influential man in the Church,
+to resign the office of chancellor.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> The whole command
+now fell into their hands; they or their adherents
+filled every office; secular interests predominated,
+and the clergy were thrown completely into the
+shade.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> In 1528, however, an event occurred by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>
+which the spiritual classes not only recovered their
+former position, but gained a preëminence, which, as
+it turned out, was eventually fatal to themselves.
+Archbishop Beaton, impatient at proceedings so unfavourable
+to the Church, organized a conspiracy, by
+means of which James effected his escape from the
+Douglases, and took refuge in the castle of Stirling.<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>
+This sudden reaction was not the real and controlling
+cause, but it was undoubtedly the proximate cause, of
+the establishment of Protestantism in Scotland. For,
+the reins of government now passed into the hands of
+the Church; and the most influential of the nobles
+were consequently persecuted, and some of them driven
+from the country. But, though their political power
+was gone, their social power remained. They were
+stripped of their honours and their wealth. They
+became outcasts, traitors, and beggars. Still, the real
+foundation of their authority was unshaken, because
+that authority was the result of a long train of circumstances,
+and was based on the affections of the people.
+Therefore it was, that the nobles, even those who were
+exiled and attainted, were able to conduct an arduous,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>
+but eventually a successful, struggle against their
+enemies. The desire of revenge whetted their exertions,
+and gave rise to a deadly contest between the
+Scotch aristocracy and the Scotch Church. This most
+remarkable conflict was, in some degree, a continuation
+of that which began early in the fifteenth century.
+But it was far more bitter; it lasted, without interruption,
+for thirty-two years; and it was only concluded
+by the triumph of the nobles, who, in 1560, completely
+overthrew the Church, and destroyed, almost at a blow,
+the whole of the Scotch hierarchy.</p>
+
+<p>The events of this struggle, and the vicissitudes to
+which, during its continuance, both parties were exposed,
+are related, though somewhat confusedly, in our
+common histories: it will be sufficient if I indicate
+the salient points, and, avoiding needless detail, endeavour
+to throw light on the general movement.
+The unity of the entire scheme will thus be brought
+before our minds, and we shall see, that the destruction
+of the Catholic Church was its natural consummation,
+and that the last act of that gorgeous drama,
+so far from being a strained and irregular sequence,
+was in fit keeping with the whole train of the preceding
+plot.</p>
+
+<p>When James effected his escape in 1528, he was a
+boy of sixteen, and his policy, so far as he can be said
+to have had any mind of his own, was of course determined
+by the clergy, to whom he owed his liberty,
+and who were his natural protectors. His principal
+adviser was the Archbishop of Saint Andrews; and
+the important post of chancellor, which, under the
+Douglases, had been held by a layman, was now conferred
+on the Archbishop of Glasgow.<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> These two
+prelates were supreme; while, at the same time, the
+Abbot of Holyrood was made treasurer, and the
+Bishop of Dunkeld was made privy seal.<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> All nobles,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>
+and even all followers, of the house of Douglas, were
+forbidden to approach within twelve miles of the court,
+under pain of treason.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> An expedition was fitted
+out, and sent against the Earl of Caithness, who was
+defeated and slain.<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> Just before this occurred, the
+Earl of Angus was driven out of Scotland, and his
+estates confiscated.<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> An act of attainder was passed
+against the Douglases.<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> The government, moreover,
+seized, and threw into prison, the Earl of Bothwell,
+Home, Maxwell, and two Kerrs, and the barons of
+Buccleuch, Johnston, and Polwarth.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a></p>
+
+<p>All this was vigorous enough, and was the consequence
+of the Church recovering her power. Other
+measures, equally decisive, were preparing. In 1531,
+the king deprived the Earl of Crawford of most of his
+estates, and threw the Earl of Argyle into prison.<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>
+Even those nobles who had been inclined to follow him,
+he now discouraged. He took every opportunity of
+treating them with coldness, while he filled the highest
+offices with their rivals, the clergy.<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> Finally, he, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>
+1532, aimed a deadly blow at their order, by depriving
+them of a large part of the jurisdiction which they
+were wont to exercise in their own country, and to the
+possession of which they owed much of their power.
+At the instigation of the Archbishop of Glasgow, he
+established what was called the College of Justice, in
+which suits were to be decided, instead of being tried,
+as heretofore, by the barons, at home, in their castles.
+It was ordered that this new tribunal should consist of
+fifteen judges, eight of whom must be ecclesiastics; and
+to make the intention still more clear, it was provided
+that the president should invariably be a clergyman.<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a></p>
+
+<p>This gave the finishing touch to the whole, and it,
+taken in connexion with previous measures, exasperated
+the nobles almost to madness. Their hatred
+of the clergy became uncontrollable; and, in their
+eagerness for revenge, they not only threw themselves
+into the arms of England, and maintained a secret
+understanding with Henry VIII., but many of them
+went even further, and showed a decided leaning<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>
+towards the principles of the Reformation. As the
+enmity between the aristocracy and the Church grew
+more bitter, just in the same proportion did the desire
+to reform the Church become more marked. The love
+of innovation was encouraged by interested motives,
+until, in the course of a few years, an immense majority
+of the nobles adopted extreme Protestant opinions;
+hardly caring what heresy they embraced, so long as
+they were able, by its aid, to damage a Church from
+which they had recently received the greatest injuries,
+and with which they and their progenitors had been
+engaged in a contest of nearly a hundred and fifty
+years.<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the mean time, James V. united himself closer than
+ever with the hierarchy. In 1534, he gratified the
+Church, by personally assisting at the trial of some
+heretics, who were brought before the bishops and
+burned.<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> The next year, he was offered, and he
+willingly accepted, the title of Defender of the Faith,
+which was transferred to him from Henry VIII.; that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>
+king being supposed to have forfeited it by his impiety.<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>
+At all events, James well deserved it. He was
+a stanch supporter of the Church, and his privy-council
+was chiefly composed of ecclesiastics, as he
+deemed it dangerous to admit laymen to too large a
+share in the government.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> And, in 1538, he still
+further signalized his policy, by taking for his second
+wife Mary of Guise; thus establishing an intimate relation
+with the most powerful Catholic family in Europe,
+whose ambition, too, was equal to their power, and who
+made it their avowed object to uphold the Catholic
+faith, and to protect it from those rude and unmannerly
+invasions which were now directed against it in most
+parts of Europe.<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a></p>
+
+<p>This was hailed by the Church as a guarantee for
+the intentions of the king. And so indeed it proved
+to be. David Beaton, who negotiated the marriage,
+became the chief adviser of James during the rest of
+his reign. He was made Archbishop of Saint Andrews
+in 1539,<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> and, by his influence, a persecution<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>
+hotter than any yet known, was directed against the
+Protestants. Many of them escaped into England,<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>
+where they swelled the number of the exiles, who
+were waiting till the time was ripe to take a deadly
+revenge. They, and their adherents at home, coalesced
+with the disaffected nobles, particularly with
+the Douglases,<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> who were by far the most powerful of
+the Scotch aristocracy, and who were connected with
+most of the great families, either by old associations,
+or by the still closer bond of the interest which they
+all had in reducing the power of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a></p>
+
+<p>At this juncture, the eyes of men were turned towards
+the Douglases, whom Henry VIII. harboured at his
+court, and who were now maturing their plans.<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a>
+Though they did not yet dare to return to Scotland,
+their spies and agents reported to them all that was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>
+done, and preserved their connexions at home. Feudal
+covenants, bonds of manrent, and other arrangements,
+which, even if illegal, it would have been held disgraceful
+to renounce, were in full force; and enabled
+the Douglases to rely with confidence on many of the
+most powerful nobles, who were, moreover, disgusted
+at the predominance of the clergy, and who welcomed
+the prospect of any change which was likely to lessen
+the authority of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>With such a combination of parties, in a country
+where, there being no middle class, the people counted
+for nothing, but followed wherever they were led, it is
+evident that the success or failure of the Reformation
+in Scotland was simply a question of the success or
+failure of the nobles. They were bent on revenge. The
+only doubt was, as to their being strong enough to
+gratify it. Against them, they had the Crown and the
+Church. On their side they had the feudal traditions,
+the spirit of clanship, the devoted obedience of their innumerable
+retainers, and, what was equally important,
+that love of names, and of family associations, for which
+Scotland is still remarkable, but which, in the sixteenth
+century, possessed an influence difficult to exaggerate.</p>
+
+<p>The moment for action was now at hand. In 1540,
+the government, completely under the control of the
+clergy, caused fresh laws to be enacted against the Protestants,
+whose interests were by this time identical
+with those of the nobles. By these statutes, no one,
+even suspected of heresy, could for the future hold any
+office; and all Catholics were forbidden to harbour, or
+to show favour to, persons who professed the new opinions.<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a>
+The clergy, now flushed with conquest, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span>
+greedy for the destruction of their ancient rivals, proceeded
+to still farther extremities. So unrelenting was
+their malice, that, in that same year, they presented to
+James a list containing the names of upwards of three
+hundred members of the Scotch aristocracy, whom they
+formally accused as heretics, who ought to be put to
+death, and whose estates they recommended the king
+to confiscate.<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a></p>
+
+<p>These hot and vindictive men little knew of the storm
+which they were evoking, and which was about to burst
+on their heads, and cover them and their Church with
+confusion. Not that we have reason to believe that a
+wiser conduct would have ultimately saved the Scotch
+hierarchy. On the contrary, the probability is, that
+their fate was sealed; for the general causes which
+governed the entire movement had been so long at work,
+that, at this period, it would have been hardly possible
+to have baffled them. But, even if we admit as certain,
+that the Scotch clergy were doomed, it is also certain
+that their violence made their fall more grievous, by
+exasperating the passions of their adversaries. The
+train, indeed, was laid; their enemies had supplied the
+materials, and all was ready to explode; but it was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>
+themselves who at last applied the match, and sprung
+the mine to their own destruction.</p>
+
+<p>In 1542, the nobles, seeing that the Church and the
+Crown were bent on their ruin, took the most decisive
+step on which they had yet ventured, and peremptorily
+refused to obey James in making war upon the English.
+They knew that the war in which they were desired to
+participate had been fomented by the clergy, with the
+twofold object of stopping all communication with the
+exiles, and of checking the introduction of heretical
+opinions.<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> Both these intentions they resolved to frustrate,
+and, being assembled on the field, they declared
+with one voice that they would not invade England.
+Threats and persuasions were equally useless. James,
+stung with vexation, returned home, and ordered the
+army to be disbanded. Scarcely had he retired, when
+the clergy attempted to rally the troops, and to induce
+them to act against the enemy. A few of the peers,
+ashamed at what seemed a cowardly desertion of the
+king, appeared willing to march. The rest, however,
+refused; and, while they were in this state of doubt
+and confusion, the English, taking them unawares, suddenly
+fell upon their disorderly ranks, utterly routed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>
+them, and made a large number prisoners. In this disgraceful
+action, ten thousand Scotch troops fled before
+three hundred English cavalry.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> The news being
+brought to James, while he was still smarting from the
+disobedience of the nobles, was too much for his proud
+and sensitive mind. He reeled under the double shock;
+a slow fever wasted his strength; he sunk into a long
+stupor; and, refusing all comfort, he died in December
+1542, leaving the Crown to his infant daughter, Mary,
+during whose reign the great contest between the aristocracy
+and the Church was to be finally decided.<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a></p>
+
+<p>The influence of the nobles was increased by the
+death of James V., and yet more by the bad repute into
+which the clergy fell for having instigated a war, of
+which the result was so disgraceful.<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> Their party was
+still further strengthened by the exiles, who, as soon as
+they heard the glad tidings, prepared to leave England.<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a>
+Early in 1543, Angus and Douglas returned to Scotland,<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a>
+and were soon followed by other nobles, most of
+whom professed to be Protestants, though, as the result<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>
+clearly proved, their Protestantism was inspired by a
+love of plunder and of revenge. The late king had, in
+his will, appointed Cardinal Beaton to be guardian of
+the queen, and governor of the realm.<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> Beaton,
+though an unprincipled man, was very able, and was
+respected as the head of the national church; he being
+Archbishop of St. Andrews, and primate of Scotland.
+The nobles, however, at once arrested him,<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> deprived him
+of his regency, and put in his place the Earl of Arran,
+who, at this time, affected to be a zealous Protestant,
+though, on a fitting occasion, he afterwards changed his
+opinions.<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> Among the supporters of the new creed, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>
+most powerful were the Earl of Angus and the Douglases.
+They were now freed from a prescription of
+fifteen years; their attainder was reversed, and their
+estates and honours were restored to them.<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> It was
+evident that not only the executive authority, but also
+the legislative, had passed from the Church to the
+aristocracy. And they, who had the power, were not
+sparing in the use of it. Lord Maxwell, one of the
+most active of their party, had, like most of them, in
+their zeal against the hierarchy, embraced the principles
+of the Reformation.<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> In the spring of 1543, he obtained
+the sanction of the Earl of Arran, the governor of
+Scotland, for a proposal which he made to the Lords
+of the Articles, whose business it was to digest the
+measures to be brought before Parliament. The proposal
+was, that the people should be allowed to read the
+Bible in a Scotch or English translation. The clergy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>
+arrayed all their force against what they rightly deemed
+a step full of danger to themselves, as conceding a fundamental
+principle of Protestantism. But all was in
+vain. The tide had set in, and was not to be turned.
+The proposition was adopted by the Lords of the
+Articles. On their authority, it was introduced into
+Parliament. It was passed. It received the assent of
+the government; and, amid the lamentations of the
+Church, it was proclaimed, with every formality, at
+the market-cross of Edinburgh.<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a></p>
+
+<p>Scarcely had the nobles thus attained the upper hand,
+when they began to quarrel among themselves. They
+were resolved to plunder the Church; but they could
+not agree as to how the spoil should be shared. Neither
+could they determine as to the best mode of proceeding;
+some being in favour of an open and immediate schism,
+while others wished to advance cautiously, and to temporize
+with their opponents, that they might weaken
+the hierarchy by degrees. The more active and zealous
+section of the nobles were known as the English party,<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a>
+owing to their intimate connexion with Henry VIII.,
+from whom many of them received supplies of money.
+But, in 1544, war broke out between the two countries,
+and the clergy, headed by Archbishop Beaton, roused,
+with such success, the old feelings of national hatred
+against the English, that the nobles were compelled for
+a moment to bend before the storm, and to advocate an
+alliance with France. Indeed, it seemed for a few
+months as if the Church and aristocracy had forgotten
+their old and inveterate hostility, and were about to
+unite their strength in one common cause.<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>This, however, was but a passing delusion. The
+antagonism between the two classes was irreconcilable.<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a>
+In the spring of 1545, the leading Protestant nobles
+formed a conspiracy to assassinate Archbishop Beaton,<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span>
+whom they hated more than any one else, partly because
+he was the head of the Church, and partly because he
+was the ablest and most unscrupulous of their opponents.
+A year, however, elapsed before their purpose could be
+effected; and it was not till May 1546, that Lesley, a
+young baron, accompanied by the Laird of Grange, and
+a few others, burst into Saint Andrews, and murdered
+the primate in his own castle.<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a></p>
+
+<p>The horror with which the Church heard of this foul
+and barbarous deed,<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> maybe easily imagined. But the
+conspirators, nothing daunted, and relying on the support
+of a powerful party, justified their act, seized the
+castle of Saint Andrews, and prepared to defend it to the
+last. And in this resolution they were upheld by a
+most remarkable man, who now first appeared to public
+view, and who, being admirably suited to the age in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>
+which he lived, was destined to become the most conspicuous
+character of those troublous times.</p>
+
+<p>That man was John Knox. To say that he was fearless
+and incorruptible, that he advocated with unflinching
+zeal what he believed to be the truth, and that he
+devoted himself with untiring energy to what he deemed
+the highest of all objects, is only to render common
+justice to the many noble attributes which he undoubtedly
+possessed. But, on the other hand, he was stern,
+unrelenting, and frequently brutal; he was not only
+callous to human suffering, but he could turn it into a
+jest, and employ on it the resources of his coarse, though
+exuberant, humour;<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> and he loved power so inordinately,
+that, unable to brook the slightest opposition, he
+trampled on all who crossed his path, or stood even for
+a moment in the way of his ulterior designs.</p>
+
+<p>The influence of Knox in promoting the Reformation,
+has indeed been grossly exaggerated by historians, who
+are too apt to ascribe vast results to individual exertions;
+overlooking those large and general causes, in the
+absence of which the individual exertion would be
+fruitless. Still, he effected more than any single man;<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a>
+although the really important period of his life, in regard
+to Scotland, was in and after 1559, when the triumph of
+Protestantism was already secure, and when he reaped
+the benefit of what had been effected during his long
+absence from his own country. His first effort was a
+complete failure, and, more than any one of his actions,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span>
+has injured his reputation. This was the sanction
+which he gave to the cruel murder of Archbishop
+Beaton, in 1546. He repaired to the Castle of Saint
+Andrews; he shut himself up with the assassins; he
+prepared to share their fate; and, in a work which he
+afterwards wrote, openly justified what they had done.<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a>
+For this, nothing can excuse him; and it is with a certain
+sense of satisfied justice that we learn, that, in
+1547, the castle being taken by the French, Knox was
+treated with great severity, and was made to work at
+the galleys, from which he was not liberated till 1549.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a></p>
+
+<p>During the next five years, Knox remained in England,
+which he quitted in 1554, and arrived at Dieppe.<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a>
+He then travelled abroad; and did not revisit Scotland
+till the autumn of 1555, when he was eagerly welcomed
+by the principal nobles and their adherents.<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> From
+some cause, however, which has not been sufficiently
+explained, but probably from an unwillingness to play
+a subordinate part among those proud chiefs, he, in July
+1556, again left Scotland, and repaired to Geneva, where
+he had been invited to take charge of a congregation.<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a>
+He stayed abroad till 1559, by which time the real<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>
+struggle was almost over; so completely had the nobles
+succeeded in sapping the foundations of the Church.</p>
+
+<p>For, the course of events having been long prepared,
+was now rapid indeed. In 1554, the queen dowager
+had succeeded Arran as regent.<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> She was that Mary
+of Guise whose marriage with James V. we have noticed
+as one of the indications of the policy then prevailing.
+If left alone, she would probably have done
+little harm;<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> but her powerful and intolerant family
+exhorted her to suppress the heretics, and, as a natural
+part of the same scheme, to put down the nobles. By
+the advice of her brothers, the Duke of Guise and the
+Cardinal of Lorraine, she, in 1555, proposed to establish
+a standing army, to supply the place of the troops,
+which consisted of the feudal barons and their retainers.
+Such a force, being paid by the Crown, would have been
+entirely under its control; but the nobles saw the ulterior
+design, and compelled Mary to abandon it, on the
+ground that they and their vassals were able to defend
+Scotland, without further aid.<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> Her next attempt was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>
+to consolidate the interests of the Catholic party, which
+she effected, in 1558, by marrying her daughter to the
+dauphin. This increased the influence of the Guises,<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a>
+whose niece, already queen of Scotland, would now, in
+the ordinary course of affairs, become queen of France.
+They urged their sister to extreme measures, and promised
+to assist her with French troops. On the other
+hand, the nobles remained firm, and prepared for the
+struggle. In December 1557, several of them had
+drawn up a covenant, agreeing to stand by each other,
+and to resist the tyranny with which they were threatened.<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a>
+They now took the name of Lords of the
+Congregation, and sent forth their agents to secure the
+subscriptions of those who wished for a reformation of
+the Church.<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> They, moreover, wrote to Knox, whose
+style of preaching, being very popular, would, they
+thought, be useful in stirring up the people to rebellion.<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a>
+He was then in Geneva, and did not arrive in Scotland
+till May 1559,<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> by which time the result of the impending<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span>
+contest was hardly doubtful, so successful had the
+nobles been in strengthening their party, and so much
+reason had they to expect the support of Elizabeth.</p>
+
+<p>Nine days after Knox entered Scotland, the first blow
+was struck. On the 11th of May 1559, he preached in
+Perth. After the sermon, a tumult arose, and the people
+plundered the churches and pulled down the monasteries.<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>
+The queen-regent, hastily assembling troops,
+marched towards the town. But the nobles were on the
+alert. The Earl of Glencairn joined the congregation
+with two thousand five hundred men; and a treaty was
+concluded, by which both sides agreed to disarm, on
+condition that no one should be punished for what had
+already happened.<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> Such, however, was the state of
+the public mind, that peace was impossible. In a few
+days, war again broke out; and this time the result was
+more decisive. The Lords of the Congregation mustered
+in great force. Perth, Stirling, and Linlithgow,
+fell into their hands. The queen-regent retreated before
+them. She evacuated Edinburgh; and, on the 29th of
+June, the Protestants entered the capital in triumph.<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a></p>
+
+<p>All this was done in seven weeks from the breaking
+out of the first riot. Both parties were now willing to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>
+negotiate, with the view of gaining time; the queen-regent
+expecting aid from France, the Lords expecting
+it from England.<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> But the proceedings of Elizabeth
+being tardy, the Protestants, after waiting for some
+months, determined to strike a decisive blow before the
+reinforcements arrived. In October, the principal peers,
+headed by the Duke of Chastelherault, the Earl of
+Arran, the Earl of Argyle, and the Earl of Glencairn,
+assembled at Edinburgh. A great meeting was held,
+of which Lord Ruthven was appointed president, and
+in which the queen-regent was solemnly suspended from
+the government, on the ground that she was opposed to
+&lsquo;the glory of God, to the liberty of the realm, and to
+the welfare of the nobles.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the winter, an English fleet sailed into the Frith,
+and anchored near Edinburgh.<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> In January 1560, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>
+Duke of Norfolk arrived at Berwick, and concluded, on
+the part of Elizabeth, a treaty with the Lords of the
+Congregation, by virtue of which the English army entered
+Scotland on the 2nd of April.<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> Against this
+combination, the government could effect nothing, and
+in July, was glad to sign a peace, by which the French
+troops were to evacuate Scotland, and the whole power
+of administration was virtually consigned to the Protestant
+Lords.<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a></p>
+
+<p>The complete success of this great revolution, and
+the speed with which it was effected, are of themselves
+a decisive proof of the energy of those general causes
+by which the whole movement was controlled. For
+more than a hundred and fifty years, there had been a
+deadly struggle between the nobles and the Church:
+and the issue of that struggle, was the establishment of
+the Reformation, and the triumph of the aristocracy.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>
+They had, at last, carried their point. The hierarchy
+was overthrown, and replaced by new and untried men.
+All the old notions of apostolic succession, of the imposition
+of hands, and of the divine right of ordination,
+were suddenly discarded. The offices of the Church
+were performed by heretics, the majority of whom had
+not even been ordained.<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> Finally, and to crown the
+whole, in the summer of the same year, 1560, the Scotch
+parliament passed two laws, which utterly subverted
+the ancient scheme. By one of these laws, every
+statute which had ever been enacted in favour of the
+Church, was at once repealed.<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> By the other law, it
+was declared that whoever either said mass, or was
+present while it was said, should, for the first offence,
+lose his goods; for the second offence be exiled; and, for
+the third offence, be put to death.<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus it was, that an institution, which had borne the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span>
+brunt of more than a thousand years, was shivered, and
+fell to pieces. And, from its fall, great things were
+augured. It was believed, that the people would be enlightened,
+that their eyes were opening to their former
+follies, and that the reign of superstition was about
+to end. But what was forgotten then, and what is too
+often forgotten now, is, that in these affairs there is an
+order and a natural sequence, which can never be reversed.
+This is, that every institution, as it actually
+exists, no matter what its name or pretences may be, is
+the effect of public opinion far more than the cause;
+and that it will avail nothing to attack the institution,
+unless you can first change the opinion. In Scotland,
+the Church was grossly superstitious; but it did not,
+therefore, follow, that to overthrow the establishment,
+would lessen the evil. They who think that superstition
+can be weakened in this way, do not know the vitality
+of that dark and ill-omened principle. Against it, there
+is only one weapon, and that weapon is knowledge.
+When men are ignorant, they must be superstitious;
+and wherever superstition exists, it is sure to organize
+itself into some kind of system, which it makes its home.
+If you drive it from that home, it will find another.
+The spirit transmigrates; it assumes a new form; but
+still it lives. How idle, then, is that warfare which
+reformers are too apt to wage, in which they slay the
+carcass, and spare the life! The husk, forsooth, they
+seek out and destroy; but within that husk is a seed
+of deadly poison, whose vitality they are unable to
+impair, and which, shifted from its place, bears fruit
+in another direction, and shoots up with a fresh, and
+often a more fatal, exuberance.</p>
+
+<p>The truth is, that every institution, whether political
+or religious, represents, in its actual working, the form
+and pressure of the age. It may be very old; it may
+bear a venerated name; it may aim at the highest
+objects: but whoever carefully studies its history, will
+find that, in practice, it is successively modified by
+successive generations, and that, instead of controlling
+society, it is controlled by it. When the Protestant
+Reformation was effected, the Scotch were excessively<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>
+ignorant, and, therefore, in spite of the Reformation,
+they remained excessively superstitious. How long that
+ignorance continued, and what its results were, we
+shall presently see; but before entering into that inquiry,
+it will be advisable to trace the immediate consequences
+of the Reformation itself, in connexion with the powerful
+class by whose authority it was established.</p>
+
+<p>The nobles, having overthrown the Church, and
+stripped it of a large part of its wealth, thought that
+they were to reap the benefit of their own labour. They
+had slain the enemy, and they wished to divide the
+spoil.<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> But this did not suit the views of the Protestant
+preachers. In their opinion, it was impious to
+secularize ecclesiastical property, and turn it aside to
+profane purposes. They held, that it was right, indeed,
+for the lords to plunder the Church; but they took for
+granted that the proceeds of the robbery were to enrich
+themselves. They were the godly men; and it was the
+business of the ruling classes to endow them with benefices,
+from which the old and idolatrous clergy were to
+be expelled.<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a></p>
+
+<p>In accordance with these opinions, Knox and his
+colleagues, in August 1560, presented a petition to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>
+Parliament, calling on the nobles to restore the Church
+property which they had seized, and to have it properly
+applied to the support of the new ministers.<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> To this
+request, those powerful chiefs did not even vouchsafe
+a reply.<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> They were content with matters as they
+actually stood, and were, therefore, unwilling to disturb
+the existing arrangement. They had fought the fight;
+they had gained the victory, and shared the spoil. It
+was not to be supposed that they would peaceably relinquish
+what they had won with infinite difficulty. Nor
+was it likely that, after being engaged in an arduous
+struggle with the Church for a hundred and fifty years,
+and having at length conquered their inveterate enemy,
+they should forego the fruits of their triumph for the
+sake of a few preachers, whom they had but recently
+called to their aid; low-born and obscure men, who
+should rather deem it an honour that they were permitted
+to associate with their superiors in a common
+enterprise, but were not to presume on that circumstance,
+nor to suppose that they, who only entered the
+field at the eleventh hour, were to share the booty on
+anything approaching to terms of equality.<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a></p>
+
+<p>But the aristocracy of Scotland little knew the men
+with whom they had to deal. Still less, did they understand
+the character of their own age. They did not see
+that, in the state of society in which they lived, superstition
+was inevitable, and that, therefore, the spiritual<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span>
+classes, though depressed for a moment, were sure
+speedily to rise again. The nobles had overturned the
+Church; but the principles on which Church authority
+is based, remained intact. All that was done, was to
+change the name and the form. A new hierarchy was
+quickly organized, which succeeded the old one in the
+affections of the people. Indeed, it did more. For, the
+Protestant clergy, neglected by the nobles, and unendowed
+by the state, had only a miserable pittance
+whereupon to live, and they necessarily threw themselves
+into the arms of the people, where alone they
+could find support and sympathy.<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> Hence, a closer
+and more intimate union than would otherwise have
+been possible. Hence, too, as we shall presently see,
+the Presbyterian clergy, smarting under the injustice
+with which they were treated, displayed that hatred of
+the upper classes, and that peculiar detestation of monarchical
+government, which they showed whenever
+they dared. In their pulpits, in their presbyteries, and in
+their General Assemblies, they encouraged a democratic
+and insubordinate tone, which eventually produced the
+happiest results, by keeping alive, at a critical moment,
+the spirit of liberty; but which, for that very reason,
+made the higher ranks rue the day, when, by their ill-timed
+and selfish parsimony, they roused the wrath of
+so powerful and implacable a class.</p>
+
+<p>The withdrawal of the French troops, in 1560, had
+left the nobles in possession of the government;<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> and
+it was for them to decide to what extent the Reformed
+clergy should be endowed. The first petition, presented<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span>
+by Knox and his brethren, was passed over in contemptuous
+silence. But the ministers were not so
+easily put aside. Their next step was, to present to the
+Privy Council what is known as the First Book of
+Discipline, in which they again urged their request.<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a>
+To the tenets contained in this book, the council had no
+objection; but they refused to ratify it, because, by
+doing so, they would have sanctioned the principle that
+the new church had a right to the revenues of the old
+one.<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> A certain share, indeed, they were willing to
+concede. What the share should be, was a matter of
+serious dispute, and caused the greatest ill-will between
+the two parties. At length, the nobles broke silence,
+and, in December 1561, they declared that the Reformed
+clergy should only receive one-sixth of the property of
+the Church; the remaining five-sixths being divided
+between the government and the Catholic priesthood.<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>
+The meaning of this was easily understood, since the
+Catholics were now entirely dependent on the government,
+and the government was, in fact, the nobles
+themselves, who were, at that period, the monopolizers
+of political power.</p>
+
+<p>Such being the case, it naturally happened, that,
+when the arrangement was made known, the preachers
+were greatly moved. They saw how unfavourable it
+was to their own interests, and, therefore, they held
+that it was unfavourable to the interests of religion.
+Hence, in their opinion, it was contrived by the devil,
+whose purposes it was calculated to serve.<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> For, now,
+they who travailed in the vineyard of the Lord, were to
+be discouraged, and were to suffer, in order that what
+rightly belonged to them might be devoured by idle
+bellies.<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> The nobles might benefit for a time, but the
+vengeance of God was swift, and would most assuredly
+overtake them.<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> From the beginning to the end, it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>
+was nothing but spoliation. In a really Christian land,
+the patrimony of the Church would be left untouched.<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a>
+But, in Scotland, alas! Satan had prevailed,<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>
+Christian charity had waxen cold.<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> In Scotland,
+property, which should be regarded as sacred, had
+been broken up and divided; and the division was of
+the worst kind, since, by it, said Knox, two-thirds are
+given to the devil, and the other third is shared between
+God and the devil. It was as if Joseph, when governor
+of Egypt, had refused food to his brethren, and sent
+them back to their families with empty sacks.<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> Or,
+as another preacher suggested, the Church was now,
+like the Maccabees of old, being oppressed, sometimes
+by the Assyrians, and sometimes by the Egyptians.<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a></p>
+
+<p>But neither persuasions nor threats<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> produced any<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span>
+effect on the obdurate minds of the Scotch nobles.
+Indeed, their hearts, instead of being softened, became
+harder. Even the small stipends, which were allotted
+to the Protestant clergy, were not regularly paid, but
+were mostly employed for other purposes.<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> When the
+ministers complained, they were laughed at, and insulted,
+by the nobles, who, having gained their own ends,
+thought that they could dispense with their former
+allies.<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> The Earl of Morton, whose ability, as well as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span>
+connexions, made him the most powerful man in Scotland,
+was especially virulent against them; and two of
+the preachers, who offended him, he put to death, under
+circumstances of great cruelty.<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> The nobles, regarding
+him as their chief, elected him Regent in 1572;<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> and,
+being now possessed of supreme power, he employed it
+against the Church. He seized upon all the benefices
+which became vacant, and retained their profits in his
+own hands.<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> His hatred of the preachers passed all
+bounds. He publicly declared, that there would be
+neither peace nor order in the country, until some of
+them were hung.<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> He refused to sanction the General
+Assemblies by his presence; he wished to do away with
+their privileges, and even with their name; and with
+such determination did he pursue his measures, that,
+in the opinion of the historian of the Scotch Kirk,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span>
+nothing but the special interference of the Deity could
+have maintained its existing polity.<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a></p>
+
+<p>The rupture between Church and State was now complete.
+It remained to be seen, which was the stronger
+side. Every year, the clergy became more democratic;
+and, after the death of Knox, in 1572, they ventured
+upon a course which even he would hardly have recommended,
+and which, during the earlier period of the
+Reformation, would have been impracticable.<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> But,
+by this time, they had secured the support of the
+people; and the treatment they were receiving from the
+government, and from the nobles, embittered their
+minds, and drove them into desperate counsels. While
+their plans were yet immature, and while the future was
+looming darkly before them, a new man arose, who was
+well qualified to be their chief, and who at once stepped
+into the place which the death of Knox left vacant.
+This was Andrew Melville, who, by his great ability,
+his boldness of character, and his fertility of resource,
+was admirably suited to be the leader of the Scottish
+Church in that arduous struggle in which it was about
+to embark.<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In 1574, Melville, having completed his education
+abroad, arrived in Scotland.<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> He quickly rallied round
+him the choicest spirits in the Church; and, under his
+auspices, a struggle began with the civil power, which
+continued, with many fluctuations, until it culminated,
+sixty years later, in open rebellion against Charles I.
+To narrate all the details of the contest, would be inconsistent
+with the plan of this Introduction; and, notwithstanding
+the extreme interest of the events which
+now ensued, the greater part of them must be omitted;
+but I will endeavour to indicate the general march, and
+to put the reader in possession of such facts as are most
+characteristic of the age in which they occurred.</p>
+
+<p>Melville had not been in Scotland many months, before
+he began his opposition, at first by secret intrigues,
+afterwards with open and avowed hostility.<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> In the
+time of Knox, episcopacy had been recognized as part
+of the Protestant Church, and had received the sanction
+of the leading Reformers.<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> But that institution did<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span>
+not harmonize with the democratic spirit which was
+now growing up. The difference of ranks between
+the bishops and the inferior clergy was unpleasant, and
+the ministers determined to put an end to it.<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> In
+1575, one of them, named John Dury, was instigated,
+by Melville, to bring the subject before the General
+Assembly at Edinburgh.<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> After he had spoken, Melville
+also expressed himself against episcopacy; but,
+not being yet sure of the temper of the audience, his
+first proceedings were somewhat cautious. Such hesitation
+was, however, hardly necessary; for, owing to
+the schism between the Church and the upper classes,
+the ministers were becoming the eager enemies of those
+maxims of obedience, and of subordination, which they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>
+would have upheld, had the higher ranks been on their
+side. As it was, the clergy were only favoured by the
+people; they, therefore, sought to organize a system
+of equality, and were ripe for the bold measures proposed
+by Melville and his followers. This was clearly
+shown, by the rapidity of the subsequent movement.
+In 1575, the first attack was made in the General Assembly
+at Edinburgh. In April 1578, another General
+Assembly resolved, that, for the future, bishops should
+be called by their own names, and not by their titles.<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a>
+The same body also declared, that no see should be filled
+up, until the next Assembly.<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> Two months afterwards,
+it was announced that this arrangement was to be perpetual,
+and that no new bishop should ever be made.<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a>
+And, in 1580, the Assembly of the Church at Dundee,
+pulling the whole fabric to the ground, unanimously
+resolved that the office of bishop was a mere human
+invention; that it was unlawful; that it must be immediately
+done away with; and that every bishop should
+at once resign his office, or be excommunicated if he
+refuse to do so.<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The minister and the people had now done their
+work, and, so far as they were concerned, had done it
+well.<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> But the same circumstances which made them
+desire equality, made the upper classes desire inequality.<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a>
+A collision, therefore, was inevitable, and
+was hastened by this bold proceeding of the Church.
+Indeed, the preachers, supported by the people, rather
+courted a contest, than avoided it. They used the most
+inflammatory language against episcopacy; and, shortly
+before abolishing it, they completed, and presented to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span>
+Parliament, the Second Book of Discipline, in which
+they flatly contradicted what they had asserted in their
+First Book of Discipline.<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> For this, they are often
+taunted with inconsistency.<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> But the charge is unjust.
+They were perfectly consistent; and they merely
+changed their maxims, that they might preserve their
+principles. Like every corporation, which has ever
+existed, whether spiritual or temporal, their supreme
+and paramount principle was to maintain their own
+power. Whether or not this is a good principle, is
+another matter; but all history proves that it is an
+universal one. And when the leaders of the Scotch
+Church found that it was at stake, and that the question
+at issue was, who should possess authority, they, with
+perfect consistency, abandoned opinions that they had
+formerly held, because they now perceived that those
+opinions were unfavourable to their existence as an
+independent body.</p>
+
+<p>When the First Book of Discipline appeared, in 1560,
+the government was in the hands of the nobles, who
+had just fought on the side of the Protestant preachers,
+and were ready to fight again on their side. When
+the Second Book of Discipline appeared, in 1578, the
+government was still held by the nobles; but those
+ambitious men had now thrown off the mask, and,
+having effected their purpose in destroying the old
+hierarchy, had actually turned round, and attacked
+the new one. The circumstances having changed, the
+Church changed with them; but in the change there
+was nothing inconsistent. On the contrary, it would
+have been the height of inconsistency for the ministers
+to have retained their former notions of obedience and
+of subordination; and it was perfectly natural that, at
+this crisis, they should advocate the democratic idea of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span>
+equality, just as before they had advanced the aristocratic
+idea of inequality.</p>
+
+<p>Hence it was, that, in their First Book of Discipline,
+they established a regularly ascending hierarchy, according
+to which the general clergy owed obedience to their
+ecclesiastical superiors, to whom the name of superintendents
+was given.<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> But, in the Second Book of Discipline,
+every vestige of this was swept away; and it was
+laid down in the broadest terms, that all the preachers
+being fellow-labourers, all were equal in power; that
+none had authority over others; and that, to claim such
+authority, or to assert preëminence, was a contrivance
+of man, not to be permitted in a divinely constituted
+Church.<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The government, as may be supposed, took a very
+different view. Such doctrines were deemed, by the
+upper classes, to be anti-social, and to be subversive of
+all order.<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> So far from sanctioning them, they resolved,
+if possible, to overthrow them; and, the year
+after the General Assembly had abolished episcopacy,
+it was determined that, upon that very point, a trial of
+strength should be made between the two parties.</p>
+
+<p>In 1581, Robert Montgomery was appointed archbishop
+of Glasgow. The ministers who composed the
+chapter of Glasgow refused to elect him; whereupon
+the Privy Council declared that the King, by virtue of
+his prerogative, had the right of nomination.<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> All
+was now confusion and uproar. The General Assembly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>
+forbad the archbishop to enter Glasgow.<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> He refused to
+obey their order, and threw himself upon the support of
+the Duke of Lennox, who had obtained the appointment
+for him, and to whom he, in return, had surrendered
+nearly all the revenues of the see, reserving for himself
+only a small stipend.<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> This was a custom which had
+grown up within the last few years, and was one of
+many contrivances by which the nobles plundered the
+Church of her property.<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a></p>
+
+<p>This, however, was not the question now at issue.<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a>
+The point to be decided was one, not of revenue, but of
+power. For the clergy knew full well, that if they established
+their power, the revenue would quickly follow.
+They, therefore, adopted the most energetic proceedings.
+In April 1582, the General Assembly met at St. Andrews,
+and appointed Melville as Moderator.<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> The government,
+fearing the worst, ordered the members, on pain
+of rebellion, to take no steps respecting the archbishopric.<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a>
+But the representatives of the Church were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span>
+undaunted. They summoned Montgomery before them;
+they ratified the sentence by which he had been suspended
+from the ministry; and they declared that he
+had incurred the penalties of despotism and of excommunication.<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a></p>
+
+<p>A sentence of excommunication was, in those days,
+so ruinous, that Montgomery was struck with terror at
+the prospect before him. To avoid the consequences,
+he appeared before the Assembly, and solemnly promised
+that he would make no further attempt to possess himself
+of the archbishopric.<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> By doing this, he probably
+saved his life; for the people, siding with their clergy,
+were ripe for mischief, and were determined, at all
+hazards, to maintain what they considered to be the
+rights of the Church, in opposition to the encroachments
+of the State.</p>
+
+<p>The government, on the other hand, was equally
+resolute.<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> The Privy Council called several of the
+ministers before them; and Dury, one of the most active,
+they banished from Edinburgh.<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> Measures still
+more violent were about to be taken, when they were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span>
+interrupted by one of those singular events which not
+unfrequently occurred in Scotland, and which strikingly
+evince the inherent weakness of the Crown, notwithstanding
+the inordinate pretensions it commonly
+assumed.</p>
+
+<p>This was the Raid of Ruthven, which happened in
+1582, and in consequence of which the person of James
+VI. was held in durance for ten months.<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> The
+clergy, true to the policy which now governed them,
+loudly approved of the captivity of the king, and pronounced
+it to be a godly act.<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> Dury, who had been
+driven from his pulpit, was brought back to the capital
+in triumph;<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> and the General Assembly, meeting at
+Edinburgh, ordered that the imprisonment of James
+should be justified by every minister to his own congregation.<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In 1583, the king recovered his liberty, and the
+struggle became more deadly than ever; the passions of
+both parties being exasperated by the injuries each had
+inflicted on the other. The Ruthven conspiracy, having
+been declared treason, as it undoubtedly was, Dury
+preached in its favour, and openly defended it; and
+although, under the influence of momentary fear, he
+afterwards withdrew what he had said,<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> it was evident,
+from other circumstances, that his feelings were
+shared by his brethren.<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> A number of them being
+summoned before the king for their seditious language,
+bad him take heed what he was about, and reminded
+him that no occupant of the throne had ever prospered
+after the ministers had begun to threaten him.<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a>
+Melville, who exercised immense influence over both
+clergy and people, bearded the king to his face, refused<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>
+to account for what he had delivered in the pulpit, and
+told James that he perverted the laws both of God and
+of man.<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> Simpson likened him to Cain, and warned
+him to beware of the wrath of God.<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> Indeed, the
+spirit now displayed by the Church was so implacable,
+that it seemed to delight in venting itself in the most
+repulsive manner. In 1585, a clergyman, named Gibson,
+in a sermon which he preached in Edinburgh, denounced
+against the king the curse of Jeroboam, that he should
+die childless, and that his race should end with him.<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a>
+The year after this happened, James, finding that
+Elizabeth was evidently determined to take his mother's
+life, bethought him of what was valued in that age as
+an unfailing resource, and desired the clergy to offer up
+prayers on behalf of Mary. This, they almost unanimously
+refused.<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> And not only did they abstain from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span>
+supplication themselves, but they resolved that no one
+else should do what they had declined. The archbishop
+of Saint Andrews being about to officiate before the
+king, they induced a certain John Cowper to station
+himself in the pulpit beforehand, so as to exclude the
+prelate. Nor was it until the captain of the guard
+threatened to pull Cowper from the place he had
+usurped, that the service could go on, and the king be
+allowed to hear his own mother prayed for, in this sad
+crisis of her fate, when it was still uncertain whether
+she would be publicly executed, or whether, as was more
+generally believed, she would be secretly poisoned.<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In 1594, John Ross stated in the pulpit, that the
+advisers of the king were all traitors, and that the king
+himself was likewise a traitor. He was also a rebel and
+a reprobate. That such should be the case, was not
+surprising, considering the parentage of James. For,
+his mother was a Guise, and a persecutor of the saints.
+He avoided open persecution, and spoke them fair; but
+his deeds did not correspond to his words; and, so great
+was his dissimulation, that he was the most arrant
+hypocrite then living in Scotland.<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a></p>
+
+<p>In 1596, David Black, one of the most influential of
+the Protestant ministers, delivered a sermon, which
+made much noise. He said, in his discourse, that all
+kings were children of the devil; but that in Scotland
+the head of the court was Satan himself. The members
+of the council, he added, were cormorants, and the
+lords of the session miscreants. The nobility had
+degenerated: they were godless; they were dissemblers;
+they were the enemies of the Church. As
+to the queen of England, she was nothing but an
+atheist. And as to the queen of Scotland, all he would
+say was, that they might pray for her if they list, and
+because it was the fashion to do so; but that there was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span>
+no reason for it, inasmuch as no good would ever come
+from her to them.<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a></p>
+
+<p>For preaching this sermon, Black was summoned by
+the privy-council. He refused to attend, because it
+was for a spiritual tribunal, and not for a temporal one,
+to take notice of what was uttered in the pulpit. The
+Church, to be sure, he would obey; but, having received
+his message from God, he was bound to deliver it, and
+it would be a dereliction of duty, if he were to allow
+the civil power to judge such matters.<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> The king,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span>
+greatly enraged, ordered Black to be cast into prison;
+and it is difficult to see what other course was open to
+him; though it was certain that neither this, nor any
+measure he could adopt, would tame the indomitable
+spirit of the Scotch Church.<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a></p>
+
+<p>In December the same year, the Church proclaimed a
+fast; and Welsh preached in Edinburgh a sermon, with
+the view of rousing the people against their rulers. The
+king, he told his audience, had formerly been possessed
+by a devil, and that devil being put out, seven worse ones
+had come in its place. It was, therefore, evident that
+James was demented, and it became lawful to take the
+sword of justice from his hands; just as it would be
+lawful for servants or children to seize the head of their
+family, if it had pleased heaven to afflict him with madness.
+In such case, the preacher observed, it would be
+right to lay hold of the madman, and to tie him hand
+and foot, that he might do no further harm.<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a></p>
+
+<p>The hatred felt by the clergy was at this period so
+bitter, and the democratic spirit in them so strong,<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>
+that they seemed unable to restrain themselves; and
+Andrew Melville, in an audience with the king, in 1596,
+proceeded to personal insults, and, seizing him by the
+sleeve, called him God's silly vassal.<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> The large
+amount of truth contained in this bitter taunt, increased
+its pungency. But the ministers did not always confine
+themselves to words.<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> Their participation in the
+Ruthven conspiracy is unquestionable; and it is probable
+that they were privy to the last great peril to which
+James was exposed, before he escaped from that turbulent
+land, which he was believed to govern. Certain it
+is, that the Earl of Gowrie, who, in 1600, entrapped the
+king into his castle in order to murder him, was the
+hope and the mainstay of the Presbyterian clergy, and
+was intimately associated with their ambitious schemes.<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a>
+Such, indeed, was their infatuation on behalf of the
+assassin, that, when his conspiracy was defeated, and
+he himself slain, several of the ministers propagated a
+report that Gowrie had fallen a victim to the royal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span>
+perfidy, and that, in point of fact, the only plot which
+ever existed was one concocted by the king, with fatal
+art, against his mild and innocent host.<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a></p>
+
+<p>An absurdity of this sort<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> was easily believed in an
+ignorant, and, therefore, a credulous, age. That the
+clergy should have propagated it, and that in this, as in
+many other cases, they should have laboured with malignant
+industry to defame the character of their prince,<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a>
+will astonish no one who knows how quickly the wrath
+of the Church can be roused, and how ready the spiritual
+classes always are to cover, even with the foulest
+calumny, those who stand in their way. The evidence
+which has been collected, proves that the Presbyterian
+ministers carried their violence against the constituted
+authorities of the state, to an indecent, if not to a
+criminal, length; and we cannot absolve them from the
+charge of being a restless and unscrupulous body, greedy
+after power, and grossly intolerant of whatever opposed
+their own views. Still, the real cause of their conduct
+was, the spirit of their age, and the peculiarities of their
+position. None of us can be sure that, if we were
+placed exactly as they were placed, we should have acted
+differently. Now, indeed, we cannot read of their proceedings,
+as they are recorded in their own Assemblies,
+and by the historians of their own Church, without an
+uneasy feeling of dislike, I had almost said of disgust, at
+finding ourselves in presence of so much of superstition,
+of chicanery, of low, sordid arts, and yet, withal, of
+arrogant and unbridled insolence. The truth, however,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span>
+is, that in Scotland, the age was evil, and the evil rose
+to the surface. The times were out of joint, and it was
+hard to set them right. The long prevalence of anarchy,
+of ignorance, of poverty, of force, of fraud, of domestic
+tumult, and of foreign invasion, had reduced Scotland
+to a state which is scarcely possible for us to realize.
+Hereafter, I shall give some evidence of the effect which
+this produced on the national character, and of the
+serious mischief which it wrought. In the mean time,
+we should, in fairness to the Scotch clergy, admit that
+the condition of their country affords the best explanation
+of their conduct. Everything around them was
+low and coarse; the habits of men, in their daily life,
+were violent, brutal, and utterly regardless of common
+decency; and, as a natural consequence, the standard
+of human actions was so depressed, that upright and
+well-meaning persons did not shrink from doing what
+to us, in our advanced state of society, seems incredible.
+Let us, then, not be too rash in this matter. Let us not
+be too forward in censuring the leading actors in that
+great crisis through which Scotland passed, during the
+latter half of the sixteenth century. Much they did,
+which excites our strongest aversion. But one thing
+they achieved, which should make us honour their memory,
+and repute them benefactors of their species. At
+a most hazardous moment, they kept alive the spirit of
+national liberty.<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> What the nobles and the crown had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span>
+put in peril, that did the clergy save. By their care,
+the dying spark was kindled into a blaze. When the
+light grew dim, and flickered on the altar, their hands
+trimmed the lamp, and fed the sacred flame. This is
+their real glory, and on this they may well repose. They
+were the guardians of Scotch freedom, and they stood
+to their post. Where danger was, they were foremost.
+By their sermons, by their conduct, both public and
+private, by the proceedings of their Assemblies, by their
+bold and frequent attacks upon persons, without regard
+to their rank, nay, even by the very insolence with
+which they treated their superiors, they stirred up the
+minds of men, woke them from their lethargy, formed
+them to habits of discussion, and excited that inquisitive
+and democratic spirit, which is the only effectual guarantee
+the people can ever possess against the tyranny
+of those who are set over them. This was the work of
+the Scotch clergy; and all hail to them who did it. It
+was they who taught their countrymen to scrutinize,
+with a fearless eye, the policy of their rulers. It was
+they who pointed the finger of scorn at kings and nobles,
+and laid bare the hollowness of their pretensions. They
+ridiculed their claims, and jeered at their mysteries.
+They tore the veil, and exposed the tricks of the scene
+which lay behind. The great ones of the earth, they
+covered with contempt; and those who were above them,
+they cast down. Herein, they did a deed which should
+compensate for all their offences, even were their offences
+ten times as great. By discountenancing that pernicious
+and degrading respect which men are too apt to pay to
+those whom accident, and not merit, has raised above
+them, they facilitated the growth of a proud and sturdy
+independence, which was sure to do good service at a
+time of need. And that time came quicker than any one
+had expected. Within a very few years, James became
+master of the resources of England, and attempted, by
+their aid, to subvert the liberties of Scotland. The
+shameful enterprise, which he began, was continued by
+his cruel and superstitious son. How their attempts
+failed; how Charles I., in the effort, shipwrecked his
+fortune, and provoked a rebellion, which brought to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span>
+scaffold that great criminal, who dared to conspire
+against the people, and who, as the common enemy and
+oppressor of all, was at length visited with the just
+punishment of his sins, is known to every reader of our
+history. It is also well known, that, in conducting the
+struggle, the English were greatly indebted to the
+Scotch, who had, moreover, the merit of being the first
+to lift their hand against the tyrant. What, however,
+is less known, but is undoubtedly true, is, that both
+nations owe a debt they can never repay to those bold
+men who, during the latter part of the sixteenth century,
+disseminated, from their pulpits and Assemblies,
+sentiments which the people cherished in their hearts,
+and which, at a fitting moment, they reproduced, to the
+dismay, and eventually to the destruction, of those who
+threatened their liberties.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> &lsquo;The Church was eminently favoured by Albany.&rsquo; <i>Pinkerton's
+History of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 86. But Pinkerton misunderstands his
+policy in regard to the nobles.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> <i>Skene's Highlanders</i>, vol. ii. pp. 72&ndash;74; <i>Browne's
+History of the Highlands</i>, vol. i. p. 162, vol. iv. pp. 435, 436.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> Chalmers (<i>Caledonia</i>, vol. i. pp. 826, 827), referring to
+the state of things before Albany, says, &lsquo;There is not a trace of any
+attempt by Robert II. to limit the power of the nobles, whatever he may
+have added, by his improvident grants, to their independence. He appears
+not to have attempted to raise the royal prerogative from the debasement
+in which the imprudence and misfortunes of David II. had left it.&rsquo; And,
+of his successor, Robert III., &lsquo;So mild a prince, and so weak a man, was
+not very likely to make any attempt upon the power of others, when he
+could scarcely support his own.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> In 1476, &lsquo;the Earldom of Ross was inalienably annexed to
+the Crown; and a great blow was thus struck at the power and grandeur of
+a family which had so repeatedly disturbed the tranquillity of Scotland.&rsquo; <i>Gregory's History of the Western
+Highlands</i>, Edinburgh, 1836, p. 50. In 1493, &lsquo;John, fourth and last Lord
+of the Isles, was forfeited, and deprived of his title and estates.&rsquo;
+<i>Ibid.</i> p. 58.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> As those who held crown lands were legally, though not in
+reality, the king's tenants, the act declared, that &lsquo;gif it like the
+king, he may ger s&#363;monde all and sindry his tenand at lauchfull day
+and place to schawe thar chartis.&rsquo; <i>The Acts of the Parliament of
+Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 4, § 9, edit. folio, 1814.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> &lsquo;On the 8th June, 1425, James issued a commission to Henry,
+bishop of St. Andrews, authorising him to resume all alienations from
+the Church, with power of anathema, and orders to all justiciaries to
+assist.&rsquo; This curious paper is preserved in Harl. Ms. 4637, vol. iii. f.
+189. <i>Pinkerton's History of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 116. Archbishop
+Spottiswoode, delighted with his policy, calls him a &lsquo;good king,&rsquo; and
+says that he built for the Carthusians &lsquo;a beautiful monastery at Perth,
+bestowing large revenues upon the same.&rsquo; <i>Spottiswoode's History of the
+Church of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 113. And Keith assures us that, on one
+occasion, James I. went so far as to give to one of the bishops &lsquo;a
+silver cross, in which was contained a bit of the wooden cross on which
+the apostle St. Andrew had been crucified.&rsquo; <i>Keith's Catalogue of Scotch
+Bishops</i>, Edinburgh, 1755, 4to, p. 67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Compare <i>Balfour's Annales</i>, vol. i. pp. 153&ndash;156, with
+<i>Pinkerton's History</i>, vol. i. pp. 113&ndash;115. Between these two
+authorities there is a slight, but unimportant, discrepancy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. pp. 95&ndash;98;
+<i>Skene's Highlanders</i>, vol. ii. p. 75; and an imperfect narrative in
+<i>Gregory's History of the Western Highlands</i>, p. 35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> Tytler (<i>History of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 126), under the
+year 1433, says: &lsquo;In the midst of his labours for the pacification of
+his northern dominions, and his anxiety for the suppression of heresy,
+the king never forgot his great plan for the diminution of the
+exorbitant power of the nobles.&rsquo; See also p. 84. &lsquo;It was a principle of
+this enterprising monarch, in his schemes for the recovery and
+consolidation of his own power, to cultivate the friendship of the
+clergy, whom he regarded as a counterpoise to the nobles.&rsquo; Lord
+Somerville (<i>Memorie of the Somervilles</i>, vol. i. p. 173) says, that the
+superior nobility were &lsquo;never or seldome called to counsell dureing this
+king's reign.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Compare <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. ii. p. 263, with
+<i>Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia</i>, lib. x. p. 286.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. pp. 157, 158.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> Lindsay of Pitscottie (<i>Chronicles</i>, vol. i. p. 2) says,
+that directly after the death of James I., &lsquo;Alexander, Earle of Douglas,
+being uerie potent in kine and friendis, contemned all the kingis
+officeris, in respect of his great puissance.&rsquo; The best account I have
+seen of the rise of the Douglases is in Chalmers' learned, but
+ill-digested, work, <i>Caledonia</i>, vol. i. pp. 579&ndash;583.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> In 1440, &lsquo;the chief of that family had revenues perhaps
+equivalent to those of the Scottish monarch.&rsquo; <i>Pinkerton's History of
+Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 192.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> &lsquo;It may give us some idea of the immense power possessed
+at this period by the Earl of Douglas, when we mention, that on this
+chivalrous occasion, the military suite by which he was surrounded, and
+at the head of which he conducted the Scottish champions to the lists,
+consisted of a force amounting to five thousand men.&rsquo; <i>Tytler's History
+of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 215. The old historian of his family says:
+&lsquo;He is not easy to be dealt with; they must have mufles that would catch
+such a cat. Indeed, he behaved himself as one that thought he would not
+be in danger of them; he entertained a great family; he rode ever well
+accompanied when he came in publick; 1000 or 2000 horse were his
+ordinary train.&rsquo; <i>Hume's History of the House of Douglas</i>, vol. i. pp.
+273, 274, reprinted Edinburgh, 1743.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> In the seventeenth century, &lsquo;To be without a chief,
+involved a kind of disrepute; and those who had no distinct personal
+position of their own, would find it necessary to become a Gordon or a
+Crichton, as prudence or inclination might point out.&rsquo; <i>Burton's
+Criminal Trials in Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 207. Compare <i>Pitcairn's
+Criminal Trials in Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 250, on &lsquo;the protective
+surname of Douglas;&rsquo; and <i>Skene's Highlanders</i>, vol. ii. p. 252, on the
+extreme importance attached to the name of Macgregor.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> &lsquo;Men of the greatest puissance and force next the
+Douglases that were in Scotland in their times.&rsquo; <i>Hume's History of the
+House of Douglas</i>, vol. i. p. 344. The great power of the Earls of Ross
+in the north, dates from the thirteenth century. See <i>Skene's
+Highlanders</i>, vol. i. pp. 133, 134, vol. ii. p. 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> In 1445, the Earl of Douglas concluded &lsquo;ane offensiue and
+defensiue league and combinatione aganist all, none excepted, (not the
+king himselue), with the Earle of Crawfurd, and Donald, Lord of the
+Isles; wich was mutually sealled and subscriued by them three, the 7 day
+of Marche.&rsquo; <i>Balfour's Annales</i>, vol. i. p. 173. This comprised the
+alliance of other noble families. &lsquo;He maid bandis with the Erle of
+Craufurd, and with Donald lorde of the Ylis, and Erle of Ross, to take
+part every ane with other, and with dyvers uther noble men also.&rsquo;
+<i>Lesley's History of Scotland</i>, from 1436 to 1561, p. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> An interesting account of this dastardly crime is given in
+<i>Hume's History of the House of Douglas</i>, vol. i. pp. 274&ndash;288, where
+great, but natural, indignation is expressed. On the other hand, Lesley,
+bishop of Ross, narrates it with a cold-blooded indifference,
+characteristic of the ill-will which existed between the nobles and the
+clergy, and which prevented him from regarding the murder of two
+children as an offence. &lsquo;And eftir he was set doun to the burd with the
+governour, chancellour, and otheris noble men present, the meit was
+sudantlie removed, and ane bullis heid presented, quhilk in thay daies
+was ane signe of executione; and incontinent the said erle, David his
+broder, and Malcolme Fleming of Cummernald, wer heidit before the
+castell yett of Edenburgh.&rsquo; <i>Lesley's History</i>, p. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> The cousin of the boys who were murdered in 1440. See
+<i>Hume's History of the House of Douglas</i>, vol. i. pp. 297, 816.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> &lsquo;With assurance under the broad seal.&rsquo; <i>Hume's House of
+Douglas</i>, vol. i. p. 351. See also <i>Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire</i>,
+Edinb. 1777, pp. 246, 322, 323.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> <i>Hume's House of Douglas</i>, vol. i. pp. 351&ndash;353. The king
+&lsquo;stabbed him in the breast with a dagger. At the same instant Patrick
+Gray struck him on the head with a pole-ax. The rest that were attending
+at the door, hearing the noise, entred, and fell also upon him; and, to
+show their affection to the king, gave him every man his blow after he
+was dead.&rsquo; <i>Compare Lindsay of Pitscottie's Chronicles of Scotland</i>,
+vol. i. p. 103. &lsquo;He strak him throw the bodie thairwith; and thairefter
+the guard, hearing the tumult within the chamber, rusched in and slew
+the earle out of hand.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> In <i>Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire</i>, pp. 99, 100, the
+alienation of the nobles from the Church is dated &lsquo;from the middle of
+the fifteenth century;&rsquo; and this is perhaps correct in regard to general
+dislike, though the movement may be clearly traced fifty years earlier.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> See <i>Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 33,
+edit. folio, 1814; respecting the &lsquo;statute of haly kirk quhilk is
+oppressit and hurt.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> In 1449, James II., &lsquo;with that affectionate respect for
+the clergy, which could not fail to be experienced by a prince who had
+successfully employed their support and advice to escape from the
+tyranny of his nobles, granted to them some important privileges.&rsquo;
+<i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 226. See also p. 309. Among
+many similar measures, he conceded to the monks of Paisley some
+important powers of jurisdiction that belonged to the Crown. Charter,
+13th January, 1451&ndash;2, in <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. iii. p. 823.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> <i>Pinkerton's History of Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 188, 209,
+247, 254. <i>Keith's Catalogue of Scotch Bishops</i>, p. 19. <i>Ridpath's
+Border History</i>, p. 298. <i>Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle</i>, vol. ii. p.
+101. In <i>Somerville's Memorie of the Somervilles</i>, vol. i. p. 213, it is
+stated, under the year 1452, that fear of the great nobles &lsquo;had once
+possest his majestie with some thoughts of going out of the countrey;
+but that he was perswaded to the contrary by Bishop Kennedie, then
+Archbishop of Saint Andrewes, whose counsell at that tyme and
+eftirward, in most things he followed, which at length proved to his
+majesties great advantage.&rsquo; See also <i>Lesley's History</i>, p. 23. &lsquo;The
+king wes put to sic a sharp point, that he wes determinit to haif left
+the realme, and to haif passit in Fraunce by sey, were not that bischop
+James Kennedy of St. Androis causit him to tarrye.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> &lsquo;His lands were plundered by the Earl of Crawford and
+Alexander Ogilvie of Inveraritie, at the instigation of the Earl of
+Douglas, who had farther instructed them to seize, if possible, the
+person of the bishop, and to put him in irons.&rsquo; Memoir of Kennedy, in
+<i>Chambers' Lives of Scotchmen</i>, vol. iii. p. 307, Glasgow, 1834. &lsquo;Sed
+Kennedus et ætate, et consilio, ac proinde auctoritate cæteros
+anteibat. In eum potissimum ira est versa. Crafordiæ comes et
+Alexander Ogilvius conflato satis magno exercitu, agros ejus in Fifa
+latè populati, dum prædam magis, quam causam sequuntur, omni genere
+cladis in vicina etiam prædia grassati, nemine congredi auso pleni
+prædarum in Angusiam revertuntar. Kennedus ad sua arma conversus comitem
+Crafordiæ disceptationem juris fugientem diris ecclesiasticis est
+prosecutus.&rsquo; <i>Buchanan</i>, <i>Rerum Scoticarum Historia</i>, lib. xi. p. 306.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> &lsquo;This holie bischop schew ane similitud to the king,
+quhilk might bring him to experience how he might invaid againes the
+Douglass, and the rest of the conspiratouris. This bischop tuik furth
+ane great scheife of arrowes knitt togidder werrie fast, and desired him
+to put thame to his knie, and break thame. The king said it was not
+possible, becaus they war so many, and so weill fastened togidder. The
+bischop answeired, it was werrie true, bot yitt he wold latt the king
+sea how to break thame: and pulled out on be on, and tua be tua, quhill
+he had brokin thame all; then said to the king, &ldquo;Yea most doe with the
+conspiratouris in this manner, and thair complices that are risen
+againes yow, quho are so many in number, and so hard knit togidder in
+conspiracie againes yow, that yea cannot gett thame brokin togidder.
+Butt be sick pratick as I have schowin yow be the similitud of thir
+arrowes, that is to say, yea must conqueis and break lord by
+lord be thamselffis, for yea may not deall with thame all at once.&rdquo;&rsquo;
+<i>Lindsay of Pitscottie's Chronicles of Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 172, 173.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> &lsquo;He wald nocht suffer the noblemen to come to his
+presence, and to governe the realme be thair counsell.&rsquo; <i>Lesley's
+History of Scotland</i>, p. 48. &lsquo;Wald nocht use the counsall of his
+nobilis.&rsquo; p. 55. &lsquo;Excluding the nobility.&rsquo; <i>Hume's History of the House
+of Douglas</i>, vol. ii. p. 33. &lsquo;The nobility seeing his resolution to ruin
+them.&rsquo; p. 46. &lsquo;Hes conteming his nobility.&rsquo; <i>Balfour's Annales</i>, vol. i.
+p. 206.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> Also to aggrandize them. See, for instance, what &lsquo;has
+obtained the name of the golden charter, from the ample privileges it
+contains, confirmed to Archbishop Shevez by James III. on 9th July
+1480.&rsquo; <i>Grierson's History of Saint Andrews</i>, p. 58, Cupar, 1838.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> &lsquo;Such was the influence of the aristocracy over their
+warlike followers, that the king was conveyed to the castle of
+Edinburgh, without commotion or murmur.&rsquo; <i>Pinkerton's History of
+Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 308.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> &lsquo;The king and his ministers multiplied the insults which
+they offered to the nobility.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;A proclamation was issued, forbidding
+any person to appear in arms within the precincts of the court; which,
+at a time when no man of rank left his own house without a numerous
+retinue of armed followers, was, in effect, debarring the nobles from
+all access to the king.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;His neglect of the nobles irritated, but
+did not weaken them.&rsquo; <i>History of Scotland</i>, book i. p. 68, in
+<i>Robertson's Works</i>, edit. London, 1831.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> <i>Balfour's Annales</i>, vol. i. pp. 213, 214; Buchanan,
+<i>Rerum Scoticarum Historia</i>, lib. xii. p. 358. Lindsay of Pitscottie
+(<i>Chronicles</i>, vol. i. p. 222) says: &lsquo;This may be ane example to all
+kingis that cumes heirefter, not to fall from God.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;or, if he had
+vsed the counsall of his wyse lordis and barrones, he had not cum to
+sick disparatioun.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> <i>Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland</i>, folio, 1814, vol.
+ii. p. 232. &lsquo;That the said abbaceis confirmit be thame sall neid na
+prouisioun of the court of Rome.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> <i>Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 240;
+and the summary of the statute (p. 21), &lsquo;Revocation of donations,
+statutis, and all uthir thingis hurtand the croune or hali kirk.&rsquo; In the
+next year (1504), the king &lsquo;greatly augmented&rsquo; the revenues of the
+bishoprick of Galloway. <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. iii. p. 417.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> <i>Pinkerton's History of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 63;
+<i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland</i>, vol. viii. p. 135, edit.
+Wodrow Society, Edinburgh, 1849. The latter authority states, that &lsquo;The
+bishop devysed wayes to King James the Fourth, how he might attaine to
+great gaine and profit. He advised him to call his barons and all those
+that held any lands within the realme, to show their evidents by way of
+recognition; and, if they had not sufficient writings for their warrant,
+to dispone upon their lands at his pleasure; for the which advice he was
+greatlie hated. But the king, perceaving the countrie to grudge, agreed
+easilie with the possessors.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> The Regency of Albany, little understood by the earlier
+historians, has been carefully examined by Mr. Tytler, in whose
+valuable, though too prolix, work, the best account of it will be found.
+<i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. pp. 98&ndash;160, Edinburgh, 1845. On
+the hostility between Albany and the nobles, see <i>Irving's History of
+Dumbartonshire</i>, p. 99; and, on the revival of their power in the north,
+after the death of James IV., see <i>Gregory's History of the Western
+Highlands</i>, pp. 114, 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. pp. 180&ndash;182:
+&lsquo;Within a few months, there was not an office of trust or emolument in
+the kingdom, which was not filled by a Douglas, or by a creature of that
+house.&rsquo; See also pp. 187, 194; and <i>Keith's Catalogue of Scotch
+Bishops</i>, pp. 22, 23. Beaton, who was so rudely dispossessed of the
+chancellorship, that, according to Keith, he was, in 1525, obliged &lsquo;to
+lurk among his friends for fear of his life,&rsquo; is mentioned, in the
+preceding year, as having been the main supporter of Albany's
+government; &lsquo;that most hath favoured the Duke of Albany.&rsquo; <i>State Papers
+of the Reign of Henry VIII.</i>, vol. iv. p. 97, 4to, 1836.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> The complete power of the Douglases lasted from the
+cessation of Albany's regency to the escape of the king, in 1528.
+<i>Keith's History of the Affairs of Church and State in Scotland</i>, edit.
+Edinburgh, 1835, vol. i. pp. 33&ndash;35. Compare <i>Balfour's Annales</i>, vol. i.
+p. 257. &lsquo;The Earle of Angus violentley takes one him the gouerniment,
+and retanes the king in effecte a prisoner with him; during wich tyme
+he, the Earle of Lennox, and George Douglas, his auen brother, frely
+disposses vpone all affaires both of churche and staite.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. pp. 195, 196. The
+curious work, entitled <i>A Diurnal of Occurrents</i>, p. 10, says, &lsquo;In the
+zeir of God 1500, tuantie aucht zeiris, the kingis grace by slicht wan
+away fra the Douglassis.&rsquo; From Stirling, he repaired to Edinburgh, on
+6th July 1528, and went to &lsquo;the busshop of Sainct Andros loegeing.&rsquo; See
+a letter written on the 18th of July 1528, by Lord Dacre to Wolsey, in
+<i>State Papers of Henry VIII.</i>, vol. iv. p. 501, 4to, 1836. Compare a
+proclamation on 10th September 1528, in <i>Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
+Scotland</i>, vol. i. part i. pp. 138*, 139*, Edinburgh,
+4to, 1833. I particularly indicate these documents, because Lindsay of
+Pitscottie (in his <i>Chronicles of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 335)
+erroneously places the flight of James in 1527; and he is generally one
+of the most accurate of the old writers, if indeed he be the author of
+the work which bears his name.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> <i>State Papers of Henry VIII.</i>, vol. iv. p. 501.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> &lsquo;Archibald was depryvit of the thesaurarie, and placit
+thairin Robert Cairncorse, abbot of Halyrudhous. And als was tane fra
+the said Archibald the privie seill, and was givin to the bischope of
+Dunkell.&rsquo; <i>A Diurnal of Occurrents</i>, p. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Tytler (<i>History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 196) says: &lsquo;His
+first act was to summon a council, and issue a proclamation, that no
+lord or follower of the house of Douglas should dare to approach within
+<i>six</i> miles of the court, under pain of treason.&rsquo; For this, no authority
+is cited; and the historian of the Douglas family distinctly states,
+&lsquo;within <i>twelve</i> miles of the king, under pain of death.&rsquo; <i>Hume's House
+of Douglas</i>, vol. ii. p. 99. See also <i>Diurnal of Occurrents</i>, p. 10:
+&lsquo;that nane of thame nor thair familiaris cum neir the king be tuelf
+myllis.&rsquo; The reason was, that &lsquo;the said kingis grace haid greit
+suspicioun of the temporall lordis, becaus thaj favourit sum pairt the
+Douglassis.&rsquo; <i>Diurnal</i>, p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> &lsquo;The Erle of Caithnes and fyve hundreth of his men wes
+slayne and drownit in the see.&rsquo; <i>Lesley's History of Scotland</i>, p. 141.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. pp. 203, 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> <i>Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 324,
+edit. folio, 1814.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 207.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> <i>Tytler</i>, vol. iv. p. 212.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> &lsquo;His preference of the clergy to the temporal lords
+disgusted these proud chiefs.&rsquo; <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv.
+p. 230. See also p. 236. His reasons are stated by himself, in a curious
+letter, which he wrote so late as 1541, to Henry VIII. &lsquo;We persaif,&rsquo;
+writes James, &lsquo;be zoure saidis writingis yat Ze ar informyt yat yair
+suld be sum thingis laitlie attemptat be oure kirkmen to oure hurte and
+skaith, and contrar oure mynde and plesure. We can nocht understand,
+quhat suld move Zou to beleif the samyn, assuring Zou <i>We have nevir
+fund bot faithfull and trew obedience of yame at all tymes</i>, nor yai
+seik nor attemptis nouthir jurisdictioun nor previlegijs, forthir nor
+yai have usit sen the first institutioun of the Kirk of Scotland, quhilk
+We may nocht apoun oure conscience alter nor change in the respect We
+have to the honour and faith of God and Halikirk, and douttis na
+inconvenient be yame to come to Ws and oure realme yerthrou; for sen the
+Kirk wes first institute in our realme, the stait yairof hes nevir
+failzeit, bot <i>hes remanyt evir obedient to oure progenitouris, and in
+our tyme mair thankefull to Ws, nor evir yai wer of before</i>.&rsquo; This
+letter, which, in several points of view, is worth reading, will be
+found in <i>State Papers of Henry VIII.</i>, vol. v. pp. 188&ndash;190, 4to, 1836.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. pp. 212, 213, and
+<i>Arnot's History of Edinburgh</i>, 4to, 1788, p. 468: &lsquo;fifteen ordinary
+judges, seven churchmen, seven laymen, and a president, whom it behoved
+to be a churchman.&rsquo; The statute, as printed in the folio edition of 1814
+(<i>Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 335) says &lsquo;xiiij
+psouñs half sp&#363;ale half temporall wt ane president.&rsquo; Mr. Lawson
+(<i>Roman Catholic Church in Scotland</i>, Edinburgh, 1836, p. 81) supposes
+that it was the Archbishop of St. Andrews who advised the erection of
+this tribunal.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> Keith, who evidently does not admire this part of the
+history of his country, says, under the year 1546, &lsquo;Several of our
+nobility found it their temporal interest, as much as their spiritual,
+to sway with the new opinions as to religious matters.&rsquo; <i>Keith's Affairs
+of Church and State</i>, vol. i. pp. 112, 113. Later, and with still more
+bluntness: &lsquo;The noblemen wanted to finger the patrimony of the kirkmen.&rsquo;
+vol. iii. p. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> &lsquo;In the month of August (1534), the bishops having gotten
+fitt opportunitie, renewed their battell aganest Jesus Christ. David
+Stratilon, a gentelman of the House of Lawrestoune, and Mr. Norman
+Gowrlay, was brought to judgement in the Abby of Halyrudhouse. The king
+himself, all cloathed with reid, being present, grait pains war taken
+upon David Stratoun to move him to recant and burn his bill; bot he,
+ever standing to his defence, was in end adjudged to the fire. He asked
+grace at the king. The bishops answred proudlie, that &ldquo;the king's hands
+war bound, and that he had no grace to give to such as were by law
+condemned.&rdquo; So was he, with Mr. Norman, after dinner, upon the 27th day
+of Agust, led to a place beside the Rude of Greenside, between Leth and
+Edinbrug, to the intent that the inhabitants of Fife, seeing the fire,
+might be striken with terrour and feare.&rsquo; <i>Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
+Scotland</i>, vol. i. part i. p. 210*. Also
+<i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 106, 107.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> &lsquo;It appears, by a letter in the State-paper Office, that
+Henry remonstrated against this title being given to James.&rsquo; <i>Tytler's
+History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 223. See also p. 258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> In 1535, &lsquo;his privy council were mostly ecclesiastics.&rsquo;
+<i>Ibid.</i> vol. iv. p. 222. And Sir Ralph Sadler, during his embassy to
+Scotland in 1539&ndash;40, writes: &lsquo;So that the king, as far as I can
+perceive, is of force driven to use the bishops and his clergy as his
+only ministers for the direction of his realm. They be the men of wit
+and policy that I see here; they be never out of the king's ear. And if
+they smell any thing that in the least point may touch them, or that the
+king seem to be content with any such thing, straight they inculk to
+him, how catholic a prince his father was, and feed him both with fair
+words and many, in such wise as by those policies they lead him (having
+also the whole governance of his affairs) as they will.&rsquo; <i>State Papers
+and Letters of Sir Ralph Sadler</i>, Edinb., 1809, 4to, vol. i. p. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> <i>State Papers of Henry VIII.</i>, vol. v. p. 128. <i>A Diurnal
+of Occurrents</i>, p. 22. The Reverend Mr. Kirkton pronounces that the new
+queen was &lsquo;ane egge of the bloody nest of Guise.&rsquo; <i>Kirkton's History of
+the Church of Scotland</i>, edited by Sharpe, Edinburgh, 1817, 4to, p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> &lsquo;At his return home, he was made coadjutor, and declared
+future successor to his uncle in the primacy of St. Andrews, in which
+see he came to be fully invested upon the death of his uncle the next
+year, 1539.&rsquo; <i>Keith's Catalogue of Scotch Bishops</i>, pp. 23, 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> <i>M'Crie's Life of Knox</i>, p. 20. <i>Spottiswoode's History of
+the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 139. <i>Lawson's Roman Catholic Church
+in Scotland</i>, p. 178. <i>Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of the
+Reformers</i>, vol. i. p. 100.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Tytler (<i>History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 241) says, that
+the cruelties of 1539 forced &lsquo;many of the persecuted families to embrace
+the interests of the Douglases.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> It is asserted of the Douglases, that, early in the
+sixteenth century, their &lsquo;alliances and power were equal to one-half of
+the nobility of Scotland.&rsquo; <i>Brown's History of Glasgow</i>, vol. i. p. 8.
+See also, on their connexions, <i>Hume's House of Douglas</i>, vol. i. pp.
+xix. 252, 298, vol. ii. p. 293.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> Henry VIII., &lsquo;in the year 1532, sought it directly, among
+the conditions of peace, that the Douglas, according to his promise,
+should be restored. For King Henry's own part, he entertained them with
+all kind of beneficence and honour, and made both the Earl and Sir
+George of his Privy Council.&rsquo; <i>Hume's History of the House of Douglas</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 105, 106. James was very jealous of any communication
+taking place between the Douglases and his other subjects; but it was
+impossible for him to prevent it. See a letter which he wrote to Sir
+Thomas Erskine (in <i>Miscellany of the Spalding Club</i>, vol. ii. p. 193,
+Aberdeen, 1842, 4to), beginning, &lsquo;I commend me rycht hartly to yow, and
+weit ye that it is murmuryt hyr that ye sould a spolkyn with Gorge and
+Archebald Dougles in Ingland, quhylk wase again my command and your
+promys quhan we departyt.&rsquo; See also the cases of Lady Trakware, John
+Mathesone, John Hume, and others, in <i>Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
+Scotland</i>, vol. i. part i. pp. 161*, 177*, 202*, 243*, 247*.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> &lsquo;The Douglases were still maintained with high favour and
+generous allowances in England; their power, although nominally extinct,
+was still far from being destroyed; their spies penetrated into every
+quarter, followed the king to France, and gave information of his most
+private motions; their feudal covenants and bands of manrent still
+existed, and bound many of the most potent nobility to their interest;
+whilst the vigour of the king's government, and his preference of the
+clergy to the temporal lords, disgusted these proud chiefs, and disposed
+them to hope for a recovery of their influence from any change which
+might take place.&rsquo; <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. pp. 229,
+230. These bonds of manrent, noticed by Tytler, were among the most
+effective means by which the Scotch nobles secured their power. Without
+them, it would have been difficult for the aristocracy to have resisted
+the united force of the Crown and the Church. On this account, they
+deserve special attention. Chalmers (<i>Caledonia</i>, vol. i. p. 824) could
+find no bond of manrent earlier than 1354; but in Lord Somerville's
+<i>Memorie of the Somervilles</i>, edit. Edinburgh, 1815, vol. i. p. 74, one
+is mentioned in 1281. This is the earliest instance I have met with; and
+they did not become very common till the fifteenth and sixteenth
+centuries. Compare <i>Hume's History of the House of Douglas</i>, vol. ii. p.
+19. <i>Somerville's Memorie of the Somervilles</i>, vol. i. p. 234.
+<i>Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 83. <i>Irving's
+History of Dumbartonshire</i>, pp. 142, 143. <i>Skene's Highlanders</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 186. <i>Gregory's History of the Western Highlands</i>, p. 126.
+<i>Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen</i>, vol. i. p. 55. <i>Miscellany of the
+Spalding Club</i>, vol. ii. pp. cvi. 93, 251, vol. iv. pp. xlviii. 179. As
+these covenants were extremely useful in maintaining the balance of
+power, and preventing the Scotch monarchy from becoming despotic, acts
+of parliament were of course passed against them. See one in 1457, and
+another in 1555, respecting &lsquo;lige&rsquo; and &lsquo;bandis of manrent and
+mantenance,&rsquo; in <i>Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland</i>, folio, 1814, vol.
+ii. pp. 50, 495. Such enactments being opposed to the spirit of the age,
+and adverse to the exigencies of society, produced no effect upon the
+general practice, though they caused the punishment of several
+individuals. Manrent was still frequent until about 1620 or 1630, when
+the great social revolution was completed, by which the power of the
+aristocracy was subordinated to that of the Church. Then, the change of
+affairs effected, without difficulty, and indeed spontaneously, what the
+legislature had vainly attempted to achieve. The nobles, gradually
+sinking into insignificance, lost their spirit, and ceased to resort to
+those contrivances by which they had long upheld their order. Bonds of
+manrent became every year less common, and it is doubtful if there is
+any instance of them after 1661. See <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. iii.
+pp. 32, 33. It is, however, so dangerous to assert a negative, that I do
+not wish to rely on this date, and some few cases may exist later; but
+if so, they are very few, and it is certain that, speaking generally,
+the middle of the seventeenth century is the epoch of their extinction.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> <i>Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. pp. 370,
+371. &lsquo;That na mañ quhats&#363;euir stait or conditiouñ he be luge ressauve cherish nor
+favor ony heretike.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;And alswa that na persouñ that hes bene
+suspectit of heresie howbeit thai be ressauit to p&#275;nance and grace
+sall in this realme exers haif nor brouk ony honest estait degre office
+nor judicato<sup>r</sup> sp&#363;all nor t&#275;porale in burgh nor w<sup>t</sup>out nor na
+salbe admittit to be of ou&#341; counsale.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> Lindsay of Pitscottie (<i>Chronicles</i>, vol. ii. p. 383)
+says, that they &lsquo;devysed to put ane discord and variance betwixt the
+lordis and gentlmen with thair prince; for they delaited, and gave vp to
+the king in writt, to the number of thrittie scoir of earles, lordis,
+and barrones, gentlmen and craftismen, that is, as thei alledgit, wer
+all heretickis, and leived not after the Pope's lawis, and ordinance of
+the hollie kirk; quhilk his grace sould esteme as ane capitall cryme, to
+ony man that did the same&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;all thair landis, rentes, guidis, and
+geir apperteanis propperlie to your grace, for thair contempt of our
+hollie father the Pope, and his lawis, and high contempt of your grace's
+authoritie.&rsquo; This document was found among the king's papers after his
+death, when it appeared that, of the six hundred names on the list, more
+than three hundred belonged to the principal nobility: &lsquo;Eum timorem
+auxerunt codicilli post regis interitum reperti, e quibus supra
+trecentorum è prima nobilitate nomina continebantur.&rsquo; <i>Buchanan</i>, <i>Rerum
+Scoticarum Historia</i>, lib. xv. p. 424. Compare <i>Sadler's State Papers</i>,
+1809, vol. i. p. 94; and <i>Watson's Historicall Collections of
+Ecclesiastick Affairs in Scotland</i>, 1657, p. 22. According to Watson, it
+&lsquo;was called the bloudy scroll.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> In the autumn of 1542, James &lsquo;was encouraged by the clergy
+to engage in a war against King Henry, who both assured him of victory,
+since he fought against an heretical prince, and advanced an annuity of
+50,000 crowns for prosecuting the war.&rsquo; <i>Crawfurd's History of the Shire
+of Renfrew</i>, 1782, 4to, part i. p. 48. Compare, in <i>State Papers of
+Henry VIII.</i>, vol. v. p. 154, a letter written, in 1539, by Norfolk to
+Cromwell: &lsquo;By diverse other waies I am advertised that the clergie of
+Scotlande be in such feare that their king shold do theire, as the
+kinges highnes hath done in this realme, that they do their best to
+bring their master to the warr; and by many waies I am advertised that a
+great parte of the temporaltie there wold their king shold followe our
+insample, wich I pray God yeve hym grace to come unto.&rsquo; Even after the
+battle of Solway, the policy of the clergy was notoriously the same.
+&lsquo;And undoubtedlie, the kyrkemen labor, by all the meanes they can, to
+empeche the unitie and establishment of thiese two realmes; uppon what
+groundes ye can easelie conjecture.&rsquo; Letter from Sadler to Parr, dated
+Edinburgh, 27th March 1543, in <i>State Papers of Henry VIII.</i>, vol. v. p.
+271, 4to, 1836.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> &lsquo;Ten thousand Scottish troops fled at the sight of three
+hundred English cavalry, with scarce a momentary resistance.&rsquo; <i>Tytler's
+History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 264.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> The best account of these events will be found in
+<i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. pp. 260&ndash;267. I have also
+consulted <i>Ridpath's Border History</i>, pp. 372, 373. <i>Hollinshead's
+Scottish Chronicle</i>, vol. ii. pp. 207&ndash;209. <i>Lesley's History</i>, pp.
+163&ndash;166. <i>Lindsay of Pitscottie's Chronicles</i>, vol. ii. pp. 399&ndash;406.
+<i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 145&ndash;152.
+<i>Buchanan</i>, <i>Rerum Scoticarum Historia</i>, lib. xiv. pp. 420, 421.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> &lsquo;This defeat being so very dishonourable, especially to
+the clergy, who stirred up the king to that attempt, and promised him
+great success from it; and there being such a visible evidence of the
+anger of God, fighting by his providence against them, all men were
+struck with fear and astonishment; the bishops were ashamed to show
+their faces for a time.&rsquo; <i>Stevenson's History of the Church of
+Scotland</i>, reprinted, Edinburgh, 1840, p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> We may readily believe the assertion of an old chronicler,
+that &lsquo;the nobilitie did not greatlie take his death grievouslie, because
+he had fined manie, imprisoned more, and caused no small few (for
+avoiding his displeasure) to flie into England, and rather to commit
+themselves to the enemie than to his anger.&rsquo; <i>Hollinshead's Scottish
+Chronicle</i>, vol. ii. p. 210.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> <i>Hume's History of the House of Douglas</i>, vol. ii. p.
+111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> It has been often said, that this will was forged; but for
+such an assertion I cannot find the slightest evidence, except the
+declaration of Arran (<i>Sadler's State Papers</i>, Edinburgh, 1809, vol. i.
+p. 138), and the testimony, if testimony it can be called, of Scotch
+historians, who do not profess to have examined the handwriting, and
+who, being themselves Protestants, seem to suppose that the fact of a
+man being a cardinal, qualifies him for every crime. There is no doubt
+that Beaton was thoroughly unprincipled, and therefore was capable of
+the forgery. Still, we have no proof; and the will is such as we might
+have expected from the king. In regard to Arran, his affirmation is not
+worth the paper it is written on: for he hated Beaton; he was himself
+very unscrupulous; and he succeeded to the post which Beaton had to
+vacate on the ground that the will was forged. If such circumstances do
+not disqualify a witness, some of the best-established principles of
+evidence are false. The reader who cares to look further into this
+subject, may compare, in favour of the will being forged, <i>Buchanan</i>,
+<i>Rerum Scoticarum Historia</i>, lib. xv. p. 422, Abredoniæ, 1762; <i>Knox's
+History of the Reformation</i>, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1846, vol. i. pp.
+91, 92; <i>Irving's History of Dumbartonshire</i>, second edition, 4to, 1860,
+p. 102; and, in favour of its being genuine, <i>Lyon's History of St.
+Andrews</i>, Edinburgh, 1843, vol. i. pp. 304, 305. Some other writers on
+the subject leave it doubtful: <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, 1845,
+vol. iv. p. 274; <i>Lawson's Roman Church in Scotland</i>, 1836, p. 99; and a
+note in <i>Keith's Church and State in Scotland</i>, 1844, vol. i. p. 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> On the 26th of January 1542&ndash;3, &lsquo;the said cardinall was put
+in pressoune in Dalkeith.&rsquo; <i>A Diurnal of Occurrents</i>, p. 26. See also,
+respecting his imprisonment, a letter written, on the 16th of March, by
+Angus and Douglas, in <i>State Papers of Henry VIII.</i>, vol. v. p. 263. He
+was then in &lsquo;firmance.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> His appointment was confirmed by Parliament on the 12th of
+March. <i>Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 411: &lsquo;tuto<sup>r</sup>
+lau<sup>t</sup>full to the quenis grace and gounour of this realme.&rsquo; He
+excluded the clergy from power. On 20th March, in the same year, Sir
+Ralph Sadler writes to Henry VIII., that Sir George Douglas &lsquo;brought me
+into the council-chamber, where I found a great number of noblemen and
+others at a long board, and divers standing, but <i>not one bishop nor
+priest among them</i>. At the upper end of the board sat the governour.&rsquo;
+<i>Sadler's State Papers</i>, vol. i. p. 78.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> <i>Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. pp. 415,
+419, 424, 423*; and <i>Tytler's History of
+Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 285.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> &lsquo;Had become a convert to its doctrines.&rsquo; <i>Tytler's Hist.
+of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 286. But he, as well as the other nobles,
+neither knew nor cared much about doctrines; and he was, moreover, very
+venal. In April 1543, Sir Ralph Sadler writes to Henry VIII.: &lsquo;And the
+lord Maxwell told me apart, &ldquo;That, indeed, he lacked silver, and had no
+way of relief but to your majesty;&rdquo; which he prayed me to signify unto
+the same. I asked him what would relieve him? and he said, 300<i>l.</i>; &ldquo;for
+the which,&rdquo; he said, &ldquo;as your majesty seemed, when he was with your
+grace, to have him in more trust and credit than the rest of your
+majesty's prisoners, so he trusted to do you as good service as any of
+them; and amongst them they will do you such service, as, if the war
+succeed, ye shall make an easy conquest of this realm; as <i>for his part
+he shall deliver into your hands, at the entry of your army, the keys of
+the same on the west marches, being all the strongholds there in his
+custody</i>.&rdquo; I offered him presently to write to my lord of Suffolk for
+100<i>l.</i> for him if he would; but he said, &ldquo;he would stay till he heard
+again from your majesty in that behalf.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Sadler's State Papers</i>, vol.
+i. p. 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> <i>Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. pp. 415,
+425. <i>Sadler's State Papers</i>, vol. i. p. 83. Knox, in his <i>History of
+the Reformation</i> (edit. Laing, vol. i p. 100), archly says, &lsquo;The cleargy
+hearto long repugned; butt in the end, convicted by reassonis, <i>and by
+multitud of votes in thare contrare</i>, thei also condiscended; and so, by
+Act of Parliament, it was maid free to all man and woman to reid the
+Scriptures in thair awin toung, or in the Engliss toung; and so war all
+Actes maid in the contrair abolished.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> Or, as Keith calls them, &lsquo;English Lords.&rsquo; <i>History of the
+Affairs of Church and State in Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> In May 1544 the English attacked Scotland, <i>Tytler's
+History</i>, vol. iv. p. 316; and in that same month, the &lsquo;Anglo-Scottish
+party&rsquo; consisted only of the Earls of Lennox and of Glencairn, since
+even &lsquo;Angus, George Douglas, and their numerous and powerful adherents,
+joined the cardinal.&rsquo; p. 319. As to the part taken by the Scotch clergy,
+see, in <i>Sadler's State Papers</i>, vol. i. p. 173, a letter to Henry
+VIII., written on the 1st of May 1543: &lsquo;And as to the kirk-men, I assure
+your majesty they seek the war by all the means they can, and do daily
+entertain the noblemen with money and rewards to sustain the wars,
+rather than there should be any agreement with your majesty; thinking,
+verily, that if peace and unity succeed, that they shall be reformed,
+and lose their glory, which they had rather die, and put all this realm
+in hazard, than they would forego.&rsquo; See also p. 184, note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> Buchanan records a very curious conversation between the
+regent and Douglas, which, as I do not remember to have met with
+elsewhere, I shall transcribe. The exact date of it is not mentioned,
+but, from the context, it evidently took place in 1544 or 1545. &lsquo;Ibi cum
+Prorex suam deploraret solitudinem, et se a nobilitate derelictum
+quereretur, Duglassius ostendit &ldquo;id ipsius culpa fieri, non nobilium,
+qui et fortunas omnes et vitam ad publicam salutem tuendam conferrent,
+quorum consilio contempto ad sacrificulorum nutum circumageretur, qui
+foris imbelles, domi seditiosi, omniumque periculorum expertes alieni
+laboris fructu ad suas voluptates abuterentur. Ex hoc fonte inter te et
+proceres facta est suspitio, quæ (quòd neutri alteris fidatis) rebus
+gerendis maxime est impedimento.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Rerum Scoticarum Historia</i>, lib. xv.
+p. 435. Buchanan was, at this time, about thirty-eight years old; and
+that some such conversation as that which he narrates actually took
+place, is, I think, highly probable, though the historian may have
+thrown in some touches of his own. At all events, he was too great a
+rhetorician to invent what his contemporaries would deem unlikely to
+happen; so that, from either point of view, the passage is valuable as
+an evidence of the deep-rooted hostility which the nobles bore towards
+the Church.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 337. &lsquo;The plot
+is entirely unknown either to our Scottish or English historians; and
+now, after the lapse of nearly three centuries, has been discovered in
+the secret correspondence of the State-paper Office.&rsquo; The first
+suggestion of the murder was in April 1544. See <i>State Papers of Henry
+VIII.</i>, vol. v. p. 377, and the end of the Preface to vol. iv. But Mr.
+Tytler and the editor of the <i>State Papers</i> appear to have overlooked a
+still earlier indication of the coming crime, in <i>Sadler's Papers</i>. See,
+in that collection, vol. i. p. 77, a conversation, held in March 1543,
+between Sir Ralph Sadler and the Earl of Arran; Sadler being conducted
+by the Earl of Glencairn. On that occasion, the Earl of Arran used an
+expression concerning Beaton, the meaning of which Sir Ralph evidently
+understood. &lsquo;&ldquo;By God,&rdquo; quoth he, &ldquo;he shall never come out of prison
+whilst I may have mine own will, <i>except it be to his farther
+mischief</i>.&rdquo; I allowed the same well&rsquo; (replied Sadler), &lsquo;and said, &ldquo;It
+were pity, but he should receive such reward as his merits did
+require.&rdquo;&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> <i>State Papers of Henry VIII.</i>, vol. v. p. 560. <i>A Diurnal
+of Occurrents</i>, p. 42. <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 221&ndash;223. Lindsay of Pitscottie (<i>Chronicles</i>, vol. ii. p.
+484) relates a circumstance respecting the murder, which is too horrible
+to mention, and of which it is enough to say, that it consisted of an
+obscene outrage committed on the corpse of the victim. Though such facts
+cannot now be published, they are so characteristic of the age, that
+they ought not to be passed over in complete silence.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> Respecting which, two Scotch Protestant historians have
+expressed themselves in the following terms: &lsquo;God admonished men, by
+this judgement, that he will in end be avenged upon tyranns for their
+crueltie, howsoever they strenthen themselves.&rsquo; <i>Calderwood's History of
+the Kirk of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 224. And, whoever considers all the
+circumstances, &lsquo;must acknowledge it was a stupendous act of the judgment
+of the Lord, and that the whole was overruled and guided by Divine
+Providence.&rsquo; <i>Stevenson's History of the Church and State of Scotland</i>,
+p. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> Even the editor of <i>M'Crie's Life of Knox</i>, Edinburgh,
+1841, p. xxxv., notices &lsquo;the ill-timed merriment he displays in relating
+the foul deed&rsquo; of Beaton's murder.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> Shortly before his death, he said, with honest and
+justifiable pride, &lsquo;What I have bene to my countrie, albeit, this
+vnthankfull aige will not knowe, yet the aiges to come wilbe compelled
+to bear witnes to the treuth.&rsquo; <i>Bannatyne's Journal</i>, Edinburgh, 1806. p.
+119. Bannatyne was Knox's secretary. It is to be regretted that no good
+life of Knox should have yet been published. That by M'Crie is an
+undistinguishing and injudicious panegyric, which, by provoking a
+reaction of opinion, has damaged the reputation of the great reformer.
+On the other hand, the sect of Episcopalians in Scotland are utterly
+blind to the real grandeur of the man, and unable to discern his intense
+love of truth, and the noble fearlessness of his nature.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. pp. 374, 375.
+<i>M'Crie's Life of Knox</i>, pp. 27, 28. <i>Lawson's Roman Catholic Church in
+Scotland</i>, p. 154. <i>Presbytery Displayed</i>, 1663, 4to, p. 28. <i>Shields'
+Hind let loose</i>, 1687, pp. 14, 39, 638. In his <i>History of the
+Reformation</i>, edit. Laing, vol. i. pp. 177, 180, he calls it a &lsquo;godly
+fact,&rsquo; and says, &lsquo;These ar the workis of our God;&rsquo; which, in plain
+language, is terming the Deity an assassin. But, bad as this is, I agree
+with M'Crie, that there is no trustworthy evidence for deeming him privy
+to the murder. Compare, however, <i>A Diurnal of Occurrents</i> p. 42, with
+<i>Lyon's History of St. Andrews</i>, vol. ii. p. 364.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> <i>M'Crie's Life of Knox</i>, pp. 38, 43, 350. <i>Argyll's
+Presbytery Examined</i>, 1848, p. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> <i>M'Crie's Life of Knox</i>, pp. 44, 71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 99. As to the nobles, who received him, and
+heard him preach, see p. 102.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> &lsquo;Influenced by motives which have never been fully
+comprehended, he departed to Geneva, where, for a time, he became pastor
+of a Protestant congregation.&rsquo; <i>Russell's History of the Church in
+Scotland</i>, 1834, vol. i. p. 193. M'Crie, who sees no difficulty, simply
+says, &lsquo;In the month of July 1556, he left Scotland, and, having arrived
+at Dieppe, he proceeded with his family to Geneva.&rsquo; <i>Life of Knox</i>, p.
+107.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> Knox, in his savoury diction, likens her appointment to
+putting a saddle on the back of a cow. &lsquo;She maid Regent in the year of
+God 1554; and a croune putt upone hir head, als seimlye a sight (yf men
+had eis), as to putt a sadill upone the back of ane unrewly kow.&rsquo; I copy
+this passage from Mr. Laing's excellent edition of <i>Knox's History of
+the Reformation</i>, vol. i. p. 242; but in <i>Watson's Historicall
+Collections of Ecclesiastick Affairs in Scotland</i>, 1657, p. 73, there is
+a slightly different version. &lsquo;&ldquo;As seemly a sight,&rdquo; saith John Knox, in
+the new gospel language, &ldquo;as to put the saddle upon the back of an
+unruly <i>sow</i>.&rdquo;&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> The Duke of Argyll, in his <i>Presbytery Examined</i>, p. 9,
+calls her &lsquo;ambitious and intriguing.&rsquo; Not only, however, is she praised
+by Lesley (<i>History</i>, pp. 289, 290), which might have been expected, but
+even Buchanan does justice to her, in a passage unusually gracious for
+so Protestant and democratic a writer. &lsquo;Mors ejus varie mentes hominum
+affecit. Nam et apud quosdam eorum, quibuscum armis contendit, non
+mediocre sui desiderium reliquit. Erat enim singulari ingenio prædita,
+et animo ad æquitatem admodum propenso.&rsquo; <i>Buchanan</i>, <i>Rerum Scoticarum
+Historia</i>, lib. xvi. p. 487.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> <i>History of Scotland</i>, book ii. p. 91, in Robertson's
+Works, 1831. <i>Tytler's History</i>, vol. v. pp. 22, 23. It appears, from
+Lesley (<i>History</i>, pp. 254, 255), that some of the nobles were in favour
+of this scheme, hoping thereby to gain favour. &lsquo;Albeit sum of the lordis
+of the nobilitie for pleasour of the quene seamed to aggre thairto for
+the tyme, yit the barronis and gentill men was nathing content
+thairwith&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;affirming that thair foirfatheris and predicessouris had
+defendit the samyn&rsquo; (<i>i.e.</i> the realm) &lsquo;mony hundreth yeris,
+vailyeantlie with thair awin handis.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> &lsquo;It completed the almost despotic power of the house of
+Guise.&rsquo; <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. v. p. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> This covenant, which marks an important epoch in the
+history of Scotland, is dated 3rd of December 1557. It is printed in
+<i>Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, p. 47; in <i>Calderwood's
+History of the Kirk</i>, vol. i. pp. 326, 327; and in <i>Knox's History of
+the Reformation</i>, vol. i. pp. 273, 274.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> In 1558, &lsquo;the lords of the congregation had sent agents
+through the kingdom to solicit the subscriptions of those who were
+friendly to a reformation.&rsquo; <i>Stephen's History of the Church of
+Scotland</i>, London, 1848, vol. i. p. 58.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> Keith (<i>Affairs of Church and State in Scotland</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 82) calls him &lsquo;a trumpeter of rebellion,&rsquo; which he undoubtedly
+was, and very much to his credit too, though the courtly bishop imputes
+it to him as a fault. The Scotch, if it had not been for their
+rebellious spirit, would long since have lost their liberties.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> &lsquo;He sailed from Dieppe on the 22nd of April 1559, and
+landed safely at Leith in the beginning of May.&rsquo; <i>M'Crie's Life of
+Knox</i>, p. 139. Knox himself says, &lsquo;the secound of Maij.&rsquo; <i>History of
+the Reformation</i>, edit. Laing, vol. i. p. 318. &lsquo;He was called home by
+the noblemen that enterprised the Reformation.&rsquo; <i>Spottiswoode's History
+of the Church of Scotland</i>, edit. Russell, vol. ii. p. 180.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> <i>Penny's Traditions of Perth</i>, p. 310. <i>Knox's History of
+the Reformation</i>, vol. i. pp. 321&ndash;323. <i>Lyon's History of St. Andrews</i>,
+vol. i. p. 329; and a spirited narrative in <i>Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum
+Historia</i>, lib. xvi. pp. 471, 472. Some interesting circumstances are
+also preserved in <i>Lesley's History</i>, pp. 271, 272; but, though Lesley
+was a contemporary, he erroneously places the riot in 1558. He,
+moreover, ascribes to Knox language more inflammatory than that which he
+really used.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. v. pp. 59, 62, 63. Of
+the Earl of Glencairn, Chalmers (<i>Caledonia</i>, vol. iii. p. 485) says,
+that he was a &lsquo;religious ruffian, who enjoyed pensions from Henry VIII.,
+for injuring the country of his birth, and benefits.&rsquo; This, besides
+being ungrammatical, is foolish. Glencairn, like the other
+aristocratic leaders of the Reformation, was, no doubt, influenced by
+sordid motives; but, so far from injuring his country, he rendered it
+great service.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. v. pp. 64&ndash;73.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> It is stated of the queen-regent, that, in July 1559,
+&lsquo;shee had sent alreadie to France for more men of warr.&rsquo; See the curious
+pamphlet entitled &lsquo;A Historie of the Estate of Scotland, from July 1558
+to April 1560,&rsquo; in <i>Miscellany of the Wodrow Society</i>, p. 63, Edinburgh,
+1844. All sorts of rumours were circulated; and a letter, dated 12th
+October 1559, says, &lsquo;Summe thinke the regent will departe secretlie.
+Summe that she will to Ynchkeith, for that three shippes are a
+preparing. Summe saye that she is verie sicke. Summe saye the devill
+cannot kill her.&rsquo; <i>Sadler's State Papers</i>, vol. i. p. 499.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. v. p. 104. This was
+on the 22nd of October 1559. Compare <i>Sadler's State Papers</i>, vol. i. p.
+512. &lsquo;This Mondaye, the 22 of October, was the douagier deprived from
+her authoritie by commen consent of all lords and barons here present.&rsquo;
+On this occasion, &lsquo;Johne Willocke,&rsquo; the preacher, delivered himself of a
+discourse in favour of her deposition. Among other arguments, he said,
+&lsquo;that in deposing of princes, and these that have beene in authoritie,
+God did not alwayes use his immediat power, but sometimes he used other
+meanes, which his wisdome thought good, and justice approved. As by Asa,
+He removed Maacha, his owne mother, from honour and authoritie, which
+before she had used; by Jehu He destroyed Joram, and the whole
+posteritie of Achab.&rsquo; <i>Therefore</i> &lsquo;he (the orator) could see no reasoun
+why they, the borne counsellers, the nobilitie and barons of the realme,
+might not justlie deprive her from all regiment.&rsquo; <i>Calderwood's History
+of the Kirk</i>, vol. i. pp. 540, 541; and <i>Knox's History of the
+Reformation</i>, vol. i. pp. 442, 443.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> The <i>Diurnal of Occurrents</i>, pp. 55, 272, says, that the
+fleet arrived on 24th of January, 1559&ndash;60; &lsquo;aucht greit schippis of
+Ingland in the raid of Leith.&rsquo; And a letter (in <i>Sadler's State Papers</i>,
+vol. i. p. 697) dated the 23rd of January, says, &lsquo;the shippes arrived
+yesterdaye in the Frythe to the nomber of ix. or x., as yet, and the
+remanent followith.&rsquo; The date, therefore, of the 10th of January, given
+in a note to <i>Keith's Church and State in Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 255, is
+evidently erroneous. Important as the event was, its exact date is not
+mentioned either by Tytler (<i>History of Scotland</i>, vol. v. pp. 114,
+115), or by Chalmers (<i>Caledonia</i>, vol. ii. p. 631).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. ii. p. 632. <i>Knox's History
+of the Reformation</i>, vol. ii. p. 57. The Berwick treaty, in February, is
+printed in <i>Keith's Church and State in Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 258&ndash;262.
+So great was the influence of the nobles, that the English troops were
+well received by the people, in spite of the old and bitter animosity
+between the two nations. &lsquo;Especially in Fyfe they were thankfully
+receaved, and well entreated, with such quietnes and gentle
+entertainement betwixt our nation and them, as no man would have thought
+that ever there had beine any variance.&rsquo; <i>A Historie of the Estate of
+Scotland</i>, from 1558 to 1560, in <i>Miscellany of the Wodrow Society</i>, p.
+78.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> &lsquo;Vpoun the vi. day of Julij, it wes concludit and
+finallie endit betuix the saids ambassatouris, tuitching all debaittis,
+contraversies and materis concernyng the asseiging of Leith, depairting
+of the Frenchemen thairfra, and randering of the same; and the said peax
+daitit this said day.&rsquo; <i>A Diurnal of Occurrents</i>, pp. 277, 278. See also
+p. 60; and <i>Keith's Affairs of Church and State in Scotland</i>, vol. i. p.
+295.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> &lsquo;That Knox himself was in priest's orders, is a fact
+which his biographer, the late Dr. M'Crie, has placed beyond dispute;
+and some of the other leaders were also priests; but the greater number
+of the preachers, and all those who subsequently became ministers, were
+totally without any orders whatever, not even such as the
+superintendents could have given them; for their own supposed call, the
+election of the people, and the <i>civil</i> ceremony of induction to the
+living, was all that was then &ldquo;judged necessary.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Stephen's History of
+the Church of Scotland</i>, 1848, vol. i. pp. 145, 146. &lsquo;A new-fashioned
+sort of ministry, unknown in the Christian Church for all preceding
+generations.&rsquo; <i>Keith's Church and State in Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 204.
+Compare <i>Argyll's Presbytery Examined</i>, pp. 34&ndash;36.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> &lsquo;The thre estaitis of parliament hes &#257;nullit and
+declarit all sik actes maid in tymes bipast not aggreing w<sup>t</sup> goddis word
+and now contrair to the confessiouñ of oure fay<sup>t</sup> according to the said
+word publist in this parliament. Tobe of nane avale force nor effect.
+And decornis the said actis and every ane of thame tu haue na effect nor
+strenth in tyme to cum.&rsquo; <i>Acts of the Parliament of Scotland</i>, 1814,
+folio, vol. ii. p. 535. This was on 24th August 1560.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> &lsquo;That na maner of person nor personis say mess nor zit
+heir mess nor be pñt thairat vnder the pane of confiscatiouñ of
+all thair gud movable and vnmovable and pvneissing of thair bodeis at
+the discretiouñ of the magistrat within quhais jurisdictiouñ sik
+personis happ[=y]nis to be apprehendit ffor the first falt: Banissing of
+the Realme for the secund falt, and justifying to the deid for the thrid
+falt.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i>, 24th August 1560, vol. ii. p. 525.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> As Robertson says, in his measured, and somewhat feeble,
+style, &lsquo;Among the Scottish nobility, some hated the persons, and others
+coveted the wealth, of the dignified clergy; and by abolishing that
+order of men, the former indulged their resentment, and the latter hoped
+to gratify their avarice.&rsquo; <i>History of Scotland</i>, book iii. p. 116, in
+<i>Robertson's Works</i>, edit. 1831. The contemporary narrative, in <i>A
+Diurnal of Occurrents</i>, p. 269, sounds much more vigorous to my ear. &lsquo;In
+all this tyme&rsquo; (1559), &lsquo;all kirkmennis goodis and geir wer spoulzeit and
+reft fra thame, in euerie place quhair the samyne culd be apprehendit;
+for euerie man for the maist pairt that culd get any thing pertenyng to
+any kirkmen, thocht the same as wele won geir.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> &lsquo;Knox never dreamed that the revenues of the Church were
+to be secularized; but that he and his colleagues were simply to remove
+the old incumbents, and then take possession of their benefices.&rsquo;
+<i>Stephen's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 106. &lsquo;The
+ecclesiastical revenues, which they never contemplated for a moment were
+to be seized by the Protestant nobility.&rsquo; <i>Lawson's Roman Catholic
+Church in Scotland</i>, p. 233.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> Compare <i>Knox's History of the Reformation</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+89&ndash;92, with <i>M'Crie's Life of Knox</i>, p. 179. Of this document, M'Crie
+says, &lsquo;There can be no doubt that it received the sanction, if it was
+not the composition, of the Reformer.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;It called upon them&rsquo; (the
+nobles) &lsquo;to restore the patrimony of the Church, of which they had
+unjustly possessed themselves.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> &lsquo;Making no answer to the last point.&rsquo; <i>Spottiswoode's
+History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 327. &lsquo;Without taking any
+notice.&rsquo; <i>Keith's Affairs of Church and State</i>, vol. i. p. 321.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> &lsquo;They viewed the Protestant preachers as low-born
+individuals, not far raised above the condition of mechanics or
+tradesmen, without influence, authority, or importance.&rsquo;
+<i>Lawson's Roman Catholic Church in Scotland</i>, p. 251.
+&lsquo;None were more unmercifull to the poore ministers than they that had
+the greatest share of the kirk rents.&rsquo; <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk
+of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> In 1561, &lsquo;Notwithstanding the full establishment of the
+Reformation, the Protestant ministers were in a state of extreme
+poverty, and dependent upon the precarious assistance of their flocks.&rsquo;
+<i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. v. p. 207. Compare a letter,
+written by Knox, in 1566, &lsquo;on the extreame povertie wherein our ministers
+are brought.&rsquo; <i>Knox's History of the Reformation</i>, vol. ii. p. 542.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> &lsquo;The limited authority which the Crown had hitherto
+possessed, was almost entirely annihilated, and the aristocratical
+power, which always predominated in the Scottish Government (?), became
+supreme and incontrollable.&rsquo; <i>Russell's History of the Church in
+Scotland</i>, 1834, vol. i. p. 223.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> See the <i>First Book of Discipline</i>, reprinted in <i>A
+Compendium of the Laws of the Church of Scotland</i>, part i., second
+edition, Edinburgh, 1837. They summed up their requests in one
+comprehensive passage (p. 119), that &lsquo;the haill rentis of the Kirk
+abusit in Papistrie sal be referrit againe to the Kirk.&rsquo; In another part
+(p. 106), they frankly admit that, &lsquo;we doubt not but some of our
+petitions shall appeare strange unto you at the first sight.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> &lsquo;The form of polity recommended in the First Book of
+Discipline never obtained the proper sanction of the State, chiefly in
+consequence of the avarice of the nobility and gentry, who were desirous
+of securing to themselves the revenues of the Church.&rsquo; <i>Miscellany of
+the Wodrow Society</i>, p. 324. See also <i>Argyll's Presbytery Examined</i>, p.
+26. Many of the nobles, however, did sign it (<i>Knox's History of the
+Reformation</i>, vol. ii. p. 129); but, says Spottiswoode (<i>History of the
+Church of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 373), &lsquo;Most of those that subscribed,
+getting into their hands the possessions of the Church, could never be
+induced to part therewith, and turned greater enemies in that point of
+church patrimony than were the papists, or any other whatsoever.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> <i>M'Crie's Life of Knox</i>, p. 204. <i>Knox's History of the
+Reformation</i>, vol ii. pp. 298&ndash;301, 307&ndash;309. <i>Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum
+Historia</i>, lib. xvii. p. 500. The nominal arrangement, which was
+contrived with considerable art, was, that one-third of the church
+revenues should be divided into two parts; one part for the government,
+and another part for the preachers. The remaining two-thirds were
+gravely assigned to the Catholic priesthood, who, at that very moment,
+were liable, by Act of Parliament, to the penalty of death, if they
+performed the rites of their religion. Men, whose lives were in the
+hands of the government, were not likely to quarrel with the government
+about money matters; and the result was, that nearly every thing fell
+into the possession of the nobles.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> &lsquo;The Ministeris, evin in the begynnyng, in publict
+Sermonis opponed thame selves to suche corruptioun, for thei foir saw
+the purpose of the Devill.&rsquo; <i>Knox's History of the Reformation</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 310.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> &lsquo;For it seemeth altogether unreasonable that idle belleis
+sail devoure and consume the patrimonie of the Kirk, whill the faithfull
+travellers in the Lord's vineyarde suffer extreme povertie, and the
+needie members of Christ's bodie are altogether neglected.&rsquo;
+<i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. ii. pp. 484, 485. This was in
+1569; and, in 1571, the celebrated Ferguson, in one of his sermons,
+declared that the holders of church property, most of whom were the
+nobility, were &lsquo;ruffians.&rsquo; See an extract from his sermon, in <i>Chalmers'
+History of Dunfermline</i>, p. 309, Edinburgh, 1844. &lsquo;For this day Christ
+is spuilzeit amang us, quhil y<sup>t</sup> quhilk aucht to mantene the Ministerie
+of the Kirk and the pure, is geuin to prophane men, flattereris in
+court, ruffianes, and hyrelingis.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> In September 1571, John Row &lsquo;preiched, wha in plane
+pulpet pronounced to the lordis, for thair covetusnes, and becaus they
+wold not grant the just petitiones of the Kirk, Godis heastie vengeance
+to fall upon them; and said, moreover, &ldquo;I cair not, my lordis, your
+displeasour; for I speik my conscience befoir God, wha will not
+suffer sic wickitnes and contempt vnpunished.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Bannatyne's Journal</i>,
+edit. Edinburgh, 1806, p. 257.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> In 1576, the General Assembly declared, that their right
+to &lsquo;the patrimonie of the Kirk&rsquo; was &lsquo;ex jure divino.&rsquo; <i>Acts of the
+General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 360, Edinburgh,
+1839, 4to. More than a hundred years later, a Scotch divine evinces how
+deeply the members of his profession felt this spoliation of the Church,
+by going out of his way to mention it. See <i>Jacob's Vow, by Dr. John
+Cockburn</i>, Edinburgh, 1696, pp. 422, 423, 425. But this is nothing in
+comparison to a recent writer, the Reverend Mr. Lyon, who deliberately
+asserts that, because these and similar acts occurred in the reign of
+Mary, therefore the queen came to a violent end; such being the just
+punishment of sacrilege. &lsquo;The practice&rsquo; (of saying masses for the dead)
+&lsquo;ceased, of course, at the Reformation; and the money was transferred by
+Queen Mary to the civil authorities of the town. This was, undoubtedly,
+an act of sacrilege; for, though sacrificial masses for the dead was an
+error, yet the guardians of the money so bequeathed, were under an
+obligation to apply it to a sacred purpose. This, and other sacrilegious
+acts on the part of Mary, of a still more decided and extensive
+character, have been justly considered as the cause of all the
+calamities which subsequently befell her.&rsquo; <i>History of St. Andrews, by
+the Rev. C. J. Lyon, M.A., Presbyter of the Episcopal Church, St.
+Andrews</i>, Edinburgh, 1843, vol. i. p. 54. Elsewhere (vol. ii. p. 400)
+the same divine mentions, that the usual punishment for sacrilege is a
+failure of male issue. &lsquo;The following examples, selected from the
+diocese of St. Andrews, according to its boundaries before the
+Reformation, will corroborate the general doctrine contended for
+throughout this work, that sacrilege has ever been punished in the
+present life, and <i>chiefly</i> by the failure of male issue.&rsquo; The italics
+are in the text. See also vol. i. p. 118. For the sake of the future
+historian of public opinion, it may be well to observe, that the work
+containing these sentiments is not a reprint of an older book, but was
+published for the first time in 1843, having apparently been just
+written.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> &lsquo;The General Assemblie of the Kirk of Scotland, convenit
+at Edinburgh the 25 of December 1566, to the Nobilitie of this Realme
+that professes the Lord Jesus with them, and hes renouncit that Roman
+Antichryst, desyre constancie in faith, and the spirit of righteous
+judgement. Seeing that Sathan, be all our negligence, Right Honourable,
+hes so farre prevailit within this Realme within these late dayes, that
+we doe stand in extream danger, not only <i>to lose our temporall
+possessions</i>, but also to be depryvit of the glorious Evangell,&rsquo; &amp;c.
+<i>Keith's Church and State</i>, vol. iii. pp. 154, 155.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> In 1566, in their piteous communication to the English
+bishops and clergy, they said &lsquo;The days are ill; iniquitie abounds;
+Christian charity, alas, is waxen cold.&rsquo; <i>Acts and Proceedings of the
+General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 87, Edinburgh,
+1839, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> &lsquo;I see twa partis freely gevin to the Devill, and the
+thrid maun be devided betwix God and the Devill: Weill, bear witnes to
+me, that this day I say it, or it be long the Devill shall have three
+partis of the thrid; and judge you then what Goddis portioun
+shallbe.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Who wold have thought, that when Joseph reulled Egypt,
+that his brethren should have travailled for vittallis, and have
+returned with empty seckis unto thair families? Men wold rather have
+thought that Pharao's pose, treasure, and garnallis should have bene
+diminished, or that the houshold of Jacob should stand in danger to
+sterve for hungar.&rsquo; <i>Knox's History of the Reformation</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+310, 311.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> In May 1571, &lsquo;This Sonday, Mr. Craig teiched the 130
+Psalme; and, in his sermond, he compared the steat of the Kirk of God in
+this tovne vnto the steat of the Maccabeis; wha were oppressed sumtymes
+by the Assyrianis and sumtymes by the Egiptianis.&rsquo; <i>Bannatyne's
+Journal</i>, p. 150.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> The first instance I have observed of any thing like
+menace, is in 1567, when &lsquo;the Assembly of the Church being convened at
+Edinburgh,&rsquo; admonished all persons &lsquo;as well noblemen as barons, and
+those of the other Estates, to meet and give their personal appearance
+at Edinburgh on the 20th of July, for giving their advice, counsel, and
+concurrence in matters then to be proponed; especially for purging the
+realm of popery, the establishing of the policy of the Church, and
+<i>restoring the patrimony thereof to the just possessors</i>. Assuring those
+that should happen to absent themselves at the time, due and lawful
+advertisement being made, that they should be reputed hinderers of the
+good work intended, and as <i>dissimulate professors be esteemed unworthy
+of the fellowship of Christ's flock.&rsquo; Spottiswoode's History of the
+Church of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 64. This evidently alludes to the
+possibility of excommunicating those who would not surrender to the
+Protestant preachers, the property stolen from the Catholic Church; and,
+in 1570, we find another step taken in the same direction. Under that
+year, the following passage occurs in <i>Acts and Proceedings of the
+General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 181. &lsquo;Q. If
+those that withold the duty of the Kirk, <i>wherethrough Ministers want
+their stipends</i>, may be excommunicate? A. All things beand done that the
+civill ordour requyres of them that withhaldis the duetie of the Kirk,
+quherby Ministers wants their stipends; <i>the Kirk may proceed to
+excommunication, for their contempt</i>.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> In 1526, &lsquo;the poore ministers, exhorters, and readers,
+compleaned at church assembleis, that neither were they able to live
+upon the stipends allowed, nor gett payment of that small portioun which
+was allowed.&rsquo; <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. ii. p. 172.
+Compare <i>Acts of the General Assemblies</i>, 1839, 4to, vol. i. p. 53; &lsquo;To
+requyre payment to ministers of there stipends for the tyme by past,
+according to the promise made.&rsquo; This was in December 1564. In December
+1565, the General Assembly said (p. 71), &lsquo;that wher oft and divers tymes
+promise hes bein made to us, that our saids brethren, travelers and
+preachers in the Kirk of God, sould not be defraudit of their appointit
+stipends, neither zet in any wayes sould be molestit in their functioun;
+zet nottheless universallie they want ther stipends appointit
+for diverse tymes by past.&rsquo; On the state of things in 1566, see &lsquo;The
+Supplication of the Ministers to the Queen,&rsquo; in <i>Knox's History of the
+Reformation</i>, vol. ii. p. 529. See also, in the <i>Miscellany of the
+Spalding Club</i>, vol. iv. pp. 92&ndash;101, Aberdeen, 1849, 4to, a letter
+written by John Erskine in December 1571, especially p. 97; &lsquo;the gretest
+of the nobilitie haifing gretest rentis in possessione, and plaicet of
+God in maist hie honouris, ceasis nocht, maist wiolentlie blindit with
+awarice, to spoilye and draw to thame selfis the possessiones of the
+Kirk.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> &lsquo;The ministers were called proud knaves, and receaved
+manie injurious words from the lords, speciallie from Morton, who ruled
+all. He said, he sould lay their pride, and putt order to them.&rsquo;
+<i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. iii. pp. 137, 138. This was in
+1571.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> <i>Chambers' Annals of Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 79, 80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> &lsquo;The nobilitie wnderwrittin convenit in Edinburgh, and
+chesit and electit James erle of Mortoun regent.&rsquo; <i>A Diurnal of
+Occurrents</i>, p. 320.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> In 1573, &lsquo;when any benefeces of Kirk vaikit, he keapit
+the proffet of thair rents sa lang in his awin hand, till he was urgit
+be the Kirk to mak donatioun tharof, and that was not gevin but proffeit
+for all that.&rsquo; <i>The Historie and Life of King James the Sext</i>, edit.
+Edinburgh, 1825, 4to, p. 147. Even in 1570, when Lennox was regent, &lsquo;the
+Earle of Mortoun was the chiefe manager of every thing under him;&rsquo; and
+was &lsquo;master of the church rents,&rsquo; and made &lsquo;gifts of them to the
+nobility.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of the Reformers of the
+Church of Scotland</i>, vol. i. part i. pp. 27, 126, Glasgow, 1834, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> &lsquo;During all these Assembleis and earnest endeavoures of
+the brethrein, the regent was often required to give his presence to the
+Assemblie, and further the caus of God. He not onlie refused, but
+threatned some of the most zealous with hanging, alledging, that
+otherwise there could be no peace nor order in the countrie.&rsquo;
+<i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. iii. pp. 393, 394. &lsquo;Uses grait
+thretning against the maist zelus breithring, schoring to hang of thame,
+utherwayes ther could be na peace nor ordour in the countrey.&rsquo; <i>The
+Autobiography and Diary of James Melvill</i>, edited by R. Pitcairn,
+Edinburgh, 1842, pp. 59, 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> &lsquo;He mislyked the Generall Assembleis,
+and would have had the name changed, that he might take away the force
+and priviledge thereof; and no questioun he had stayed the work of
+policie that was presentlie in hands, if God had not stirred up a
+factioun against him.&rsquo; <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 396. See also <i>The Autobiography of James Melvill</i>, p. 61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> &lsquo;During the two years following the death of Knox, each
+day was ripening the more determined opposition of the Church. The
+breach between the clergy with the great body of the people, and the
+government or higher nobility, was widening rapidly.&rsquo; <i>Argyll's
+Presbytery Examined</i>, p. 70.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> &lsquo;Next to her Reformer, who, under God, emancipated her
+from the degrading shackles of papal superstition and tyranny, I know no
+individual from whom Scotland has received such important services, or
+to whom she continues to owe so deep a debt of national respect and
+gratitude, as Andrew Melville.&rsquo; <i>M'Crie's Life of Andrew Melville</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 473, Edinburgh, 1819. His nephew, himself a considerable person,
+says, &lsquo;Scotland receavit never a graitter benefit at the hands of God
+nor this man.&rsquo; <i>The Autobiography of James Melvill</i>, p. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> He left Scotland in 1564, at the age of nineteen, and
+returned &lsquo;in the beginning of July 1574, after an absence of ten years
+from his native country.&rsquo; <i>M'Crie's Life of Andrew Melville</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 17, 57. See also <i>Scot's Apologetical Narration of the State of the
+Kirk of Scotland</i>, edit. Wodrow Society, p. 34; and <i>Howie's Biographia
+Scoticana</i>, p. 111, Glasgow, 1781.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> He appears to have first set to work in November 1574.
+See <i>Stephen's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 261,
+London, 1848.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> &lsquo;The compilers of the Book of Discipline&rsquo; (<i>i.e.</i> the
+First Book, in 1560) &lsquo;were distinguished by prelatical principles to the
+end of their days.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;That Knox himself was no enemy to prelacy,
+considered as an ancient and apostolical institution, is rendered clear
+by his &ldquo;Exhortation to England for the speedy embracing of Christ's
+Gospel.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Russell's History of the Church in Scotland</i>, 1834, vol. i.
+p. 240. &lsquo;The associates of Knox, it is obvious, were not Presbyterians,
+and had no intention of setting up a system of parity among the
+ministers of their new establishment.&rsquo; p. 243. See also p. 332. Even in
+1572, the year of Knox's death, I find it stated that &lsquo;the whole Diocie
+of Sanct Andrews is decerned be the Assembly to pertain to the Bishop of
+the same.&rsquo; <i>Acts and Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the Kirk
+of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 264, 4to. 1839. The Scotch Presbyterians have
+dealt very unfairly with this part of the history of their Church.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> Some little time after this, David Fergusson, who died in
+1598, and was minister at Dunfermline, said very frankly to James VI.,
+&lsquo;Yes, Sir, ye may have Bishops here, but <i>ye must remember to make us
+all equall</i>; make us all Bishops, els will ye never content us.&rsquo; <i>Row's
+History of the Kirk of Scotland from 1558 to 1637</i>, edit. Wodrow
+Society, p. 418. Compare <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. iv. p.
+214: in 1584 &lsquo;these monstruous titles of superioritie.&rsquo; In 1586, &lsquo;that
+tyrannicall supremacie of bishops and archbishops over ministers.&rsquo; p.
+604.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> &lsquo;He stirred up John Dury, one of the ministers of
+Edinburgh, in an Assembly which was then convened, to propound a
+question touching the lawfulness of the episcopal function, and the
+authority of chapters in their election. He himself, as though he had
+not been acquainted with the motion, after he had commended the
+speaker's zeal, and seconded the purpose with a long discourse of the
+flourishing estate of the church of Geneva, and the opinions of Calvin
+and Theodore Beza concerning church government, came to affirm, &ldquo;That
+none ought to be esteemed office-bearers in the Church whose titles were
+not found in the book of God. And, for the title of bishops, albeit the
+same was found in Scripture, yet was it not to be taken in the sense
+that the common sort did conceive, there being no superiority allowed by
+Christ amongst ministers,&rdquo;&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Spottiswoode's History of the Church of
+Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 200. See also <i>Acts of the General Assemblies</i>,
+vol. i. p. 331, where it appears that six bishops were present on this
+memorable occasion. The question raised was, &lsquo;Whither if the Bischops,
+as they are now in the Kirk of Scotland, hes thair function of the word
+of God or not, or if the Chapiter appointit for creating of them aucht
+to be tollerated in this reformed Kirk.&rsquo; p. 340.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> &lsquo;It was ordained, That Bischops and all vthers bearand
+Ecclesiasticall functioun, be callit bethair awin names, or Brethren, in
+tyme comeing.&rsquo; <i>Acts of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 404.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> &lsquo;Therfor the Kirk hes concludit, That no Bischops salbe
+electit or made heirafter, befor the nixt Generall Assemblie.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i>
+vol. ii. p. 408.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> &lsquo;Anent the Act made in the last Assemblie, the 28 of
+Aprile 1578, concerning the electioun of Bischops, suspendit quhill this
+present Assemblie, and the farther ordour reservit thereto: The General
+Assemblie, all in ane voyce, hes concludit, That the said act salbe
+extendit for all tymes to come, ay and quhill the corruptioun of the
+Estate of Bischops be alluterlie tane away.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 413.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> &lsquo;Forsameikle as the office of a Bischop, as it is now
+vsit, and commounly takin within this realme, hes no sure warrand,
+auctoritie, nor good ground out of the (Book and) Scriptures of God; but
+is brocht in by the folie and corruptions of (men's) invention, to the
+great overthrow of the Kirk of God: The haill Assemblie of the Kirk, in
+ane voyce, after libertie givin to all men to reason in the matter,
+<i>none opponing themselves in defending the said pretendit office</i>, Finds
+and declares the samein pretendit office, vseit and termeit, as is above
+said, vnlaufull in the selfe, as haveand neither fundament, ground nor
+warrant within the word of God: and ordaines, that all sick
+persons as bruiks, or sall bruik heirafter the said office, salbe
+chargeit simpliciter to demitt, quyt and leave of the samein, as ane
+office quhervnto they are not callit be God; and siclyke to desist and
+cease from all preaching, ministration of the sacraments, or vsing any
+way the office of pastors, quhill they receive <i>de novo</i> admission from
+the Generall Assemblie, vnder the paine of excommunicatioun to be
+denuncit agains them; quherin if they be found dissobedient, or
+contraveine this act in any point, the sentence of excommunicatioun,
+after dew admonitions, to be execute agains them.&rsquo; <i>Acts of the General
+Assemblies</i>, vol. ii. p. 453.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> As Calderwood triumphantly says, &lsquo;the office of bishops
+was damned.&rsquo; <i>History of the Kirk</i>, vol. iii. p. 469. &lsquo;Their whole
+estat, both the spirituall and civill part, was damned.&rsquo; p. 526. James
+Melville (<i>Autobiography</i>, p. 52) says that, in consequence of this
+achievement, his uncle Andrew &lsquo;gatt the nam of &#949;&#960;&#953;&#963;&#954;&#959;&#956;&#945;&#963;&#964;&#953;&#958;,
+<i>Episcoporum exactor</i>, the flinger out of Bischopes.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> Tytler (<i>History of Scotland</i>, vol. vi. p. 302) observes
+that, while &lsquo;the great body of the burghers, and middle and lower
+classes of the people,&rsquo; were Presbyterians, &lsquo;a large proportion of the
+nobility supported episcopacy.&rsquo; Instead of &lsquo;a large proportion,&rsquo; he
+would not have been far wrong, if he had said &lsquo;all.&rsquo; Indeed, &lsquo;Melville
+himself says the whole peerage was against him.&rsquo; <i>Stephen's History of
+the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 269. Forbes ascribes the
+aristocratic movement against presbytery to &lsquo;godles atheists,&rsquo; who
+insisted &lsquo;that there could be nothing so contrair to the nature of a
+monarchie,&rsquo; &amp;c., &lsquo;than that paritie of authoritie in pastours.&rsquo;
+<i>Forbes</i>, <i>Certaine Records touching the Estate of the Kirk</i>, p. 349,
+edit. Wodrow Society. See also p. 355. &lsquo;That Democratie (as they called
+it) whilk allwayes behoved to be full of sedition and troubble to ane
+Aristocratie, and so in end to a Monarchie.&rsquo; The reader will observe
+this important change in the attitude of classes in Scotland. Formerly,
+the clergy had been the allies of the crown against the nobles. Now, the
+nobles allied themselves with the crown against the clergy. The clergy,
+in self-defence, had to ally themselves with the people.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> On the difference between the two productions, there are
+some remarks worth looking at, in <i>Argyll's Presbytery Examined</i>, 1848,
+pp. 38&ndash;43. But this writer, though much freer from prejudice than most
+Presbyterian authors, is unwilling to admit how completely the Second
+Book of Discipline contradicts the First.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> By the Scotch episcopalians.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> See the <i>First Book of Discipline</i>, reprinted in the
+first volume of <i>A Compendium of the Laws of the Church of Scotland</i>, 2d
+edit., Edinburgh, 1837. The superintendents were &lsquo;to set, order, and
+appoint ministers,&rsquo; p. 61; and it would seem (p. 88) that no minister
+could be deposed without the consent of his superintendent; but this
+could hardly be intended to interfere with the supreme authority of the
+General Assembly. See also the summary, p. 114, where it is said of the
+superintendents, that &lsquo;in thair visitatioun thei sal not onlie preiche,
+but als examine the doctrine, life, diligence, and behavior of the
+ministeris, reideris, elderis, and deaconis.&rsquo; According to Spottiswoode
+(<i>History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 167), &lsquo;the
+superintendents held their office during life, and their power was
+episcopal; for they did elect and ordain ministers, they presided in
+synods, and directed all church censures, neither was any
+excommunication pronounced without their warrant.&rsquo; See further, on their
+authority, <i>Knox's History of the Reformation</i>, vol. ii. p. 161. &lsquo;That
+punyschment suld be appointed for suche as dissobeyid or contemned the
+superintendentes in thair functioun.&rsquo; This was in 1561; and, in 1562,
+&lsquo;It was ordained, that if ministers be disobedient to superintendents in
+anything belonging to edification, they must be subject to correction.&rsquo;
+<i>Acts of the General Assemblies of the Kirk</i>, vol. i. p. 14. Compare p.
+131: &lsquo;sick things as superintendents may and aught decyde in their
+synodall conventiouns.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> &lsquo;For albeit the Kirk of God be rewlit and governit be
+Jesus Christ, who is the onlie King, hie Priest, and Heid thereof, yit
+he useis the ministry of men, as the most necessar middis for this
+purpose.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;And to take away all occasion of tyrannie, he willis that
+they sould rewl with mutuall consent of brether and <i>equality of power</i>,
+every one according to thair functiones.&rsquo; <i>Second Book of Discipline</i>,
+in <i>A Compendium of the Laws of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp.
+126, 127. &lsquo;As to Bischops, if the name &#949;&#960;&#953;&#963;&#954;&#959;&#960;&#959;&#962; be properly
+taken, <i>they ar all ane with the ministers</i>, as befoir was declairit.
+For it is <i>not a name of superioritie and lordschip</i>, bot of office and
+watching.&rsquo; p. 142. To understand the full meaning of this, it should be
+mentioned, that the superintendents, established by the Kirk in 1560,
+not unfrequently assumed the title of &lsquo;Lordship,&rsquo; as an ornament to the
+extensive powers conferred upon them. See, for instance, the notes to
+<i>Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of the Reformers of the Church of
+Scotland</i>, vol. i. part ii. p. 461. But, in the Second Book of
+Discipline, in 1578, the superintendents are, if I rightly remember, not
+even once named.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> Just as in England, we find that the upper classes are
+mostly Episcopalians; their minds being influenced, often unconsciously,
+by the, to them, pleasing spectacle of an inequality of rank, which is
+conventional, and does not depend upon ability. On the other hand, the
+strength of the Dissenters lies among the middle and lower classes,
+where energy and intellect are held in higher respect, and where a
+contempt naturally arises for a system, which, at the mere will of the
+sovereign or minister of the day, concedes titles and wealth to persons
+whom nature did not intend for greatness, but who, to the surprise of
+their contemporaries, have greatness thrust upon them. On this
+difference of opinion in Scotland, corresponding to the difference of
+social position, see the remarks on the seventeenth century, in <i>Hume's
+Commentaries on the Law of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 544, Edinburgh, 1797,
+4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> Record of Privy Council, in <i>M'Crie's Life of Melville</i>,
+vol. i. p. 267. &lsquo;The brethrein of Glasgow were charged, under paine of
+horning, to admitt Mr. Robert Montgomrie.&rsquo; <i>Calderwood's History of the
+Kirk</i>, vol. iii. p. 596.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> &lsquo;Charges the said Mr. Robert to continue in the ministrie
+of the Kirk of Striveling,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Acts of the General Assemblies</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 547. This was in October 1581; the Record of the Privy Council
+was in April 1582. Moysie, who was a contemporary, says that, in March
+1581, 2, not only the dean and chapter, but all the clergy (the &lsquo;haill
+ministrie&rsquo;) declared from the pulpit that Montgomery's appointment &lsquo;had
+the warrand of the deuill and not of the word of God, bot wes damnit
+thairby.&rsquo; <i>Moysie's Memoirs</i>, Edinburgh, 1830, 4to, p. 36.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> &lsquo;The title whereof the said duke had procured to him,
+that he, having the name of bishop, and eight hundred merks money for
+his living and sustentatioun, the whole rents, and other duteis of the
+said benefice, might come to the duke's utilitie and behove.&rsquo;
+<i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. iv. p. 111. See also p. 401.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> <i>Scot's Apologetical Narration of the State of the Kirk</i>,
+pp. 24, 25. <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. iii. p. 302.
+<i>Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of the Reformers</i>, vol. i. part i.
+p. 206. <i>Lyon's History of St. Andrews</i>, vol. i. p. 379. <i>Gibson's
+History of Glasgow</i>, p. 59. <i>Hume's History of the House of Douglas</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 216, 217. <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. iii. p. 624.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> &lsquo;But the Church passing this point&rsquo; (<i>i.e.</i> the simony)
+&lsquo;made quarrel to him for accepting the bishopric.&rsquo; <i>Spottiswoode's
+History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 282.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> <i>Acts of the General Assemblies of the Kirk</i>, vol. ii. p.
+548.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> &lsquo;A messenger-at-arms entered the house, and charged the
+moderator and members of the assembly, on the pain of rebellion, to
+desist from the process.&rsquo; <i>M'Crie's Life of Melville</i>, vol. i. p. 268.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> &lsquo;The Assemblie and brether present, after voteing in the
+said matter, depryvit the said Mr. Robert from all functioun of the
+Ministrie in the Kirk of God, dureing the will of the Kirk of God; and
+farther, descernit the fearefull sentence of excommunicatioun to be
+pronuncit against him in the face of the haill Assemblie, be the voyce
+and mouth of the Moderatour present; to the effect, that, <i>his proud
+flesh being cast into the hands of Satan</i>, he may be win againe, if it
+be possible, to God; and the said sentence (to) be intimat be every
+particular minister, at his awin particular kirk, solemnelie in the
+first sermoun to be made be them, after thair returning.&rsquo; <i>Acts of the
+General Assemblies of the Kirk</i>, vol. ii. p. 562.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. ii. p. 565. Calderwood (<i>History of the
+Kirk</i>, vol. iii. p. 604) says, &lsquo;After long reluctatioun, at lenth he
+condescended.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> M'Crie (<i>Life of Melville</i>, vol. i. p. 274) says, &lsquo;In all
+these contendings, the ministers had no countenance or support from any
+of the nobility.&rsquo; It would have been strange if they had, seeing that
+the whole movement was essentially democratic.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> Melville's <i>Autobiography</i>, p. 129. <i>Calderwood's History
+of the Kirk</i>, vol. iii. p. 620. <i>M'Crie's Life of Melville</i>, vol. i. p.
+270.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> He was seized in August 1582, and was let loose again in
+June 1583. <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. vi. pp. 321, 360. It is
+a pity that this valuable, and really able, work should be so
+superficial in regard to the ecclesiastical affairs of Scotland. Mr.
+Tytler appears not to have studied at all the proceedings of the
+presbyteries, or even of the General Assemblies; neither does he display
+any acquaintance with the theological literature of his country. And
+yet, from the year 1560 to about 1700, these sources disclose more of
+the genuine history of the Scotch people than all other sources put
+together.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> &lsquo;The pulpit resounded with applauses of the godly deed.&rsquo;
+<i>Arnot's History of Edinburgh</i>, p. 37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> &lsquo;As he is comming from Leith to Edinburgh, upon Tuisday
+the 4th of September, there mett him at the Gallow Greene two hundreth
+men of the inhabitants of Edinburgh. Their number still increased, till
+he came within the Neather Bow. There they beganne to sing the 124
+Psalme, &ldquo;Now may Israel say,&rdquo; &amp;c, and sang in foure parts, knowne to the
+most part of the people. They came up the street till they came to the
+Great Kirk, singing thus all the way, to the number of two thowsand.
+They were muche moved themselves, and so were all the beholders. The
+duke was astonished, and more affrayed at that sight than at anie thing
+that ever he had seene before in Scotland, and rave his beard for
+anger.&rsquo; <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. iii. pp. 646, 647.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> <i>Acts of the General Assemblies</i>, vol. ii. pp. 595, 596.
+This was ordered by the General Assembly which met at Edinburgh on the
+9th of October 1582, p. 585. See also <i>Watson's Historicall Collections
+of Ecclesiastick Affairs in Scotland</i>, p. 192, &lsquo;requiring the ministers
+in all their churches to commend it unto the people.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> <i>Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 308.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> James, after his escape, &lsquo;convocat all his peaceabill
+Prelatis and Nobles, and thair he notefeit unto thayme the greif that he
+consavit of his unlaughfull detentioun the yeir bygayne, and tharefore
+desyrit thame to acknawlege the same; and thay be thair generall voittis
+decernit the rayd of Ruthven to be manifest treasoun. The Ministers on
+the uther part, perswadit the people that it was a godly fact, and that
+whasoever wald not allow thareof in his hart, was not worthie to be
+estemit a Christien.&rsquo; <i>The Historie of King James the Sext</i>, p. 202,
+published by the Bannatyne Club, Edinburgh, 1825, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> &lsquo;Disregard not our threatening; for there was never one
+yet in this realm, in the place where your grace is, who prospered after
+the ministers began to threaten him.&rsquo; <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>,
+vol. vi. p. 364. See also, in <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol.
+v. pp. 540, 541, a letter from one of the clergy in Fife, addressed to
+the king, in 1597. &lsquo;And now, Sir, lett me be free with you in writting
+other men's reports, and that of the wisest politicians. They say, our
+bygane historeis report, and experience teacheth, that <i>raro et fere
+nunquam</i> has a king and a prince continued long together in this realme;
+for <i>Filius ante diem patrios inquirit in annos</i>. And they say, Sir,
+farther, that whatsoever they were of your Majestie's predecessors in
+governement that oppouned themselves directlie or indirectlie to God's
+ordinance in his Kirk, it has beene their wracke and subversioun in the
+end. I might herein be more particular; but I leave it to your
+Majestie's owne grave and modest consideratioun, for it concerneth you
+most neere.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> &lsquo;Saying, &ldquo;He perverted the laws both of God and man.&rdquo;&rsquo;
+<i>Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 309.
+Also <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. vi. p. 371.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> &lsquo;Mr. Patrick Simson, preaching before the king upon Gen.
+iv. 9, &ldquo;The Lord said to Cain, Where is Abel, thy brother?&rdquo; said to the
+king, before the congregation, &ldquo;Sir, I assure you, in God's name, the
+Lord will ask at you where is the Earl of Moray, your brother?&rdquo; The king
+replyed, before all the congregation, &ldquo;Mr. Patrik, my chalmer doore wes
+never steeked upon you: ye might have told me anything ye thought in
+secret.&rdquo; He replyed, &ldquo;Sir, the scandall is publict.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Row's History of
+the Kirk</i>, p. 144. &lsquo;Having occasion, <i>anno</i> 1593, to preach before the
+king, he publicly exhorted him to beware that he drew not the wrath of
+God upon himself in patronizing a manifest breach of divine laws.&rsquo;
+<i>Howie's Biographia Scoticana</i>, p. 120.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> &lsquo;Saying, &ldquo;That Captain James, with his lady Jesabel, and
+William Stewart (meaning the colonel), were taken to be the persecutors
+of the Church; but that now it was seen to be the king himself, against
+whom he denounced the curse that fell on Jeroboam&mdash;that he would die
+childless, and be the last of his race.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Spottiswoode's History of the
+Church of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 335.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> &lsquo;The king, perceiving by all these letters, that the
+death of his mother was determined, called back his ambassadors, and at
+home gave order to the ministers to remember her in their public
+prayers, which they denied to do.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Upon their denial, charges were
+directed to command all bishops, ministers, and other office-bearers in
+the Church to make mention of her distress in their public prayers, and
+commend her to God in the form appointed. But of all the number only Mr.
+David Lindsay at Leith and the king's own ministers gave obedience.&rsquo;
+<i>Spottiswoode's History of the Church</i>, vol. ii. pp. 355, 356. &lsquo;They,
+with only one exception, refused to comply.&rsquo; <i>Russell's History of the
+Church in Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 23. Compare <i>Watson's Historicall
+Collections of Ecclesiastick Affairs in Scotland</i>, p. 208; and <i>Historie
+of James the Sext</i>, p. 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> &lsquo;They stirred up Mr. John Cowper, a young man not entered
+as yet in the function, to take the pulpit before the time, and exclude
+the bishop. The king coming at the hour appointed, and seeing him in the
+place, called to him from his seat, and said, &ldquo;Mr. John, that place is
+destined for another; yet since you are there, if you will obey the
+charge that is given, and remember my mother in your prayers, you shall
+go on.&rdquo; He replying, &ldquo;that he would do as the Spirit of God should
+direct him,&rdquo; was commanded to leave the place: and making as though he
+would stay, the captain of the guard went to pull him out; whereupon he
+burst forth in these speeches: &ldquo;This day shall be a witness against the
+king in the great day of the Lord:&rdquo; and then denouncing a wo to the
+inhabitants of Edinburgh, he went down, and the bishop of St. Andrews
+entering the pulpit did perform the duty required.&rsquo; <i>Spottiswoode's
+History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 356. &lsquo;The Kingis
+Majestie, to testifie his earnest and naturall affection to his mother,
+causit pray for hir oppinly efter him selff; quhairvpone arrose a great
+dissensioun betuix sum of the ministrie and his Majestie, namely the
+ministrie of Edinburgh. Quhairvpone the king appoynted Patrik,
+archbischop of St. Androis to teache, bot he wes preuented be Mr. John
+Covpar minister, quho come befoir and filled the pulpit. And as the said
+Mr. John wes beginnand the prayer, the Kingis Majestie commandit him to
+stay: so as Mr. John raschit michtely vpone the pulpit, saying, &ldquo;This
+day sail bear witnes aganis yow in the day of the lord: woe be to ye
+Edinburgh, for the last of xi plaiges salbe the worst.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Moysie's
+Memoirs</i>, p. 59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> See <i>The Historie of King James the Sext</i>, pp. 316&ndash;318,
+from &lsquo;a just copie of his sermon&rsquo; supplied by Ross himself. &lsquo;His text
+was upon the 6 chapter of the Prophet Jeremias, verse 28. &ldquo;Brethren, we
+have manie, and almaist innumerable enormiteis in this cuntrie to be
+lamentit, as the misgovernement of our king be sinistrous counsall of
+sum particular men. They ar all rebellious traitors, evin the king the
+maist singular person, and particularlie everie estait of the land.&rdquo; &hellip;
+&ldquo;Our king in sindrie poyntis hes bene rebellious aganis the Majestie of
+God.&rdquo; &hellip; &ldquo;To this howre, we gat never gude of the Guysien blude, for
+Queyne Marie his mother was an oppin persecutor of the sanctis of God,
+and althoght the king be not an oppin persecutor, we have had many of
+his fayre wordis, wharein he is myghtie aneugh, bot for his gude
+deiddis, I commend me to thayme.&rdquo; &hellip; &ldquo;Admit, that our king be a
+Christien king, yit but amen dement, he is a reprobat king. Of all the
+men in this nation, the king himself is the maist fynest, and maist
+dissembling hypocreit.&rdquo;&rsquo; A very short notice of this sermon is given by
+Calderwood (<i>History of the Kirk</i>, vol. v. p. 299), who probably had not
+seen the original notes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> The accusation, which was fully proved, was, that &lsquo;he had
+publictlie sayd in pulpit, that the papist erles wes come home be the
+kingis knavledge and consent, quhairin his Hienes treacherie wes
+detectit; that all kingis war deuilis and come of deuilis; that the
+deuill wes the head of the court and in the court; that he pray it for
+the Queine of Scotland for the faschione, because he saw na appearance
+of guid in hir tyme,&rsquo; <i>Moysie's Memoirs</i>, p. 128. &lsquo;Having been heard to
+affirm, that the popish lords had returned into the country by the
+king's permission, and that thereby the king had discovered the
+&ldquo;treacherous hypocrisy of his heart&rdquo; that &ldquo;all kings were the devil's
+bairns, and that the devil was in the court, and the guiders of it.&rdquo; He
+was proved to have used in his prayer these indecent words, when
+speaking of the queen, &ldquo;We must pray for her for fashion's sake; but we
+might as well not, for she will never do us any good,&rdquo; He called the
+queen of England an atheist, and the Lords of Session <i>bribers</i>; and
+said that the nobility at large &ldquo;were degenerate, godless, dissemblers,
+and enemies to the church.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Grierson's History of Saint Andrews</i>, p.
+30, Cupar, 1838. Among the charges against him were, &lsquo;Fourthly, that he
+had called the queen of England an atheist. Fifthly, that he had
+discussed a suspension granted by the lords of session in pulpit, and
+called them miscreants and bribers. Sixthly, that,
+speaking of the nobility, he said they were &ldquo;degenerated, godless,
+dissemblers, and enemies to the church.&rdquo; Likewise, speaking of the
+council, that he had called them &ldquo;holiglasses, cormorants, and men of no
+religion.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Spottiswoode's History of the Church</i>, vol. iii. p. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> See the original papers on &lsquo;The Declinatour of the King
+and Counsel's Judicatour in Maters Spirituall, namelie in Preaching of
+the Word,&rsquo; in <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. v. pp. 457&ndash;459,
+475&ndash;480. Tytler (<i>History of Scotland</i>, vol. vii. pp. 326&ndash;332) has given
+extracts from them, and made some remarks on their obvious tendency. See
+also on the Declinature of Jurisdiction claimed by the Scotch Church,
+<i>Hallam's Constitutional History</i>, 4th edit. 1842, vol. ii. p. 461; and
+<i>Mackenzie's Laws and Customs of Scotland in Matters Criminal</i>,
+Edinburgh, 1699, folio, pp. 181, 182.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> M'Crie, in his <i>Life of Melville</i>, vol. ii. pp. 70 seq.,
+has given an account of the punishment of Black, but, as usual, conceals
+the provocation; or, at least, softens it down until it hardly becomes a
+provocation. According to him, &lsquo;David Black had been served with a
+summons to answer before the privy council for certain expressions used
+by him in his sermons.&rsquo; Certain expressions, indeed! But why name the
+penalty, and suppress the offence? This learned writer knew perfectly
+well what Black had done, and yet all the information bestowed on the
+reader is a note at p. 72, containing a mutilated extract from
+Spottiswoode.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> &lsquo;Saying, &ldquo;He was possessed with a devil; that one devil
+being put out, seven worse were entered in place; and that the subjects
+might lawfully rise, and take the sword out of his hand:&rdquo; which he
+confirmed by the example of a father that falling into a frenzy, might
+be taken by the children and servants of the family, and tied hand and
+foot from doing violence.&rsquo; <i>Spottiswoode's History of the Church of
+Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 34. See also <i>Arnot's History of Edinburgh</i>, pp.
+46, 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> This did not escape the attention of the English
+government; and Elizabeth, who was remarkably well informed respecting
+Scotch affairs, wrote to James, in 1590, a warning, which was hardly
+necessary, but which must have added to his fears. &lsquo;And lest fayre
+semblance, that easely may begile, do not brede your ignorance of suche
+persons as ether pretend religion or dissemble deuotion, let me warne
+you that ther is risen, bothe in your realme and myne, a secte of
+perilous consequence, suche as wold have no kings but a presbitrye, and
+take our place while the inioy our privilege, with a shade of Godes
+word, wiche none is juged to folow right without by ther censure the be
+so demed. Yea, looke we wel unto them.&rsquo; <i>Letters of Elizabeth and James
+VI.</i>, edited by John Bruce, Camden Society, 1849, 4to, p. 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> The Reverend James Melville, who was present at the
+scene, describes it with exuberant delight. &lsquo;To the quhilk, I beginning
+to reply, in my maner, Mr. Andro doucht nocht abyd it, bot brak af upon
+the king in sa zealus, powerfull, and unresistable a maner, that
+whowbeit the king used his authoritie in maist crabbit and colerik
+maner, yit Mr. Andro bure him down, and outtered the Commission as from
+the mightie God, calling the king bot &ldquo;God's sillie vassall:&rdquo; and taking
+him be the sleive,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Autobiography and Diary of James Melvill</i>, p.
+370. See also <i>Shields' Hind let loose</i>, 1687, p. 52; and <i>M'Crie's Life
+of Melville</i>, vol. ii. p. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> In 1593, 4, some of them formed a plot to seize him. See
+the evidence from the State-paper Office, in <i>Tytler's History of
+Scotland</i>, vol. vii. p. 249, edit. Edinburgh, 1845.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> &lsquo;He was the darling hope of the Presbyterian party.&rsquo;
+<i>Ibid.</i>, vol. vii. p. 410.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> &lsquo;Gowry's conspiracy was by them charged on the king, as a
+contrivance of his to get rid of that earl.&rsquo; <i>Burnet's History of his
+own Time</i>, edit. Oxford, 1823, vol. i. p. 31. See also <i>Tytler's History
+of Scotland</i>, vol. vii. pp. 439, 440; and on the diffusion of &lsquo;this
+absurd hallucination,&rsquo; see The <i>Spottiswoode Miscellany</i>, vol. ii. p.
+320, Edinburgh, 1845.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> See a good note in <i>Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
+Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 179, Edinburgh, 1833, 4to. Compare <i>Lawson's Book
+of Perth</i>, Edinburgh, 1847, p. xxxix.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> Their language, and their general bearing, so enraged
+James, as to extort from him a passionate declaration, in 1592, that &lsquo;it
+would not be weill till noblemen and gentlemen gott licence to breake
+ministers' heads.&rsquo; <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. v. p. 148.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> &lsquo;At the period of which we speak&rsquo; (about the year 1584)
+&lsquo;the pulpit was, in fact, the only organ by which public opinion was, or
+could be, expressed; and the ecclesiastical courts were the only
+assemblies in the nation which possessed anything that was entitled to
+the name of liberty or independence. Parliament had its business
+prepared to its hand, and laid before it in the shape of acts which
+required only its assent. Discussion and freedom of speech were unknown
+in its meetings. The courts of justice were dependent on the will of the
+sovereign, and frequently had their proceedings regulated, and their
+decisions dictated, by letters or messages from the throne. It was the
+preachers who first taught the people to express an opinion on the
+conduct of their rulers; and the assemblies of the Church set the
+earliest example of a regular and firm opposition to the arbitrary and
+unconstitutional measures of the court.&rsquo; <i>M'Crie's Life of Melville</i>,
+vol. i. p. 302.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">CONDITION OF SCOTLAND DURING THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES.</div>
+
+<p>Scarcely had James mounted the throne of England,
+when he began seriously, and on a large scale, to attempt
+to subjugate the Scotch Church, which, as he clearly
+saw, was the principal obstacle that stood between him
+and despotic power. While he was merely King of
+Scotland, he made several efforts, which were constantly
+baffled; but now that he wielded the vast resources of
+England, the victory seemed easy.<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> As early as 1584,
+he had gained a temporary triumph, by forcing many of
+the clergy to recognize episcopacy.<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> But that institution
+was so repugnant to their levelling and democratic
+principles, that nothing could overcome their abhorrence
+of it;<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> and, completely overawing the king, they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span>
+compelled him to give way, and to retrace his steps. The
+result was, that, in 1592, an Act of Parliament was
+passed, which subverted the authority of the bishops,
+and established Presbyterianism; a scheme based on
+the idea of equality, and, therefore, suited to the wants
+of the Scotch Church.<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a></p>
+
+<p>To this statute, James had assented with the greatest
+reluctance.<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> Indeed, his feeling respecting it was so
+strong, that he determined, on the first opportunity, to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span>
+procure its repeal, even if he used force to effect his
+purpose. The course he adopted, was characteristic
+both of the man and of the age. In December 1596,
+one of those popular tumults arose in Edinburgh, which
+are natural in barbarous times, and which, under ordinary
+circumstances, would have been quelled, and
+nothing more thought of it.<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> But James availed himself
+of this, to strike what he deemed a decisive blow.
+His plan was nothing less than to turn into the capital
+of his own monarchy, large bodies of armed and licensed
+banditti, who, by threatening to plunder the city, should
+oblige the clergy and their flocks to agree to whatever
+terms he chose to dictate. This magnanimous scheme
+was well worthy of the mind of James, and it was strictly
+executed. From the north, he summoned the Highland
+nobles, and from the south, the border barons, who were
+to be accompanied by their fierce retainers,&mdash;men who
+lived by pillage, and whose delight it was to imbrue
+their hands in blood. At the express command of
+James, these ferocious brigands, on the 1st of January
+1597, appeared in the streets of Edinburgh, gloating
+over the prospect before them, and ready, when their
+sovereign gave the word, to sack the capital, and raze
+it to the ground.<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a> Resistance was hopeless. Whatever
+the king demanded, was conceded; and James supposed
+that the time was now come, in which he could
+firmly establish the authority of the bishops, and, by
+their aid, control the clergy, and break their refractory
+spirit.<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In this undertaking, three years were consumed. To
+insure its success, the king, supported by the nobles,
+relied, not only on force, but also on an artifice, which
+now seems to have been employed for the first time.
+This was, to pack the General Assemblies, by inundating
+them with clergymen drawn from the north of Scotland,
+where, the old clannish and aristocratic spirit being
+supreme, the democratic spirit, found in the south, was
+unknown. Hitherto, these northern ministers had rarely
+attended at the great meetings of the Church; but
+James, in 1597, sent Sir Patrick Murray on a special
+mission to them, urging them to be present, in order
+that they might vote on his side.<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> They, being a very
+ignorant body, knowing little or nothing of the questions
+really at issue, and being, moreover, accustomed
+to a state of society in which men, notwithstanding
+their lawlessness, paid the most servile obedience to
+their immediate superiors, were easily worked upon, and
+induced to do what they were bid. By their help, the
+crown and the nobles so strengthened their party in the
+General Assembly, as to obtain in many instances a
+majority; and innovations were gradually introduced,
+calculated to destroy the democratic character of the
+Scotch Church.<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a></p>
+
+<p>In 1597, the movement began. From then, until
+1600, successive Assemblies sanctioned different changes,
+all of which were marked by that aristocratic tendency
+which seemed about to carry everything before it. In<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span>
+1600, the General Assembly met at Montrose; and
+government determined on making a final effort to
+compel the Church to establish an episcopal polity.
+Andrew Melville, by far the most influential man in
+the Church, and the leader of the democratic party, had
+been elected, as usual, a member of the Assembly; but
+the king, arbitrarily interposing, refused to allow him
+to take his seat.<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> Still, neither by threats, nor by force,
+nor by promises, could the court carry their point. All
+that they obtained was, that certain ecclesiastics should
+be allowed to sit in parliament; but it was ordered that
+such persons should every year lay their commissions
+at the feet of the General Assembly, and render an
+account of their conduct. The Assembly was to have
+the power of deposing them; and, to keep them in
+greater subjection, they were forbidden to call themselves
+bishops, but were to be content with the inferior
+title of Commissioners of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>After sustaining this repulse, James seems to have
+been disheartened; as he made no further effort, though
+he still laboured underhand at the restoration of episcopacy.<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a>
+If he had persevered, it might have cost him
+his crown. For, his resources were few; he was extremely
+poor;<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a> and recent events had shown that the
+clergy were stronger than he had supposed. When he
+thought himself most sure of success, they had subjected
+him to a mortifying defeat; and this was the
+more remarkable, as it was entirely their own work;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span>
+they being by this time so completely separated from
+the nobles, that they could not rely upon even a single
+member of that powerful body.</p>
+
+<p>While affairs were in this state, and while the liberties
+of Scotland, of which the Church was the guardian,
+were trembling in the balance, Elizabeth died, and the
+King of Scotland became also King of England. James
+at once determined to employ the resources of his new
+kingdom to curb his old one. In 1604, that is, only
+the year after his accession to the English throne, he
+aimed a deadly blow at the Scotch Church, by attacking
+the independence of their Assemblies; and, by his own
+authority, he prorogued the General Assembly of Aberdeen.<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a>
+In 1605, he again prorogued it; and, to make his
+intentions clear, he, this time, refused to fix a day for
+its future meeting.<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> Hereupon, some of the ministers,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>
+deputed by presbyteries, took upon themselves to convene
+it, which they had an undoubted right to do, as
+the act of the king was manifestly illegal. On the day
+appointed, they met in the session-house of Aberdeen.
+They were ordered to disperse. Having, as they conceived,
+by the mere fact of assembling, sufficiently
+asserted their privileges, they obeyed. But James, now
+backed by the power of England, resolved that they
+should feel the change of his position, and, therefore, of
+theirs. In consequence of orders which he sent from
+London, fourteen of the clergy were committed to
+prison.<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> Six of them, who denied the authority of the
+privy-council, were indicted for high treason. They
+were at once put upon their trial. They were convicted.
+And sentence of death was only deferred, that
+the pleasure of the king might first be taken, as to
+whether he would not be satisfied with some punishment
+that fell short of sacrificing the lives of these
+unhappy men.<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a></p>
+
+<p>Their lives, indeed, were spared; but they were subjected
+to a close imprisonment, and then condemned to
+perpetual exile.<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> In other parts of the country, similar<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span>
+measures were adopted. Nearly all over Scotland, numbers
+of the clergy were either imprisoned or forced to
+fly.<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> Terror and proscription were universal. Such
+was the panic, that it was generally believed that
+nothing could prevent the permanent establishment of
+despotism, unless there were some immediate and providential
+interference on behalf of the Church and the
+people.<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a></p>
+
+<p>Nor can it be denied that there were plausible<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span>
+grounds for these apprehensions. The people had no
+friends except among the clergy, and the ablest of the
+clergy were either in prison or in exile.<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> To deprive
+the Church entirely of her leaders, James, in 1606, summoned
+to London, Melville and seven of his colleagues,
+under pretence of needing their advice.<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> Having got
+possession of their persons, he detained them in England.<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a>
+They were forbidden to return to Scotland; and
+Melville, who was most feared, was committed to custody.
+He was then imprisoned in the Tower, where
+he remained four years, and from which he was only
+liberated on condition of living abroad, and abandoning
+altogether his native country.<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> The seven ministers
+who had accompanied him to London were also imprisoned;
+but, being considered less dangerous than their
+leader, they, after a time, were allowed to return home.
+The nephew of Melville was, however, ordered not to
+travel more than two miles from Newcastle; and his
+six companions were confined in different parts of
+Scotland.<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a></p>
+
+<p>Everything now seemed ripe for the destruction of
+those ideas of equality of which, in Scotland, the Church
+was the sole representative. In 1610, a General Assembly
+was held at Glasgow; and, as the members of it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span>
+were nominated by the crown,<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> whatever the government
+wished was conceded. By their vote, episcopacy
+was established, and the authority of the bishops over
+the ministers was fully recognized.<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a> A little earlier, but
+in the same year, two courts of High Commission were
+erected, one at Saint Andrews, and one at Glasgow. To
+them, all ecclesiastical courts were subordinate. They
+were armed with such immense power, that they could
+cite any one they pleased before them, could examine
+him respecting his religious opinions, could have him
+excommunicated, and could fine or imprison him, just
+as they thought proper.<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a> Finally, and to complete the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>
+humiliation of Scotland, the establishment of episcopacy
+was not considered complete, until an act was performed,
+which nothing but its being very ignominious,
+could have saved from being ridiculed as an idle and
+childish farce. The archbishop of Glasgow, the bishop
+of Brechin, and the bishop of Galloway, had to travel
+all the way to London, in order that they might be
+touched by some English bishops. Incredible as it may
+appear, it was actually supposed that there was no
+power in Scotland sufficiently spiritual to turn a Scotchman
+into a prelate. Therefore it was, that the archbishop
+of Glasgow and his companions performed what
+was then an arduous journey to a strange and distant
+capital, for the sake of receiving some hidden virtue,
+which, on their return home, they might communicate
+to their brethren. To the grief and astonishment of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span>
+their country, these unworthy priests, abandoning the
+traditions of their native land, and forgetting the proud
+spirit which animated their fathers, consented to abjure
+their own independence, to humble themselves before
+the English Church, and to submit to mummeries,
+which, in their hearts, they must have despised, but
+which were now inflicted upon them by their ancient
+and inveterate foes.<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a></p>
+
+<p>We may easily imagine what would be the future
+conduct of men, who, merely for their own aggrandizement,
+and to please their prince, could thus renounce
+the cherished independence of the Scotch Church. They
+who crouch to those who are above them always trample
+on those who are below them. Directly they returned to
+Scotland, they communicated the consecration they had
+received in England to their fellow-bishops,<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> who were
+of the like mould to themselves, in so far as all of them
+aided James in his attempt to subjugate the liberties of
+their native country. Being now properly ordained,
+their spiritual life was complete; it remained for them to
+secure the happiness of their temporal life. This they did,
+by gradually monopolizing all authority, and treating
+with unsparing severity those who opposed them. The
+fall triumph of the bishops was reserved for the reign
+of Charles I., when a number of them obtained seats in
+the privy-council, where they behaved with such overbearing
+insolence, that even Clarendon, notwithstanding<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span>
+his notorious partiality for their order, censures their
+conduct.<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> In the time, however, of James I., they carried
+nearly everything before them.<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> They deprived
+the towns of their privileges, and forced them to receive
+magistrates of their own choosing.<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> They accumulated
+wealth, and made an ostentatious display of it; which
+was the more disgraceful, as the country was miserably
+poor, and their fellow-subjects were starving around
+them.<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> The Lords of the Articles, without whose sanction<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span>
+no measure could be presented to parliament, had
+been hitherto elected by laymen; but the bishops now
+effected a change, by virtue of which the right of nomination
+devolved on themselves.<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> Having thus gained
+possession of the legislature, they obtained the enactment
+of fresh penalties against their countrymen. Great
+numbers of the clergy they suspended; others they
+deprived of their benefices; others they imprisoned.
+The city of Edinburgh, being opposed to the rites and
+ceremonies lately introduced, and being, like the rest
+of the country, hostile to episcopacy, the bishops fell on
+it also, displaced several of its magistrates, seized some
+of the principal citizens, and threatened to deprive it of
+the courts of justice, and of the honour of being the seat
+of government.<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the midst of all this, and while things seemed to
+be at their worst, a great reaction was preparing. And
+the explanation of the reaction is to be found in that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span>
+vast and pregnant principle, on which I have often insisted,
+but which our common historians are unable to
+understand; namely, that a bad government, bad laws,
+or laws badly administered, are, indeed, extremely injurious
+at the time, but can produce no permanent mischief;
+in other words, they may harm a country, but
+can never ruin it. As long as the people are sound,
+there is life, and while there is life, there will be reaction.
+In such case, tyranny provokes rebellion, and
+despotism causes freedom. But if the people are unsound,
+all hope is gone, and the nation perishes. In
+both instances, government is, in the long run, inoperative,
+and is nowise responsible for the ultimate result.
+The ruling classes have, for the moment, immense
+power, which they invariably abuse, except when they
+are restrained, either by fear, or by shame. The people
+may inspire them with fear; public opinion may inspire
+them with shame. But whether or not that shall happen,
+depends on the spirit of the people, and on the state of
+opinion. These two circumstances are themselves governed
+by a long chain of antecedents, stretching back
+to a period, always very distant, and sometimes so
+remote as to baffle observation. When the evidence is
+sufficiently abundant, those antecedents may be generalized;
+and their generalization conducts us to certain
+large and powerful causes, on which the whole
+movement depends. In short periods, the operation of
+these causes is imperceptible, but in long periods, it is
+conspicuous and supreme; it colours the national character;
+it controls the great sweep and average of affairs.
+In Scotland, as I have already shown, general causes
+made the people love their clergy, and made the clergy
+love liberty. As long as these two facts coëxisted, the
+destiny of the nation was safe. It might be injured,
+insulted, and trampled upon. It might be harmed in
+various ways; but the greater the harm, the surer the
+remedy, because the higher the spirit of the country
+would be roused. All that was needed was, a little more
+time, and a little more provocation. We, who, standing
+at a distance, can contemplate these matters from an
+elevation, and see how events pressed on and thickened,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span>
+cannot mistake the regularity of their sequence. Notwithstanding
+the apparent confusion, all was orderly
+and methodical. To us, the scheme is revealed. There
+is the fabric, and it is of one hue, and one make. The
+pattern is plainly marked, and fortunately it was worked
+into a texture, whose mighty web was not to be broken,
+either by the arts, or the violence, of designing men.</p>
+
+<p>It was, therefore, of no avail that tyranny did her
+utmost. It was of no avail that the throne was occupied
+by a despotic and unscrupulous king, who was
+succeeded by another, more despotic and more unscrupulous
+than himself. It was of no avail that a
+handful of meddling and intrusive bishops, deriving
+their consecration from London, and supported by the
+authority of the English church, took counsel together,
+and conspired against the liberties of their native land.
+They played the part of spies and of traitors, but they
+played it in vain. Yet, everything that government
+could give them, it gave. They had the law on their
+side, and they had the right of administering the law.
+They were legislators, councillors, and judges. They
+had wealth; they had high-sounding titles; they had
+all the pomp and attributes for which they bartered
+their independence, and with which they hoped to
+dazzle the eyes of the vulgar. Still, they could not
+turn back the stream; they could not even stop it;
+they could not prevent it from coming on, and swallowing
+them up in its course. Before that generation
+passed away, these little men, big though they were in
+their own conceit, succumbed, and fell. The hand of
+the age was upon them, and they were unable to resist.
+They were struck down, and humbled; they were
+stripped of their offices, their honours, and their
+splendour: they lost all which minds like theirs hold
+most dear. Their fate is an instructive lesson. It is a
+lesson, both to the rulers of nations, and to those who
+write the history of nations. To rulers, in so far as it
+is one of many proofs how little they can do, and how
+insignificant is the part which they play in the great
+drama of the world. To historians, the result should
+be especially instructive, as convincing them that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>
+events on which they concentrate their attention, and
+which they believe to be of supreme importance, are in
+reality of trifling value, and, so far from holding the
+first rank, ought to be made subservient to those large
+and comprehensive studies, by whose aid alone, we can
+ascertain the conditions which determine the tread and
+destiny of nations.</p>
+
+<p>The events that now happened in Scotland, may be
+quickly told. The patience of the country was well-nigh
+exhausted, and the day of reckoning was at hand.<a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a>
+In 1637, the people began to rise. In the summer of
+that year, the first great riot broke out in Edinburgh.<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a>
+The flame quickly spread, and nothing could stop it.
+By October, the whole nation was up, and an accusation
+was preferred against the bishops, which was signed by
+nearly every corporation, and by men of all ranks.<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> In
+November, the Scotch, in defiance of the Crown,
+organized a system of representation of their own, in
+which every class had a share.<a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> Early in 1638, the
+National Covenant was framed; and the eagerness with
+which it was sworn to, showed that the people were
+determined, at all hazards, to vindicate their rights.<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span>
+It was now evident that all was over. During the
+summer of 1638, preparations were made, and, in the
+autumn, the storm broke. In November, the first General
+Assembly seen in Scotland for twenty years, met at
+Glasgow.<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> The Marquis of Hamilton, the king's commissioner,
+ordered the members to separate.<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> They
+refused.<a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> Nor would they disband, until they had
+done the work expected from them.<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> By their vote,
+the democratic institution of presbyteries was restored
+to its old power; the forms of consecration were done
+away with; the bishops were degraded from their
+functions, and episcopacy was abolished.<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus, the bishops fell, even more rapidly than they
+had risen.<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> As, however, their fall was merely a part<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>
+of the democratic movement, matters could not stop
+there.<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> Scarcely had the Scotch expelled their
+bishops, when they made war upon their king. In 1639,
+they took up arms against Charles. In 1640, they
+invaded England. In 1641, the king, with the hope of
+appeasing them, visited Scotland, and agreed to most
+of their demands. It was too late. The people were
+hot, and a cry for blood had gone forth. War again
+broke out. The Scotch united with the English, and
+Charles was every where defeated. As a last chance,
+he threw himself upon the mercy of his northern
+subjects,<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> But his offences were of that rank and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span>
+luxuriant growth, that it was impossible to forgive
+them. Indeed, the Scotch, instead of pardoning him,
+turned him to profit. He had not only trampled on
+their liberties, he had also put them to an enormous
+expense. For the injury, he could offer no adequate
+atonement; but the expense they had incurred, might
+be defrayed. And as it is an old and recognized maxim,
+that he who cannot pay with his purse, shall pay with
+his body, the Scotch saw no reason why they should
+not derive some advantage from the person of their
+sovereign, particularly as, hitherto, he had caused them
+nothing but loss and annoyance. They, therefore,
+gave him up to the English, and, in return, received a
+large sum of money, which they claimed as arrears due
+to them for the cost of making war on him.<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a> By this
+arrangement, both of the contracting parties benefited.
+The Scotch, being very poor, obtained what they most<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span>
+lacked. The English, a wealthy people, had indeed to
+pay the money, but they were recompensed by getting
+hold of their oppressor, against whom they thirsted for
+revenge; and they took good care never to let him
+loose, until they had exacted the last penalty of his
+great and manifold crimes.<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a></p>
+
+<p>After the execution of Charles I., the Scotch recognized
+his son as his successor. But before they would
+crown the new king, they subjected him to a treatment
+which hereditary sovereigns are not much accustomed
+to receive. They made him sign a public declaration,
+expressing his regret for what had happened, and
+acknowledging that his father, moved by evil counsels,
+had unjustly shed the blood of his subjects. He was
+also obliged to declare, that by these things he felt
+humbled in spirit. He had, moreover, to apologize for
+his own errors, which he ascribed partly to his inexperience,
+and partly to the badness of his education.<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span>
+To evince the sincerity of this confession, and in order
+that the confession might be generally known, he was
+commanded to keep a day of fasting and humiliation,
+in which the whole nation would weep and pray for
+him, in the hope that he might escape the consequences
+of the sins committed by his family.<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a></p>
+
+<p>The spirit, of which acts like these are but symptoms,
+continued to animate the Scotch during the rest of the
+seventeenth century. And fortunately for them it did
+so. For, the reigns of Charles II. and James II. were
+but repetitions of the reigns of James I. and Charles I.
+From 1660 to 1688, Scotland was again subjected to a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span>
+tyranny, so cruel, and so exhausting, that it would have
+broken the energy of almost any other nation.<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> The
+nobles, whose power had been slowly but constantly
+declining,<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> were unable to resist the English, with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span>
+whom, indeed, they rather seemed willing to combine,
+in order that they might have a share in plundering
+and oppressing their own country.<a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> In this, the most
+unhappy period through which Scotland had passed
+since the fourteenth century, the government was extremely
+powerful; the upper classes, crouching before
+it, thought only of securing their own safety; the judges
+were so corrupt, that justice, instead of being badly
+administered, was not administered at all;<a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> and the
+parliament, completely overawed, consented to what
+was termed the recissory act, by which, at a single<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span>
+stroke, all laws were repealed which had been enacted
+since 1633; it being considered that those twenty-eight
+years formed an epoch of which the memory should, if
+possible, be effaced.<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a></p>
+
+<p>But, though the higher ranks ignominiously deserted
+their post, and destroyed the laws which upheld the
+liberties of Scotland, the result proved that the liberties
+themselves were indestructible. This was because the
+spirit remained, by which the liberties had been won.
+The nation was sound at the core; and while that was
+the case, legislators could, indeed, abolish the external
+manifestations of freedom, but could by no means touch
+the causes on which the freedom depended. Liberty was
+prostrate, but yet it lived. And the time would surely
+come, when a people, who loved it so dearly, would
+vindicate their rights. The time would come, when, in
+the words of the great poet of English liberty, the nation
+would rouse herself like a strong man after sleep, and,
+shaking her invincible locks, would be as an eagle muing
+her mighty youth, kindling her undazzled eyes at the
+midday beam, and purging and unscaling her sight at
+the heavenly fountain; while the timorous birds of her
+evil destiny, loving the twilight, should flutter about,
+amazed at what she meant.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Still, the crisis was sad and dangerous. The people,
+deserted by every one except their clergy, were ruthlessly
+plundered, murdered, and hunted, like wild-beasts,
+from place to place. From the tyranny of the bishops,
+they had so recently smarted, that they abhorred episcopacy
+more than ever; and yet that institution was
+not only forced upon them, but government put at its
+head Sharp, a cruel and rapacious man, who, in 1661,
+was raised to the archbishopric of St. Andrews.<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a> He
+set up a court of ecclesiastical commission, which filled
+the prisons to overflowing; and when they would hold
+no more, the victims were transported to Barbadoes,
+and other unhealthy settlements.<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> The people, being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span>
+determined not to submit to the dictation of government
+respecting their religious worship, met together in private<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span>
+houses; and, when that was declared illegal, they
+fled from their houses to the fields. But there, too, the
+bishops were upon them.<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> Lauderdale, who, for many
+years, was at the head of affairs, was greatly influenced
+by the new prelates, and aided them with the authority
+of the executive.<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> Under their united auspices, a new
+contrivance was hit upon; and a body of soldiers, commanded
+by Turner, a drunken and ferocious soldier,
+was let loose upon the people.<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> The sufferers, galled<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span>
+to madness, rose in arms. This was made the pretence,
+in 1667, for fresh military executions, by which some of
+the fairest parts of western Scotland were devastated,
+houses burned, men tortured, women ravished.<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a> In
+1670, an act of parliament was passed, declaring that
+whoever preached in the fields without permission should
+be put to death.<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a> Some lawyers were found bold<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span>
+enough to defend innocent men, when they were tried
+for their lives; it was therefore determined to silence
+them also, and, in 1674, a great part of the Faculty of
+Advocates was expelled from Edinburgh.<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> In 1678,
+by the express command of government, the Highlanders
+were brought down from their mountains, and, during
+three months, were encouraged to slay, plunder, and
+burn at their pleasure, the inhabitants of the most
+populous and industrious parts of Scotland. For centuries,
+the bitterest animosity had existed between the
+Highlanders and Lowlanders; and now these savage
+mountaineers were called from their homes, that they
+might take full revenge. And well they glutted their
+ire. During three months, they enjoyed every license.
+Eight thousand<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a> armed Highlanders, invited by the
+English government, and receiving beforehand an indemnity
+for every excess,<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> were left to work their will
+upon the towns and villages of Western Scotland. They
+spared neither age nor sex. They deprived the people
+of their property; they even stripped them of their
+clothes, and sent them out naked to die in the fields.
+Upon many, they inflicted the most horrible tortures.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span>
+Children, torn from their mothers, were foully abused;
+while both mothers and daughters were subjected to a
+fate, compared to which death would have been a joyful
+alternative.<a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a></p>
+
+<p>It was in this way, that the English government
+sought to break the spirit, and to change the opinions,
+of the Scotch people. The nobles looked on in silence,
+and, so far from resisting, had not even the courage to
+remonstrate. The parliament was equally servile, and
+sanctioned whatever the government demanded. Still,
+the people were firm. Their clergy, drawn from the
+middle classes, clung to them; they clung to their clergy,
+and both were unchanged. The bishops were hated as
+allies of the government, and were with reason regarded
+as public enemies. They were known to have favoured,
+and often to have suggested, the atrocities which had
+been committed;<a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a> and they were so pleased with the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span>
+punishment inflicted upon their opponents, that no one
+was surprised, when, a few years later, they, in an
+address to James II., the most cruel of all the Stuarts,
+declared that he was the darling of heaven, and hoped
+that God might give him the hearts of his subjects, and
+the necks of his enemies.<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a></p>
+
+<p>The character of the prince, whom the bishops thus
+delighted to honour, is now well understood. Horrible
+as were the crimes which had been perpetrated, they
+were surpassed by what occurred, when he, in 1680,
+assumed the direction of affairs.<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> He had worked
+himself to that pitch of iniquity, as to derive actual
+enjoyment from witnessing the agonies of his fellow-creatures.
+This is an abyss of wickedness, into which
+even the most corrupt natures rarely fall. There have
+been, and always will be, many men who care nothing
+for human suffering, and who will inflict any amount of
+pain, in order to gain certain ends. But to take delight
+in the spectacle, is a peculiar and hideous abomination.
+James, however, was so dead to shame, that he did not
+care even to conceal his horrible tastes. Whenever
+torture was inflicted, he was sure to be present, feasting
+his eyes, and revelling with a fiendish joy.<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> It makes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span>
+our flesh creep to think that such a man should have
+been the ruler of millions. But what shall we say to
+the Scotch bishops, who applauded him, of whose conduct
+they were daily witnesses? Where can we find
+language strong enough to stigmatize those recreant
+priests, who, having passed years in attempting to subjugate
+the liberties of their country, did, towards the
+close of their career, and just before their final fall,
+band together, and employ their united authority, as
+ministers of a holy and peaceful religion, to stamp with
+public approval, a prince, whose malignant cruelty made
+him loathed by his contemporaries, and whose revolting
+predilections, unless we ascribe them to a diseased brain,
+are not only a slur upon the age which tolerated them,
+but a disgrace to the higher instincts of our common
+nature?</p>
+
+<p>So utterly corrupt, however, were the ruling classes
+in Scotland, that such crimes seem hardly to have excited
+indignation. The sufferers were refractory subjects,
+and against them every thing was lawful. The
+usual torture, which was called the torture of the boots,
+was to place the leg in a frame, into which wedges were
+driven, until the bones were broken.<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a> But when James<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span>
+visited Scotland, an opinion began to grow up, that this
+was too lenient, and that other means must be devised.
+The spirit which he communicated to his subordinates,
+animated his immediate successors, and, in 1684, during
+his absence, a new instrument was introduced, termed
+the thumbikins. This was composed of small steel
+screws, arranged with such diabolical art, that not
+only the thumb, but also the whole hand, could be compressed
+by them, producing pain more exquisite than
+any hitherto known, and having, moreover, the advantage
+of not endangering life; so that the torture could
+be frequently repeated on the same person.<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a></p>
+
+<p>After this, little more need be said.<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a> From the mere<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span>
+mention of such things, the mind recoils with disgust.
+The reader of the history of that time sickens and faints
+at the contrivances by which these abject creatures
+sought to stifle public opinion, and to ruin, for ever, a
+gallant and high-spirited people. But now, as before,
+they laboured in vain. More yet was, however, to be
+borne. The short reign of James II. was ushered in by
+an act of singular barbarity. A few weeks after this
+bad man came to the throne, all the children in Annandale
+and Nithsdale, between the ages of six and ten,
+were seized by the soldiers, separated from their parents,
+and threatened with immediate death.<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a> The next step
+was, to banish, by wholesale, large numbers of adults,
+who were shipped off to unhealthy settlements; many<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span>
+of the men first losing their ears, and the women being
+branded, some on the hand, some on the cheek.<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a> Those,
+however, who remained behind, were equal to the
+emergency, and were ready to do what remained to be
+done. In 1688, as in 1642, the Scotch people and the
+English people united against their common oppressor,
+who saved himself by sudden and ignominious flight.
+He was a coward as well as a despot, and from him there
+was no further danger. The bishops, indeed, loved
+him; but they were an insignificant body, and had
+enough to do to look to themselves. His only powerful
+friends were the Highlanders. That barbarous race
+thought, with regret, of those bygone days when the
+government had not only allowed them, but had ordered
+them, to plunder and oppress their southern neighbours.
+For this purpose, Charles II. had availed himself of their
+services; and it could hardly be doubted, that if the
+Stuart dynasty were restored, they would be again employed,
+and would again enrich themselves by pillaging
+the Lowlanders.<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> War was their chief amusement; it
+was also their livelihood; and it was the only thing that
+they understood.<a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a> Besides this, the mere fact that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span>
+James no longer possessed authority, wonderfully increased
+their loyalty towards him. The Highlanders
+flourished by rapine, and traded in anarchy.<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a> They,
+therefore, hated any government which was strong
+enough to punish crime; and the Stuarts being now far
+away, this nation of thieves loved them with an ardour
+which nothing but their absence could have caused.
+From William III., they feared restraint; but the exiled
+prince could do them no hurt, and would look on
+their excesses as the natural result of their zeal. Not
+that they cared about the principle of monarchical succession,
+or speculated on the doctrine of divine right.<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a>
+The only succession that interested them, was that of
+their chiefs. Their only notion of right, was to do what<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span>
+those chiefs commanded. Being miserably poor,<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> they,
+in raising a rebellion, risked nothing except their lives,
+of which, in that state of society, men are always reckless.
+If they failed, they encountered a speedy, and, as
+they deemed it, an honourable death. If they succeeded,
+they gained fame and wealth. In either case, they were
+sure of many enjoyments. They were sure of being
+able, for a time at least, to indulge in pillage and murder,
+and to practise, without restraint, those excesses
+which they regarded as the choicest guerdon of a
+soldier's career.</p>
+
+<p>So far, therefore, from wondering at the rebellions
+of 1715 and 1745,<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> the only wonder is, that they did
+not break out sooner, and that they were not better
+supported. In 1745, when the sudden appearance of
+the rebels struck England with terror, and when they
+penetrated even to the heart of the kingdom, their
+numbers, even at their height, including Lowland and
+English recruits, never reached six thousand men. The
+ordinary amount was five thousand;<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a> and they cared<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span>
+so little about the cause for which they professed to
+fight, that, in 1715, when they numbered much stronger
+than in 1745, they refused to enter England, and make
+head against the government, until they were bribed
+by the promise of additional pay.<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a> So, too, in 1745,
+after they had won the battle of Preston-pans, the only
+result of that great victory was, that the Highlanders,
+instead of striking a fresh blow, deserted in large<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span>
+bodies, that they might secure the booty they had
+obtained, and which alone they valued. They heeded
+not whether Stuart or Hanoverian gained the day; and
+at this critical moment, they were unable, says the
+historian, to resist their desire to return to their glens,
+and decorate their huts with the spoil.<a name="FNanchor_361_361" id="FNanchor_361_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a></p>
+
+<p>There are, indeed, few things more absurd than that
+lying spirit of romance, which represents the rising of
+the Highlanders as the outburst of a devoted loyalty.
+Nothing was further from their minds than this. The
+Highlanders have crimes enough to account for, without
+being burdened by needless reproach. They were
+thieves and murderers; but that was in their way of
+life, and they felt not the stigma. Though they were
+ignorant and ferocious, they were not so foolish as to
+be personally attached to that degraded family, which,
+before the accession of William III., occupied the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span>
+throne of Scotland. To love such men as Charles II.
+and James II., may, perhaps, be excused as one of those
+peculiarities of taste of which one sometimes hears.
+But to love all their descendants; to feel an affection so
+comprehensive as to take in the whole dynasty, and, for
+the sake of gratifying that eccentric passion, not only
+to undergo great hardships, but to inflict enormous
+evil upon two kingdoms, would have been a folly as well
+as a wickedness, and would convict the Highlanders of
+a species of insanity alien to their nature. They burst
+into insurrection, because insurrection suited their
+habits, and because they hated all government and all
+order.<a name="FNanchor_362_362" id="FNanchor_362_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a> But, so far from caring for a monarch, the
+very institution of monarchy was repulsive to them.
+It was contrary to that spirit of clanship to which they
+were devoted; and, from their earliest childhood, they
+were accustomed to respect none but their chiefs, to
+whom they paid a willing obedience, and whom they
+considered far superior to all the potentates of the
+earth.<a name="FNanchor_363_363" id="FNanchor_363_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> No one, indeed, who is really acquainted with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span>
+their history, will think them capable of having spilt
+their blood on behalf of any sovereign, be he whom he
+might; still less can we believe that they would quit
+their native land, and undertake long and hazardous
+marches, with the object of restoring that corrupt and
+tyrannical dynasty, whose offences smelt to heaven, and
+whose cruelties had, at length, kindled the anger even
+of humble and meek-minded men.</p>
+
+<p>The simple fact is, that the outbreaks of 1715 and
+1745 were, in our country, the last struggle of barbarism
+against civilization. On the one side, war
+and confusion. On the other side, peace and prosperity.
+These were the interests for which men
+really fought; and neither party cared for Stuarts or
+for Hanoverians. The result of such a contest in the
+eighteenth century, could hardly be doubtful. At the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span>
+time, the rebellions caused great alarm, both from their
+suddenness, and from the strange and ferocious appearance
+of the Highland invaders.<a name="FNanchor_364_364" id="FNanchor_364_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> But the knowledge
+we now possess, enables us to see, that, from the
+beginning, success was impossible. Though the government
+was extremely remiss, and, notwithstanding the
+information it received, allowed itself on both occasions
+to be taken by surprise, there was no real danger.<a name="FNanchor_365_365" id="FNanchor_365_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span>
+The English, not being particularly enamoured either
+with the Highlanders or with the Stuarts, refused to
+rise;<a name="FNanchor_366_366" id="FNanchor_366_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> and it cannot be seriously supposed, that a few
+thousand half-naked banditti had it in their power to
+prescribe to the people of England what sovereign they
+should obey, and under what sort of government they
+should live.</p>
+
+<p>After 1745, there was no further interruption. The
+interests of civilization, that is, the interests of knowledge,
+of liberty, and of wealth, gradually assumed the
+upper hand, and reduced men like the Highlanders to
+utter insignificance. Roads were cut through their
+country; and, for the first time, travellers from the
+south began to mingle with them in their hitherto
+inaccessible wilds.<a name="FNanchor_367_367" id="FNanchor_367_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> In those parts, the movement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span>
+was, indeed, very slow; but, in the Lowlands, it was
+much more rapid. For, the traders and inhabitants
+of towns were now becoming prominent, and their
+authority helped to neutralize the old warlike and
+anarchical habits. Towards the end of the seventeenth
+century, a taste for commercial speculation sprung up,
+and a large amount of the energy of Scotland was
+turned into this new channel.<a name="FNanchor_368_368" id="FNanchor_368_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a> Early in the eighteenth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span>
+century, the same tendency was displayed in literature;
+and works on mercantile and economical subjects
+became common.<a name="FNanchor_369_369" id="FNanchor_369_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a> A change in manners was also
+perceptible. About this period, the Scotch began to
+lose something of that rugged ferocity which had
+distinguished them of old. This improvement was
+evinced in several ways; one of the most remarkable
+being an alteration, which was first observed in 1710,
+when it was noticed that men were leaving off armour,
+which had hitherto been worn by every one who could
+afford it, as a useful precaution in a barbarous, and
+therefore a warlike society.<a name="FNanchor_370_370" id="FNanchor_370_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a></p>
+
+<p>To trace the general progress in its various parts, or
+even to indicate the immediate consequences, would require
+a separate volume. One of the results is, however,
+too conspicuous to be passed over in silence, though it
+does not deserve all the importance that has been attached
+to it. This is, the abolition of hereditary jurisdictions,
+which, after all, was but a symptom of the great movement,
+and not a cause of it; being itself due, partly to
+the growth of the industrial spirit, and partly to that
+diminution of the power of the aristocracy, which had
+been visible as early as the beginning of the seventeenth
+century. During many ages, certain persons of noble
+birth had enjoyed the privilege of trying offences, and
+even of inflicting capital punishment, simply because
+their ancestors had done so before them; the judicial
+power being, in fact, part of their patrimony, and descending
+to them like the rest of their property.<a name="FNanchor_371_371" id="FNanchor_371_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a> An<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span>
+institution of this sort, which made a man a judge, not
+because he was apt for the office, but because he was
+born under particular circumstances, was a folly which
+the revolutionary temper of the eighteenth century was
+not likely to spare. The innovating spirit for which
+that age was remarkable, could hardly fail to attack so
+preposterous a custom; and its extinction was facilitated,
+both by the decline of the nobles who possessed the
+privilege, and by the rise of their natural opponents, the
+trading and commercial classes. The decay of the
+Scotch nobility, in the eighteenth century, may be
+traced to two special causes, in addition to those general
+causes, which were weakening the aristocracy nearly
+all over Europe. With the general causes, which
+were common to England and to most parts of the
+Continent, we are not now concerned. It is enough
+to say, that they were entirely dependent on that advance
+of knowledge, which, by increasing the authority
+of the intellectual class, undermines, and must eventually
+overthrow, mere hereditary and accidental distinctions.
+But those causes which were confined to
+Scotland, had a more political character, and though
+they were purely local, they harmonized with the
+whole train of events, and ought to be noticed, as links
+of a vast chain, which connects the present state of
+that singular country with its past history.</p>
+
+<p>The first cause was the union of Scotland with England,
+in 1707, which struck a heavy blow at the Scotch
+aristocracy. By it, the legislature of the smaller country
+was absorbed in that of the larger, and the hereditary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span>
+legislators suddenly sunk into insignificance. In the
+Scotch parliament, there were a hundred and forty-five
+peers, all of whom, except sixteen, were, by the Act of
+Union, deprived of the power of making laws.<a name="FNanchor_372_372" id="FNanchor_372_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> These
+sixteen were sent off to London, and took their seats in
+the House of Lords, of which they formed a small and
+miserable fraction. On every subject, however important
+to their own country, they were easily outvoted;
+their manners, their gesticulations, and particularly
+their comical mode of pronouncing English, were openly
+ridiculed;<a name="FNanchor_373_373" id="FNanchor_373_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a> and the chiefs of this old and powerful
+aristocracy found themselves, to their utter amazement,
+looked on as men of no account, and they were often
+obliged to fawn and cringe at the levee of the minister,
+in order to procure a place for some needy dependent.
+Their friends and relations applied to them for offices,
+and generally applied in vain. Indeed, the Scotch
+nobles, being very poor, wanted for themselves more
+than the English government was inclined to give, and,
+in the eagerness of their clamour, they lost both dignity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span>
+and reputation.<a name="FNanchor_374_374" id="FNanchor_374_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a> They were exposed to mortifying
+rebuffs, and their true position being soon known,
+weakened their influence at home, among a people
+already prepared to throw off their authority. To this,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span>
+however, they were comparatively indifferent, as they
+looked for future fortune, not to Scotland, but to England.
+London became the centre of their intrigues and
+their hopes.<a name="FNanchor_375_375" id="FNanchor_375_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a> Those who had no seat in the House of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span>
+Lords, longed to have one, and it was notorious, that
+the darling object of nearly every Scotch noble was to
+be made an English peer.<a name="FNanchor_376_376" id="FNanchor_376_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a> The scene of their ambition
+being shifted, they were gradually weaned from
+their old associations. Directly this was apparent, the
+foundation of their power was gone. From that moment,
+their real nationality vanished. It became evident
+that their patriotism was but a selfish passion. They
+ceased to love a country which could give them nothing,
+and, as a natural consequence, their country ceased to
+love them.</p>
+
+<p>Thus it was that this great tie was severed. In this,
+as in all similar movements, there were, of course, exceptions.
+Some of the nobles were disinterested, and
+some of their dependents were faithful. But, looking
+at the Lowlands as a whole, there can be no doubt that,
+before the middle of the eighteenth century, that bond
+of affection was gone, which, in former times, made
+tens of thousands of Scotchmen ready to follow their
+superiors in any cause, and to sacrifice their lives at a
+nod. That spirit, which was once deemed ardent and
+generous, but which a deeper analysis shows to be mean
+and servile, was now almost extinct, except among the
+barbarous Highlanders, whose ignorance of affairs long
+prevented them from being influenced by the stream of
+events. That the proximate cause of this change was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span>
+the Union, will probably be denied by no one who has
+minutely studied the history of the period. And that
+the change was beneficial, can only be questioned by
+those sentimental dreamers, with whom life is a matter
+rather of feeling than of judgment, and who, despising
+real and tangible interests, reproach their own age with
+its material prosperity, and with its love of luxury, as
+if they were the result of low and sordid desires unknown
+to the loftier temper of bygone days. To
+visionaries of this sort, it may well appear that the
+barbarous and ignorant noble, surrounded by a host of
+devoted retainers, and living with rude simplicity in his
+own dull and wretched castle, forms a beautiful picture
+of those unmercenary and uncalculating times, when
+men, instead of seeking for knowledge, or for wealth,
+or for comfort, were content with the frugal innocence
+of their fathers, and when, protection being accorded
+by one class, and gratitude felt by the other, the subordination
+of society was maintained, and its different
+parts were knit together by sympathy, and by the force
+of common emotions, instead of, as now, by the coarse
+maxims of a vulgar and selfish utility.</p>
+
+<p>Those, however, whose knowledge gives them some
+acquaintance with the real course of human affairs, will
+see that in Scotland, as in all civilized countries, the
+decline of aristocratic power forms an essential part of
+the general progress. It must, therefore, be esteemed
+a fortunate circumstance, that, among the Scotch, where
+that power had long been enormous, it was weakened
+in the eighteenth century, not only by general causes,
+which were operating elsewhere, but also by two smaller
+and more special causes. The first of these minor
+causes was, as we have just seen, the Union with England.
+The other cause was, comparatively speaking,
+insignificant, but still it produced decided effect, particularly
+in the northern districts. It consisted in the
+fact, that some of the oldest Highland nobles were
+concerned in the rebellion of 1745, and that, when that
+rebellion was put down, those who escaped from the
+sword were glad to save their lives by flying abroad,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span>
+leaving their dependents to shift for themselves.<a name="FNanchor_377_377" id="FNanchor_377_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a>
+They became attached to the court of the Pretender, or,
+at all events, intrigued for him. That, indeed, was their
+only chance, their estates at home being forfeited. For
+nearly forty years, several great families were in exile,
+and although, about 1784, they began to return,<a name="FNanchor_378_378" id="FNanchor_378_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a> other
+associations had been formed during their absence, and
+new ideas had arisen, both in their own minds, and in
+the minds of their retainers. A fresh generation had
+grown up, and fresh influences had been brought to
+bear. Strangers, with whom the people had no sympathy,
+had intruded upon the estates of the nobles,
+and though they might receive obedience, it was an
+obedience unaccompanied by deference. The real reverence
+was gone; the homage of the heart was no
+more. And as this state of things lasted for about
+forty years, it interrupted the whole train of thought;
+and the former habits were so completely broken, that,
+even when the chiefs were restored to their forfeited
+honours, they found that there was another part of their
+inheritance which they were unable to recover, and that
+they had lost for ever that unreserved submission,
+which, in times of yore, had been willingly paid to their
+fathers.<a name="FNanchor_379_379" id="FNanchor_379_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Owing to these circumstances, the course of affairs in
+Scotland, during the eighteenth century, and especially
+during the first half of it, was marked by a more rapid
+decline of the influence of the higher ranks than was
+seen in any other country. It was, therefore, an easy
+task for the English government to procure a law,
+which, by abolishing hereditary jurisdictions, deprived
+the Scotch aristocracy, in 1748, of the last great ensign
+of their power.<a name="FNanchor_380_380" id="FNanchor_380_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a> The law, being suited to the spirit
+of the times, worked well; and in the Highlands, in
+particular, it was one immediate cause of the establishment
+of something like the order of a settled state.<a name="FNanchor_381_381" id="FNanchor_381_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a>
+But in this instance, as in every other, the real and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span>
+overruling cause is to be found in the condition of the
+surrounding society. A few generations earlier, hardly
+any one would have thought of abolishing these mischievous
+jurisdictions, which were then deemed beneficial,
+and were respected, as belonging to the great
+families by natural and inalienable right. Such an
+opinion was the inevitable result of the state of things
+then existing. This being the case, it is certain that, if
+the legislature had, at that time, been so rash as to lay
+its hand on what the nation respected, popular sympathy
+would have been aroused, and the nobles would
+have been strengthened by what was intended to weaken
+them.<a name="FNanchor_382_382" id="FNanchor_382_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> In 1748, however, matters were very different.
+Public opinion had changed; and this change of opinion
+was not only the cause of the new law, but was the
+reason of the new law being effective. And so it
+always is. They, indeed, whose knowledge is almost
+confined to what they see passing around them, and
+who, on account of their ignorance, are termed practical
+men, may talk as they will about the reforms which
+government has introduced, and the improvement to be
+expected from legislation. But whoever will take a
+wider and more commanding view of affairs, will soon
+discover that such hopes are chimerical. They will
+learn that lawgivers are nearly always the obstructors
+of society, instead of its helpers; and that, in the extremely
+few cases in which their measures have turned
+out well, their success has been owing to the fact, that,
+contrary to their usual custom, they have implicitly
+obeyed the spirit of their time, and have been, as they
+always should be, the mere servants of the people, to
+whose wishes they are bound to give a public and legal
+sanction.</p>
+
+<p>Another striking peculiarity of Scotland, during the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span>
+remarkable period we are now considering, was the
+sudden rise of trading and manufacturing interests.
+This preceded, by a whole generation, the celebrated
+statute of 1748, and was one of the causes of it, in so
+far as it weakened the great families, against whom
+that statute was directed. The movement may be traced
+back, as I have already noticed, to the end of the
+seventeenth century, and it was in active operation
+before the first twenty years of the eighteenth century
+had passed away. A mercantile and money-making
+spirit was diffused to an extent formerly unknown, and
+men becoming valued for their wealth as well as for
+their birth, a new standard of excellence was introduced,
+and new actors appeared on the scene. Heretofore,
+persons were respected solely for their parentage; now
+they were also respected for their riches. The old
+aristocracy, made uneasy by the change, did every
+thing they could to thwart and discourage these young
+and dangerous rivals.<a name="FNanchor_383_383" id="FNanchor_383_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a> Nor can we wonder at their
+feeling somewhat sore. The tendency which was exhibited,
+was, indeed, fatal to their pretensions. Instead
+of asking who was a man's father, the question became,
+how much he had got. And certainly, if either question
+is to be put, the latter is the more rational. Wealth is
+a real and substantial thing, which ministers to our
+pleasures, increases our comfort, multiplies our resources,
+and not unfrequently alleviates our pains. But birth
+is a dream and a shadow, which, so far from benefiting
+either body or mind, only puffs up its possessor with an
+imaginary excellence, and teaches him to despise those
+whom nature has made his superiors, and who, whether
+engaged in adding to our knowledge or to our wealth,
+are, in either case, ameliorating the condition of society,
+and rendering to it true and valuable service.</p>
+
+<p>This antagonism between the aristocratic and trading
+spirit, lies in the nature of things, and is essential,
+however it may be disguised at particular periods.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span>
+Therefore it is, that the history of trade has a philosophic
+importance in reference to the progress of society, quite
+independent of practical considerations. On this account
+I have called the attention of the reader to what
+otherwise would be foreign to the objects of the present
+Introduction; and I will now trace, as briefly as possible,
+the beginning of that great industrial movement,
+to the extension of which the overthrow of the Scotch
+aristocracy is to be partly ascribed.</p>
+
+<p>The Union with England, which was completed in
+1707, produced immediate and striking effects on trade.
+Its first effect was, to throw open to the Scotch a new
+and extensive commerce with the English colonies in
+America. Before the Union, no goods of any kind could
+be landed in Scotland from the American plantations,
+unless they had first been landed in England, and paid
+duty there; nor even, in that case, might they be conveyed
+by any Scotch vessel.<a name="FNanchor_384_384" id="FNanchor_384_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> This was one of many
+foolish regulations by which our legislators interfered
+with the natural course of affairs, and injured the interests
+of their own country, as well as those of their
+neighbours. Formerly, however, such laws were considered
+to be extremely sagacious, and politicians were
+constantly contriving protective schemes of this sort,
+which, with the best intentions, inflicted incalculable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span>
+harm. But if, as seems probable, one of their objects, in
+this instance, was to retard the improvement of Scotland,
+they were more than usually successful in effecting the
+purpose at which they aimed. For, the whole of the
+western coast, being cut off from direct intercourse with
+the American colonies, was debarred from the only
+foreign trade it could advantageously follow; since the
+European ports lay to the east, and could not be reached
+by the inhabitants of Western Scotland without a long
+circumnavigation, which prevented them from competing,
+on equal terms, with their countrymen, who,
+sailing from the other side, were already near the chief
+seats of commerce. The consequence was, that Glasgow
+and the other western ports remained almost stationary;
+having comparatively few means of gratifying that enterprising
+spirit, which rose among them late in the
+seventeenth century, and not daring to trade with those
+prosperous colonies which were just before them across
+the Atlantic, but from which they were entirely excluded
+by the jealous precautions of the English parliament.<a name="FNanchor_385_385" id="FNanchor_385_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a></p>
+
+<p>When, however, by the Act of Union, the two countries
+became one, these precautions were discontinued,
+and Scotland was allowed to hold direct intercourse
+with America and the West India Islands. The result
+which this produced on the national industry, was almost
+instantaneous, because it gave vent to a spirit which
+had begun to appear among the people late in the
+seventeenth century, and because it was aided by those
+still more general causes, which, in most parts of
+Europe, predisposed that age to increased industry.
+The west of Scotland, being nearest to America, was the
+first to feel the movement. In 1707, the inhabitants of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span>
+Greenock, without the interference of government, imposed
+on themselves a voluntary assessment, with the
+object of constructing a harbour. In this undertaking,
+they displayed so much zeal, that, by the year 1710,
+the whole of the works were completed; a pier and
+capacious harbour were erected, and Greenock was
+suddenly raised from insignificance to take an important
+part in the trade of the Atlantic.<a name="FNanchor_386_386" id="FNanchor_386_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a> For a while, the
+merchants were content to carry on their traffic with
+ships hired from the English. Soon, however, they
+became bolder; they began to build on their own
+account; and, in 1719, the first vessel belonging to
+Greenock sailed for America.<a name="FNanchor_387_387" id="FNanchor_387_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> From that moment, their
+commerce increased so rapidly, that, by the year 1740, the
+tax which the citizens had laid on themselves sufficed,
+not only to wipe off the debt which had been incurred,
+but also to leave a considerable surplus available
+for municipal purposes.<a name="FNanchor_388_388" id="FNanchor_388_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a> At the same time, and by
+the action of the same causes, Glasgow emerged from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span>
+obscurity. In 1718, its enterprising inhabitants launched
+in the Clyde the first Scotch vessel which ever crossed
+the Atlantic; thus anticipating the people of Greenock
+by one year.<a name="FNanchor_389_389" id="FNanchor_389_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a> Glasgow and Greenock became the two
+great commercial outlets of Scotland, and the chief
+centres of activity.<a name="FNanchor_390_390" id="FNanchor_390_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a> Comforts, and, indeed, luxuries,
+hitherto only attainable at enormous cost, began to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span>
+diffused through the country. The productions of the
+tropics could now be procured direct from the New
+World, which, in return, offered a rich and abundant
+market for manufactured goods. This was a further
+stimulus to Scotch industry, and its effects were immediately
+apparent. The inhabitants of Glasgow, finding
+a great demand among the Americans for linen, introduced
+its manufacture into their city in 1725, whence it
+extended to other places, and, in a short time, gave
+employment to thousands of workmen.<a name="FNanchor_391_391" id="FNanchor_391_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a> It is also
+from the year 1725, that Paisley dates its rise. So late
+as the beginning of the eighteenth century, this rich
+and prosperous city was still a straggling village, containing
+only a single street.<a name="FNanchor_392_392" id="FNanchor_392_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a> But, after the Union,
+its poor, and hitherto idle, inhabitants began to be
+moved by the activity which they saw on every side.
+Gradually, their views expanded; and the introduction
+among them, in 1725, of the manufacture of thread,
+was the first step in that great career in which they
+never stopped, until they had raised Paisley to be a vast
+emporium of industry, and a successful promoter of
+every art by which industry is nurtured.<a name="FNanchor_393_393" id="FNanchor_393_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Nor was it merely in the west, that this movement
+was displayed. In Scotland generally, the spirit of
+trade became so rife, that it began to encroach on the
+old theological spirit, which had long been supreme.
+Hitherto, the Scotch had cared for little except religious
+polemics. In every society, these had been the
+chief subjects of conversation; and on them, men had
+wasted their energies, without the least benefit either
+to themselves or to others. But, about this time it was
+observed, that the improvement of manufactures became
+a common topic of discourse.<a name="FNanchor_394_394" id="FNanchor_394_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a> Such a statement,
+made by a well-informed writer, who witnessed what
+he relates, is a curious proof of the change which was
+beginning, though very faintly, to steal over the Scotch
+mind. It shows that there was, at all events, a tendency
+to turn aside from subjects which are inaccessible
+to our understanding, and the discussion of which has
+no effect except to exasperate those who dispute, and to
+make them more intolerant than ever of theological
+opinions different from their own. Unhappily, there
+were, as I shall presently point out, other causes at
+work, which prevented this tendency from producing
+all the good that might have been expected. Still, so
+far as it went, it was a clear gain. It was a blow to
+superstition, inasmuch as it was an attempt to occupy
+the human mind with mere secular considerations. In
+a country like Scotland, this alone was extremely
+important. We must also add, that, though it was
+the effect of increased industry, it, as often happens,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span>
+reacted upon, and strengthened, its cause. For, by diminishing,
+however little, the inordinate respect formerly
+paid to theological pursuits, it was, in the same proportion,
+an inducement to ambitious and enterprising
+men to abstain from those pursuits, and to engage in
+temporal matters, where ability, being less fettered by
+prejudice, has more scope, and enjoys more freedom of
+action. Of those men, some rose to the first rank in
+literature; while others, taking a different but equally
+useful turn, became as eminent in trade. Hence, Scotland,
+during the eighteenth century, possessed, for the
+first time, two powerful and active classes, whose aim
+was essentially secular&mdash;the intellectual class, and the
+industrial class. Before the eighteenth century, neither
+of these classes exercised an independent sway, or could,
+indeed, be said to have a separate existence. The intellect
+of the country was absorbed by the church; the
+industry of the country was controlled by the nobles.
+The effect which this change produced on the literature
+of Scotland will be traced in the last chapter of the
+present volume. Its effect on industry was equally
+remarkable, and, for the well-being of the nation, was
+equally valuable. But it does not possess that general
+scientific interest which belongs to the intellectual
+movement; and I shall, therefore, in addition to the
+evidence already given, confine myself to a few more
+facts illustrative of the history of Scotch industry down
+to the middle of the eighteenth century, by which time
+there was no longer any doubt that the flood of material
+prosperity had fairly set in.</p>
+
+<p>During the seventeenth century, the only Scotch
+manufacture of any importance was that of linen, which,
+however, like every other branch of industry, was
+very backward, and was exposed to all sorts of discouragement.<a name="FNanchor_395_395" id="FNanchor_395_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a>
+But, after the Union, it received a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span>
+sudden impetus, from two causes. One of these causes,
+as I have already noticed, was the demand from America,
+consequent upon the trade of the Atlantic being
+thrown open. The other cause was, the removal of the
+duty which England had imposed upon the importation
+of Scotch linen. These two circumstances, occurring
+nearly at the same time, produced such effect on
+the national industry, that De Foe, who had a wider
+knowledge of the details of trade than any man of
+that age, said that it seemed as if, for the future, the
+Scotch poor could never lack employment.<a name="FNanchor_396_396" id="FNanchor_396_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> Unfortunately,
+this was not the case, and never will be, until
+society is radically changed. But the movement which
+provoked so bold a remark from so cautious an observer
+as De Foe, must have been very striking; and we know,
+from other sources, that, between 1728 and 1738, the
+manufacture of linen for exportation alone was more
+than doubled.<a name="FNanchor_397_397" id="FNanchor_397_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> After that period, this and other
+departments of Scotch industry advanced with a constantly
+accelerating speed. It is mentioned, by a contemporary
+who was likely to be well informed, that,
+between 1715 and 1745, the trade and manufactures
+of Scotland increased more than they had done for
+ages before.<a name="FNanchor_398_398" id="FNanchor_398_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a> Such a statement, though valuable as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span>
+corroborating other evidence, is too vague to be entirely
+relied on; and historians, who usually occupy themselves
+with insignificant details about courts and princes
+and statesmen, desert us in matters which are really
+important, so that it is now hardly possible to reconstruct
+the history of the Scotch people during this,
+the first epoch of their material prosperity. I have,
+however, gathered a few facts, which appear to rest on
+good authority, and which supply us with something
+like precise information as to dates. In 1739, the manufacture
+of linen was introduced into Kilbarchan,<a name="FNanchor_399_399" id="FNanchor_399_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a> and,
+in 1740, into Arbroath.<a name="FNanchor_400_400" id="FNanchor_400_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a> From the year 1742, the manufactures
+of Kilmarnock date their rise.<a name="FNanchor_401_401" id="FNanchor_401_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> In 1748,
+the first linen was manufactured in Cullen;<a name="FNanchor_402_402" id="FNanchor_402_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> and in the
+same year in Inverary.<a name="FNanchor_403_403" id="FNanchor_403_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> In 1749, this great branch of
+industry and source of wealth was established, on a large
+scale, in Aberdeen;<a name="FNanchor_404_404" id="FNanchor_404_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a> while, about 1750, it began to diffuse
+itself in Wemyss, in the county of Fife.<a name="FNanchor_405_405" id="FNanchor_405_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> These
+things happening, within eleven years, in parts of the
+country so distant from each other, and so totally<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span>
+unconnected, indicate the existence of general causes,
+which governed the whole movement; though in this,
+as in all instances, every thing is popularly ascribed to
+the influence of a few powerful individuals. We have,
+however, other proofs that the progress was essentially
+national. Even in Edinburgh, where hitherto no
+claims had been respected except those of the nobles or
+clergy, the voice of this new trading interest began to
+be heard. In that poor and warlike capital, a society
+was now first established for the encouragement of manufactures;
+and we are assured that this was but a
+single manifestation of the enthusiasm which was generally
+felt on the subject.<a name="FNanchor_406_406" id="FNanchor_406_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a> Coinciding with this movement,
+and indeed forming part of it, we can discern the
+earliest symptoms of a monied class, properly so called.
+In 1749, there was established, at Aberdeen, the first
+county bank ever seen in Scotland; and, in the very
+same year, a similar establishment was formed at Glasgow.<a name="FNanchor_407_407" id="FNanchor_407_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a>
+These represented the east and the west, and,
+by the advances which they were able to make, each
+assisted the trade of its own district. Between eastern
+and western Scotland, the intercourse, as yet, was
+difficult and costly. But this likewise was about to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span>
+be remedied by an enterprise, the mere conception of
+which would formerly have excited ridicule. After the
+Union, the idea arose of uniting the east with the west
+by a canal, which should join the Forth to the Clyde.
+The plan was deemed chimerical, and was abandoned.
+As soon, however, as the manufacturing and commercial
+classes had gained sufficient influence they adopted it,
+with that energy which is characteristic of their order,
+and which is more common among them than among
+any other rank of society. The result was, that, in
+1768, the great work was fairly begun;<a name="FNanchor_408_408" id="FNanchor_408_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a> and the first
+step was taken towards what, in a material point of
+view, was an enterprise of vast importance, but, in a
+social and intellectual point of view, was of still superior
+value, inasmuch as, by supplying a cheap and easy
+transit through the heart of the most populous part of
+Scotland, it had a direct tendency to make different districts
+and different places feel that each had need of
+others, and thus encouraging the notion that all belonged
+to one common scheme, it assisted in diminishing
+local prejudice and assuaging local jealousy; while,
+in the same proportion, by enticing men to move out of
+the narrow circle in which they had habitually lived, it
+prepared them for a certain enlargement of mind, which
+is the natural consequence of seeing affairs under various
+aspects, and which is never found in any country in
+which the means of travelling are either very hazardous
+or very expensive.</p>
+
+<p>Such was the state of Scotland towards the middle
+of the eighteenth century; and surely a fairer prospect
+was never opened to any country. The land was at
+peace. It had nothing to fear, either from foreign<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span>
+invasion, or from domestic tyranny. The arts, which
+increase the comfort of man, and minister to his happiness,
+were sedulously cultivated; wealth was being
+created with unexampled speed, and the blessings which
+follow in the train of wealth were being widely diffused;
+while the insolence of the nobility was so effectually
+curbed, that industrious citizens could, for the first time,
+feel their own independence, could know that what they
+earned, that likewise they should enjoy, and could hold
+themselves erect, and with a manly brow, in the presence
+of a class before whom they had long crouched in abject
+submission.</p>
+
+<p>Besides this, a great literature now arose, a literature
+of rare and surpassing beauty. To narrate the intellectual
+achievements of the Scotch during the eighteenth
+century, in a manner at all commensurate with their
+importance, would require a separate treatise, and I
+cannot now stop even to mention what all educated
+persons are at least partly acquainted with; each student
+recognizing the value of what was done in his own pursuit.
+In the last chapter of this volume, I shall, however,
+attempt to give some idea of the general results
+considered as a whole; at present, it is enough to say,
+that in every branch of knowledge this once poor
+and ignorant people produced original and successful
+thinkers. What makes this the more remarkable, is its
+complete contrast to their former state. Down even to
+the beginning of the eighteenth century, Scotland could
+only boast of two authors whose works have benefited
+mankind. They were Buchanan and Napier. Buchanan
+was the first political writer who held accurate views
+respecting government, and who clearly defined the true
+relation between the people and their rulers. He placed
+popular rights on a solid basis, and vindicated, by anticipation,
+all subsequent revolutions. Napier, equally
+bold in another department, succeeded, by a mighty
+effort of genius, in detecting, and pushing to its extreme
+consequence, a law of the progression of numbers, which
+is so simple and yet so potent, that it unravels the most
+tedious and intricate calculations, and, thus economizing
+the labours of the brain, has saved an enormous and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span>
+incalculable waste. These two men were, indeed, great
+benefactors of their species; but they stand alone, and
+if all the other authors Scotland produced down to the
+close of the seventeenth century had never been born, or
+if, being born, they had never written, society would
+have lost nothing, but would be in exactly the same
+position as it now is.</p>
+
+<p>Early, however, in the eighteenth century, a movement
+was felt all over Europe, and in that movement
+Scotland participated. A spirit of inquiry was abroad,
+so general and so searching, that no country could
+entirely escape from its action. Sanguine men were
+excited, and even grave men were stirred. It seemed
+as if a long night were about to close. Light broke
+forth where before there was nothing but darkness.
+Opinions which had stood the test of ages were suddenly
+questioned; and in every direction doubts sprung up,
+and proofs were demanded. The human mind, waxing
+bold, would not be satisfied with the old evidence.
+Things were examined at their foundation, and the
+basis of every belief was jealously scrutinized. For a
+time, this was confined to the higher intellects; but
+soon the movement spread, and, in the most advanced
+countries, worked upon nearly all classes. In England
+and in France, the result was extremely beneficial. It
+might have been hoped, that in Scotland likewise, the
+popular mind would gradually have become enlightened.
+But not so. Time rolled on; one generation succeeded
+another; the eighteenth century passed away; the nineteenth
+century came; and still the people made no sign.
+The gloom of the middle ages was yet upon them.
+While all around was light, the Scotch, enveloped in
+mist, crept on, groping their way, dismally and with
+fear. While other nations were shaking off their old
+superstitions, this singular people clung to theirs with
+undiminished tenacity. Now, indeed, their grasp is
+gradually slackening, but with extreme slowness, and
+threatening reactions frequently appear. This, as it
+always has been, and still is, the curse of Scotland, so
+also is it the chief difficulty with which the historian of
+Scotland has to contend. Everywhere else, when the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span>
+rise of the intellectual classes, and that of the trading and
+manufacturing classes, have accompanied each other,
+the invariable result has been, a diminution of the power
+of the clergy, and, consequently, a diminution of the influence
+of superstition. The peculiarity of Scotland is,
+that, during the eighteenth century, and even down to
+the middle of the nineteenth century, the industrial and
+intellectual progress has continued without materially
+shaking the authority of the priesthood.<a name="FNanchor_409_409" id="FNanchor_409_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> Strange
+and unequal combination! The country of bold and
+enterprising merchants, of shrewd manufacturers, of
+far-seeing men of business, and of cunning artificers;
+the country, too, of such fearless thinkers as George
+Buchanan, David Hume, and Adam Smith, is awed by
+a few noisy and ignorant preachers, to whom it allows
+a license, and yields a submission, disgraceful to the age,
+and incompatible with the commonest notions of liberty.
+A people, in many respects very advanced, and holding
+upon political subjects enlightened views, do, upon all
+religious subjects, display a littleness of mind, an illiberality
+of sentiment, a heat of temper, and a love of
+persecuting others, which shows that the Protestantism
+of which they boast has done them no good; that, in the
+most important matters, it has left them as narrow as it
+found them; and that it has been unable to free them
+from prejudices which make them the laughing-stock
+of Europe, and which have turned the very name of
+the Scotch Kirk into a by-word and a reproach among
+educated men.</p>
+
+<p>I shall now endeavour to explain how all this arose,
+and how such apparent inconsistencies are to be reconciled.
+That they may be reconciled, and that the inconsistencies
+are merely apparent and not real, will be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span>
+at once admitted by whoever is capable of a scientific
+conception of history. For, in the moral world, as in
+the physical world, nothing is anomalous; nothing is
+unnatural; nothing is strange. All is order, symmetry,
+and law. There are opposites, but there are no contradictions.
+In the character of a nation, inconsistency is
+impossible. Such, however, is still the backward condition
+of the human mind, and with so evil and jaundiced
+an eye do we approach the greatest problems, that not
+only common writers, but even men from whom better
+things might be hoped, are on this point involved in
+constant confusion, perplexing themselves and their
+readers by speaking of inconsistency, as if it were a
+quality belonging to the subject which they investigate,
+instead of being, as it really is, a measure of their own
+ignorance. It is the business of the historian to remove
+this ignorance, by showing that the movements of nations
+are perfectly regular, and that, like all other movements,
+they are solely determined by their antecedents. If he
+cannot do this, he is no historian. He may be an annalist,
+or a biographer, or a chronicler, but higher than
+that he cannot rise, unless he is imbued with that spirit
+of science which teaches, as an article of faith, the doctrine
+of uniform sequence; in other words, the doctrine
+that certain events having already happened, certain
+other events corresponding to them will also happen.
+To seize this idea with firmness, and to apply it on all
+occasions, without listening to any exceptions, is extremely
+difficult, but it must be done by whoever wishes
+to elevate the study of history from its present crude
+and informal state, and do what he may towards placing
+it in its proper rank, as the head and chief of all the
+sciences. Even then, he cannot perform his task unless
+his materials are ample, and derived from sources of
+unquestioned credibility. But if his facts are sufficiently
+numerous; if they are very diversified; if they have
+been collected from such various quarters that they can
+check and confront each other, so as to do away with
+all suspicion of their testimony being garbled; and if he
+who uses them possesses that faculty of generalization,
+without which nothing great can be achieved, he will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span>
+hardly fail in bringing some part of his labours to a
+prosperous issue, provided he devotes all his strength to
+that one enterprise, postponing to it every other object
+of ambition, and sacrificing to it many interests which
+men hold dear. Some of the most pleasurable incentives
+to action, he must disregard. Not for him, are those
+rewards which, in other pursuits, the same energy would
+have earned; not for him, the sweets of popular applause;
+not for him, the luxury of power; not for him,
+a share in the councils of his country; not for him, a
+conspicuous and honoured place before the public eye.
+Albeit conscious of what he could do, he may not compete
+in the great contest; he cannot hope to win the
+prize; he cannot even enjoy the excitement of the struggle.
+To him, the arena is closed. His recompense lies
+within himself, and he must learn to care little for the
+sympathy of his fellow-creatures, or for such honours as
+they are able to bestow. So far from looking for these
+things, he should rather be prepared for that obloquy
+which always awaits those, who, by opening up new veins
+of thought, disturb the prejudices of their contemporaries.
+While ignorance, and worse than ignorance, is
+imputed to him, while his motives are misrepresented,
+and his integrity impeached, while he is accused of
+denying the value of moral principles, and of attacking
+the foundation of all religion, as if he were some public
+enemy, who made it his business to corrupt society, and
+whose delight it was to see what evil he could do; while
+these charges are brought forward, and repeated from
+mouth to mouth, he must be capable of pursuing in
+silence the even tenor of his way, without swerving,
+without pausing, and without stepping from his path to
+notice the angry outcries which he cannot but hear, and
+which he is more than human if he does not long to
+rebuke. These are the qualities, and these the high resolves,
+indispensable to him, who, on the most important
+of all subjects, believing that the old road is worn out
+and useless, seeks to strike out a new one for himself,
+and, in the effort, not only perhaps exhausts his strength,
+but is sure to incur the enmity of those who are bent
+on maintaining the ancient scheme unimpaired. To<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span>
+solve the great problem of affairs; to detect those hidden
+circumstances which determine the march and destiny
+of nations; and to find, in the events of the past, a key
+to the proceedings of the future, is nothing less than to
+unite into a single science all the laws of the moral and
+physical world. Whoever does this, will build up afresh
+the fabric of our knowledge, re-arrange its various parts,
+and harmonize its apparent discrepancies. Perchance,
+the human mind is hardly ready for so vast an enterprise.
+At all events, he who undertakes it will meet
+with little sympathy, and will find few to help him.
+And let him toil as he may, the sun and noontide of his
+life shall pass by, the evening of his days shall overtake
+him, and he himself have to quit the scene, leaving that
+unfinished which he had vainly hoped to complete. He
+may lay the foundation; it will be for his successors to
+raise the edifice. Their hands will give the last touch;
+they will reap the glory; their names will be remembered
+when he is forgotten. It is, indeed, too true, that
+such a work requires, not only several minds, but also
+the successive experience of several generations. Once,
+I own, I thought otherwise. Once, when I first caught
+sight of the whole field of knowledge, and seemed,
+however dimly, to discern its various parts and the
+relation they bore to each other, I was so entranced with
+its surpassing beauty, that the judgment was beguiled,
+and I deemed myself able, not only to cover the surface,
+but also to master the details. Little did I know how
+the horizon enlarges as well as recedes, and how vainly
+we grasp at the fleeting forms, which melt away and
+elude us in the distance. Of all that I had hoped to do,
+I now find but too surely how small a part I shall accomplish.
+In those early aspirations, there was much that
+was fanciful; perhaps there was much that was foolish.
+Perhaps, too, they contained a moral defect, and savoured
+of an arrogance which belongs to a strength that refuses
+to recognize its own weakness. Still, even now
+that they are defeated and brought to nought, I cannot
+repent having indulged in them, but, on the contrary, I
+would willingly recall them, if I could. For, such hopes
+belong to that joyous and sanguine period of life, when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span>
+alone we are really happy; when the emotions are more
+active than the judgment; when experience has not yet
+hardened our nature; when the affections are not yet
+blighted and nipped to the core; and when the bitterness
+of disappointment not having yet been felt, difficulties
+are unheeded, obstacles are unseen, ambition is a pleasure
+instead of a pang, and the blood coursing swiftly through
+the veins, the pulse beats high, while the heart throbs
+at the prospect of the future. Those are glorious days;
+but they go from us, and nothing can compensate their
+absence. To me, they now seem more like the visions
+of a disordered fancy, than the sober realities of things
+that were, and are not. It is painful to make this confession;
+but I owe it to the reader, because I would not
+have him to suppose that either in this, or in the future
+volumes of my History, I shall be able to redeem my
+pledge, and to perform all that I promised. Something,
+I hope to achieve, which will interest the thinkers of
+this age; and something, perhaps, on which posterity
+may build. It will, however, only be a fragment of my
+original design. In the two last chapters I have attempted,
+and in the two next chapters I shall still further
+attempt, to solve a curious problem in the history of
+Scotland, which is intimately connected with other problems
+of a yet graver import: but though the solution
+will, I believe, be complete, the evidence of the solution
+will, most assuredly, be imperfect. I regret to add, that
+such imperfection is henceforth an essential part of my
+plan. It is essential, because I despair of supplying
+those deficiencies in my knowledge, of which I grow
+more sensible in proportion as my views become more
+extensive. It is also essential, because, after a fair estimate
+of my own strength, of the probable duration of
+my life, and of the limits to which industry can safely
+be pushed, I have been driven to the conclusion, that
+this Introduction, which I had projected as a solid foundation
+on which the history of England might subsequently
+be raised, must either be greatly curtailed, and
+consequently shorn of its force, or that, if not curtailed,
+there will hardly be a chance of my being able to narrate,
+with the amplitude and fulness of detail which they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span>
+richly deserve, the deeds of that great and splendid
+nation with which I am best acquainted, and of which
+it is my pride to count myself a member. It is with
+the free, the noble, and the high-minded English people,
+that my sympathies are most closely connected; on them
+my affections naturally centre; from their literature,
+and from their example, my best lessons have been
+learnt; and it is now the most cherished and the most
+sacred desire of my heart, that I may succeed in writing
+their history, and in unfolding the successive phases of
+their mighty career, while I am yet somewhat equal to the
+task, and before my faculties have begun to dwindle, or
+the power of continuous attention has begun to decay.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> Lord Dartmouth says (Note in <i>Burnet's History of his own
+Time</i>, vol. i. p. 15): &lsquo;The Earl of Seafield told me that King James
+frequently declared that he never looked upon himself to be more than
+King of Scotland in name, till he came to be King of England; but now,
+he said, one kingdom would help him to govern the other, or he had
+studied kingcraft to very little purpose from his cradle to that time.&rsquo;
+Compare <i>Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton</i>, Oxford, 1852, p.
+36. &lsquo;No sooner was he happily settled on the throne of England, but he
+went more roundly to work.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> Compare <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. vi. p. 430,
+with <i>Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 303, § 20; also
+the Act (p. 293, § 4), likewise in 1584, limiting the power of the
+General Assemblies. James, who flattered himself that he had now settled
+everything, signalized his triumph by personally abusing the clergy;
+&lsquo;calling them lownes, smaicks, seditious knaves, and so furth.&rsquo; See a
+letter, dated 2nd of January 1585&ndash;6, in <i>Miscellany of the Wodrow
+Society</i>, p. 438, Edinburgh, 1844.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> &lsquo;Bishops were alwayes looked at with a frown.&rsquo; <i>Kirkton's
+History of the Church of Scotland</i>, p. 129.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> See this remarkable statute, in <i>Acts of the Parliaments of
+Scotland</i>, vol. iii. pp. 541, 2. As some of the historians of the Scotch
+Church have greatly misrepresented it, I will quote that part which
+expressly repeals the Act of 1584, in favour of the bishops. &lsquo;Item oure
+said souerane lord and estaittis of Parliament foirsaid, abrogatis cass
+and anullis the xx act of the same pliam&#275;t haldin at Edinburgh the
+said zeir 1584 zeiris granting c&#333;missioun to bishoppis and vtheris
+iuges constitute in ecclesiastical causs To ressaue his hienes
+presentatioun to benefices, To gif collatioun thairvpoun and to put
+ordo<sup>r</sup> in all causs ecclesiasticall qlk his Maiestie and estaittis
+foirsaid declairis to be expyrit in the self and to be null in tyme
+cuming and of nane availl force nor effect.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> &lsquo;The King repented after that he had agreed unto it.&rsquo;
+<i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. v. p. 162. But this gives a
+faint idea of his real feelings. It is perhaps hardly necessary to
+adduce evidence of the opinions entertained on this point, by a prince,
+one of whose favourite sayings was, &lsquo;No Bishop, no King.&rsquo; The reader
+will, however, find, in the <i>Clarendon State Papers</i> (vol. ii. p. 260
+Oxford, 1773, folio), a letter from Charles I., which is worth looking
+at, because it frankly avows that James, in loving episcopacy and hating
+presbyterianism, was actuated rather by political motives than by
+religious ones. Charles writes: &lsquo;The prudentiall part of any
+consideration will never be found opposit to the conscientious, nay
+heere, they go hand in hand; for (according to lawyers lodgique) show me
+any president where ever Presbiteriall government and Regall was
+together, without perpetuall rebellions. <i>Which was the cause that
+necessitated the King, my Father, to change that governement in
+Scotland.</i>&rsquo; Compare what is said by a Scotch Presbyterian of the
+seventeenth century, in <i>Biographies edited for the Wodrow Society</i> by
+the Rev. W. K. Tweedie, Edinburgh, 1845, vol. i. p. 13. &lsquo;The reason why
+King James was so violent for bishops was neither their divine
+institution (which he denied they had), nor yet the profit the Church
+should reap by them (for he knew well both the men and their
+communications), but merely because he believed they were useful
+instruments to turn a limited monarchy into absolute dominion, and
+subjects into slaves, the design in the world he minded most.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> &lsquo;Had it not been laid hold of by designing politicians as a
+handle for accomplishing their measures, it would not now have been
+known that such an event had ever occurred.&rsquo; <i>M'Crie's Life of
+Melville</i>, vol. ii. p. 85. &lsquo;Harmless as this uproar was, it afforded the
+court a pretext for carrying into execution its designs against the
+liberties and government of the Church.&rsquo; p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. vii. pp. 342&ndash;345.
+<i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. v. pp. 514, 515, 530, 531.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> &lsquo;Intimidated by these menaces, and distressed at the loss
+of the courts of justice, they came to the resolution of making
+surrender of their political and religious liberties to the king.&rsquo;
+<i>M'Crie's Life of Melville</i>, vol. ii. p. 92. This is said of the
+magistrates of Edinburgh. Among other threats, one was, the &lsquo;razing and
+ploughing of Edinburgh, and sowing it with salt.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Life of
+Bruce</i>, p. 48, prefixed to <i>Bruce's Sermons</i>, edited by the Rev. William
+Cunningham, Edinburgh, 1843. On this occasion, Elizabeth wrote a letter
+to James, which is printed in <i>Letters of Queen Elizabeth and James
+VI.</i>, 1849, 4to, pp. 120, 121.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> <i>M'Crie's Life of Melville</i>, vol. ii. p. 100. Scot
+(<i>Apologetical Narration of the State of the Kirk</i>, p. 88) says, &lsquo;Sir
+Patrick Murray, the diligent apostle of the North, made their
+acquaintance with the King.&rsquo; Also, <i>The Autobiography and Diary of James
+Melville</i>, p. 403.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. vii. pp. 350, 359.
+But by far the best account of the influence of these northern clergy
+will be found in <i>M'Crie's Life of Melville</i> (vol. ii. pp. 100&ndash;105, 109,
+131, 152), drawn, in several instances, from manuscript authorities.
+Compare <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. v. p. 625.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> This is related by his nephew, James Melville. &lsquo;Mr. Andro
+Melvill come to the Assembly, by Commissoune of his Presbytrie, but wes
+commandit to keip his ludgeing; quho, being callit to the King in
+private, and demandit, Quhy he wes so trublesume as to come to the
+Assembly being dischairgit? He answerit, He had a calling in the Kirk of
+God, and of Jesus Chryst, the King of kings, quhilk he behovit to
+dischairge at all occasiounes, being orderlie callit thairto, as he wes
+at this tyme; and that for feir of a grytter punischment then could any
+earthly King inflict.&rsquo; <i>The Autobiography and Diary of James Melvill</i>,
+p. 542.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> As, owing to the passions of the rival classes, every step
+of this part of Scotch history is the subject of angry controversy, and
+as even Mr. Tytler (<i>History of Scotland</i>, vol. vii. p. 360) asserts
+that &lsquo;the final establishment of Episcopacy&rsquo; took place at the Assembly
+of Montrose, in 1600. I subjoin a few extracts from the enactments
+of that Assembly, in order that the reader may judge for himself, and
+may test the accuracy of what I have stated in the text. &lsquo;Concerning the
+maner of choosing of him that sall have vote in Parliament in name of
+the Kirk: It is condiscendit vpon, that <i>he sall first be recommendit be
+the Kirk to his Majestie</i>; and that the Kirk sall nominat sixe for every
+place that sall have neid to be filled, of quhom his Majestie sall
+choose ane, of quhom he best lykes; and his Majestie promises, obleises,
+and binds himselfe to choose no vther but ane of that number: And in
+cace his Majestie refuses the haill vpon ane just reason of ane
+insufficiency, and of greater sufficiencie of vthers that are not
+recommendit, the Kirk sall make ane new recommendatioun of men according
+to the first number, of the quhilk, ane salbe chosin be his Majestie
+without any farther refuisall or new nominatioun; and he that salbe
+chosin be his Majestie, salbe admittit be the Synods.&rsquo; <i>Acts of the
+General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 954. &lsquo;As to
+the cautions to keip him, that sall have vote in Parliament, from
+corruptiouns: They be these following: 1. <i>That he presume
+not, at any tyme, to propone at Parliament, Counsell or Conventioun, in
+name of the Kirk, any thing without expresse warrand and directioun from
+the Kirk</i>, and sick things as he sall answer (for) to be for the weill
+of the Kirk, vnder the paine of depositioun from his office.&rsquo; &hellip; 2. &lsquo;He sall
+be bound at every Generall Assemblie, to give
+ane accompt anent the discharge of his commissioun sen the Assemblie
+gangand befor; <i>and sall submitt himselfe to thair censure, and stand at
+thair determinatioun quhatsumever, without appellatioun; and sall seik
+and obtain ratificatioun of his doings at the said Assemblie, vnder the
+paine of infamie and excommunicatioun</i>.&rsquo; &hellip; 6. &lsquo;In the
+administration of discipline, collatioun of benefices, visitatioun, and
+all vther points of ecclesiasticall government, he sall neither vsurpe
+nor acclaime to himselfe <i>any power or jurisdictioun farther than any
+vther of the rest of his breither</i>, unlesse he be imployit be his
+breither, vnder the paine of deprivatioun.&rsquo; p. 955. &lsquo;Anent his name that
+for the Kirk sall (have) vote in Parliament: It is advyseit, be vniforme
+consent of the haill brether, that he salbe callit Commissioner of such
+a place.&rsquo; p. 956. &lsquo;Therfor the Generall Assemblie having reasonit at
+length the said questioun, tuiching the continuance of him that sall
+have vote in Parliament, after votting of the same, finds and decernes,
+that <i>he sall annuatim give count of his commission obtainit from the
+Assemblie, and lay downe the samein at thair feitt</i>, to be continuit or
+alterit therfra be his Maiestie and the Assemblie, as the Assemblie,
+with consent of his Maiestie, sall think most expedient for the weill of
+the Kirk.&rsquo; p. 959.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> &lsquo;While James remained in Scotland, the scheme of
+introducing episcopacy, though never lost sight of, was cautiously
+prosecuted.&rsquo; <i>M'Crie's Life of Melville</i>, vol. ii. p. 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> James, during the whole of his reign, was chiefly
+dependent on the money which Elizabeth gave him, and which she dealt out
+rather niggardly. Such were his necessities, that he was forced to pawn
+his plate, and, even then, he was often unable to defray his ordinary
+household expenses. See <i>Tytler's History of Scotland</i>, vol. vi. pp.
+265, 266, 272, vol. vii. pp. 158, 378&ndash;380. <i>Miscellany of the Spalding
+Club</i>, vol. ii. pp. xlv. 114. <i>Gregory's History of the Western
+Highlands</i>, pp. 241, 277. See also a clamorous begging-letter from James
+to Elizabeth, written in 1591, in <i>Letters of Queen Elizabeth and James
+VI.</i>, 1849, 4to, pp. 68, 69. In 1593, she apologizes for sending him
+only a small sum: &lsquo;The small token you shall receave from me I desire yt
+may serve to make you remember the tyme and my many weighty affaires,
+wich makes it les than else I would, and I dowt nothing but when you
+heare all, yow will beare with this.&rsquo; p. 84. A letter from James Hudson,
+written about the year 1591, states that &lsquo;both the king's table and
+queen's had like to have been unserved by want; and that the king had
+nothing he accounted certain to come into his purse, but what he had
+from the Queen of England.&rsquo; <i>Ridpath's Border History</i>, p. 465, Berwick,
+1848, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> <i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>, edit. 1819, vol. iii. p.
+28. <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. vi. pp. 264, 323. <i>Bower's
+History of the University of Edinburgh</i>, vol. i. p. 175, Edinburgh,
+1817. <i>Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, p. 88.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> &lsquo;Adde thereunto, that the letter of the commissioner and
+last moderator, conteaned no certane tyme nor day whereto the said
+Assemblie sould be prorogued; so that it imported a casting loose and
+deserting, yea, and tyning of the possessioun of our Assemblie; than the
+which what could be more dangerous to the libertie and freedom of the
+Kirk of Jesus Christ, at suche a tyme, namelie of the treatie of the
+Unioun, when all the estates of the realme, and everie particular are
+zealous and carefull of their rights and possessiouns?&rsquo; <i>Calderwood's
+History of the Kirk</i>, vol. vi. pp. 309, 310.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> See a list of them in <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>,
+vol. vi. p. 347, where the fourteen names are preserved with pious
+care.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> <i>Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in Scotland</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+494&ndash;502. <i>Forbes' Certaine Records touching the Estate of the Kirk</i>,
+edit. Wodrow Society, Edinburgh, 1846, pp. 463&ndash;496. &lsquo;Delayed the giving
+forth of the sentence of condemnation till the King's mind were further
+knowne.&rsquo; See also <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. vi. pp. 434,
+449. When they were found guilty, &lsquo;the peiple said, &ldquo;Certainely this wes
+a worke of darknes, to mak Chrystis faithfull Ministeres tratouris to
+the King! God grant he be niver in greater dangeris nor off sic
+traitouris.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Melvill's Autobiography and Diary</i>, p. 626.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> <i>M'Crie's Life of Melville</i>, vol. ii. pp. 207, 208.
+<i>Pitcairn's Criminal Trials</i>, vol. ii. p. 504. In connexion with these
+transactions, a letter is preserved in the Winwood Papers, which is much
+too curious to be passed over in silence. It is addressed by the Earl of
+Salisbury to Sir Charles Cornwallis, and is dated 12th September 1605.
+Salisbury, who was then at the head of affairs, writes, &lsquo;True it is that
+his Majestie seeking to <i>adorne that kingdome of Scotland with Prelates
+as they are in England</i>, some of the Ministers have spurned against it;
+and althouge his Majestie had ever warranted their calling of General
+Assemblies upon no other condition, then that they should make him
+acquainted, receive his warrant, and a commissioner for his Majestie
+resident in their councells, yet have they (followed with some poor
+plebecall numbers) presumed to hold their General Assemblies in some
+parte of the Realme contrarie to his commandement. Whereupon his
+Majestie hath shewed himself displeased, and cyted divers of them before
+his councell,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Memorials of Affairs of State, from the Papers of
+Sir Ralph Winwood</i>, London, 1725, folio, vol. ii. p. 132. And yet the
+man who could write such nonsense as this, and who could only see, in
+the great democratic movement of the Scotch mind, a disinclination to
+the <i>adornment</i> of episcopacy, was deemed one of the most eminent
+statesmen of his time, and his reputation has survived him. If great
+statesmen discern so little of what is before them and around them, we
+are tempted to inquire, how much confidence ought to be placed in the
+opinions of those average statesmen by whom countries are ruled. For my
+own part, I can only say, that I have had occasion to read many thousand
+letters written by diplomatists and politicians, and I have hardly ever
+found an instance of one of them who understood the spirit and tendency
+of the age in which he lived.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> &lsquo;Ministers in all parts of the country were thrown into
+prison, or declared rebels, and forced to abscond.&rsquo; <i>M'Crie's Life of
+Melville</i>, vol. ii. p. 250. Liberty of speech was so completely
+suppressed, that, in 1605, when the most zealous and intelligent clergy
+were banished, &lsquo;a strait command&rsquo; (was) &lsquo;gevin to magistrats, and uther
+officiers of burrowis, that in cace any preacher sould speik opinlie
+aganis that baneisment, or for defence or mentenence of that assemblie,
+or pray publiklie for ther saiftie, that they sould be noted and
+manifested to the secret counsell, and corrected for their fault.&rsquo; <i>The
+Historie of King James the Sext</i>, p. 380.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> See an eloquent and touching passage, in <i>Calderwood's
+History of the Kirk</i>, vol. vi. pp. 696, 697.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> &lsquo;The godliest, wisest, learnedest, and most zealous men of
+the ministrie in Scotland, were either banished, warded, or detained in
+Ingland, of purpose that they might not be a lett to the grand designe
+in hand.&rsquo; <i>Row's History of the Kirk</i>, p. 238.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> <i>Scot's Apologetical Narration of the State of the Kirk</i>,
+pp. 164, 165. Compare <i>The Autobiography and Diary of James Melvill</i>,
+pp. 642&ndash;645.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> &lsquo;Quhen we wer gone out of the Palice a lytle way towards
+Kingstoune, Mr. Alexander Hay sendis back for us, and withall, in the
+Uttir Court, reidis to us a chairge from the King not to returne to
+Scotland, nor to com neire the King, Quein, nor Prince their Courtis,
+without a speciall calling for and licence.&rsquo; <i>Melvill's Autobiography</i>,
+p. 661.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> <i>M'Crie's Life of Melville</i>, vol. ii. pp. 246, 252, 260,
+337&ndash;339, 403, 407&ndash;411, 414. This truly great and fearless man died in
+exile, in 1622. p. 458.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> <i>Melvill's Autobiography and Diary</i>, p. 709. <i>Scot's
+Apologetical Narration</i>, p. 194. <i>M'Crie's Life of Melville</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 252, 253, 267, 268.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> &lsquo;Royal missives were sent to the presbyteries, nominating
+the individuals whom they should chuse as their representatives to it.&rsquo;
+<i>M'Crie's Life of Melville</i>, vol. ii. pp. 387, 388. On the character of
+its members, compare <i>Wodrow's History of the Sufferings of the Church
+of Scotland</i>, edit. Glasgow, 1838, vol. i. p. 256. <i>Stevenson's History
+of the Church of Scotland</i>, pp. 320, 321. <i>Crookshank's Church of
+Scotland</i>, Edinburgh, 1812, vol. i. p. 28; and <i>Calderwood's History of
+the Kirk</i>, vol. vii. pp. 97, 98.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> <i>Acts of the General Assemblies of the Kirk</i>, vol. iii.
+pp. 1096, 1097. The Assembly even forbad the democratic notion of
+equality to be advocated. See p. 1101. &lsquo;Because it is vncivill that laws
+and constitutiouns, either Civill or Ecclesiasticall, being anes
+establischit and in force, by publick and opin consent, sould be
+controllit and callit in questioun by any person: therfor, it is statute
+by vniforme consent of this haill Assemblie, that none of the Ministrie
+either in pulpitt in his preaching, or in the publick exercise, speake
+and reason against the acts of this present Assemblie, nor dissobey the
+same, vnder the paine of deprivatioun, being tryit and convict thereof;
+and <i>speciallie, that the questioun of equalitie and inequalitie in the
+Kirk, be not treattit in pulpitt vnder the said paine</i>.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> Mr. Russell (<i>History of the Church in Scotland</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 88), misled, probably, by a passage in <i>Spottiswoode's History of the
+Church</i>, vol. iii. p. 210, says, &lsquo;A Court of High Commission was
+instituted.&rsquo; But it is certain that there were two such courts; one for
+the diocese of Saint Andrews, and one for that of Glasgow. See the
+&lsquo;commissioun givin under the great seale to the two archbishops,&rsquo; dated
+15th of February 1610, in <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. vii.
+pp. 57&ndash;62. See also p. 210. They were not united till December 1615. See
+<i>Scot's Apologetical Narration of the State of the Kirk</i>, pp. 218, 239;
+and <i>Crookshank's History of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland</i>,
+vol. i. p. 28. By the royal commission, these despotic tribunals were
+authorized (<i>Calderwood</i>, vol. vii. p. 59) &lsquo;to call before them at suche
+tymes and places as they salle thinke meete, anie person or persons
+dwelling and remaining within their provinces respective above writtin
+of St. Andrews or Glasgow, or within anie dioceis of the same, being
+offenders ather in life or religioun, whom they hold anie way to be
+scandalous, and that they take tryell of the same; and if they find them
+guiltie and impenitent, refusing to acknowledge their offence, they sall
+give command to the preacher of that parish where they dwell, to proceed
+with sentence of excommunication against them; which, if it be
+protracted, and their command by that minister be not presentlie obeyed,
+they sall conveene anie suche minister before them, and proceed in
+censuring of him for his disobedience, ather by suspensioun,
+deprivatioun, or wairding, according as in their discretioun they sall
+hold his obstinacie and refuse of their directioun to have deserved. And
+further, to fyne at their discretiouns, imprisoun, or warde anie suche
+persoun, who being convicted before them, they sall find upon tryell to
+have deserved anie suche punishment.&rsquo; Hereupon, Calderwood justly
+remarks, p. 62: &lsquo;This commissioun and executioun thereof, as it exalted
+the aspyring bishops farre above any prelat that ever was in Scotland,
+so it putt the king in possessioun of that which he had long tyme hunted
+for; to witt, of the royall prerogative, and absolute power to use the
+bodeis and goods of the subjects at pleasure, without forme or processe
+of the commoun law, even then when the Lower Hous in England was
+compleaning in their parliament upon the injurie therof. So our bishops
+were fitt instruments to overthrow the liberteis both of the Kirk and
+countrie.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> See <i>Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, p.
+93, and <i>Kirkton's History</i>, p. 15. Kirkton indignantly says, that James
+&lsquo;perswaded a few unworthy men to perjure themselves, and after their
+episcopall consecration by the English bishops in England, to exercise
+that odious office in Scotland against their own oath and the
+consciences of their brethren.&rsquo; Compare the contemptuous notice, in
+<i>Row's History of the Kirk</i>, p. 283, on the &lsquo;anoynting of oyle and other
+ceremonies,&rsquo; and on &lsquo;the foolish guyses in it.&rsquo; Indeed, on this subject,
+every Scotch writer who cared for the liberty of his country, expressed
+himself either with contempt or indignation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> Calderwood, with ill-suppressed bitterness, says, &lsquo;efter
+the same maner that they were consecrated themselfs, <i>als
+neere as they could imitate</i>.&rsquo; <i>History of the Kirk</i>, vol.
+vii. p. 152. Compare <i>Wodrow's Collections</i>, vol. i. part i. p. 293.
+&lsquo;The Bishops ordeaned in England keeped as near the manner taken with
+themselves there as they could.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> &lsquo;Some of them, by want of temper, or want of breeding, did
+not behave themselves with that decency in their debates, towards the
+greatest men of the kingdom, as in discretion they ought to have done,
+and as the others reasonably expected from them.&rsquo; <i>Clarendon's History
+of the Rebellion</i>, edit. Oxford, 1843, p. 35. In 1633, &lsquo;nine of them
+were privy councillors;&rsquo; and &lsquo;their pride was cried out upon as
+unsupportable.&rsquo; <i>Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton</i>, p. 38. Sir
+John Scot imputes to them &lsquo;insolence, pride, and avarice.&rsquo; <i>Scot's
+Staggering State of the Scots Statesmen</i>, Edinburgh, 1754, p. 41. See
+also <i>Spalding's History of the Troubles</i>, vol. i. pp. 46, 47,
+Edinburgh, 1828, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> So early as 1613, a letter from James Inglish (preserved
+in <i>Wodrow's Collections</i>, vol. ii. part i. p. 110, Glasgow, 1845, 4to)
+complains that &lsquo;the libertys of the Lord's Kirk are greatly abridged by
+the pride of Bishops, and their power daily increases over her.&rsquo; Civil
+rights were equally set at nought by the bishops; and, among other
+enactments which they obtained, one was, &lsquo;that no man should be
+permitted to practise or profess any physic, unless he had first
+satisfied the bishop of the diocese touching his religion.&rsquo;
+<i>Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 236.
+This at once gave them the control of the whole medical profession.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> &lsquo;Not satisfied with ruling the church-courts, they claimed
+an extensive civil authority within their dioceses. The burghs were
+deprived of their privileges, and forced to receive such magistrates as
+their episcopal superiors, in concert with the court, were pleased to
+nominate.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Archbishop Gladstanes, in a letter to the King, June the
+9th 1611, says: &ldquo;It was your pleasure and direction, that I sould be
+possessed with the like privileges in the electione of the magistrats
+there (in St. Andrews), as my lord of Glasgow is endued with in that his
+city. Sir, whereas they are troublesome, I will be answerable to your
+Majesty and Counsell for them, after that I be possessed of my right.&rdquo;
+Ms. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6, 9. n<sup>o</sup>. 72.&rsquo; <i>M'Crie's Life of
+Melville</i>, vol. ii. p. 422.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> And their prodigality was equal to their rapacity. When
+Archbishop Gladstanes died, in 1615, it was ascertained that,
+&lsquo;notwithstanding of the great rent of his bishoprick, he died in the
+debt of twentie thowsand pounds.&rsquo; <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>,
+vol. vii. p. 197. See also p. 303. Also the case of the Bishop of
+Galloway, who died in 1619, and of whom Calderwood says (<i>History of the
+Kirk</i>, vol. vii. p. 350), &lsquo;It is thought, that if just calculation were
+made of the commoditie extorted by him through his diocie, by advice of
+his two covetous counsellours, Andro Couper, his brother, and Johne
+Grilmour, wrytter in Edinburgh, for his use and theirs, by racting of
+rents, getting of grassoumes, setting of tacks, of teithes, and other
+like meanes, wold surmount the soume of an hundreth thousand merks, or,
+in the opinion of others, almost the double; so that manie within that
+diocie, and the annexed prelacies, sall hardlie recover their estates in
+their time.&rsquo; Compare <i>Stevenson's History of the Church</i>, pp. 212, 392.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> On this change, which was completed in 1621, see <i>Laing's
+History of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 88; <i>Calderwood's History of the
+Kirk</i>, vol. vii. p. 490; and <i>Baillie's Letters and Journals</i>, vol. i.
+p. 486, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1841.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk</i>, vol. vii. pp. 472&ndash;474,
+507, 509, 511, 517&ndash;520, 530&ndash;543, 549&ndash;553, 566, 567, 614, 621. <i>Laing's
+History of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. pp. 90, 91. Laing, very unjustly,
+accuses the bishops of being so merciful as to disapprove of some of
+these transactions. But whoever has read much of the Scotch literature
+of the seventeenth century, will cheerfully exonerate the bishops from a
+charge, which they would themselves have repelled, and to which they are
+nowise amenable.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> In October 1637, Baillie, who was carefully watching the
+course of affairs, writes, &lsquo;No man may speak any thing in publick for
+the king's part, except he would have himself marked for a sacrifice to
+be killed one day. I think our people possessed with a bloody devill,
+farr above any thing that ever I could have imagined, though the masse
+in Latine had been presented.&rsquo; And, in a postscript, dated 3rd October,
+he adds: &lsquo;My fears in my former went no farther then to ane ecclesiastik
+separation, but now I am more affrayit for a bloudie civill warr.&rsquo;
+<i>Baillie's Letters and Journals</i>, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1841, vol. i.
+pp. 23, 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> <i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 131.
+<i>Chambers' Annals</i>, vol. ii. pp. 101&ndash;104. <i>Spalding's History of the
+Troubles in Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 47, 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> &lsquo;The accusation, among themselves a bond of union, and to
+their enemies a signal of hostility, was subscribed by the nobility, the
+gentry, the clergy, and afterwards by all ranks, and almost by every
+corporation in the kingdom.&rsquo; <i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p.
+137.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. iii. p. 138.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> &lsquo;It was signed by a large majority of the people, in a
+paroxysm of enthusiasm beyond all example in our history.&rsquo; <i>Chambers'
+Annals</i>, vol. ii. p. 105. Kirkton, who was a contemporary, says, &lsquo;And
+though only eleven private men (and some of them very inconsiderable)
+had the boldness first to begin this work, without ever asking leave of
+king or council, yet was it very quickly taken by all the people of
+Scotland, with hands lifted up in most solemn manner.&rsquo; <i>Kirkton's
+History of the Church of Scotland</i>, p. 33. Lord Somerville, taking a
+somewhat different view of affairs, remarks, that &lsquo;the generalitie of
+the natione entered into a hellish covenant, wherein they mutually
+obleidged themselves to extirpate episcopacy, and to defend each other
+against all persones whatsoever, noe not excepting the persone of his
+sacred majestie; but upon conditiones of ther oune frameing.&rsquo;
+<i>Somerville's Memorie of the Somervilles</i>, vol. ii. p. 187.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> There had been no General Assembly since 1618. <i>Argyll's
+Presbytery Examined</i>, p. 102; and the <i>Spottiswoode Miscellany</i>, vol. i.
+p. 88. But &lsquo;the provincial synods, presbyteries, and sessions still
+remained, and in these, good men mutually comforted one another.&rsquo;
+<i>Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, p. 162.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> &lsquo;The assembly went on at such a rate, that the marquis
+judged it no longer fit to bear with their courses.&rsquo; <i>Burnet's Memoirs
+of the Dukes of Hamilton</i>, p. 128. &lsquo;In end, seeing nothing said in
+reason did prevail, he, in his majesty's name, dissolved the assembly,
+and discharged their further proceeding under pain of treason.&rsquo; p. 135.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> <i>Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, p. 310.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> &lsquo;Notwithstanding the Proclamation, the Assembly presently
+thereafter met, and sat daily for divers weeks, until they had done
+their affairs, and were themselves pleas'd to dissolve.&rsquo; <i>Guthry's
+Memoirs</i>, p. 41, edit. London, 1702.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> <i>Acts of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland</i>,
+from 1638 to 1842, Edinburgh, 1843, pp. 9&ndash;18. <i>Stevenson's History of
+the Church of Scotland</i>, pp. 332, 338.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> See, on their fall, some highly characteristic remarks in
+<i>Baillie's Letters and Journals</i>, vol. i. p. 168. In 1639, Howell writes
+from Edinburgh, &lsquo;The Bishops are all gone to wrack, and they have had
+but a sorry funeral; the very name is grown so contemptible, that a
+black dog, if he hath any white marks about him, is called <i>Bishop</i>. Our
+Lord of Canterbury is grown here so odious, that they call him commonly
+in the pulpit, the Priest of Baal, and the Son of Belial.&rsquo; <i>Howell's
+Letters</i>, edit. London, 1754, p. 276.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> &lsquo;That people, after they had once begun, pursued the
+business vigorously, and with all imaginable contempt of the
+government.&rsquo; <i>Clarendon's History of the Rebellion</i>, p. 45. Now, for the
+first time, the English government began to tremble. On 13th December
+1639, Secretary Windebank writes, &lsquo;His Majesty near these six weeks last
+past hath been in continual consultations with a select Committee of
+some of his Council (of which I have had the honour to be one), how to
+redress his affairs in Scotland, the fire continuing there, and growing
+to that danger, that <i>it threatens not only the Monarchical Government
+there, but even that of this kingdom</i>.&rsquo; <i>Clarendon State Papers</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 81, Oxford, 1773, folio. This is the earliest intimation I have
+met with of Charles and his advisers being aware of their real peril.
+But though the king was capable of fear, he was incapable of
+compunction. There is no evidence on record, to show that he even felt
+remorse for having planned and executed those arbitrary and unprincipled
+measures, by which he inflicted immense misery upon Scotland and
+England, but more especially upon Scotland.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> &lsquo;The kinge was now so waik, haueing nether toune, fort,
+nor armie, and Oxford being a waik and onfortified toune, from whence he
+looked daylie to be taken perforce, he therefor resolues to cast himself
+into the arms of the Scots; who, being his natine people, and of late so
+ongratfullie dealt with by the Inglish, he hoped their particular
+credit, and the credit of the wholl natione depending thereupon, they
+would not baslie rander him to the Inglish.&rsquo; <i>Gordon's Britane's
+Distemper</i>, p. 193, published by the Spalding Club, Aberdeen, 1844,
+4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a> That it may not be supposed, that, as an Englishman, I
+misrepresent this transaction by looking at it from an English point of
+view, I will merely quote what Scotch writers have said respecting it.
+&lsquo;Giveing up the king to the will and pleasure of the English parliament,
+that soe they might come by ther money.&rsquo; <i>Somerville's Memorie of the
+Somervilles</i>, vol. ii. p. 366. &lsquo;The Scots sold their unfortunate king,
+who had fled to them for protection, to the commissioners of the English
+Parliament, for 200,000<i>l.</i> sterling.&rsquo; <i>Lyon's History of
+St. Andrews</i>, vol. ii. p. 38. &lsquo;The incident itself was evidence of a
+bargain with a <i>quid pro quo</i>.&rsquo; <i>Burton's History of Scotland</i>, vol. i.
+p. 493. &lsquo;The sale of the king to the parliament.&rsquo; <i>Napier's Life of
+Montrose</i>, Edinburgh, 1840, p. 448. &lsquo;The king was delivered up, or
+rather sold, to the parliament's commissioners.&rsquo; <i>Brown's History of
+Glasgow</i>, vol. i. p. 91. &lsquo;Their arrears were undoubtedly due; the amount
+was ascertained before the dispute concerning the disposal of his
+person, and the payment was undertaken by the English parliament, five
+months previous to the delivery, or surrender of the king. But the
+coincidence, however unavoidable, between that event and the actual
+discharge and departure of their army, still affords a presumptive proof
+of the disgraceful imputation of having sold their king; &ldquo;as the
+English, unless previously assured of receiving his person, would never
+have relinquished a sum so considerable as to weaken themselves, while
+it strengthened a people with whom such a material question remained to
+be discussed.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. pp. 369, 370.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> A letter from Sir Edw. Hyde to Lord Hatton, dated April
+12, 1649 (in the <i>Clarendon State Papers</i>, vol. ii. p. 479, Oxf. 1773,
+fol.), says of Charles II., that the Scotch &lsquo;sold his father to those
+who murdered him.&rsquo; But this is not true. Charles I., though certainly
+bought by the English, was not murdered by them. He was tried in the
+face of day; he was found guilty; he was executed. And most assuredly
+never did a year pass, without men far less criminal than he, suffering
+the same fate. Possibly, they are right who deem all capital punishment
+needless. That, however, has never been proved; and if this last and
+most terrible penalty is ever to be exacted, I cannot tell where we
+should find a more fitting subject to undergo it, than a despot who
+seeks to subjugate the liberties of the people over whom he is called to
+rule, inflicts cruel and illegal punishment on those who oppose him,
+and, sooner than renounce his designs, engages in a civil war, setting
+fathers against their children, disorganizing society, and causing the
+land to run with blood. Such men are outlaws; they are the enemies of
+the human race; who shall wonder if they fall, or, having fallen, who
+shall pity them?</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> The declaration was signed by Charles on the 16th August
+1650. An abridgment of it is given in <i>Balfour's Annales of Scotland</i>,
+vol. iv. pp. 92&ndash;94; but the entire document is preserved by Sir Edward
+Walker. See <i>Journal of Affairs in Scotland</i>, in <i>Walker's Historical
+Discourses</i>, London, folio, 1705, pp. 170&ndash;176. In it Charles is made to
+state that, &lsquo;though his Majesty as a dutiful son be obliged to honour
+the memory of his Royal Father, and have in estimation the person of his
+Mother; yet doth he desire to be deeply humbled and afflicted in spirit
+before God, because of his Father's hearkening unto and following evil
+councils, and his opposition to the work of reformation, and to the
+solemn league and covenant by which so much of the blood of the Lord's
+people hath been shed in these kingdoms.&rsquo; He went on to say, that though
+he might palliate his own misconduct by pleading &lsquo;his education and
+age,&rsquo; he thinks it better to &lsquo;ingeniously acknowledge all his own sins
+and the sins of his father's house.&rsquo; Burnet (<i>History of his own Time</i>,
+vol. i. p. 97) says of this declaration: &lsquo;In it there were many hard
+things. The king owned the sin of his father in marrying into an
+idolatrous family: he acknowledged the bloodshed in the late wars lay at
+his father's door: he expressed a deep sense of his own ill education,&rsquo;
+&amp;c.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> In reference to this event the following entry occurs in
+Lamont's Journal: &lsquo;1650, Dec. 22.&mdash;The fast appointed by the commission
+of the kirke to be keiped througe the kingdome before the coronatione,
+was keiped att Largo the forsaide day by Mr. Ja. Magill; his lecture,
+Reu. 3. from v. 14 to the end of the chapt.; his text Reu. 2. 4, 5. Vpon
+the Thursday following, the 26 of this instant, the fast was keiped in
+likemaner; his lecture 2. Chro. 29 to v. 12; his text 2. Chron. 12, 12.
+The causes of the first day (not read) was, the great contempt of the
+gospell, holden forth in its branches; of the second day (which were
+read), the sinns of the king, and of his father's house, where sundry
+offences of K. James the 6 were aknowledged, and of K. Charles the 1,
+and of K. Ch. the 2, nowe king.&rsquo; <i>The Diary of Mr. John Lamont of
+Newton</i>, p. 25, Edinburgh, 1830, 4to. See also <i>Baillie's Letters and
+Journals</i>, vol. iii. p. 107; <i>Nicoll's Diary</i>, Edinburgh, 4to, 1836, p.
+38; <i>Row's Continuation of Blair's Autobiography</i>, edit. Wodrow Society,
+p. 255; <i>Bower's History of the University of Edinburgh</i>, vol. i. p.
+253; <i>Presbytery Book of Strathbogie</i>, edit. Spalding Club, p. 169; and,
+above all, the <i>Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark</i>, published by the
+Abbotsford Club, Edinburgh, 1839, 4to, pp. 88, 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a> Wodrow, who had before him the records of the Privy
+Council, besides other evidence now lost, says, that the period from
+1660 to 1688 was &lsquo;a very horrid scene of oppression, hardships, and
+cruelty, which, were it not incontestably true, and well vouched and
+supported, could not be credited in after ages.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's History of
+the Church of Scotland from the Restoration to the Revolution</i>, vol. i.
+p. 57. And the Reverend Alexander Shields, quaintly, but truly,
+observes, &lsquo;that the said Government was the most untender, unpeaceable,
+tyrannical, arbitrary and wicked, that ever was in Scotland in any age
+or period.&rsquo; <i>Shields' Scots Inquisition</i>, Edinburgh, 1745, p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a> When James I. ascended the throne of England, &lsquo;the
+principal native nobility&rsquo; accompanied him; and &lsquo;the very peace which
+ensued upon the union of the crowns, may be considered as the
+commencement of an era in which many of our national strongholds were
+either transformed into simple residences or utterly deserted.&rsquo;
+<i>Irving's History of Dumbartonshire</i>, 4to, 1860, pp. 137, 166. The
+nobles &lsquo;had no further occasion to make a figure in war, their power in
+vassalage was of little use, and their influence of course decayed. They
+knew little of the arts of peace, and had no disposition to cultivate
+them.&rsquo; <i>The Interest of Scotland Considered</i>, Edinburgh, 1733, p. 85.
+Under Charles I., the movement continued; &lsquo;which fell out, partly
+through the giddiness of the times, but more by the way his Majesty had
+taken at the beginning of his reign; at which time he did recover from
+divers of them their hereditary offices, and also pressed them to quit
+their tithes (which formerly had kept the gentry in a dependance upon
+them), whereby they were so weaken'd that now when he stood most in need
+of them (except the chief of the clans) they could command none but
+their vassals.&rsquo; <i>Guthry's Memoirs</i>, edit. 1702, pp. 127, 128. Then came
+the civil wars, and the rule of Cromwell, during which they suffered
+both in person and in property. Compare <i>Chambers' Annals</i>, vol. ii. p.
+225, with <i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. pp. 515, 516. In
+1654, Baillie writes (<i>Letters and Journals</i>, vol. iii. p. 249): &lsquo;Our
+nobilitie, weell near all, are wracked.&rsquo; In 1656, &lsquo;Our nobles lying up
+in prisons, and under forfaultries, or debts, private or publict, are
+for the most part either broken or breaking.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 317. And, in
+1658, the same observer writes (vol. iii. p. 387): &lsquo;Our noble families
+are almost gone: Lennox hes little in Scotland unsold; Hamilton's
+estate, except Arran and the Baronrie of Hamilton, is sold; Argyle can
+pay little annuelrent for seven or eight hundred thousand merks; and he
+is no more drowned in debt than publict hatred, almost of all, both
+Scottish and English; the Gordons are gone; the Douglasses little
+better; Eglintoun and Glencairn on the brink of breaking; many of our
+chief families estates are cracking; nor is there any appearance of any
+human relief for the tyme.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>The result of all this is thus described by Wodrow, under the year 1661:
+&lsquo;Our nobility and gentry were remarkably changed to the worst: it was
+but few of such, who had been active in the former years, were now
+alive, and those few were marked out for ruin. A young generation had
+sprung up under the English government, educated under penury and
+oppression; their estates were under burden, and many of them had little
+other prospect of mending their fortunes, but by the king's favour, and
+so were ready to act that part he was best pleased with.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's
+History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a> &lsquo;At the Restoration, Charles II. regained full possession
+of the royal prerogative in Scotland; and the nobles, whose estates were
+wasted, or their spirit broken, by the calamities to which they have
+been exposed, were less able and less willing than ever to resist the
+power of the crown. During his reign, and that of James VII., the
+dictates of the monarch were received in Scotland with most abject
+submission. The poverty to which many of the nobles were reduced,
+rendered them meaner slaves and more intolerable tyrants than ever. The
+people, always neglected, were now odious, and loaded with every injury,
+on account of their attachment to religious and political principles,
+extremely repugnant to those adopted by their princes.&rsquo; <i>Robertson's
+History of Scotland</i>, book viii. pp. 257, 258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a> A writer of great authority, speaking of the time of
+William III., says: &lsquo;It is scarcely possible to conceive how utterly
+polluted the fountain of justice had become during the two preceding
+reigns. The Scottish bench had been profligate and subservient to the
+utmost conceivable extent of profligacy and subserviency.&rsquo; <i>Burton's
+History of Scotland</i>, from 1689 to 1748, London, 1853, vol. i p. 72. See
+also vol. ii. p. 37; and <i>Brown's History of Glasgow</i>, vol. i. p. 194,
+Glasgow, 1795.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a> <i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 10. <i>Baillie's
+Letters and Journals</i>, vol. iii. p. 458. As few persons take the trouble
+to read Scotch Acts of Parliament, I will extract from this one, its
+most argumentative passage. &lsquo;And forasmuch as now it hath pleased
+Almighty God, by the power of his oune right hand, so miracoulously to
+restore the Kings Maiestie to the Government of his Kingdomes, and to
+the exercise of his Royall power and Soveranity over the same: The
+estates of Parlia<sup>t</sup> doe conceave themselffs obleidged in dischairge of
+ther duetie and conscience to God and the Kings Maiestie, to imploy all
+their power and interest for vindicateing his Maiesties Authority from
+all these violent invasions that have been made upon it; And so far as
+is possible to <i>remove out of the way every thing that may retaine any
+remembrance of these things</i> which have been so enjurious to his
+Màtie and his Authority, so prejudiciall and dishonourable to
+the kingdome, and distructive to all just and true interests within the
+same.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Not to retaine any remembrance thairof, but that the same
+shall be held in <i>everlasting oblivion</i>.&rsquo; <i>Acts of the Parliaments of
+Scotland</i>, vol. vii. p. 87, edit. folio, 1820. The date of this Act is
+28th March 1661.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a> He was made &lsquo;primate&rsquo; in 1661, but did not arrive in
+Scotland till April 1662. <i>Wodrow's History of the Church of Scotland</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 236, 247; and <i>Nicoll's Diary</i>, pp. 363, 364. &lsquo;That he was
+decent, if not regular, in his deportment, endued with the most
+industrious diligence, and not illiterate, was never disputed; that he
+was vain, vindictive, perfidious, at once haughty and servile, rapacious
+and cruel, his friends have never attempted to disown.&rsquo; <i>Laing's History
+of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. pp. 98, 99. The formal establishment of
+episcopacy was in the autumn of 1661, as we learn from an entry in
+Lamont's Diary. &lsquo;1661. Sept. 5 being Thursday, (the chancelour,
+Glencairne, and the E. of Rothes, haueing come downe from court some
+dayes before,) the cownsell of state satt att Edb., and the nixt day,
+being Fryday, they caused emitte and be proclaimed ouer the Crosse, a
+proclamation in his Maj. name, for establishing Episcopacie againe in
+the church of Scotlande; which was done with great solemnitie, and was
+afterwarde printed. <i>All persons, wither men or weomen, were discharged
+to speake against that office, under the paine of treason.</i>&rsquo; <i>The Diary
+of Mr. John Lamont</i>, p. 140. This, as we learn from another
+contemporary, was on account of &lsquo;the Kinges Majestie having stedfastlie
+resolvit to promove the estait, power, and dignitie of Bischops, and to
+<i>remove all impedimentes contrary thairto</i>.&rsquo; <i>Nicoll's Diary</i>, 4to, p.
+353; on 21st November 1661. This curious diary, written by John Nicoll,
+and extending from 1650 to 1667, was printed at Edinburgh, in 1836, by
+the Bannatyne Club, and is now not often met with.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a> <i>Wodrow's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp.
+383, 390&ndash;395. <i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 38: &lsquo;A court of
+ecclesiastical commission was procured by Sharp.&rsquo; See also p. 41: &lsquo;Under
+the influence of Sharp and the prelates, which Lauderdale's friends were
+unable to resist, the government seemed to be actuated by a blind
+resentment against its own subjects.&rsquo; Compare <i>Burnet's History of his
+own Time</i>, vol. i. p. 365. &lsquo;The truth is, the whole face of the
+government looked liker the proceedings of an inquisition than of legal
+courts; and yet Sharp was never satisfied.&rsquo; Another contemporary,
+Kirkton, says of these Commissioners: &lsquo;For ought I could hear, never one
+appeared before them that escapt without punishment. Their custom was
+without premonition or lybell, to ask a man a question, and judge him
+presently, either upon his silence or his answer.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;They many times
+doubled the legal punishment; and not being satisfied with the fyne
+appointed by law, they used to add religation to some remote places, or
+deportation to Barbadoes, or selling into slavery.&rsquo; <i>Kirkton's History
+of the Church of Scotland</i>, p. 206. See also <i>Naphtali, or the
+Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland</i>, 1667, pp. 126&ndash;130. But as
+particular cases bring such matters more clearly before the mind, I will
+transcribe, from <i>Crookshank's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol.
+i. p. 154, the sentences pronounced on a single occasion by this
+episcopal court. &lsquo;The treatment of some of the parishioners of Ancrum is
+not to be omitted. When their excellent minister, Mr. Livingstone, was
+taken from them, one Mr. James Scot, who was under the sentence of
+excommunication, was presented to that charge. On the day fixed for his
+settlement, several people did meet together to oppose it; and
+particularly a country woman, desiring to speak with him in order to
+dissuade him from intruding himself upon a reclaiming people, pulled him
+by the cloak, intreating him to hear her a little; whereupon he turned
+and beat her with his staff. This provoked two or three boys to throw a
+few stones, which neither touched him nor any of his company. However,
+it was presently looked upon as a treasonable tumult, and therefore the
+sheriff and justices of the peace in that bounds fined and imprisoned
+some of these people, which, one would think, might atone for a crime of
+this nature. But the high-commission, not thinking that sufficient,
+ordered those criminals to be brought before them. Accordingly, the four
+boys and this woman, with two brothers of hers of the name of Turnbull,
+were brought prisoners to Edinburgh. The four boys confessed, that, upon
+Scot's beating the woman, they had thrown each his stone. The
+commissioner told them that hanging was too good for them. However, the
+sentence of this merciless court only was, that they should be scourged
+through the city of Edinburgh, burnt in the face with a hot iron, and
+then sold as slaves to Barbadoes. The boys endured their punishment like
+men and Christians, to the admiration of multitudes. The two brothers
+were banished to Virginia; and the woman was ordered to be whipped
+through the town of Jedburgh. Burnet, bishop of Glasgow, when applied to
+that she might be spared lest she should be with child, mildly answered,
+That he would make them claw the itch out of her shoulders.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a> They were invested with such immense power, that &lsquo;the old
+set of bishops made by the parliament, 1612, were but pigmies to the
+present high and mighty lords.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's History of the Church of
+Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 262. See also, at p. 286, the remarks of Douglas:
+&lsquo;It is no wonder then the complaint against their bishops be, that their
+little finger is thicker than the loins of the former.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a> In 1663, Middleton was dismissed; and was succeeded by
+Lauderdale, who &lsquo;was dependent upon the prelates, and was compelled to
+yield to their most furious demands.&rsquo; <i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>,
+vol. iv. p. 33. &lsquo;The influence, or rather the tyranny, which was thus at
+the discretion of the prelates, was unlimited; and they exercised it
+with an unsparing hand.&rsquo; <i>Bower's History of the University of
+Edinburgh</i>, vol. i. p. 284.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a> &lsquo;Sir James Turner, that commanded them, was naturally
+fierce, but was mad when he was drunk; and that was very often.&rsquo;
+<i>Burnet's History of his own Time</i>, vol. i. p. 364. Kirkton (<i>History of
+the Church</i>, p. 221) says: &lsquo;Sir James Turner hade made ane expedition to
+the west countrey <i>to subdue it to the bishops</i>, in the year 1664;
+another in the year 1665; and a third in the year 1666; and this was the
+worst.&rsquo; Full particulars will be found in <i>Wodrow's History of the
+Church of Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 373&ndash;375, 411, vol. ii. pp. 8, 17, vol.
+iii. pp. 264, 265. &lsquo;This method of dragooning people to the church, as
+it is contrary to the spirit of Christianity, so it was a stranger in
+Scotland, till Bishop Sharpe and the prelates brought it in.&rsquo; vol. i. p.
+401.</p>
+
+<p>Sir James Turner, whose Memoirs, written by himself, were not published
+till thirty years ago, relates an anecdote of his own drunkenness in a
+strain of maudlin piety well worthy of his career. <i>Turner's Memoirs of
+his own Life</i>, Edinburgh, 1829, 4to, pp. 42, 43. At p. 206, this
+impudent man writes: &lsquo;And yet I confesse, my humour never was, nor is
+not yet, one of the calmest; when it will be, God onlie knoues; yet by
+many sad passages of my life, I know that <i>it hath beene good for me to
+be afflicted</i>.&rsquo; Perhaps, however, he may take the benefit of his
+assertion (p. 144), &lsquo;that I was so farre from exceeding or transgressing
+my commission and instructions, that I never came the full length of
+them.&rsquo; Considering the cruelties he committed, what sort of instructions
+could his superiors have given to him?</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a> &lsquo;Sir James Turner lately had forced Galloway to rise in
+arms, by his cruelty the last and former years; but he was an easy
+master, compared with General Dalziel, his ruffians, and Sir William
+Bannatyne, this year.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Church of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 62.
+Dalziel &lsquo;cruelly tortured whom he would.&rsquo; p. 63. One woman &lsquo;is brought
+prisoner to Kilmarnock, where she was sentenced to be let down to a deep
+pit, under the house of the dean, full of toads and other vile
+creatures. Her shrieks thence were heard at a great distance.&rsquo; p. 64.
+Two countrymen were &lsquo;bound together with cords, and hanged up by their
+thumbs to a tree, there to hang all night.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> Sir William
+Bannatyne's soldiers seized a woman, &lsquo;and bound her, and put lighted
+matches betwixt her fingers for several hours; the torture and pain made
+her almost distracted; she lost one of her hands, and in a few days she
+died.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> &lsquo;Oppressions, murders, robberies, rapes.&rsquo; p. 65. &lsquo;He made
+great fires, and laid down men to roast before them, when they would
+not, or could not, give him the money he required, or the information he
+was seeking.&rsquo; p. 104. See also <i>Crookshank's History of the Church of
+Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 204&ndash;207. The History is based upon Wodrow's great
+work, but contains many facts with which Wodrow was unacquainted. See
+<i>Crookshank</i>, vol. i. p. 11. Respecting the outrages in 1667, there are
+some horrible details in a book published in that very year, under the
+title of <i>Naphtali, or the Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland</i>. See,
+especially, the summary at p. 174: &lsquo;wounding, beating, stripping and
+imprisoning mens persons, violent breaking of their houses both by day
+and night, and beating and wounding of wives and children, ravishing and
+deflowring of women, forcing wives and other persons by fired matches
+and other tortures to discover their husbands and nearest relations,
+although it be not within the compass of their knowledge, and driving
+and spoiling all their goods that can be carried away, without respect
+to guilt or innocency.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a> &lsquo;That whosoever without licence or authoritie forsaid
+shall preach, expound Scripture, or pray at any of these meetings in the
+ffeild, or in any house wher ther be moe persons nor the house
+contains, so as some of them be without doors (which is hereby declared
+to be a feild conventicle), or who shall convocat any number of people
+to these meetings, shall be punished with death and confiscation of ther
+goods.&rsquo; <i>Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland</i>, vol. viii. p. 9, edit.
+1820, folio. This was on the 13th August 1670.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a> The immediate pretence being, to do away with appeals. See
+<i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. pp. 72&ndash;74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a> &lsquo;Savage hosts of Highlanders were sent down to depopulate
+the western shires, to the number of ten or eleven thousand, who acted
+most outrageous barbarities, even almost to the laying some counties
+desolate.&rsquo; <i>A Cloud of Witnesses for the Royal Prerogatives of Jesus
+Christ</i>, edit. Glasgow, 1779, p. 18. But most authorities state the
+number to have been eight thousand. See <i>Kirkton's History</i>, p. 386;
+<i>Arnot's History of Edinburgh</i>, p. 154; <i>Burnet's History of his own
+Time</i>, vol. ii. p. 134; <i>Denholm's History of Glasgow</i>, p. 67; and <i>Life
+and Sufferings of John Nisbet</i>, in <i>Select Biographies</i>, published by
+the Wodrow Society, vol. ii. p. 381. Chalmers, however, in his
+<i>Caledonia</i>, vol. iii. p. 592, says 10,000.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a> &lsquo;They were indemnified against all pursuits, civil and
+criminal, on account of killing, wounding, apprehending, or imprisoning,
+such as should oppose them.&rsquo; <i>Crookshank's History of the Church of
+Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 337, 338.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a> Short and imperfect notices of this &lsquo;Highland Host,&rsquo; as it
+was called at the time, may be found in <i>Kirkton's History</i>, pp.
+385&ndash;390, and in <i>Crookshank's History</i>, vol. i. pp. 354, 355. But the
+fullest account of the enormities committed by these barbarians, is in
+Wodrow's great work, collected from authentic and official documents.
+See his <i>History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. pp. 375&ndash;413,
+421&ndash;432, vol. iii. pp. 76, 79, 486. They were provided beforehand with
+implements of torture. &lsquo;They had good store of iron shackles, as if they
+were to lead back vast numbers of slaves, and thumb-locks, as they call
+them&rsquo; (<i>i.e.</i> thumb-screws), &lsquo;to make their examinations and trials
+with.&rsquo; vol. ii. p. 389. &lsquo;In some places they tortured people, by
+scorching their bodies at vast fires, and other wise,&rsquo; vol. ii. p. 422.
+Compare <i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 88. &lsquo;Neither age nor
+sex was exempt from outrage, and torture was freely employed to extort a
+confession of hidden wealth.&rsquo; And, at p. 91, &lsquo;The Highlanders, after
+exacting free quarters, and wasting the country for three months, were
+dismissed to their hills with impunity and wealth.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a> &lsquo;Indeed, the whole of the severity, hardships, and
+bloodshed from this year&rsquo; (1661), &lsquo;until the revolution, was either
+actually brought on by the bishops, procured by them, or done for their
+support.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 223.
+&lsquo;It was our prelates who pushed the council to most of their
+severities.&rsquo; p. 247. &lsquo;The bishops, indeed, violently pushed
+prosecutions.&rsquo; <i>Crookshank's History of the Church</i>, vol. i. p. 298. In
+1666, &lsquo;As to the prelates, they resolved to use all severities, and to
+take all imaginable cruel and rigorous ways and courses, first against
+the rest of the prisoners, and then against the whole west of Scotland.&rsquo;
+<i>Row's Continuation of Blair's Autobiography</i>, pp. 505, 506, edit.
+Edinburgh, 1848. This interesting work is edited by Dr. M'Crie, and
+published by the Wodrow Society.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a> In 1688, &lsquo;the bishops concurred in a pious and convivial
+address to James, as the darling of heaven, that God might give him the
+hearts of his subjects and the necks of his enemies.&rsquo; <i>Laing's History
+of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 193.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a> &lsquo;After the Duke of York came down in October&rsquo;(1680), &lsquo;the
+persecution turned yet more severe.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's History of the Church of
+Scotland</i>, vol. iii. p. 225. &lsquo;Persecution and tyranny, mainly promoted
+by the Duke of York's instigation.&rsquo; <i>Shields' Hind let loose</i>, p. 147.
+&lsquo;Immediately upon his mounting the throne, the executions and acts
+prosecuting the persecution of the poor wanderers, were more cruel than
+ever.&rsquo; p. 200.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> This was well known in Scotland; and is evidently alluded
+to by a writer of that time, the Rev. Alexander Shields, who calls
+James, not a man, but a monster. See <i>Shields' Hind let loose</i>, 1687, p.
+365. &lsquo;This man, or monster rather, that is now mounted the throne.&rsquo; And
+a monster surely he was. Compare <i>Crookshank's History of the Church of
+Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 66, where it is mentioned that, when Spreul was
+tortured, &lsquo;the Duke of York was pleased to gratify his eyes with this
+delightful scene.&rsquo; Also, <i>Wodrow's History</i>, vol. iii. p. 253, and
+<i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 116. &lsquo;According to Burnet, the
+duke's pleasure at witnessing human agony was a cold, and, as it were, a
+speculative pleasure, as if he were present for the purpose of
+contemplating some curious experiment. But James was so excitable a man,
+that this is hardly likely. At all events, the remarks of Burnet have a
+painful interest for those who study these dark, and, as we may rejoice
+to think, these very rare, forms of human malignity.&rsquo; &lsquo;When any are to
+be struck in the boots, it is done in the presence of the council; and
+upon that occasion, almost all offer to run away. The sight is so
+dreadful, that without an order restraining such a number to stay, the
+board would be forsaken. But the duke, while he had been in Scotland,
+was so far from withdrawing, that he looked on all the while with an
+unmoved indifference, and <i>with an attention, as if he had been to look
+on some curious experiment</i>. This gave a terrible idea of him to all
+that observed it, as of a man that had no bowels nor humanity in him.&rsquo;
+<i>Burnet's History of his own Time</i>, vol. ii. pp. 416, 417.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a> Shields (<i>A Hind let loose</i>, p. 186) describes the boots,
+as &lsquo;a cruel engine of iron, whereby, with wedges, the leg is tortured,
+until the marrow come out of the bone.&rsquo; Compare <i>Naphtali, or the
+Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland</i>, 1667, p. 268: &lsquo;the extraordinary
+compression both of flesh, sinews, and bones, by the force of timber
+wedges and hammer.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a> In 1684, Carstairs was subjected to this torture. See his
+own account, in a letter printed in <i>Wodrow's History of the Church of
+Scotland</i>, vol. iv. pp. 96&ndash;100. He writes (p. 99): &lsquo;After this
+communing, the king's smith was called in, to bring in a new instrument
+to torture by the thumbkins, that had never been used before. For
+whereas the former was only to screw on two pieces of iron above and
+below with finger and thumb, these were made to turn about the screw
+with the whole hand. And under this torture, I continued near an hour
+and a half.&rsquo; See also the case of Spence, in the same year, in <i>Burnet's
+History of his own Time</i>, vol. ii. p. 418. &lsquo;Little screws of steel were
+made use of, that screwed the thumbs with so exquisite a torment, that
+he sunk under this; for Lord Perth told him, they would screw every
+joint of his whole body, one after another, till he took the oath.&rsquo;
+Laing (<i>History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 143) says, &lsquo;the thumbikins;
+small screws of steel that compressed the thumb and the whole hand with
+an exquisite torture;&rsquo; an invention brought by Drummond and Dalziel from
+Russia. For other notices, see <i>Fountainhall's Notes of Scottish
+Affairs</i> from 1680 till 1701, Edinburgh, 4to, 1822, pp. 41, 97, 101;
+<i>Bower's History of the University of Edinburgh</i>, vol. ii. p. 30;
+<i>Crookshank's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 192; <i>A
+Cloud of Witnesses for the Royal Prerogatives of Jesus Christ</i>, edit.
+Glasgow, 1779, p. 371; and <i>Life of Walter Smith</i>, p. 85, in the second
+volume of <i>Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana</i>, Edinburgh, 1827.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a> &lsquo;In 1684, the Scottish nation was in the most distressing
+and pitiable situation that can be imagined.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The state of society
+had now become such, that, in Edinburgh, attention to ordinary business
+was neglected, and every one was jealous of his neighbour.&rsquo; <i>Bower's
+History of the University of Edinburgh</i>, vol. i. p. 307.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a> &lsquo;Upon the 10th of March, all freeholders, heritors, and
+gentlemen in Nithsdale and Annandale, and, I suppose, in most other
+shires of the kingdom, but I name those as being the scene of the
+severities now used, were summoned to attend the king's standard; and
+the militia in the several shires were raised. Wherever Claverhouse
+came, he resolved upon narrow and universal work. He used to set his
+horse upon the hills and eminences, and that in different parties, that
+none might escape; and there his foot went through the lower, marshy,
+and mossy places, where the horse could not do so well. The shire he
+parcelled out in so many divisions, and six or eight miles square would
+be taken in at once. In every division, the whole inhabitants, men and
+women, young and old, without distinction, were all driven into one
+convenient place.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;All the children in the division were gathered
+together by themselves, under ten years, and above six years of age, and
+a party of soldiers were drawn out before them. Then they were bid pray,
+for they were going to be shot. Some of them would answer, Sir, we
+cannot pray.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;At other times, they treated them most inhumanly,
+threatening them with death, and at some little distance would fire
+pistols without ball in their face. Some of the poor children were
+frighted almost out of their wits, and others of them stood all out with
+a courage perfectly above their age. These accounts are so far out of
+the ordinary way of mankind, that I would not have insert them, had I
+not before me several informations agreeing in all these circumstances,
+written at this time by people who knew the truth of them.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's
+History of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. pp. 255, 256.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a> &lsquo;Numbers were transported to Jamaica, Barbadoes, and the
+North American settlements; but the women were not unfrequently burnt in
+the cheek, and the ears of the men were lopt off, to prevent, or to
+detect, their return,&rsquo; <i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 162.
+&lsquo;Great multitudes banished,&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's History of the Church</i>, vol. iv.
+p. 211. In July 1685, &lsquo;the men are ordered to have their ears cropt, and
+the women to be marked in their hand.&rsquo; p. 217. &lsquo;To have the following
+stigma and mark, that they may be known as banished persons if they
+shall return to this kingdom, <i>viz.</i> that the men have one of their ears
+cut off by the hand of the hangman, and that the women be burnt by the
+same hand on the cheek with a burned iron.&rsquo; p. 218. These are extracts
+from the proceedings of the privy-council.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a> &lsquo;James II. favoured the Highland clans,&rsquo; Note in
+<i>Fountainhall's Scottish Affairs</i> from 1680 till 1701, p. 100. He could
+hardly do otherwise. The alliance was natural, and ready-made for him.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a> Except robbing, which, however, in one form or other, is
+always a part of war. In this, they were very apt. Burnet (<i>History of
+his own Time</i>, vol. i. p. 67) pithily describes them as &lsquo;good at
+robbing;&rsquo; and Burton (<i>Lives of Lovat and Forbes</i>, p. 47) says, &lsquo;To
+steal even vestments was considerably more creditable than to make
+them.&rsquo; Otherwise, they were completely absorbed by their passion for
+war. See <i>Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites</i>, vol. ii. pp. 175, 176,
+London, 1845.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a> &lsquo;Revenge was accounted a duty, the destruction of a
+neighbour a meritorious exploit, and rapine an honourable employment.&rsquo;
+<i>Browne's History of the Highlands</i>, vol. iv. p. 395. &lsquo;The spirit of
+rivalry between the clans kept up a taste for hostility, and converted
+rapine into a service of honour.&rsquo; <i>Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a> Hence, looking, as they did, merely at the physical
+qualities of individuals, the appearance of the Pretender in 1715
+disgusted them, notwithstanding his splendid lineage. See some excellent
+remarks in <i>Burton's History of Scotland</i>, from 1689 to 1748, London,
+1853, vol. ii. pp. 198, 199. At p. 383, Mr. Burton justly observes, that
+&lsquo;those who really knew the Highlanders were aware that the followers
+were no more innate supporters of King James's claim to the throne of
+Britain, than of Maria Theresa's to the throne of Hungary. They went
+with the policy of the head of the clan, whatever that might be; and
+though upwards of half a century's advocacy of the exiled house&rsquo; (this
+refers to the last rebellion in 1745) &lsquo;had made Jacobitism appear a
+political creed in some clans, it was among the followers, high and low,
+little better than a nomenclature, which might be changed with
+circumstances.&rsquo; Since Robertson, Mr. Burton and Mr. Chambers are, I will
+venture to say, the two writers who have taken the most accurate and
+comprehensive views of the history of Scotland. Robertson's History
+stops short where the most important period begins; and his materials
+were scanty. But what he effected with those materials was wonderful. To
+my mind, his History of Scotland is much the greatest of his
+works.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a> A curious description of their appearance, given by the
+<i>Derby Mercury</i> in 1746 (in <i>Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 115), may be compared with the more general statement in
+<i>Anderson's Prize Essay on the Highlands</i>, Edinburgh, 1827, p. 128.
+&lsquo;Cattle were the main resources of the tribe&mdash;the acquisition of these
+the great object of their hostile forrays. The precarious crops gave
+them wherewithal to bake their oaten cakes, or distil their ale or
+whisky. When these failed, the crowded population suffered every extreme
+of misery and want. At one time in particular, in Sutherland, they were
+compelled to subsist on broth made of nettles, thickened with a little
+oatmeal. At another, those who had cattle, to have recourse to the
+expedient of bleeding them, and mixing the blood with oatmeal, which
+they afterwards cut into slices and fried.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a> Several writers erroneously term them &lsquo;unnatural.&rsquo; See,
+for instance, <i>Rae's History of the Rebellion</i>, London, 1746, pp. 158,
+169: and <i>Home's History of the Rebellion</i>, London, 1802, 4to, p. 347.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a> &lsquo;When the rebels began their march to the southward, they
+were not 6000 men complete,&rsquo; <i>Home's History of the Rebellion in the
+Year 1745</i>, 4to, p. 137. At Stirling, the army, &lsquo;after the junction was
+made, amounted to somewhat more than 9000 men, the greatest number that
+Charles ever had under his command,&rsquo; p. 164. But the actual invaders of
+England were much fewer. &lsquo;The number of the rebels when they began their
+march into England was a few above 5000 foot, with about 500 on
+horseback.&rsquo; <i>Home</i>, p. 331. Browne (<i>History of the Highlands</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 140) says: &lsquo;When mustered at Carlisle, the prince's army
+amounted only to about 4500 men;&rsquo; and Lord George Murray states that, at
+Derby, &lsquo;we were not above five thousand fighting men, if so many.&rsquo;
+<i>Jacobite Memoirs of the Rebellion of 1745</i>, edited by Robert Chambers,
+Edinburgh, 1834, p. 54. Another writer, relying mainly on traditional
+evidence, says, &lsquo;Charles, at the head of 4000 Highlanders, marched as
+far as Derby.&rsquo; <i>Brown's History of Glasgow</i>, vol. ii. p. 41, Edinburgh,
+1797. Compare <i>Johnstone's Memoirs of the Rebellion</i>, 3rd edit., London,
+1822, pp. xxxvii. xxxviii. 30&ndash;32, 52. Johnstone says, p. 60, &lsquo;M.
+Patullo, our muster-master, reviewed our army at Carlisle, when it did
+not exceed four thousand five hundred men.&rsquo; Afterwards, returning to
+Scotland, &lsquo;our army was suddenly increased to eight thousand men, the
+double of what it was when we were in England.&rsquo; p. 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a> &lsquo;Orders were given to proceed in the direction of
+Carlisle, and recall the detachment sent forward to Dumfries. The
+Highlanders, still true to their stagnant principles, refused
+obedience.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Pecuniary negotiations were now commenced, and they were
+offered sixpence a day of regular pay&mdash;reasonable remuneration at that
+period to ordinary troops, but to the wild children of the mountain a
+glittering bribe, which the most steady obstinacy would alone resist. It
+was partly effective.&rsquo; <i>Burton's History of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 168.
+&lsquo;And from this day, the Highlanders had sixpence a head per day payed
+them to keep them in good order and under command.&rsquo; <i>Patten's History of
+the late Rebellion</i>, London, 1717, p. 73. See also, on the unwillingness
+of the Highlanders to enter England, <i>Rae's History of the Rebellion</i>,
+London, 1746, 2d edit. pp. 270, 271. Browne says (<i>History of the
+Highlands</i>, vol. ii. pp. 300, 304): &lsquo;The aversion of the Highlanders,
+from different considerations, to a campaign in England, was almost
+insuperable;&rsquo; but &lsquo;by the aid of great promises and money, the greater
+part of the Highlanders were prevailed upon to follow the fortunes of
+their commander.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_361_361" id="Footnote_361_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a> &lsquo;Few victories have been more entire. It is said that
+scarcely two hundred of the infantry escaped.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The Highlanders
+obtained a glorious booty in arms and clothes, besides self-moving
+watches, and other products of civilisation, which surprised and puzzled
+them. Excited by such acquisitions, a considerable number could not
+resist the old practice of their people to return to their glens, and
+decorate their huts with their spoil.&rsquo; <i>Burton's History of Scotland</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 465. Compare <i>Home's History of the Rebellion</i>, p. 123. This
+was an old practice of theirs, as Montrose found out, a century earlier,
+&lsquo;when many of the Highlanders, being loaded with spoil, deserted
+privately, and soon after returned to their own country.&rsquo; <i>Wishart's
+Memoirs of the Marquis of Montrose</i>, Edinburgh, 1819, p. 189. So, too,
+Burnet (<i>Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton</i>, p. 272): &lsquo;Besides, any
+companies could be brought down from the Highlands might do well enough
+for a while, but no order could be expected from them, for as soon as
+they were loaded with plunder and spoil, they would run away home to
+their lurking holes, and desert those who had trusted them.&rsquo; See also p.
+354. A more recent writer, drawing a veil over this little infirmity,
+remarks, with much delicacy, that &lsquo;the Highlanders, brave as they were,
+had a custom of returning home after a battle.&rsquo; <i>Thomson's Memoirs of
+the Jacobites</i>, London, 1845, vol. i. p. 122. Not unfrequently they
+first robbed their fellow-soldiers. In 1746, Bisset writes: &lsquo;The
+Highlanders, who went off after the battel, carried off horses and
+baggage from their own men, the Lowlanders.&rsquo; <i>Diary of the Reverend John
+Bisset</i>, in <i>Miscellany of the Spalding Club</i>, vol. i. p. 377, Aberdeen,
+1841, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_362_362" id="Footnote_362_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a> &lsquo;Whoever desired, with the sword, to disturb or overturn a
+fixed government, was sure of the aid of the chiefs, because a settled
+government was ruinous to their power, and almost inimical to their
+existence. The more it cultivated the arts of peace, and throve on
+industrially created well-being, the more did it drive into an
+antagonist position a people who did not change their nature, who made
+no industrial progress, and who lived by the swords which acquired for
+them the fruits of other men's industry. With their interests, a
+peaceful, strong government was as inconsistent as a well-guarded
+sheepfold with the interest of wolves.&rsquo; <i>Burton's History of Scotland</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 105, 106. &lsquo;The Highlanders, in all reigns, have been
+remarkable for disturbing the established government of Scotland by
+taking up arms on every invasion for the invaders.&rsquo; <i>Marchant's History
+of the present Rebellion</i>, London, 1746, p. 18. See also <i>Macky's
+Journey through Scotland</i>, London, 1732, p. 129; and a short, but very
+curious, account of the Highlanders, in 1744, in <i>The Miscellany of the
+Spalding Club</i>, vol. ii. pp. 87&ndash;89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_363_363" id="Footnote_363_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a> An observer, who had excellent opportunities of studying
+their character between the rebellion of 1715 and that of 1745, writes,
+&lsquo;The ordinary Highlanders esteem it the most sublime degree of virtue to
+love their chief, and pay him a blind obedience, although it be in
+opposition to the government, the laws of the kingdom, or even to the
+law of God. He is their idol; and as <i>they profess to know no king but
+him</i> (I was going farther), so will they say, they ought to do whatever
+he commands, without inquiry.&rsquo; <i>Letters from a Gentleman in the North of
+Scotland</i>, edit. London, 1815, vol. ii. pp. 83, 84. &lsquo;The Highlanders in
+Scotland are, of all men in the world, the soonest wrought upon to
+follow their leaders or chiefs into the field, having a wonderful
+veneration for their Lords and Chieftains, as they are called there:
+<i>Nor do these people ever consider the validity of the engaging cause</i>,
+but blindly follow their chiefs into what mischief they please, and that
+with the greatest precipitation imaginable.&rsquo; <i>Patten's History of the
+Rebellion</i>, London, 1717, p. 151. &lsquo;The power of the chiefs over their
+clans was the true source of the two rebellions. The clansmen cared no
+more about the legitimate race of the Stuarts, than they did about the
+war of the Spanish succession.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The Jacobite Highland chiefs ranged
+their followers on the Jacobite side&mdash;the Hanoverians ranged theirs on
+the side of government. Lovat's conduct was a sort of <i>experimentum
+crucis</i>; he made his clan Hanoverian in one rebellion, and Jacobite in
+another.&rsquo; <i>Burton's Lives of Lovat and Forbes</i>, p. 150. Compare the
+change of side of the Mackintoshes, in <i>Browne's History of the
+Highlands</i>, vol. ii. p. 285. Even so late as the American war, the
+sovereign was deemed subordinate to the chief. &lsquo;One Captain Frazer from
+the northern district, brought down a hundred of his clan, all of the
+name of Frazer. Few of them could understand a word of English; and the
+only distinct idea they had of all the mustering of forces which they
+saw around them, was that they were going to fight for King Frazer and
+George ta Three.&rsquo; <i>Penny's Traditions of Perth</i>, pp. 49, 50, Perth,
+1836.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_364_364" id="Footnote_364_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a> Which gave rise to a report that they were cannibals. &lsquo;The
+late Mr. Halkston of Rathillet, who had been in this expedition&rsquo; (the
+Rebellion of 1745), &lsquo;told Mr. Young that the belief was general among
+the people of England, that the Highlanders ate children.&rsquo; <i>Johnstone's
+Memoirs of the Rebellion</i>, 3rd edit. London, 1822, p. 101. Such a
+rumour, notwithstanding its absurdity, was made somewhat plausible by
+the revolting conduct of the Highlanders in the first rebellion of 1715,
+when they committed, in the Lowlands, horrible outrages on corpses which
+they dug up. See the contemporary evidence, in <i>Correspondence of the
+Rev. Robert Wodrow</i>, published by the Wodrow Society, vol. ii. pp. 86,
+87, 93. &lsquo;They have even raised up some of my Lord Rothes's children and
+mangled their dead bodies&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;till the stench put them away.&rsquo; In 1745,
+they signalized their entrance into England in the following manner.
+&lsquo;The rebels, during their stay in Carlisle, committed the most shocking
+detestable villanies; for, not contented with robbing families of their
+most valuable effects, they scrupled not to act their brutal insolence
+on the persons of some young ladies, even in the presence of their
+parents. A gentleman, in a letter to his friend in London, writes thus:
+&ldquo;That, after being in a manner stripped of every thing, he had the
+misery to see three of his daughters treated in such a manner that he
+could not relate it.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Marchant's History of the present Rebellion</i>,
+London, 1746, pp. 181, 182.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_365_365" id="Footnote_365_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> Even when they had penetrated to Derby, the best informed
+of their own party despaired of success. See the Jacobitical account in
+<i>The Lockhart Papers</i>, London, 4to, 1817, vol. ii. p. 458:
+&lsquo;The next thing to be considered of, was what was now to be done;
+they were now at Derby, with an army not half the number of what they
+were reported to be, surrounded in a manner with regular troops on all
+sides, and more than double their number. To go forward, there was no
+encouragement, for their friends (if they had any) had kept little or no
+correspondence with them from the time they entered England.&rsquo; The
+Chevalier de Johnstone, who took an active part in the Rebellion,
+frankly says, &lsquo;If we had continued to advance to London, and had
+encountered all the troops of England, with the Hessians and Swiss in
+its pay, there was every appearance of our being immediately
+exterminated, without the chance of a single man escaping.&rsquo; <i>Johnstone's
+Memoirs of the Rebellion in 1745 and 1746</i>, p. 79.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_366_366" id="Footnote_366_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a> Lord George Murray, the commander-in-chief in 1745, was
+unwilling to advance far south of Carlisle, &lsquo;without more encouragement
+from the country than we had hitherto got.&rsquo; See his own account, in <i>The
+Jacobite Memoirs of the Rebellion of 1745</i>, edited by R. Chambers,
+Edinburgh, 1834, p. 48. But his prudent advice was overruled. The
+Highlanders pressed on; and that happened, which any one, tolerably
+acquainted with England, might have foreseen. Johnstone (<i>Memoirs of the
+Rebellion</i>, p. 70) says, &lsquo;In case of a defeat in England, no one in our
+army could by any possibility escape destruction, as the <i>English
+peasants were hostile towards us in the highest degree</i>; and, besides,
+the army of Marshal Wade was in our rear, to cut us off from all
+communication with Scotland.&rsquo; And at p. 81, &lsquo;In every place we passed
+through, we found the English very ill disposed towards us, except at
+Manchester, where there appeared some remains of attachment to the house
+of Stuart.&rsquo; The champion of arbitrary power would find a different
+reception now, in that magnificent specimen of English prosperity, and
+of true, open-mouthed, English fearlessness. But a century ago, the men
+of Manchester were poor and ignorant; and the statement of Johnstone
+respecting them is confirmed by Home, who says, &lsquo;At Manchester, several
+gentlemen, and about 200 or 300 of the common people, joined the rebel
+army; <i>these were the only Englishmen (a few individuals excepted) who
+joined Charles in his march through the country of England</i>.&rsquo; <i>Home's
+History of the Rebellion in 1745</i>, London, 1802, 4to, p. 145.
+In 1715, the English equally held back, except at Manchester. See
+<i>Patten's History of the late Rebellion</i>, London, 1717, pp. 89, 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_367_367" id="Footnote_367_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a> The establishment of roads caused great displeasure.
+Pennant, who visited Scotland in 1769, says, &lsquo;These publick works were
+at first very disagreeable to the old chieftains, and lessened their
+influence greatly: for by admitting strangers among them, their clans
+were taught that the Lairds were not the first of men.&rsquo; <i>Pennant's Tour
+in Scotland</i>, 4th edit. Dublin, 1775, vol. i. p. 204. Towards the end of
+the eighteenth century, this feeling began to die away. &lsquo;Till of late,
+the people of Kintail, as well as other Highlands, had a strong aversion
+to roads. The more inaccessible, the more secure, was their maxim.&rsquo;
+<i>Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland</i>, vol. vi. p. 244,
+Edinburgh, 1793.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_368_368" id="Footnote_368_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a> &lsquo;Soon after the establishment of the revolution
+settlement, the ardent feelings of the Scottish people were turned out
+of their old channels of religious controversy and war in the direction
+of commercial enterprise.&rsquo; <i>Burton's Criminal Trials in Scotland</i>, vol.
+i. p. 104. Compare <i>Burnet's History of his own Time</i>, vol. iv. pp. 286,
+287, 418; and the note (at p. 419): &lsquo;The lords and commons of Scotland
+were then desirous of getting into trade.&rsquo; This is under the year 1699.
+In 1698, Fletcher of Saltoun writes: &lsquo;by no contrivance of any man, but
+by an unforeseen and unexpected change of the genius of this nation, all
+their thoughts and inclinations, as if united and directed by a higher
+power, seemed to be turned upon trade, and to conspire together for its
+advancement.&rsquo; <i>First Discourse on the Affairs of Scotland</i>, in <i>Fletcher
+of Saltoun's Political Works</i>, Glasgow, 1749, p. 57. At this, the clergy
+were uneasy. In 1709, the Reverend Robert Wodrow expresses an opinion,
+in one of his letters, that &lsquo;the sin of our too great fondness for
+trade, to the neglecting of our more valuable interests, I humbly think
+will be written upon our judgment.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Correspondence</i>,
+Edinburgh, 1842, 8vo, vol. i. p. 67. In the same year, some ships being
+taken by the French, part of the loss fell upon Glasgow. Thereupon,
+Wodrow writes: &lsquo;It's said that in all there is about eighty thousand
+pound sterling lost there, whereof Glasgow has lost ten thousand pound.
+I wish trading persons may see the language of such a Providence. I am
+sure the Lord is remarkably frouning upon our trade, in more respects
+than one, since it was put in the room of religion, in the late
+alteration of our constitution.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. i. p. 218,
+4to, published by the Maitland Club.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_369_369" id="Footnote_369_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a> Laing (<i>History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 296), under the
+year 1703, says: &lsquo;Ever since the projected settlement at Darien, the
+genius of the nation had acquired a new direction; and as the press is
+the true criterion of the spirit of the times, the numerous productions
+on political and commercial subjects, with which it daily teemed, had
+supplanted the religious disputes of the former age.&rsquo; Unfortunately for
+Scotland, they were by no means supplanted. Still, the movement was
+great, and not to be mistaken.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_370_370" id="Footnote_370_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> &lsquo;It was only in 1710, that they began to throw off their
+armour, and allow the soldier to merge into the quiet and industrious
+craftsman.&rsquo; <i>Penny's Traditions of Perth</i>, p. 335, Perth, 1836. This
+particularly applies to the citizens of Perth.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_371_371" id="Footnote_371_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a> On these &lsquo;hereditary or proprietary jurisdictions,&rsquo; which
+conferred the right, or, I would rather say, the power, of putting
+people to death, see <i>Burton's History of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 425,
+vol. ii. p. 402. The technical term for so monstrous a privilege, was
+the right &lsquo;of pit and gallows.&rsquo; <i>Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
+Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 94; and <i>Mackenzie's Laws and Customs of Scotland
+in Matters Criminal</i>, pp. 70, 100, 187, 210. This meant, that men were
+to be hung, and women to be drowned. See also <i>Arnot's History of
+Edinburgh</i>, p. 224; <i>Fountainhall's Notes of Scottish Affairs</i>, p. 139;
+<i>Hume's History of the House of Douglas</i>, vol. i. p. 346; <i>Lettice's
+Scotland</i>, p. 271; <i>Sinclair's Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 417, vol. iv. p.
+478, vol. vi. pp. 195, 258, vol. viii. pp. 129, 348, vol. xiii. p. 563,
+vol. xiv. p. 34, vol. xvii. pp. 442, 600, vol. xviii. p. 473.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_372_372" id="Footnote_372_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a> Laing (<i>History of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 345) says, that
+in 1706, &lsquo;the commons in the Scottish parliament were 160; the peers
+145.&rsquo; Of these peers, the Treaty of Union declared that &lsquo;sixteen shall
+be the number to sit and vote in the House of Lords.&rsquo; <i>De Foe's History
+of the Union between England and Scotland</i>, London, 1786, 4to, pp. 205,
+538. The English House of Lords consisted of 179 members. See <i>The
+Lockhart Papers</i>, London, 1817, 4to, vol. i. pp. 343, 547. It was
+impossible to mistake the result of this sweeping measure, by which, as
+was said at the time, &lsquo;Scotland was to retrench her nobility.&rsquo; <i>De Foe's
+History of the Union</i>, p. 495. Compare p. 471: &lsquo;The nobility being
+thereby, as it were, degraded of their characters.&rsquo; In 1710, a Scotchman
+writes in his journal: &lsquo;It was one of the melancholyest sights to any
+that have any sense of our antient Nobility, to see them going throu for
+votes, and making partys, and giving their votes to others who once had
+their oun vote; and I suspect many of them reu the bargain they made, in
+giving their oun pouer away.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. i. p. 308.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_373_373" id="Footnote_373_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a> The Scotch, consequently, became so eager to do away with
+this source of mirth, that even as late as the year 1761, when the
+notorious lecturer, Sheridan, visited Edinburgh, &lsquo;such was the rage for
+speaking with an English accent, that more than three hundred gentlemen,
+among whom were the most eminent in the country for rank and learning,
+attended him.&rsquo; <i>Ritchie's Life of Hume</i>, London, 1807, p. 94. It was,
+however, during about twenty years immediately after the Union, that the
+Scotch members of Parliament, both Lords and Commons, were most jeered
+at in London, and were treated with marked disrespect, socially and
+politically. Not only were they mocked and lampooned, but they were also
+made tools of. In September 1711, Wodrow writes (<i>Analecta</i>, vol. i. p.
+348, 4to, 1842): &lsquo;In the beginning of this (month), I hear a generall
+dissatisfaction our Nobility, that wer at last Parliament, have at their
+treatment at London. They complean they are only made use of as tools
+among the English, and cast by when their party designes are over.&rsquo; The
+next year (1712), the Scotch members of the House of Commons met
+together, and expressed their &lsquo;high resentment of the uncivil, haughty
+treatment they mett with from the English.&rsquo; <i>The Lockhart Papers</i>,
+London, 1817, 4to, vol. i. p. 417. See, further, <i>Burton's History of
+Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 27. &lsquo;Without descending to rudeness, the polished
+contemporaries of Wharton and St. John could madden the sensitive and
+haughty Scots by light shafts of raillery, about their pronunciation or
+knowledge of parliamentary etiquette.&rsquo; Some curious observations upon
+the way in which the Scotch pronounced English, late in the seventeenth
+century, will be found in <i>Morer's Short Account of Scotland</i>, London,
+1702, pp. 13, 14. The author of this book was chaplain to a Scotch
+regiment.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_374_374" id="Footnote_374_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a> Among many illustrations with which contemporary memoirs
+abound, the following is by no means the worst. Burnet, as a Scotchman,
+thinks proper to say that those of his countrymen who were sent to
+parliament, &lsquo;were persons of such distinction, that they very well
+deserved&rsquo; the respect and esteem with which they were treated. To which,
+Lord Dartmouth adds: &lsquo;and were very importunate to have their deserts
+rewarded. A Scotch earl pressed Lord Godolphin extremely for a place. He
+said there was none vacant. The other said, his lordship could soon make
+one so, if he pleased. Lord Godolphin asked him, if he expected to have
+any body killed to make room? He said, No; but Lord Dartmouth commonly
+voted against the court, and every body wondered that he had not been
+turned out before now. Lord Godolphin told him, he hoped his lordship
+did not expect that he should be the person to propose it; and advised
+him never to mention it any more, for fear the queen should come to hear
+of it; for if she did, his lordship would run great risk never to have a
+place as long as she lived. But he could not forbear telling every
+where, how ill the lord treasurer had used him.&rsquo; <i>Burnet's History of
+his own Time</i>, vol. v. p. 349, Oxford, 1823. Compare the account, in
+1710, in <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. i. p. 293. &lsquo;Argyle is both picked
+(<i>i.e.</i> piqued) at Marlburrou, and his brother Yla, for refusing him a
+regiment; and Godolphin should have said to the queen that my Lord Yla
+was not to be trusted with a regiment! The Earl of Marr was one of the
+greatest cronnies Godolphine had, till the matter of his pension, after
+the Secretary office was taken from him, came about. Godolphine caused
+draw it during pleasure; Marr expected it during life, which the
+Treasurer would not yield to, and therefore they brake.&rsquo; The history of
+the time is full of these wretched squabbles, which show what the Scotch
+nobles were made of. Indeed, their rapacity was so shameless, that, in
+1711, several of them refused to perform their legislative duties in
+London, unless they received some offices which they expected. &lsquo;About
+the midle of this moneth, I hear ther was a meeting of severall of our
+Scots Peers, at the Viscount of Kilsyth's, where they concerted not to
+goe up to this parliament till peremptorly writ for; and (also) some
+assurance be given of the places they were made to hope for last session
+and have missed.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. i. p. 365. In 1712, the same
+Scotchman writes (<i>Analecta</i>, vol. ii. p. 8): &lsquo;Our Scots Peers' secession
+from the House of Peers makes much noise; but they doe not hold by it.
+They sometimes come and sometimes goe, and <i>they render themselves base
+in the eyes of the English</i>.&rsquo; See also a letter &lsquo;concerning the Scots
+Peerage,&rsquo; in <i>Somers' Tracts</i>, vol. xii. p. 607, edit. Scott, London,
+1814, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_375_375" id="Footnote_375_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> A Scotch writer, twenty years after the Union, says:
+&lsquo;Most of our gentlemen and people of quality, who have the best estates
+in our country, live for the most part at London.&rsquo; <i>Reasons for
+improving the Fisheries and Linen Manufacture of Scotland</i>, London,
+1727, p. 22. I do not know who wrote this curious little treatise; but
+the author was evidently a native of Scotland. See p. 25. I have,
+however, still earlier evidence to adduce. A letter from Wodrow, dated
+9th of August 1725, complains of &lsquo;the general sending our youth of
+quality to England:&rsquo; and a letter to him, in 1716, describes the
+Anglicizing process going on among the Scotch aristocracy, only nine
+years after the Union. &lsquo;Most of our Lords and others here do so much
+depend on the English for their posts, and <i>seeking somewhat or other</i>,
+that their mouths are almost quite stopped; and really <i>most of them go
+into the English way in all things</i>.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Correspondence</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 196, vol. iii. p. 224. The Earl of Mar lost popularity in
+Scotland, on account of the court he paid to Lord Godolphin; for, he
+&lsquo;appears to have passed much more time in intrigues in London than among
+the gardens of Alloa.&rsquo; <i>Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites</i>, vol. i. p.
+36. Even Earl Ilay, in his anxiety to advance himself at the English
+court, &lsquo;used to regret his being a Scots peer, and to wish earnestly he
+was a commoner.&rsquo; <i>Letters of Lord Grange</i>, in <i>The Miscellany of the
+Spalding Club</i>, vol. iii. p. 39, Aberdeen, 4to, 1846.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_376_376" id="Footnote_376_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a> Indeed, their expectation ran so high, as to induce a
+hope, not only that those Commissioners of the Union who were Scotch
+peers should be made English ones, but that &lsquo;the whole nobility of
+Scotland might in time be admitted.&rsquo; <i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>, vol.
+iv. p. 346. Compare <i>The Lockhart Papers</i>, vol. i. pp. 298, 343: &lsquo;the
+Scots Peerage, many of whom had been bubled with the hopes of being
+themselves created British Peers.&rsquo; Also <i>The Gordon Letters</i>, in <i>The
+Miscellany of the Spalding Club</i>, vol. iii. pp. 227, 228.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_377_377" id="Footnote_377_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a> The Chevalier de Johnstone, in his plaintive remarks on
+the battle of Culloden, says: &lsquo;The ruin of many of the most illustrious
+families in Scotland immediately followed our defeat.&rsquo; <i>Johnstone's
+Memoirs of the Rebellion in 1745</i>, p. 211. He, of course, could not
+perceive that, sad as such ruin was to the individual sufferers, it was
+an immense benefit to the nation. Mr. Skene, referring to the year 1748,
+says of the Highlanders: &lsquo;their long-cherished ideas of clanship
+gradually gave way under the absence and ruin of so many of their
+chiefs.&rsquo; <i>Skene's Highlanders</i>, vol. i. p. 147.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_378_378" id="Footnote_378_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a> &lsquo;About 1784, the exiled families began to return.&rsquo;
+<i>Penny's Traditions of Perth</i>, p. 41. See also <i>Macpherson's Annals of
+Commerce</i>, vol. iv. p. 53. In 1784, &lsquo;a bill passed the Commons without
+opposition,&rsquo; to restore the &lsquo;Forfeited Estates&rsquo; in the north of
+Scotland. See <i>Parliamentary History</i>, vol. xxiv. pp. 1316&ndash;1322. On that
+occasion, Fox said (p. 1321) the proprietors &lsquo;had been sufficiently
+punished by forty years' deprivation of their fortunes for the faults of
+their ancestors.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_379_379" id="Footnote_379_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a> Dean Ramsay, in his <i>Reminiscences</i> (5th edit. Edinburgh,
+1859, p. 57), notices that, owing to &lsquo;transfers of property and
+extinction of old families in the Highlands, as well as from more
+general causes,&rsquo; the old clannish affection &lsquo;is passing away.&rsquo; But this
+intelligent observer has not indicated the connexion between so
+important a fact and the Rebellion of 1745. In 1792, Heron writes: &lsquo;The
+prejudices of clanship have almost died away.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The dependents of
+the family of Kenmure are still attached to its representative with much
+of that affection and respect with which the tribes of the Highlands
+have <i>till lately</i> been accustomed to adhere to their lord.&rsquo; <i>Heron's
+Journey through the Western Counties of Scotland</i>, 2nd edit. Perth,
+1799, vol. i. p. 248, vol. ii. p. 154. See also the remarks made, in the
+same year, in <i>Lettice's Letters on a Tour through various parts of
+Scotland</i>, London, 1794, p. 340. To trace the movement back still
+further, Pennant writes, in 1769: &lsquo;But in many parts of the Highlands,
+their character begins to be more faintly marked; they mix more with the
+world; and <i>become daily less attached to their chiefs</i>.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;During the feudal reign, their love for their
+chieftain induced them to bear many things, at <i>present intolerable</i>.&rsquo;
+These two important passages are in the 4th edition of <i>Pennant's Tour
+in Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 194, vol. ii. p. 307, Dublin, 1775. They prove
+that, twenty-four years after the Rebellion of 1745, the decay of
+affection was so manifest, as to strike a candid and careful, but by no
+means philosophic, observer. For Pennant to have discerned these
+changes, they must already have risen to the surface. Other and
+corroborative evidence will be found in <i>Sinclair's Account of
+Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 545, Edinburgh, 1792; and vol. iii. pp. 377, 437,
+vol. xiii. p. 310, vol. xv. p. 592, vol. xx. p. 33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_380_380" id="Footnote_380_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a> <i>Burton's History of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. pp. 535&ndash;537.
+<i>Struthers' History of Scotland</i>, Glasgow, 1828, vol. ii. pp. 519&ndash;525.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_381_381" id="Footnote_381_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> Macpherson (<i>Annals of Commerce</i>, vol. iii. p. 259) says,
+&lsquo;This excellent statute may not unfitly be termed a new magna charta to
+the free people of Scotland.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_382_382" id="Footnote_382_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a> I cannot, therefore, agree with Macpherson, who asserts,
+in his valuable work, that the abolition of these jurisdictions &lsquo;should
+undoubtedly have been made an essential preliminary of the consolidating
+union of the two kingdoms of England and Scotland, concluded forty years
+before.&rsquo; <i>Macpherson's Annals of Commerce</i>, vol. iii. p. 257. Compare
+<i>De Foe's History of the Union between England and Scotland</i>, pp. 458,
+459, London, 1786, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_383_383" id="Footnote_383_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a> In 1740, &lsquo;the rising manufacturing and trading interests
+of the country&rsquo; were &lsquo;looked down upon and discouraged by the feudal
+aristocracy.&rsquo; <i>Burton's Lives of Lovat and Forbes</i>, p. 361.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_384_384" id="Footnote_384_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a> &lsquo;Whereas Scotland had, before this, prohibited all the
+English woollen manufactures, under severe penalties, and England, on
+the other hand, had excluded the Scots from trading with Scots ships to
+their colonies in America, directly from Scotland, and had confiscated
+even their own English ships trading to the said colonies from England,
+if navigated or manned with above one-third Scots seamen,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>De Foe's
+History of the Union</i>, p. 603. In 1696, the wise men in our English
+Parliament passed a law, &lsquo;that on no pretence whatever any kind of goods
+from the English American plantations should hereafter be put on shore,
+either in the kingdoms of Ireland or Scotland, without being first
+landed in England, and having also paid the duties there, under
+forfeiture of ship and cargo.&rsquo; <i>Macpherson's Annals of Commerce</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 684. Certainly, the more a man knows of the history of
+legislation, the more he will wonder that nations should have been able
+to advance in the face of the formidable impediments which legislators
+have thrown in their way.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_385_385" id="Footnote_385_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a> &lsquo;A spirit for commerce appears to have been raised among
+the inhabitants of Glasgow between the periods of 1660 and 1707, when
+the union with England took place.&rsquo; &hellip; But, &lsquo;whatever their trade was,
+at this time, it could not be considerable; the ports to which they were
+obliged to trade, lay all to the eastward; the circumnavigation of the
+island would, therefore, prove an almost insurmountable bar to the
+commerce of Glasgow; the people upon the east coast, from their
+situation, would be in possession of almost the whole commerce of
+Scotland.&rsquo; <i>Gibson's History of Glasgow</i>, p. 205, Glasgow, 1777.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_386_386" id="Footnote_386_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a> &lsquo;The importance of the measure induced the inhabitants of
+Greenock to make a contract with the superior, by which they agreed to
+an assessment of 1<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> sterling on every sack of malt, brewed into
+ale, within the limits of the town; the money so levied to be applied in
+liquidating the expence of forming a proper harbour at Greenock. The
+work was begun at the epoch of the Union, in 1707; and a capacious
+harbour, containing upwards of ten Scottish acres, was formed by
+building an extensive circular pier, with a straight pier, or tongue, in
+the middle, by which the harbour was divided into two parts. This
+formidable work, the greatest of the kind, at that time, in Scotland,
+incurred an expence of more than 100,000 marks Scots.&rsquo; <i>Chalmers'
+Caledonia</i>, vol. iii. p. 807, London, 1824, 4to. <i>In M'Culloch's
+Geographical and Statistical Dictionary</i>, London, 1849, vol. i. p. 930,
+it is stated, that &lsquo;the inhabitants took the matter (1707) into their
+own hands, and agreed with their superior to assess themselves at a
+certain rate, to build a proper pier and harbour. The work was finished
+in 1710, at an expence of 5,555<i>l.</i>&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_387_387" id="Footnote_387_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> &lsquo;The trade of Greenock has kept pace with the
+improvements made on its harbour. The union of the kingdoms (1707)
+opened the colonies to the enterprising inhabitants of this town, and
+generally of the west of Scotland; but it was not till 1719 that the
+first vessel belonging to Greenock crossed the Atlantic.&rsquo; <i>M'Culloch's
+Geographical and Statistical Dictionary</i>, vol. i. p. 930.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_388_388" id="Footnote_388_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> &lsquo;Such was the effect of the new harbour in increasing the
+trade, and the population, of the town, that the assessment, and port
+dues, cleared off the whole debt before 1740, and left, in that year, a
+clear surplus of 27,000 marks Scots, or 1,500<i>l.</i> sterling.&rsquo; <i>Chalmers'
+Caledonia</i>, vol. iii. p. 807. &lsquo;After the Union, however, the trade of
+the port increased so rapidly, that, in the year 1740, the whole debt
+was extinguished, and there remained a surplus, the foundation of the
+present town's funds, of 27,000 marks.&rsquo; <i>Sinclair's Statistical Account
+of Scotland</i>, vol. v. p. 576, Edinburgh, 1793.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_389_389" id="Footnote_389_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a> &lsquo;By the Union, however, new views were opened up to the
+merchants of the city; they thereby obtained the liberty of a free
+commerce to America and the West Indies, from which they had been before
+shut out; they chartered English vessels for these voyages, having none
+at first fit for the purpose; sent out cargoes of goods for the use of
+the colonies, and returned home laden with tobacco. The business doing
+well, vessels were built belonging to the city, and in the year 1718,
+the first ship, the property of Glasgow, crossed the Atlantic.&rsquo;
+<i>Denholm's History of Glasgow</i>, p. 405, 3rd edit. Glasgow, 1804. Brown
+(<i>History of Glasgow</i>, vol. ii. p. 330, Edinburgh, 1797) says, that the
+Glasgow merchants &lsquo;chartered Whitehaven ships for many years:&rsquo; but that,
+&lsquo;in 1716, a vessel of sixty tons burden was launched at Crawford's dike,
+being the first Clyde ship that went to the British Settlements in
+America with goods and a supercargo.&rsquo; But this date is probably two
+years too early. Mr. M'Culloch, in his excellent <i>Geographical and
+Statistical Dictionary</i>, London, 1849, vol. ii. p. 659, says: &lsquo;But for a
+while, the merchants of Glasgow, who first embarked in the trade to
+America, carried it on by means of vessels belonging to English ports;
+and it was not till 1718 that a ship built in Scotland (in the Clyde),
+the property of Scotch owners, sailed for the American colonies.&rsquo;
+Gibson, also (<i>History of Glasgow</i>, 1777, p. 206), says: &lsquo;In 1718, the
+first vessel of the property of Glasgow crossed the Atlantic.&rsquo; And, to
+the same effect, <i>Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland</i>, vol. v.
+p. 498, Edinburgh, 1793.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_390_390" id="Footnote_390_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a> The progress was so rapid, that, in a work printed in
+1732, it is stated, that &lsquo;this city of Glasgow is a place of the
+greatest trade in the kingdom, especially to the Plantations; from
+whence they have twenty or thirty sail of ships every year, laden with
+tobacco and sugar; an advantage this kingdom never enjoyed till the
+Union. They are purchasing a harbour on the Frith, near Alloway, to
+which they have but twelve miles by land; and then they can re-ship
+their sugars and tobacco, for Holland, Germany, and the Baltick Sea,
+without being at the trouble of sailing round England or Scotland.&rsquo;
+<i>Macky's Journey through Scotland</i>, pp. 294, 295, 2nd edit. London,
+1732. The first edition of this book was also printed in 1732. See
+<i>Watt's Bibliotheca Britannica</i>, vol. i. p. 631 m., Edinburgh, 1824,
+4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_391_391" id="Footnote_391_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a> Gibson, who was a Glasgow merchant, says, in his <i>History
+of Glasgow</i>, p. 236, &lsquo;that the commerce to America first suggested the
+idea of introducing manufactures into Glasgow, is to me very evident;
+and that they were only attempted to be introduced about the year 1725
+is apparent.&rsquo; Denholm (<i>History of Glasgow</i>, p. 412) says: &lsquo;The linen
+manufacture, which began here in the year 1725, was, for a long time,
+the staple, not only of this city, but of the west of Scotland.&rsquo; Compare
+<i>Heron's Journey through the Western Counties of Scotland</i>, Perth, 1799,
+vol. ii. p. 412.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_392_392" id="Footnote_392_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a> &lsquo;Consisting only of one principal street about half a
+mile in length.&rsquo; <i>Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland</i>, vol. vii.
+p. 62. But the local historian mentions, with evident pride, that this
+one street contained &lsquo;handsome houses.&rsquo; <i>Crawfurd's History of the Shire
+of Renfrew</i>, part iii. p. 305, edit. Paisley, 1782, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_393_393" id="Footnote_393_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a> <i>Denholm's History of Glasgow</i>, pp. 546, 547; and
+<i>Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland</i>, vol. vii. pp. 62&ndash;64. See
+also, on the rise of Paisley, <i>Heron's Journey through the Western
+Counties of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. pp. 399, 400; <i>Pennant's Tour in
+Scotland</i>, vol. ii. p. 144; and <i>Crawfurd's History of the Shire of Renfrew</i>, part iii. p. 321. At an
+earlier period, Paisley was famous in a different way. In the middle
+ages it swarmed with monks. Keith (<i>Catalogue of Scotch Bishops</i>, p.
+252, Edinburgh, 1755, 4to) tells us that, &lsquo;it formerly was a Priory, and
+afterwards changed into an Abbey of Black Monks.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_394_394" id="Footnote_394_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a> The author of <i>The Interest of Scotland Considered</i>,
+Edinburgh, 1733, says (p. xvi.) that since 1727, &lsquo;we have happily turned
+our eyes upon the improvement of our manufactures, which is now a common
+subject in discourse, and this contributes not a little to its
+success.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_395_395" id="Footnote_395_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a> Morer, who was in Scotland in 1688 and 1689, says: &lsquo;But
+that which employs great part of their land is hemp, of which they have
+mighty burdens, and on which they bestow much care and pains to dress
+and prepare it for making their linen, the most noted and beneficial
+manufacture of the kingdom.&rsquo; <i>Morer's Short Account of Scotland</i>,
+London, 1702, pp. 3, 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_396_396" id="Footnote_396_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a> &lsquo;The duties upon linen from Scotland being taken off in
+England, made so great a demand for Scots linen more than usual, that it
+seemed the poor could want no employment.&rsquo; <i>De Foe's History of the
+Union between England and Scotland</i>, p. 604. Compare <i>Macpherson's
+Annals of Commerce</i>, vol. ii. p. 736: &lsquo;a prodigious vent, not only in
+England, but for the American plantations.&rsquo; This concerns a later
+period.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_397_397" id="Footnote_397_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a> &lsquo;The surplus of linen made above the consumption, was, in
+1728, 2,183,978 yards; in 1738, 4,666,011.&rsquo; <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol.
+i. p. 873. On the increase between 1728 and 1732, see the Table in <i>The
+Interest of Scotland Considered</i>, Edinburgh, 1733, p. 97. In a work
+published in 1732, it is stated that &lsquo;they make a great deal of linnen
+all over the kingdom, not only for their own use, but export it to
+England, and to the Plantations. In short, the women are all kept
+employ'd, from the highest to the lowest of them.&rsquo; <i>Macky's Journey
+through Scotland</i>, London, 1732, p. 271. This refers merely to the women
+of Scotland, whom Macky represents as much more industrious than the
+men.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_398_398" id="Footnote_398_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a> In 1745, Craik writes to Lord Nithisdale, &lsquo;The present
+family have now reigned over us these thirty years, and though during so
+long a time they may have fallen into errors, or may have committed
+faults, (as what Government is without?) yett I will defy the most
+sanguine zealot to find in history a period equal to this in which
+Scotland possessed so uninterrupted a felicity, in which liberty, civil
+and religious, was so universally enjoyed by all people of whatever
+denomination&mdash;nay, by the open and avowed ennemys of the family and
+constitution, or a period in which all ranks of men have been so
+effectually secured in their property. Have not trade, manufactures,
+agriculture, and the spirit of industry in our country extended
+themselves further during this period and under this family than for
+ages before?&rsquo; <i>Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites</i>, London, 1845, vol.
+ii. pp. 60, 61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_399_399" id="Footnote_399_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a> <i>Crawfurd's History of the Shire of Renfrew</i>, part ii. p.
+114.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_400_400" id="Footnote_400_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a> <i>Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland</i>, vol. vii.
+p. 341, compared with vol. xii. pp. 176, 177.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_401_401" id="Footnote_401_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a> <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol. iii. p. 483.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_402_402" id="Footnote_402_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a> <i>Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland</i>, vol. xii.
+p. 145.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_403_403" id="Footnote_403_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. v. p. 297.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_404_404" id="Footnote_404_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a> <i>Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen</i>, vol. ii. pp. 199, 200.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_405_405" id="Footnote_405_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a> <i>Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland</i>, vol. xvi.
+p. 520: &lsquo;About the year 1750.&rsquo; I need hardly say, that some of these
+dates, depending upon tradition, are given by the authors
+approximatively.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_406_406" id="Footnote_406_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a> &lsquo;Betwixt the year 1750 and 1760, a great degree of
+patriotic enthusiasm arose in Scotland to encourage arts and
+manufactures; and the <i>Edinburgh Society</i> was established in 1755 for
+the express purpose of improving these.&rsquo; <i>Bower's History of the
+University of Edinburgh</i>, vol. iii. pp. 126, 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_407_407" id="Footnote_407_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a> &lsquo;The first county-bank that anywhere appeared, was the
+Aberdeen Bank, which was settled in 1749: it was immediately followed by
+a similar establishment in Glasgow during the same year.&rsquo; <i>Chalmers'
+Caledonia</i>, vol. iii. p. 9, 4to, 1824. Kennedy (<i>Annals of Aberdeen</i>,
+4to, 1818, vol. ii. p. 195) says: &lsquo;Banking was originally projected in
+Aberdeen about the year 1752, by a few of the principal citizens who
+were engaged in commerce and manufactures. They commenced business, upon
+a limited scale, in an office on the north side of the Castle Street,
+issued notes of hand, of five pounds and of twenty shillings sterling,
+and discounted bills and promissory notes, for the accommodation of the
+public.&rsquo; It is uncertain if Chalmers knew of this passage; but he was a
+more accurate writer than Kennedy, and I, therefore, prefer his
+authority. Besides, Kennedy vaguely says, &lsquo;about the year 1752.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote_408_408" id="Footnote_408_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a> &lsquo;After having been frequently proposed, since the Union,
+this canal was at length begun in 1768, and finished in 1790. The trade
+upon it is already great, and is rapidly increasing.&rsquo; <i>Sinclair's
+Statistical Account of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. pp. 279, 280, Edinburgh,
+1792. See also vol. xii. p. 125; <i>Irving's History of Dumbartonshire</i>,
+1860, 4to, p. 247; and an interesting contemporary notice in <i>Nimmo's
+History of Stirlingshire</i>, Edinburgh, 1777, pp. 468&ndash;481. In 1767, Watt
+was employed as a surveyor. See <i>Muirhead's Life of Watt</i>, 2nd edit.
+London, 1859, p. 167.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_409_409" id="Footnote_409_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a> I will quote, in a single passage, the opinions of an
+eminent German and of an eminent Scotchman. &lsquo;Dr. Spurzheim, when he last
+visited Scotland, remarked that the Scotch appeared to him to be the
+most priest-ridden nation in Europe; Spain and Portugal not excepted.
+<i>After having seen other countries, I can understand the force of this
+observation.</i>&rsquo; <i>Notes on the United States of North America by George
+Combe</i>, vol. iii. p. 32, Edinburgh, 1841.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.</div>
+
+<p>The remaining part of this volume, I purpose to devote
+to an attempt to unravel still further that two-fold
+paradox, which forms the prominent peculiarity of the
+history of Scotland. The paradox consists, as we have
+seen, in the fact, first, that the same people have long
+been liberal in politics, and illiberal in religion; and,
+secondly, that the brilliant, inquisitive, and sceptical
+literature which they produced in the eighteenth century,
+was unable to weaken their superstition, or to instil
+into them wiser and larger maxims on religious matters.
+From an early period, there were, as I have endeavoured
+to show, many circumstances which predisposed the
+Scotch to superstition, and, so far, had a general connexion
+with the subject before us. But the remarkable
+phenomenon with which we are immediately concerned,
+may, I think, be traced to two distinct causes. The first
+cause was, that, for a hundred and twenty years after
+the establishment of Protestantism, the rulers of Scotland
+either neglected the Church or persecuted it,
+thereby driving the clergy into the arms of the people,
+from whom alone they could obtain sympathy and
+support. Hence an alliance between the two parties,
+more intimate than would otherwise have been possible;
+and hence, too, the rise of that democratic spirit which
+was the necessary consequence of such an union, and
+which the clergy encouraged, because they were opposed
+and thwarted by the upper classes. So far, the result
+was extremely beneficial, as it produced a love of independence
+and a hatred of tyranny, which, twice
+during the seventeenth century, saved the country from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span>
+the yoke of a cruel despotism. But these very circumstances,
+which guarded the people against political
+despotism, exposed them all the more to ecclesiastical
+despotism. For, having no one to trust except their
+preachers, they trusted them entirely and upon all
+subjects. The clergy gradually became supreme, not
+only in spiritual matters, but also in temporal ones.
+Late in the sixteenth century, they had been glad to
+take refuge among the people; before the middle of the
+seventeenth century, they ruled the people. How
+shamefully they abused their power, and how, by encouraging
+the worst kind of superstition, they prolonged
+the reign of ignorance, and stopped the march of
+society, will be related in the course of this chapter;
+but, in fairness to them, we ought to acknowledge, that
+the religious servitude into which the Scotch fell during
+the seventeenth century, was, on the whole, a willing
+one, and that, mischievous as it was, it had at least a
+noble origin, inasmuch as the influence of the Protestant
+clergy is mainly to be ascribed to the fearlessness
+with which they came forward as leaders of the
+people, at a period when that post was full of danger,
+and when the upper classes were ready to unite with
+the crown in destroying the last vestiges of national
+liberty.</p>
+
+<p>To trace the operation of this cause of Scotch superstition,
+will be the business of the present chapter;
+while, in the next and concluding chapter, I shall
+examine the other cause, which I have as yet hardly
+mentioned. This latter inquiry will involve some considerations
+respecting the philosophy of method, still
+imperfectly appreciated among us, and on which the
+history of the Scotch mind will throw considerable
+light. For, it will appear, that, during the eighteenth
+century, the ablest Scotchmen, with hardly an exception,
+adopted a method of investigating truth, which
+cut them off from the sympathies of their countrymen,
+and prevented their works from producing the effect
+which they might otherwise have done. The result
+was, that though a very sceptical literature was produced,
+scepticism made no progress, and therefore<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span>
+superstition was undiminished. The highly-educated
+minds, indeed, were affected; but they formed a class
+apart, and there were no means of communication
+between them and the people. That this was owing to
+the method which literary men employed, I hope to
+prove in the next chapter; and if I succeed in doing so,
+it will be evident, that I have been guilty of no exaggeration
+in terming this the second great cause of the
+prolongation of Scotch superstition, since it was sufficiently
+powerful to prevent the intellectual classes from
+exercising their natural functions as the disturbers of
+old opinions.</p>
+
+<p>We have already seen, that almost immediately after
+the Reformation, ill-feeling arose between the upper
+classes and the spiritual leaders of the Protestant church,
+and that this ill-feeling increased until, in 1580, it vented
+itself by the abolition of episcopacy. This bold and
+decisive measure made the breach irreparable. The
+preachers had now committed themselves too far to recede,
+even if they had desired to do so; and from that
+moment, uniting themselves heartily with the people,
+they took up a position which they have never since
+abandoned. During the remaining twenty-three years
+that James was in Scotland, they were occupied in
+exciting the people against their rulers; and as they
+became more democratic, so did the crown and nobles
+grow more hostile, and display, for the first time, a disposition
+to combine together in defence of their common
+interests. In 1603, James ascended the throne of England,
+and the struggle began in earnest. It lasted, with
+few interruptions, eighty-five years, and, during its
+continuance, the Presbyterian clergy never wavered;
+they were always steady to the good cause; always on
+the side of the people. This greatly increased their
+influence; and what favoured it still more was, that,
+besides being the champions of popular liberty, they
+were also the champions of national independence. When
+James I. and the two Charles's attempted to force episcopacy
+upon Scotland, the Scotch rejected it, not only
+because they hated the institution, but also because they
+looked on it as the mark of a foreign domination, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span>
+they were determined to resist. Their nearest and
+most dangerous enemy was England; and they spurned
+the idea of receiving bishops who must, in the first
+instance, be consecrated in London, and who, it was
+certain, would never have been admitted into Scotland
+unless England had been the stronger country. It was,
+therefore, on patriotic, as well as religious, grounds, that
+the Scotch clergy, during the seventeenth century,
+struggled against episcopacy;<a name="FNanchor_410_410" id="FNanchor_410_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a> and when they overthrew
+it, in 1638, their bold and determined conduct
+associated, in the popular mind, the love of country with
+the love of the church. Subsequent events strengthened
+this association.<a name="FNanchor_411_411" id="FNanchor_411_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> In 1650, Cromwell invaded Scotland,
+overthrew the Scotch in the battle of Dunbar, and intrusted
+to Monk the task of curbing their spirit, by
+building fortresses, and establishing a long chain of
+military posts.<a name="FNanchor_412_412" id="FNanchor_412_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a> The nation, cowed and broken, gave<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span>
+way, and, for the first time for three centuries, felt the
+pressure of a foreign yoke. The clergy alone remained
+firm.<a name="FNanchor_413_413" id="FNanchor_413_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a> Cromwell, who knew that they were the chief
+obstacle to completing his conquest, hated them, and
+did every thing he could to ruin them.<a name="FNanchor_414_414" id="FNanchor_414_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> But their
+power was too deeply seated to be shaken. From their
+pulpits, they continued to influence and animate the
+people. In face of the invaders, and in spite of them,
+the Scotch church continued to hold its General Assemblies,
+until the summer of 1653. Then, indeed, they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span>
+had to yield to brute force; and the people, to their
+unutterable grief, beheld the venerated representatives
+of the Scotch kirk driven from their place of meeting
+by English soldiers, and led like criminals through the
+streets of Edinburgh.<a name="FNanchor_415_415" id="FNanchor_415_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus it was that in Scotland, after the latter part of
+the sixteenth century, every thing tended to increase<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span>
+the reputation of the clergy, by raising them to the
+foremost rank among the defenders of their country.
+And it was but natural that the spiritual classes, finding
+themselves in the ascendant, should conduct the contest
+according to views habitual to their profession, and
+should be anxious for religious advantages, rather than
+for temporal benefits. The war which the Scotch
+waged against Charles I. partook more of the character
+of a crusade than any war ever carried on by a Protestant
+nation.<a name="FNanchor_416_416" id="FNanchor_416_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> The main object was, to raise up presbyters,
+and to destroy bishops. Prelacy was the
+accursed thing, and that must be rooted out at every
+hazard. To this, all other considerations were subordinate.<a name="FNanchor_417_417" id="FNanchor_417_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a>
+The Scotch loved liberty, and hated England.
+Yet, even these two passions, notwithstanding their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span>
+strength, were as nothing, in comparison with their
+intense desire to extend and to propagate, if need be at
+the point of the sword, their own Presbyterian polity.
+This was their first and paramount duty. They fought,
+indeed, for freedom, but, above all, they fought for
+religion. In their eyes, Charles was the idolatrous head
+of an idolatrous church, and that church they were
+resolved to destroy. They felt that their cause was
+holy, and they went forth full of confidence, convinced
+that the sword of Gideon was drawn on their side, and
+that their enemies would be delivered up to them.</p>
+
+<p>The rebellion, therefore, against Charles, which, on
+the part of the English, was essentially secular,<a name="FNanchor_418_418" id="FNanchor_418_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a> was,
+on the part of the Scotch, essentially religious. This
+was because with us, the laymen were stronger than the
+clergy; while with them, the clergy were stronger than
+the laymen. In 1643, both nations having united
+against the king, it was thought advisable that an
+intimate alliance should be concluded; but, in the
+negotiations which followed, it is noticed, by a contemporary
+observer, that though the English merely wished
+for a civil league, the Scotch demanded a religious
+covenant.<a name="FNanchor_419_419" id="FNanchor_419_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a> And as they would only continue the war
+on condition that this was granted, the English were
+obliged to give way. The result was the Solemn League
+and Covenant, by which what seemed a cordial union
+was effected between the two countries.<a name="FNanchor_420_420" id="FNanchor_420_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> Such a
+compact was, however, sure to be short-lived, as each<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span>
+party had different objects; the aim of the English
+being political, while that of the Scotch was religious.
+The consequences of this difference were soon apparent.
+In January 1645, negotiations having been opened with
+the king, commissioners met at Uxbridge, with the
+view of concluding a peace. The attempt failed, as
+might have been expected, seeing that, not only were
+the pretensions of the king irreconcilable with those of
+his opponents, but that the pretensions of his opponents
+were irreconcilable with each other. At Uxbridge,
+during the conferences, the Scotch expressed their
+readiness to concede to him what he required, if he
+would gratify them in regard to the Church; while the
+English, occupying themselves with civil and political
+questions, cared less, says Clarendon, for what concerned
+the Church than for anything else.<a name="FNanchor_421_421" id="FNanchor_421_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> A better illustration
+could hardly be found of the secular character
+of the English rebellion, as compared with the spiritual
+character of the Scotch rebellion. Indeed, the Scotch,
+so far from concealing this, boasted of it, and evidently
+thought that it proved how superior they were to their
+worldly-minded neighbours. In February 1645, the
+General Assembly issued an address to the nation, including
+not only those who were at home, but also those
+who served in armies out of Scotland. In this document,
+which, proceeding from such a quarter, necessarily
+exercised great influence, political considerations,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span>
+as having to do merely with the temporal happiness
+of men, are treated as insignificant, and almost despicable.
+That Rupert was defeated, and that York
+and Newcastle were taken, were but trifling matters.
+They were only the means of accomplishing an end,
+and that end was the reformation of religion in England,
+and the establishment there of the pure Presbyterian
+polity.<a name="FNanchor_422_422" id="FNanchor_422_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a></p>
+
+<p>A war, undertaken with such holy objects, and conceived
+in so elevated a spirit, was supposed to be placed
+under the immediate protection of the Deity, on whose
+behalf it was carried on. In the language of the time,
+it was a war for God, and for God's church. Every
+victory that was obtained, was the result, not of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span>
+skill of the general, nor of the valour of the troops, but
+was an answer to prayer.<a name="FNanchor_423_423" id="FNanchor_423_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a> When a battle was lost, it
+was either because God was vexed at the sins of the
+people,<a name="FNanchor_424_424" id="FNanchor_424_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> or else to show them that they must not trust
+to the arms of the flesh.<a name="FNanchor_425_425" id="FNanchor_425_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a> Nothing was natural; all
+was supernatural. The entire course of affairs was
+governed, not by their own antecedents, but by a series
+of miracles. To assist the Scotch, winds were changed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span>
+and storms were lulled. Such intelligence as was
+important for them to receive, was often brought by
+sea; and, on those occasions, it was expected that, if
+the wind were unfavourable, Providence would interfere,
+would shift it from one quarter to another, and, when
+the news had safely arrived, would allow it to return to
+its former direction.<a name="FNanchor_426_426" id="FNanchor_426_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a></p>
+
+<p>It was in this way that, in Scotland, every thing
+conspired to strengthen that religious element which
+the force of circumstances had, at an early period, made
+prominent, and which now threatened to absorb all the
+other elements of the national character. The clergy
+were supreme; and habits of mind natural and becoming
+to themselves, were diffused among all classes.
+The theories of a single profession outweighed those of
+all other professions; and not only war, but also trade,
+literature, science, and art, were held of no account
+unless they ministered to the general feeling. A state
+of society so narrow and so one-sided, has never been
+seen in any other country equally civilized. Nor did
+there appear much chance of abating this strange monopoly.
+As the seventeenth century advanced, the same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span>
+train of events was continued; the clergy and the
+people always making common cause against the crown,
+and being, by the necessity of self-preservation, forced
+into the most intimate union with each other. Of this,
+the preachers availed themselves to strengthen their
+own influence; and for upwards of a century their
+exertions stopped all intellectual culture, discouraged all
+independent inquiry, made men in religious matters
+fearful and austere, and coloured the whole national
+character with that dark hue, which, though now
+gradually softening, it still retains.</p>
+
+<p>The Scotch, during the seventeenth century, instead
+of cultivating the arts of life, improving their minds, or
+adding to their wealth, passed the greater part of their
+time in what were called religious exercises. The sermons
+were so long and so frequent, that they absorbed
+all leisure, and yet the people were never weary of
+hearing them. When a preacher was once in the pulpit,
+the only limit to his loquacity was his strength. Being
+sure of a patient and reverential audience, he went on
+as long as he could. If he discoursed for two hours
+without intermission, he was valued as a zealous pastor,
+who had the good of his flock at heart; and this was
+about as much as an ordinary clergyman could perform,
+because, in uttering his sentiments, he was expected to
+display great vehemence, and to evince his earnestness
+by toiling and sweating abundantly.<a name="FNanchor_427_427" id="FNanchor_427_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a> This boundary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span>
+was, however, often passed by those who were equal to
+the labour; and Forbes, who was vigorous as well as
+voluble, thought nothing of preaching for five or six
+hours.<a name="FNanchor_428_428" id="FNanchor_428_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a> But, in the ordinary course of nature, such
+feats were rare; and, as the people were in these matters
+extremely eager, an ingenious contrivance was hit upon
+whereby their desires might be satisfied. On great occasions,
+several clergymen were present in the same
+church, in order that, when one was fatigued, he might
+leave the pulpit, and be succeeded by another, who, in
+his turn, was followed by a third; the patience of the
+hearers being apparently inexhaustible.<a name="FNanchor_429_429" id="FNanchor_429_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a> Indeed, the
+Scotch, by the middle of the seventeenth century, had
+grown accustomed to look up to their minister as if he
+were a god, and to dwell with rapture upon every word
+that dropt from his lips. To hear a favourite preacher,
+they would incur any fatigue, and would undertake
+long journeys without sleep or food.<a name="FNanchor_430_430" id="FNanchor_430_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> Their power of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span>
+attention was marvellous. The same congregation would
+sometimes remain together for ten hours, listening to
+sermons and prayers, interspersed with singings and
+readings.<a name="FNanchor_431_431" id="FNanchor_431_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> In an account of Scotland in 1670, it is
+stated that, in a single church in Edinburgh, thirty
+sermons were delivered every week.<a name="FNanchor_432_432" id="FNanchor_432_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a> Nor is this at all
+unlikely, considering the religious enthusiasm of the
+age. For, in those times, the people delighted in the
+most harassing and ascetic devotions. Thus, for instance,
+in 1653, when the sacrament was administered,
+they pursued the following course. On Wednesday,
+they fasted, and listened to prayers and sermons for
+more than eight hours. On Saturday they heard two
+or three sermons; and on Sunday, the number of sermons
+was so great that they stayed in church more than
+twelve hours; while, to conclude the whole, three or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span>
+four additional ones were preached on Monday by way
+of thanksgiving.<a name="FNanchor_433_433" id="FNanchor_433_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such eagerness, and yet such patience, indicate a
+state of society altogether peculiar, and for which we
+find no parallel in the history of any civilized country.
+This intense desire to hear whatever the preachers had
+to say, was, in itself, a homage of the most flattering
+kind, and was naturally accompanied by a belief that
+they were endowed with a light which was withheld from
+their less gifted countrymen. It is not surprising that
+the clergy, who, at no period, and in no nation, have
+been remarkable for their meekness, or for a want of
+confidence in themselves, should, under circumstances
+so eminently favourable to their pretensions, have been
+somewhat elated, and should have claimed an authority
+even greater than that which was conceded to them.
+And as this is intimately connected with the subsequent
+history of Scotland, it will be necessary to collect some
+evidence respecting their conduct, which will have the
+further advantage of exhibiting the true character of
+spiritual domination, and of showing how it works, not
+only on the intellectual, but also on the practical, life of
+a people.</p>
+
+<p>According to the Presbyterian polity, which reached
+its height in the seventeenth century, the clergyman of
+the parish selected a certain number of laymen on whom
+he could depend, and who, under the name of elders,
+were his councillors, or rather the ministers of his authority.
+They, when assembled together, formed what
+was called the Kirk-Session, and this little court, which
+enforced the decisions uttered in the pulpit, was so supported
+by the superstitious reverence of the people, that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span>
+it was far more powerful than any civil tribunal. By
+its aid, the minister became supreme. For, whoever
+presumed to disobey him was excommunicated, was deprived
+of his property, and was believed to have incurred
+the penalty of eternal perdition.<a name="FNanchor_434_434" id="FNanchor_434_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a> Against such weapons,
+in such a state of society, resistance was impossible.
+The clergy interfered with every man's private concerns,
+ordered how he should govern his family, and often
+took upon themselves the personal control of his household.<a name="FNanchor_435_435" id="FNanchor_435_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a>
+Their minions, the elders, were everywhere;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span>
+for each parish was divided into several quarters, and
+to each quarter one of these officials was allotted, in
+order that he might take special notice of what was
+done in his own district.<a name="FNanchor_436_436" id="FNanchor_436_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a> Besides this, spies were appointed,
+so that nothing could escape their supervision.<a name="FNanchor_437_437" id="FNanchor_437_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span>
+Not only the streets, but even private houses, were
+searched, and ransacked, to see if any one was absent
+from church while the minister was preaching.<a name="FNanchor_438_438" id="FNanchor_438_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a> To
+him, all must listen, and him all must obey. Without
+the consent of his tribunal, no person might engage
+himself, either as a domestic servant, or as a field
+labourer.<a name="FNanchor_439_439" id="FNanchor_439_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> If any one incurred the displeasure of
+the clergy, they did not scruple to summon his servants
+and force them to state whatever they knew
+respecting him, and whatever they had seen done in
+his house.<a name="FNanchor_440_440" id="FNanchor_440_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a> To speak disrespectfully of a preacher
+was a grievous offence;<a name="FNanchor_441_441" id="FNanchor_441_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a> to differ from him was a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span>
+heresy;<a name="FNanchor_442_442" id="FNanchor_442_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a> even to pass him in the streets without saluting
+him, was punished as a crime.<a name="FNanchor_443_443" id="FNanchor_443_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> His very name
+was regarded as sacred, and not to be taken in vain.
+And that it might be properly protected, and held in
+due honour, an Assembly of the Church, in 1642, forbad
+it to be used in any public paper unless the consent
+of the holy man had been previously obtained.<a name="FNanchor_444_444" id="FNanchor_444_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a></p>
+
+<p>These and similar proceedings, being upheld by public
+opinion, were completely successful. Indeed, they
+could hardly have been otherwise, seeing that it was
+generally believed that whoever gainsaid the clergy,
+would be visited, not only with temporal penalties, but
+also with spiritual ones. For such a crime, there was
+punishment here, and there was punishment hereafter.
+The preachers willingly fostered a delusion by which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span>
+they benefited. They told their hearers, that what was
+spoken in the pulpit was binding upon all believers, and
+was to be regarded as immediately proceeding from the
+Deity.<a name="FNanchor_445_445" id="FNanchor_445_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a> This proposition being established, other propositions
+naturally followed. The clergy believed that
+they alone were privy to the counsels of the Almighty,
+and that, by virtue of this knowledge, they could determine
+what any man's future state would be.<a name="FNanchor_446_446" id="FNanchor_446_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> Going
+still further, they claimed the power, not only of foretelling
+his future state, but also of controlling it; and
+they did not scruple to affirm that, by their censures,
+they could open and shut the kingdom of heaven.<a name="FNanchor_447_447" id="FNanchor_447_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> As<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span>
+if this were not enough, they also gave out that a word
+of theirs could hasten the moment of death, and by cutting
+off the sinner in his prime, could bring him at once
+before the judgment-seat of God.<a name="FNanchor_448_448" id="FNanchor_448_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a></p>
+
+<p>Utterly horrible as such a pretension now appears, it
+was made, not only with impunity, but with advantage;
+and numerous instances are recorded, in which the people
+believed that it was strictly enforced. The celebrated
+John Welsh, sitting one night at table, round which a
+party were assembled at supper, began to discourse to
+the company respecting the state of their souls. Those
+who were present listened with humility; but to this
+general feeling there was one exception. For, it so happened
+that a Roman Catholic was in the room, and he,
+of course, disagreed with the opinions expressed by the
+Presbyterian divine. If he had been a cautious man,
+he would have kept his disagreement to himself; but
+being a hot-headed youth, and being impatient at seeing
+a single person engross the conversation, he lost
+his temper, and not only ridiculed Welsh, but actually
+made faces at him. Thereupon, Welsh charged the
+company to take heed, and see what the Lord was
+about to do to him who mocked. Scarcely had this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span>
+threat been uttered, when it was carried into execution.
+He who had dared to jest at the minister, suddenly fell,
+sank under the table, and died there in presence of the
+whole party.<a name="FNanchor_449_449" id="FNanchor_449_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a></p>
+
+<p>This happened early in the seventeenth century, and
+being bruited abroad, it became a great terror to all
+evil-doers. But, after a time, its effect appears to have
+been weakened; since another man was equally rash
+some forty or fifty years afterwards. It seems that a
+Scotch clergyman of considerable repute, Mr. Thomas
+Hog, was, like Welsh, sitting at supper, when it so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span>
+chanced that the servants forgot to lay the knives.
+Mr. Hog, thinking the opportunity a favourable one,
+observed that such forgetfulness was of little moment,
+and that, while we thought so much of our comforts
+here, it was far more necessary to consider our condition
+hereafter. A gentleman present, amused, either
+by the manner of Mr. Hog, or by the skill with
+which he introduced the topics of his own profession,
+was unable to restrain himself, and burst out into a
+violent fit of laughter. The minister, however, was not
+to be checked, and he continued after such a fashion,
+that the laughter was repeated louder than ever. At
+length Mr. Hog turned round, and told his merry
+comrade that very shortly he should seek for mercy, but
+find it not. That same night, the scoffer was taken ill,
+and in great alarm sent for Mr. Hog. It was, however,
+useless. Before the clergyman could reach his room,
+the sinner was lying dead, a lost and ruined man.<a name="FNanchor_450_450" id="FNanchor_450_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Nor was it merely in private houses that such examples
+were made. Sometimes the clergyman denounced
+the offender from the pulpit, and the punishment was
+as public as the offence. It is said that Gabriel Semple,
+when preaching, had a strange habit of putting out his
+tongue, and that this excited the mirth of a drunken
+man, who went into the church, and, by way of derision,
+put out his tongue also. But, to his horror, he found
+that, though he could put it out, he could not draw it
+in again. The result was, that the tongue stiffened; it
+lost all sensibility; and, paralysis coming on, the man
+died a few days after his transgression.<a name="FNanchor_451_451" id="FNanchor_451_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a></p>
+
+<p>Occasionally, the penalty was less severe, though the
+miracle was equally conspicuous. In 1682, a certain
+woman took upon herself to scold the famous divine,
+Peden, who was justly regarded as one of the great
+lights of the Scotch Church. &lsquo;I wonder,&rsquo; said that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span>
+eminent man, &lsquo;I wonder your tongue is not sore with
+so much idle clatter.&rsquo; She indignantly replied, that
+she had never suffered, either from a sore tongue, or
+from a sore mouth. He told her that she soon would.
+And the consequence of his saying so was, that her
+tongue and gums swelled to that degree, that for some
+days she was unable to take her usual food.<a name="FNanchor_452_452" id="FNanchor_452_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a></p>
+
+<p>She escaped with her life; others were more sharply
+handled. A clergyman was interrupted in the midst of
+his sermon by three gentlemen leaving the church. It
+is not stated that there was any thing offensive in their
+manner; but their object in going was to amuse themselves
+at some fair or race, and the minister, no doubt,
+thought that they should have been content with the
+gratification of hearing him. At all events, he was dissatisfied,
+and, after the sermon was over, he censured
+their conduct, and threatened them with the divine displeasure.
+His words were remembered, and, to the awe
+of his parishioners, every tittle was fulfilled. Of the
+three gentlemen, all died violent deaths; one of them
+broke his neck by falling from his horse, and another
+was found in his room with his throat cut.<a name="FNanchor_453_453" id="FNanchor_453_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Cases of this sort were frequent during the seventeenth
+century; and as in that credulous age they were
+firmly believed and widely circulated, the power of the
+clergy was consolidated by them. The Laird of Hilton
+once ventured to pull a minister out of a pulpit which
+was not his own, and into which he had unlawfully intruded.
+&lsquo;For the injury you have done to the servant
+of God,&rsquo; cried the enraged preacher, &lsquo;you shall be
+brought into this church like a sticked sow.&rsquo; And so
+indeed he was. Yet a little while, and Hilton became
+entangled in a quarrel, was run through the body, and
+his corpse, still bleeding, was carried into the very
+church where the outrage had been committed.<a name="FNanchor_454_454" id="FNanchor_454_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Even when a clergyman was in prison, he retained
+the same power. His authority was delegated to him
+from on high, and no temporal misfortune could curtail
+it. In 1673, the Reverend Alexander Peden, when in
+confinement, heard a young girl laughing at him outside
+the door of his room, while he was engaged in those
+vociferous devotions for which he was celebrated. The
+mirth of the poor child cost her dear. Peden denounced
+against her the judgment of God. In consequence of
+that denunciation, the wind blew her from a rock on
+which she was walking, and swept her into the sea,
+where she was quickly drowned.<a name="FNanchor_455_455" id="FNanchor_455_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a></p>
+
+<p>Sometimes the vengeance of the clergy extended to
+the innocent offspring of the man who had offended
+them. A certain minister, whose name has not been
+preserved, met with opposition in his parish, and fell
+into pecuniary and other difficulties. He applied for
+aid to a trader, who, being wealthy, ought, he thought,
+to afford him assistance. The trader, however, thought
+otherwise, and refused. Upon this, the clergyman declared
+that God would visit him. The result was, that
+his business not only declined, but his mind became
+impaired, and he died an idiot. He had two sons and
+two daughters. Both his sons went mad. One of his
+daughters, likewise, lost her reason. The other daughter
+being married, even her husband became destitute, and
+the children of that marriage became beggars, that the
+heinous crime might be visited to the third generation.<a name="FNanchor_456_456" id="FNanchor_456_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>To prosecute a minister, or even to assert one's rights
+against him before a civil tribunal, was not only a hazard,
+but a certain ruin. About the year 1665, James Fraser
+was sued in a court of law for a large sum of money, said<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[220]</a></span>
+to be due from his father's estate. As usually happens
+in these cases, the party sued, considered that he was
+unjustly treated, and that his opponent had no right to
+make the claim. So far, all was natural. But the peculiarity
+was, that Fraser, against whom the action was
+brought, was a young man preparing for the ministry,
+and, therefore, under the immediate protection of Providence.
+Such an one was not to be vexed with impunity;
+and we are assured by Fraser himself that God specially
+interposed to prevent his ruin; that one of his opponents
+was made unable to appear in court, and that the
+Lord, laying his hand upon the others, put them to
+death, in order that every obstacle might be at once
+removed.<a name="FNanchor_457_457" id="FNanchor_457_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a></p>
+
+<p>While stories of this sort were generally believed, it
+was but natural that an opinion should grow up that it
+was dangerous to meddle with a minister, or in any way
+to interfere with his conduct.<a name="FNanchor_458_458" id="FNanchor_458_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a> The clergy, intoxicated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[221]</a></span>
+by the possession of power, reached to such a pitch of
+arrogance, that they did not scruple to declare, that
+whoever respected Christ, was bound, on that very account,
+to respect them.<a name="FNanchor_459_459" id="FNanchor_459_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> They denounced the judgments
+of God upon all who refused to hear the opinions they
+propounded in their pulpits.<a name="FNanchor_460_460" id="FNanchor_460_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a> Nor did this apply<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[222]</a></span>
+merely to persons who usually formed their audience.
+Such was their conceit, and so greedy were they after
+applause, that they would not allow even a stranger to
+remain in their parish, unless he, too, came to listen to
+what they chose to say.<a name="FNanchor_461_461" id="FNanchor_461_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> Because they had adopted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[223]</a></span>
+the Presbyterian polity, they asserted that the Almighty
+had never failed to punish every one who tried to supersede
+it;<a name="FNanchor_462_462" id="FNanchor_462_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a> and as this was the perfection of the church,
+those who were blind to its merits, were given over to
+wrath, and were, indeed, the slaves of Satan.<a name="FNanchor_463_463" id="FNanchor_463_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a> The
+clergy, who held this language respecting their opponents,
+exhausted the choicest epithets of praise on themselves,
+and on their own pursuits. When one of them
+got into the pulpit, or took a pen in his hand, he
+seemed as if he could not find words strong enough to
+express his sense of the surpassing importance of that
+class of which he was himself a member.<a name="FNanchor_464_464" id="FNanchor_464_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a> They alone<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[224]</a></span>
+knew the truth; they alone were able to inform and enlighten
+mankind. They had their instruction direct from
+heaven; they were, in fact, the ambassadors of Christ;
+from him they received their appointment; and since no
+one else could reward them, so no one else had a right
+to rule them.<a name="FNanchor_465_465" id="FNanchor_465_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a> As they were messengers sent by the
+Almighty, they were rightly termed angels, and it was
+the duty of the people to listen to their minister, as if
+he really were an angel who had descended upon earth.<a name="FNanchor_466_466" id="FNanchor_466_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[225]</a></span>
+His parishioners, therefore, were bound, not only to acknowledge
+him and provide for him, but also to submit
+to him.<a name="FNanchor_467_467" id="FNanchor_467_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a> Indeed, no one could refuse obedience, who
+considered who the clergy were, and what functions they
+performed. Besides being ambassadors and angels, they
+were watchmen, who spied out every danger, and whose
+sleepless vigilance protected the faithful.<a name="FNanchor_468_468" id="FNanchor_468_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> They were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[226]</a></span>
+the joy and delight of the earth. They were musicians,
+singing the songs of sweetness; nay, they were sirens,
+who sought to allure men from the evil path, and save
+them from perishing.<a name="FNanchor_469_469" id="FNanchor_469_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a> They were chosen arrows, stored
+up in the quiver of God.<a name="FNanchor_470_470" id="FNanchor_470_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a> They were burning lights
+and shining torches. Without them, darkness would
+prevail; but their presence illumined the world, and
+made things clear.<a name="FNanchor_471_471" id="FNanchor_471_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a> Hence they were called stars,
+which title also expressed the eminence of their office,
+and its superiority over all others.<a name="FNanchor_472_472" id="FNanchor_472_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a> To make this still<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[227]</a></span>
+more apparent, prodigies were vouchsafed, and strange
+lights might occasionally be seen, which, hovering round
+the form of the minister, confirmed his supernatural
+mission.<a name="FNanchor_473_473" id="FNanchor_473_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a> The profane wished to jest at these things,
+but they were too notorious to be denied; and there
+was a well-known case, in which, at the death of a
+clergyman, a star was miraculously exhibited in the
+firmament, and was seen by many persons, although it
+was then midday.<a name="FNanchor_474_474" id="FNanchor_474_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a></p>
+
+<p>Nor was this to be regarded as a solitary occurrence.
+On the contrary, it usually happened, that when a
+Scotch minister departed from this life, the event was
+accompanied by portents, in order that the people might
+understand that something terrible was going on, and
+that they were incurring a serious, perhaps an irretrievable,
+loss. Sometimes the candles would be mysteriously
+extinguished, without any wind, and without any one
+touching them.<a name="FNanchor_475_475" id="FNanchor_475_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a> Sometimes, even when the clergyman<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[228]</a></span>
+was preaching, the supernatural appearance of an animal
+would announce his approaching end in face of the congregation,
+who might vainly mourn what they were
+unable to avert.<a name="FNanchor_476_476" id="FNanchor_476_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a> Sometimes the body of the holy man
+would remain for years unchanged and undecayed;
+death not having the power over it which it would have
+had over the corpse of a common person.<a name="FNanchor_477_477" id="FNanchor_477_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a> On other
+occasions, notice was given to him of his death, years
+before it occurred;<a name="FNanchor_478_478" id="FNanchor_478_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> and, to strike greater awe into the
+public mind, it was remarked, that when one minister
+died, others were taken away at the same time, so that,
+the bereavement being more widely felt, men might, by
+the magnitude of the shock, be rendered sensible of the
+inestimable value of those preachers whose lives were
+happily spared.<a name="FNanchor_479_479" id="FNanchor_479_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[229]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>It was, moreover, generally understood, that a minister,
+during his abode in this world, was miraculously
+watched over and protected. He was peculiarly
+favoured by angels, who, though they did good offices
+to all members of the true church, were especially
+kind to the clergy;<a name="FNanchor_480_480" id="FNanchor_480_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a> and it was well known, that the
+celebrated Rutherford, when only four years old,
+having fallen into a well, was pulled out by an angel,
+who came there for the purpose of saving his life.<a name="FNanchor_481_481" id="FNanchor_481_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a>
+Another clergyman, who was in the habit of oversleeping
+himself, used to be roused to his duty in the
+morning, by three mysterious knocks at his door,
+which, if they did not produce a proper effect, were
+repeated close to his bed. These knocks never failed
+on Sunday, and on days when he had to administer the
+communion; and they lasted during the whole of his
+ministry, until he became old and infirm, when they
+entirely ceased.<a name="FNanchor_482_482" id="FNanchor_482_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[230]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>By the propagation of these and similar stories, in
+a country already prepared for their reception, the
+Scotch mind became imbued with a belief in miraculous
+interposition, to an extent which would be utterly incredible
+if it were not attested by a host of contemporary
+and unimpeachable witnesses. The clergy,
+partly because they shared in the general delusion, and
+partly because they derived benefit from it, did every
+thing they could to increase the superstition of their
+countrymen, and to familiarize them with notions of the
+supernatural world, such as can only be paralleled in
+the monastic legends of the middle ages.<a name="FNanchor_483_483" id="FNanchor_483_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a> How they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[231]</a></span>
+laboured to corrupt the national intellect, and how
+successful they were in that base vocation, has been
+hitherto known to no modern reader; because no one
+has had the patience to peruse their interminable discourses,
+commentaries, and the other religious literature
+in which their sentiments are preserved. As,
+however, the preachers were, in Scotland, more influential
+than all other classes put together, it is only
+by comparing their statements with what is to be found
+in the general memoirs and correspondence of the
+time, that we can at all succeed in reconstructing the
+history of a period, which, to the philosophic student
+of the human mind, is full of great, though melancholy,
+interest. I shall, therefore, make no apology for entering
+into still further details respecting these matters;
+and I hope to put the reader in possession of such facts
+as will connect the past history of Scotland with its
+present state, and will enable him to understand why
+it is, that so great a people are, in many respects, still
+struggling in darkness, simply because they still live
+under the shadow of that long and terrible night,
+which for more than a century, covered the land. It
+will also appear, that their hardness and moroseness of
+character, their want of gaiety, and their indifference
+to many of the enjoyments of life, are traceable to the
+same cause, and are the natural product of the gloomy
+and ascetic opinions inculcated by their religious
+teachers. For, in that age, as in every other, the
+clergy, once possessed of power, showed themselves
+harsh and unfeeling masters. They kept the people
+in a worse than Egyptian bondage, inasmuch as they
+enslaved mind as well as body, and not only deprived
+men of innocent amusements, but taught them that
+those amusements were sinful. And so thoroughly
+did they do their work, that, though a hundred and
+fifty years have elapsed since their supremacy began
+to wane, the imprint of their hands is everywhere<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[232]</a></span>
+discernible. The people still bear the marks of the
+lash; the memory of their former servitude lives among
+them; and they crouch before their clergy as they did
+of old, abandoning their rights, sacrificing their independence,
+and yielding up their consciences, to the
+dictates of an intolerant and ambitious priesthood.</p>
+
+<p>Of all the means of intimidation employed by the
+Scotch clergy, none was more efficacious than the doctrines
+they propounded respecting evil spirits and
+future punishment. On these subjects they constantly
+uttered the most appalling threats. The language,
+which they used, was calculated to madden men with
+fear, and to drive them to the depths of despair.
+That it often had this consequence, and produced most
+fatal results, we shall presently see. And, what made
+it more effectual was, that it completely harmonized
+with those other gloomy and ascetic notions which the
+clergy inculcated, and according to which, pleasures
+being regarded as sinful, sufferings were regarded as
+religious. Hence that love of inflicting pain, and that
+delight in horrible and revolting ideas, which characterized
+the Scotch mind during the seventeenth
+century. A few specimens of the prevailing opinions
+will enable the reader to understand the temper of
+the time, and to appreciate the resources which the
+Scotch clergy could wield, and the materials with
+which they built up the fabric of their power.</p>
+
+<p>It was generally believed, that the world was overrun
+by evil spirits, who not only went up and down the
+earth, but also lived in the air, and whose business it
+was to tempt and hurt mankind.<a name="FNanchor_484_484" id="FNanchor_484_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a> Their number was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[233]</a></span>
+infinite, and they were to be found at all places and in
+all seasons. At their head was Satan himself, whose
+delight it was to appear in person, ensnaring or terrifying
+every one he met.<a name="FNanchor_485_485" id="FNanchor_485_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> With this object, he assumed
+various forms. One day, he would visit the earth as a
+black dog;<a name="FNanchor_486_486" id="FNanchor_486_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> on another day, as a raven;<a name="FNanchor_487_487" id="FNanchor_487_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a> on another,
+he would be heard in the distance, roaring like a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[234]</a></span>
+bull.<a name="FNanchor_488_488" id="FNanchor_488_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a> He appeared sometimes as a white man in
+black clothes;<a name="FNanchor_489_489" id="FNanchor_489_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> and sometimes he came as a black
+man in black clothes, when it was remarked that his
+voice was ghastly, that he wore no shoes, and that one
+of his feet was cloven.<a name="FNanchor_490_490" id="FNanchor_490_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a> His stratagems were endless.
+For, in the opinion of divines, his cunning increased
+with his age; and having been studying for more than
+five thousand years, he had now attained to unexampled
+dexterity.<a name="FNanchor_491_491" id="FNanchor_491_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a> He could, and he did, seize both men and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[235]</a></span>
+women, and carry them away through the air.<a name="FNanchor_492_492" id="FNanchor_492_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a>
+Usually, he wore the garb of laymen, but it was said,
+that, on more than one occasion, he had impudently
+attired himself as a minister of the gospel.<a name="FNanchor_493_493" id="FNanchor_493_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a> At all
+events, in one dress or other, he frequently appeared to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[236]</a></span>
+the clergy, and tried to coax them over to his side.<a name="FNanchor_494_494" id="FNanchor_494_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> In
+that, of course, he failed; but, out of the ministry, few,
+indeed, could withstand him. He could raise storms
+and tempests; he could work, not only on the mind,
+but also on the organs of the body, making men hear
+and see whatever he chose.<a name="FNanchor_495_495" id="FNanchor_495_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a> Of his victims, some<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[237]</a></span>
+he prompted to commit suicide,<a name="FNanchor_496_496" id="FNanchor_496_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> others to commit
+murder.<a name="FNanchor_497_497" id="FNanchor_497_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a> Still, formidable as he was, no Christian
+was considered to have attained to a full religious experience,
+unless he had literally seen him, talked to
+him, and fought with him.<a name="FNanchor_498_498" id="FNanchor_498_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a> The clergy were constantly
+preaching about him, and preparing their audience
+for an interview with their great enemy. The
+consequence was, that the people became almost crazed
+with fear. Whenever the preacher mentioned Satan,
+the consternation was so great, that the church resounded
+with sighs and groans.<a name="FNanchor_499_499" id="FNanchor_499_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a> The aspect of a
+Scotch congregation in those days, is, indeed, hard
+for us to conceive. Not unfrequently the people, benumbed
+and stupefied with awe, were rooted to their
+seats by the horrible fascination exercised over them,
+which compelled them to listen, though they are described
+as gasping for breath, and with their hair
+standing on end.<a name="FNanchor_500_500" id="FNanchor_500_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> Such impressions were not easily<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[238]</a></span>
+effaced. Images of terror were left on the mind, and
+followed the people to their homes, and in their daily
+pursuits. They believed that the devil was always,
+and literally, at hand; that he was haunting them,
+speaking to them, and tempting them. There was
+no escape. Go where they would, he was there. A
+sudden noise, nay, even the sight of an inanimate
+object, such as a stone, was capable of reviving the
+association of ideas, and of bringing back to the
+memory the language uttered from the pulpit.<a name="FNanchor_501_501" id="FNanchor_501_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a></p>
+
+<p>Nor is it strange that this should be the case. All
+over Scotland, the sermons were, with hardly an exception,
+formed after the same plan, and directed to
+the same end. To excite fear, was the paramount
+object.<a name="FNanchor_502_502" id="FNanchor_502_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a> The clergy boasted, that it was their special<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[239]</a></span>
+mission to thunder out the wrath and curses of the
+Lord.<a name="FNanchor_503_503" id="FNanchor_503_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a> In their eyes, the Deity was not a beneficent
+being, but a cruel and remorseless tyrant. They
+declared that all mankind, a very small portion only
+excepted, were doomed to eternal misery. And when
+they came to describe what that misery was, their
+dark imaginations revelled and gloated at the prospect.
+In the pictures which they drew, they reproduced and
+heightened the barbarous imagery of a barbarous age.
+They delighted in telling their hearers, that they
+would be roasted in great fires, and hung up by their
+tongues.<a name="FNanchor_504_504" id="FNanchor_504_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a> They were to be lashed with scorpions,
+and see their companions writhing and howling around<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[240]</a></span>
+them.<a name="FNanchor_505_505" id="FNanchor_505_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a> They were to be thrown into boiling oil and
+scalding lead.<a name="FNanchor_506_506" id="FNanchor_506_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a> A river of fire and brimstone, broader
+than the earth, was prepared for them;<a name="FNanchor_507_507" id="FNanchor_507_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a> in that, they
+were to be immersed; their bones, their lungs, and
+their liver, were to boil, but never be consumed.<a name="FNanchor_508_508" id="FNanchor_508_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a>
+At the same time, worms were to prey upon them;
+and while these were gnawing at their bodies, they
+were to be surrounded by devils, mocking and making
+pastime of their pains.<a name="FNanchor_509_509" id="FNanchor_509_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a> Such were the first stages
+of suffering, and they were only the first. For the
+torture, besides being unceasing, was to become gradually
+worse. So refined was the cruelty, that one
+hell was succeeded by another; and, lest the sufferer
+should grow callous, he was, after a time, moved on,
+that he might undergo fresh agonies in fresh places,
+provision being made that the torment should not pall
+on the sense, but should be varied in its character, as
+well as eternal in its duration.<a name="FNanchor_510_510" id="FNanchor_510_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[241]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>All this was the work of the God of the Scotch
+clergy.<a name="FNanchor_511_511" id="FNanchor_511_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_511_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a> It was not only his work, it was his joy
+and his pride. For, according to them, hell was
+created before man came into the world; the Almighty,
+they did not scruple to say, having spent his previous
+leisure in preparing and completing this place of torture,
+so that, when the human race appeared, it might
+be ready for their reception.<a name="FNanchor_512_512" id="FNanchor_512_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a> Ample, however, as
+the arrangements were, they were insufficient; and
+hell, not being big enough to contain the countless
+victims incessantly poured into it, had, in these latter
+days, been enlarged.<a name="FNanchor_513_513" id="FNanchor_513_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a> There was now sufficient room.
+But in that vast expanse there was no void, for the
+whole of it reverberated with the shrieks and yells of
+undying agony.<a name="FNanchor_514_514" id="FNanchor_514_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_514_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a> They rent the air with horrid
+sound, and, amid their pauses, other scenes occurred,
+if possible, still more excruciating. Loud reproaches
+filled the ear: children reproaching their parents, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[242]</a></span>
+servants reproaching their masters. Then, indeed,
+terror was rife, and abounded on every side. For,
+while the child cursed his father, the father, consumed
+by remorse, felt his own guilt; and both children and
+fathers made hell echo with their piercing screams,
+writhing in convulsive agony at the torments which
+they suffered, and knowing that other torments more
+grievous still were reserved for them.<a name="FNanchor_515_515" id="FNanchor_515_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_515_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a></p>
+
+<p>Even now such language freezes the blood, when we
+consider what must have passed through the minds of
+those who could bring themselves to utter it. The
+enunciation of such ideas unfolds the character of the
+men, and lays bare their inmost spirit. We shudder,
+when we think of the dark and corrupted fancy, the
+vindictive musings, the wild, lawless, and uncertain
+thoughts which must have been harboured by those
+who could combine and arrange the different parts of
+this hideous scheme. No hesitation, no compunction,
+no feelings of mercy, ever seem to have entered their
+breasts. It is evident, that their notions were well
+matured; it is equally evident, that they delighted in
+them. They were marked by a unity of conception,
+and were enforced with a freshness and vigour of
+language, which shows that their heart was in their
+work. But before this could have happened, they
+must have been dead to every emotion of pity and
+tenderness. Yet, they were the teachers of a great
+nation, and were, in every respect, the most influential
+persons in that nation. The people, credulous and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[243]</a></span>
+grossly ignorant, listened and believed. We, at this
+distance of time, and living in another realm of thought,
+can form but a faint conception of the effect which
+these horrible conceits produced upon them. They
+were convinced that, in this world, they were incessantly
+pursued by the devil, and that he, and other
+evil spirits, were constantly hovering around them, in
+bodily and visible shape, tempting them, and luring
+them on to destruction. In the next world, the most
+frightful and unheard-of punishments awaited them;
+while both this world and the next were governed by
+an avenging Deity, whose wrath it was impossible to
+propitiate. No wonder that, with these ideas before
+them, their reason should often give way, and that a
+religious mania should set in, under whose influence
+they, in black despair, put an end to their lives.<a name="FNanchor_516_516" id="FNanchor_516_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_516_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[244]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Little comfort, indeed, could men then gain from
+their religion. Not only the devil, as the author of all
+evil, but even He whom we recognise as the author of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[245]</a></span>
+all good, was, in the eyes of the Scotch clergy, a cruel
+and vindictive being, moved with anger like themselves.
+They looked into their own hearts, and there they found
+the picture of their God. According to them, He was a
+God of terror, instead of a God of love.<a name="FNanchor_517_517" id="FNanchor_517_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_517_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a> To Him they
+imputed the worst passions of their own peevish and
+irritable nature. They ascribed to Him, revenge, cunning,
+and a constant disposition to inflict pain. While
+they declared that nearly all mankind were sinners beyond
+the chance of redemption, and were, indeed, predestined
+to eternal ruin, they did not scruple to accuse
+the Deity of resorting to artifice against these unhappy
+victims; lying in wait for them, that He might catch
+them unawares.<a name="FNanchor_518_518" id="FNanchor_518_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_518_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a> The Scotch clergy taught their
+hearers, that the Almighty was so sanguinary, and so
+prone to anger, that He raged even against walls and
+houses and senseless creatures, wreaking His fury more
+than ever, and scattering desolation on every side.<a name="FNanchor_519_519" id="FNanchor_519_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_519_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a>
+Sooner than miss His fell and malignant purpose, He
+would, they said, let loose avenging angels, to fall upon
+men and upon their families.<a name="FNanchor_520_520" id="FNanchor_520_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_520_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a> Independently of this
+resource, He had various ways whereby He could at once
+content Himself and plague His creatures, as was
+particularly shown in the devices which He employed
+to bring famine on a people.<a name="FNanchor_521_521" id="FNanchor_521_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_521_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a> When a country was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[246]</a></span>
+starving, it was because God, in His anger, had smitten
+the soil, had stopped the clouds from yielding their moisture,
+and thus made the fruits of the earth to wither.<a name="FNanchor_522_522" id="FNanchor_522_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_522_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a>
+All the intolerable sufferings caused by a want of food, the
+slow deaths, the agony, the general misery, the crimes
+which that misery produced, the anguish of the mother
+as she saw her children wasting away and could give
+them no bread, all this was His act, and the work of His
+hands.<a name="FNanchor_523_523" id="FNanchor_523_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_523_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a> In His anger, He would sometimes injure the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[247]</a></span>
+crops by making the spring so backward, and the
+weather so cold and rainy, as to insure a deficiency in
+the coming harvest.<a name="FNanchor_524_524" id="FNanchor_524_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a> Or else, he would deceive men,
+by sending them a favourable season, and, after letting
+them toil and sweat in the hope of an abundant supply,
+He would, at the last moment, suddenly step in, and
+destroy the corn just as it was fit to be reaped.<a name="FNanchor_525_525" id="FNanchor_525_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a> For,
+the God of the Scotch Kirk was a God who tantalized
+His creatures as well as punished them; and when He
+was provoked, He would first allure men by encouraging
+their expectations, in order that their subsequent misery
+might be more poignant.<a name="FNanchor_526_526" id="FNanchor_526_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_526_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a></p>
+
+<p>Under the influence of this horrible creed, and from
+the unbounded sway exercised by the clergy who advocated
+it, the Scotch mind was thrown into such a state,
+that, during the seventeenth, and part of the eighteenth,
+century, some of the noblest feelings of which our nature
+is capable, the feelings of hope, of love, and of gratitude,
+were set aside, and were replaced by the dictates of a
+servile and ignominous fear. The physical sufferings
+to which the human frame is liable, nay, even the very
+accidents to which we are casually exposed, were believed
+to proceed, not from our ignorance, nor from our carelessness,
+but from the rage of the Deity. If a fire<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[248]</a></span>
+chanced to break out in Edinburgh, the greatest alarm
+was excited, because it was the voice of God crying out
+against a luxurious and dissolute city.<a name="FNanchor_527_527" id="FNanchor_527_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_527_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a> If a boil or a
+sore appeared on your body, that, too, was a divine
+punishment, and it was more than doubtful whether it
+might lawfully be cured.<a name="FNanchor_528_528" id="FNanchor_528_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_528_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a> The small-pox, being one
+of the most fatal as well as one of the most loathsome of
+all diseases, was especially sent by God; and, on that
+account, the remedy of inoculation was scouted as a
+profane attempt to frustrate His intentions.<a name="FNanchor_529_529" id="FNanchor_529_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a> Other
+disorders, which, though less terrible, were very painful,
+proceeded from the same source, and all owed their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[249]</a></span>
+origin to the anger of the Almighty.<a name="FNanchor_530_530" id="FNanchor_530_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a> In every thing,
+His power was displayed, not by increasing the happiness
+of men, nor by adding to their comforts, but by
+hurting and vexing them in all possible ways. His
+hand, always raised against the people, would sometimes
+deprive them of wine by causing the vintage to fail;<a name="FNanchor_531_531" id="FNanchor_531_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_531_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a>
+sometimes, would destroy their cattle in a storm;<a name="FNanchor_532_532" id="FNanchor_532_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_532_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a> and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[250]</a></span>
+sometimes, would even make dogs bite their legs when
+they least expected it.<a name="FNanchor_533_533" id="FNanchor_533_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_533_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a> Sometimes, He would display
+His wrath by making the weather excessively dry;<a name="FNanchor_534_534" id="FNanchor_534_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_534_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a>
+sometimes, by making it equally wet.<a name="FNanchor_535_535" id="FNanchor_535_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_535_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> He was always
+punishing; always busy in increasing the general suffering,
+or, to use the language of the time, making the
+creature smart under the rod.<a name="FNanchor_536_536" id="FNanchor_536_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_536_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a> Every fresh war was
+the result of His special interference; it was not caused
+by the meddling folly or insensate ambition of statesmen,
+but it was the immediate work of the Deity, who
+was thus made responsible for all the devastations, the
+murders, and other crimes more horrible still, which war
+produces.<a name="FNanchor_537_537" id="FNanchor_537_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_537_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a> In the intervals of peace, which, at that
+period, were very rare, He had other means of vexing
+mankind. The shock of an earthquake was a mark of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[251]</a></span>
+His displeasure;<a name="FNanchor_538_538" id="FNanchor_538_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_538_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a> a comet was a sign of coming tribulation;<a name="FNanchor_539_539" id="FNanchor_539_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_539_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a>
+and when an eclipse appeared, the panic was
+so universal, that persons of all ranks hastened to
+church to deprecate His wrath.<a name="FNanchor_540_540" id="FNanchor_540_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_540_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a> What they heard
+there, would increase their fear, instead of allaying it.
+For the clergy taught their hearers, that even so ordinary
+an event as thunder, was meant to excite awe,
+and was sent for the purpose of showing to men with
+how terrible a master they had to deal.<a name="FNanchor_541_541" id="FNanchor_541_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_541_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a> Not to
+tremble at thunder, was, therefore, a mark of impiety;
+and, in this respect, man was unfavourably contrasted
+with the lower animals, since they were invariably
+moved by this symptom of divine power.<a name="FNanchor_542_542" id="FNanchor_542_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_542_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[252]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>These visitations, eclipses, comets, earthquakes, thunder,
+famine, pestilence, war, disease, blights in the air,
+failures in the crops, cold winters, dry summers, these,
+and the like, were, in the opinion of the Scotch divines,
+outbreaks of the anger of the Almighty against the sins
+of men; and that such outbreaks were incessant is not
+surprising, when we consider that, in the same age, and
+according to the same creed, the most innocent, and even
+praiseworthy, actions were deemed sinful, and worthy
+of chastisement. The opinions held on this subject are
+not only curious, but extremely instructive. Besides
+forming an important part of the history of the human
+mind, they supply decisive proof of the danger of allowing
+a single profession to exalt itself above all other
+professions. For, in Scotland, as elsewhere, directly
+the clergy succeeded in occupying a more than ordinary
+amount of public attention, they availed themselves of
+that circumstance to propagate those ascetic doctrines,
+which, while they strike at the root of human happiness,
+benefit no one except the class which advocates them.
+That class, indeed, can hardly fail to reap advantage
+from a policy, which, by increasing the apprehensions to
+which the ignorance and timidity of men make them too
+liable, does also increase their eagerness to fly for support
+to their spiritual advisers. And the greater the
+apprehension, the greater the eagerness. Of this, the
+Scotch clergy, who were perfect masters of their own
+art, were well aware. Under their influence, a system
+of morals was established, which, representing nearly
+every act as sinful, kept the people in perpetual dread,
+lest unwittingly they were committing some enormous
+offence, which would bring upon their heads a signal
+and overwhelming punishment.</p>
+
+<p>According to this code, all the natural affections, all
+social pleasures, all amusements, and all the joyous instincts
+of the human heart were sinful, and were to be
+rooted out. It was sinful for a mother to wish to have
+sons;<a name="FNanchor_543_543" id="FNanchor_543_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_543_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a> and, if she had any, it was sinful to be anxious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[253]</a></span>
+about their welfare.<a name="FNanchor_544_544" id="FNanchor_544_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_544_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a> It was a sin to please yourself,
+or to please others; for, by adopting either course, you
+were sure to displease God.<a name="FNanchor_545_545" id="FNanchor_545_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_545_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a> All pleasures, therefore,
+however slight in themselves, or however lawful they
+might appear, must be carefully avoided.<a name="FNanchor_546_546" id="FNanchor_546_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_546_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a> When
+mixing in society, we should edify the company, if the
+gift of edification had been bestowed upon us; but we
+should by no means attempt to amuse them.<a name="FNanchor_547_547" id="FNanchor_547_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_547_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a> Cheerfulness,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[254]</a></span>
+especially when it rose to laughter, was to be
+guarded against; and we should choose for our associates
+grave and sorrowful men, who were not likely to indulge
+in so foolish a practice.<a name="FNanchor_548_548" id="FNanchor_548_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_548_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> Smiling, provided it stopped
+short of laughter, might occasionally be allowed; still,
+being a carnal pastime, it was a sin to smile on Sunday.<a name="FNanchor_549_549" id="FNanchor_549_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_549_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a>
+Even on week-days, those who were most imbued
+with religious principles hardly ever smiled, but
+sighed, groaned, and wept.<a name="FNanchor_550_550" id="FNanchor_550_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_550_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a> A true Christian would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[255]</a></span>
+be careful, in his movements, to preserve invariable
+gravity, never running, but walking soberly, and not
+treading out in a brisk and lively manner, as unbelievers
+are wont to do.<a name="FNanchor_551_551" id="FNanchor_551_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_551_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a> So, too, if he wrote to a friend, he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[256]</a></span>
+must beware lest his letter should contain any thing like
+jocoseness; since jesting is incompatible with a holy and
+serious life.<a name="FNanchor_552_552" id="FNanchor_552_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_552_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a></p>
+
+<p>It was, moreover, wrong to take pleasure in beautiful
+scenery; for a pious man had no concern with such
+matters, which were beneath him, and the admiration
+of which should be left to the unconverted.<a name="FNanchor_553_553" id="FNanchor_553_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_553_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a> The unregenerate
+might delight in these vanities, but they who
+were properly instructed, saw Nature as she really was,
+and knew that as she, for about five thousand years, had
+been constantly on the move, her vigour was well-nigh
+spent, and her pristine energy had departed.<a name="FNanchor_554_554" id="FNanchor_554_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_554_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a> To the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[257]</a></span>
+eye of ignorance, she still seemed fair and fresh; the
+fact, however, was, that she was worn out and decrepit;
+she was suffering from extreme old age; her frame, no
+longer elastic, was leaning on one side, and she soon
+would perish.<a name="FNanchor_555_555" id="FNanchor_555_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a> Owing to the sin of man, all things
+were getting worse, and nature was degenerating so fast,
+that already the lilies were losing their whiteness, and
+the roses their smell.<a name="FNanchor_556_556" id="FNanchor_556_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a> The heavens were waxing
+old;<a name="FNanchor_557_557" id="FNanchor_557_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_557_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> the very sun, which lighted the earth, was becoming
+feeble.<a name="FNanchor_558_558" id="FNanchor_558_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_558_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a> This universal degeneracy was sad to
+think of; but the profane knew it not. Their ungodly
+eyes were still pleased by what they saw. Such was
+the result of their obstinate determination to indulge
+the senses, all of which were evil; the eye being, beyond
+comparison, the most wicked. Hence, it was especially
+marked out for divine punishment; and, being constantly
+sinning, it was afflicted with fifty-two different diseases,
+that is, one disease for each week in the year.<a name="FNanchor_559_559" id="FNanchor_559_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_559_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[258]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>On this account, it was improper to care for beauty
+of any kind; or, to speak more accurately, there was no
+real beauty. The world afforded nothing worth looking
+at, save and except the Scotch Kirk, which was incomparably
+the most beautiful thing under heaven.<a name="FNanchor_560_560" id="FNanchor_560_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_560_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a> To
+look at that was a lawful enjoyment, but every other
+pleasure was sinful. To write poetry, for instance, was
+a grievous offence, and worthy of especial condemnation.<a name="FNanchor_561_561" id="FNanchor_561_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_561_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a>
+To listen to music was equally wrong; for men
+had no right to disport themselves in such idle recreation.
+Hence the clergy forbade music to be introduced
+even during the festivities of a marriage;<a name="FNanchor_562_562" id="FNanchor_562_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_562_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a> neither
+would they permit, on any occasion, the national entertainment
+of pipers.<a name="FNanchor_563_563" id="FNanchor_563_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_563_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a> Indeed, it was sinful to look at
+any exhibition in the streets, even though you only
+looked at it from your own window.<a name="FNanchor_564_564" id="FNanchor_564_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_564_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a> Dancing was so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[259]</a></span>
+extremely sinful, that an edict, expressly prohibiting it,
+was enacted by the General Assembly, and read in every
+church in Edinburgh.<a name="FNanchor_565_565" id="FNanchor_565_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_565_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a> New Year's Eve had long been
+a period of rejoicing in Scotland, as in other parts of
+Europe. The Church laid her hands on this also, and
+ordered that no one should sing the songs usual on that
+day, or should admit such singers into his own private
+house.<a name="FNanchor_566_566" id="FNanchor_566_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_566_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a></p>
+
+<p>At the christening of a child, the Scotch were accustomed
+to assemble their relations, including their distant
+cousins, in whom, then as now, they much abounded.
+But this caused pleasure, and pleasure was sinful. It
+was, therefore, forbidden; the number of guests was
+limited; and the strictest supervision was exercised by
+the clergy, to prevent the possibility of any one being
+improperly happy on such occasions.<a name="FNanchor_567_567" id="FNanchor_567_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_567_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[260]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Not only at baptisms, but also at marriages, the same
+spirit was displayed. In every country, it has been usual
+to make merry at marriages; partly from a natural
+feeling, and partly, perhaps, from a notion that a contract
+so often productive of misery, might, at all events, begin
+with mirth. The Scotch clergy, however, thought
+otherwise. At the weddings of the poor, they would
+allow no rejoicing;<a name="FNanchor_568_568" id="FNanchor_568_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_568_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a> and at the weddings of the rich,
+it was the custom for one of them to go for the express
+purpose of preventing an excess of gaiety. A better
+precaution could hardly be devised; but they did not
+trust exclusively to it. To check the lusts of the flesh,
+they, furthermore, took into account the cookery, the
+choice of the meats, and the number of the dishes. They
+were, in fact, so solicitous on these points, and so
+anxious that the nuptial feast should not be too attractive
+that they fixed its cost, and would not allow any<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[261]</a></span>
+person to exceed the sum which they thought proper to
+name.<a name="FNanchor_569_569" id="FNanchor_569_569"></a><a href="#Footnote_569_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a></p>
+
+<p>Nothing escaped their vigilance. For, in their opinion,
+even the best man was, at his best time, so full of
+turpitude, that his actions could not fail to be wicked.<a name="FNanchor_570_570" id="FNanchor_570_570"></a><a href="#Footnote_570_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a>
+He never passed a day without sinning, and the smallest
+sin deserved eternal wrath.<a name="FNanchor_571_571" id="FNanchor_571_571"></a><a href="#Footnote_571_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a> Indeed, every thing he
+did was sinful, no matter how pure his motives.<a name="FNanchor_572_572" id="FNanchor_572_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_572_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a> Man
+had been gradually falling lower and lower, and had
+now sunk to a point of debasement, which made him
+inferior to the beasts that perish.<a name="FNanchor_573_573" id="FNanchor_573_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_573_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a> Even before he was
+born, and while he was yet in his mother's womb, his
+guilt began.<a name="FNanchor_574_574" id="FNanchor_574_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_574_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a> And when he grew up, his crimes multiplied
+thick and fast; one of the most heinous of them
+being the practice of teaching children new words,&mdash;a
+horrible custom, justly visited by divine wrath.<a name="FNanchor_575_575" id="FNanchor_575_575"></a><a href="#Footnote_575_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a> This,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[262]</a></span>
+however, was but one of a series of innumerable and incessant
+offences; so that the only wonder was, that the
+earth could restrain herself at the hideous spectacle
+which man presented, and that she did not open her
+mouth, as of old, and swallow him even in the midst of
+his wickedness.<a name="FNanchor_576_576" id="FNanchor_576_576"></a><a href="#Footnote_576_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a> For, it was certain, that in the whole
+creation, there was nothing so deformed and monstrous
+as he.<a name="FNanchor_577_577" id="FNanchor_577_577"></a><a href="#Footnote_577_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such being the case, it behoved the clergy to come
+forward, and to guard men against their own vices, by
+controlling their daily actions, and forcing them to a
+right conduct. This they did vigorously. Aided by
+the elders, who were their tools and the creatures of their
+power, they, all over Scotland, organized themselves into
+legislative bodies, and, in the midst of their little senate,
+they enacted laws which the people were bound to obey.
+If they refused, woe be to them. They became unruly
+sons of the Church, and were liable to be imprisoned, to
+be fined, or to be whipped,<a name="FNanchor_578_578" id="FNanchor_578_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_578_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a> or to be branded with a hot
+iron,<a name="FNanchor_579_579" id="FNanchor_579_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_579_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a> or to do penance before the whole congregation,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[263]</a></span>
+humbling themselves, bare-footed, and with their hair
+cut on one side,<a name="FNanchor_580_580" id="FNanchor_580_580"></a><a href="#Footnote_580_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a> while the minister, under pretence
+of rebuking them, enjoyed his triumph.<a name="FNanchor_581_581" id="FNanchor_581_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_581_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a> All this was
+natural enough. For the clergy were the delegates of
+heaven, and the interpreters of its will. They, therefore,
+were the best judges of what men ought to do; and any
+one whom they censured was bound to submit with
+humility and repentance.<a name="FNanchor_582_582" id="FNanchor_582_582"></a><a href="#Footnote_582_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a></p>
+
+<p>The arbitrary and irresponsible tribunals, which now
+sprung up all over Scotland, united the executive authority
+with the legislative, and exercised both functions at
+the same time. Declaring that certain acts ought not to
+be committed, they took the law into their own hands,
+and punished those who had committed them. According
+to the principles of this new jurisprudence, of which the
+clergy were the authors, it became a sin for any Scotchman
+to travel in a Catholic country.<a name="FNanchor_583_583" id="FNanchor_583_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_583_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a> It was a sin for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[264]</a></span>
+any Scotch innkeeper to admit a Catholic into his inn.<a name="FNanchor_584_584" id="FNanchor_584_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_584_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a>
+It was a sin for any Scotch town to hold a market either
+on Saturday or on Monday, because both days were near
+Sunday.<a name="FNanchor_585_585" id="FNanchor_585_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_585_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a> It was a sin for a Scotch woman to wait at
+a tavern;<a name="FNanchor_586_586" id="FNanchor_586_586"></a><a href="#Footnote_586_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a> it was a sin for her to live alone;<a name="FNanchor_587_587" id="FNanchor_587_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_587_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a> it was
+also a sin for her to live with unmarried sisters.<a name="FNanchor_588_588" id="FNanchor_588_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_588_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a> It<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[265]</a></span>
+was a sin to go from one town to another on Sunday,
+however pressing the business might be.<a name="FNanchor_589_589" id="FNanchor_589_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_589_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a> It was a
+sin to visit your friend on Sunday;<a name="FNanchor_590_590" id="FNanchor_590_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_590_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a> it was likewise
+sinful either to have your garden watered,<a name="FNanchor_591_591" id="FNanchor_591_591"></a><a href="#Footnote_591_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a> or your
+beard shaved.<a name="FNanchor_592_592" id="FNanchor_592_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_592_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a> Such things were not to be tolerated
+in a Christian land. No one, on Sunday, should pay
+attention to his health, or think of his body at all. On
+that day, horse-exercise was sinful;<a name="FNanchor_593_593" id="FNanchor_593_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_593_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a> so was walking
+in the fields, or in the meadows, or in the streets, or
+enjoying the fine weather by sitting at the door of your
+house.<a name="FNanchor_594_594" id="FNanchor_594_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_594_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a> To go to sleep on Sunday, before the duties<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[266]</a></span>
+of the day were over, was also sinful, and deserved church
+censure.<a name="FNanchor_595_595" id="FNanchor_595_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_595_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a> Bathing, being pleasant as well as wholesome,
+was a particularly grievous offence; and no man
+could be allowed to swim on Sunday.<a name="FNanchor_596_596" id="FNanchor_596_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_596_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a> It was, in fact,
+doubtful whether swimming was lawful for a Christian
+at any time, even on week-days, and it was certain that
+God had, on one occasion, shown His disapproval, by
+taking away the life of a boy while he was indulging in
+that carnal practice.<a name="FNanchor_597_597" id="FNanchor_597_597"></a><a href="#Footnote_597_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a></p>
+
+<p>That it was a sin to cleanse one's body, might, indeed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[267]</a></span>
+have been taken for granted; seeing that the Scotch
+clergy looked on all comforts as sinful in themselves,
+merely because they were comforts.<a name="FNanchor_598_598" id="FNanchor_598_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_598_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a> The great object
+of life was, to be in a state of constant affliction.<a name="FNanchor_599_599" id="FNanchor_599_599"></a><a href="#Footnote_599_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a>
+Whatever pleased the senses, was to be suspected.<a name="FNanchor_600_600" id="FNanchor_600_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_600_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a>
+A Christian must beware of enjoying his dinner; for
+none but the ungodly relished their food.<a name="FNanchor_601_601" id="FNanchor_601_601"></a><a href="#Footnote_601_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a> By a parity
+of reasoning, it was wrong for a man to wish to advance
+himself in life, or in any way to better his condition.<a name="FNanchor_602_602" id="FNanchor_602_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_602_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a>
+Either to make money, or to save it, was unsuited to
+Christians; and even to possess much of it was objectionable,
+because it not only ministered to human pleasures,
+but encouraged those habits of foresight and of
+provision for the future, which are incompatible with
+complete resignation to the Divine will. To wish for
+more than was necessary to keep oneself alive, was a sin<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[268]</a></span>
+as well as a folly, and was a violation of the subjection
+we owe to God.<a name="FNanchor_603_603" id="FNanchor_603_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_603_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a> That it was contrary to His desire,
+was, moreover, evident, from the fact that He bestowed
+wealth liberally upon misers and covetous men; a remarkable
+circumstance, which, in the opinion of Scotch
+divines, proved that He was no lover of riches, otherwise
+He would not give them to such base and sordid
+persons.<a name="FNanchor_604_604" id="FNanchor_604_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_604_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a></p>
+
+<p>To be poor, dirty, and hungry, to pass through life<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[269]</a></span>
+in misery, and to leave it with fear, to be plagued with
+boils, and sores, and diseases of every kind, to be always
+sighing and groaning, to have the face streaming with
+tears, and the chest heaving with sobs, in a word, to
+suffer constant affliction, and to be tormented in all
+possible ways; to undergo these things was deemed a
+proof of goodness, just as the contrary was a proof of
+evil. It mattered not what a man liked; the mere fact
+of his liking it, made it sinful. Whatever was natural,
+was wrong. The clergy deprived the people of their
+holidays, their amusements, their shows, their games,
+and their sports; they repressed every appearance of joy,
+they forbade all merriment, they stopped all festivities,
+they choked up every avenue by which pleasure could
+enter, and they spread over the country an universal
+gloom.<a name="FNanchor_605_605" id="FNanchor_605_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_605_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a> Then, truly, did darkness sit on the land.
+Men, in their daily actions and in their very looks, became
+troubled, melancholy, and ascetic. Their countenance
+soured, and was downcast. Not only their opinions,
+but their gait, their demeanour, their voice, their general
+aspect, were influenced by that deadly blight which
+nipped all that was genial and warm. The way of life
+fell into the sear and yellow leaf; its tints gradually
+deepened; its bloom faded, and passed off; its spring,
+its freshness, and its beauty, were gone; joy and love
+either disappeared or were forced to hide themselves in
+obscure corners, until at length the fairest and most
+endearing parts of our nature, being constantly repressed,
+ceased to bear fruit, and seemed to be withered into
+perpetual sterility.</p>
+
+<p>Thus it was, that the national character of the Scotch
+was, in the seventeenth century, dwarfed and mutilated.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[270]</a></span>
+With nations, as with individuals, the harmony and
+free development of life can only be attained by exercising
+its principal functions boldly and without fear.
+Those functions are of two kinds; one set of them increasing
+the happiness of the mind, another set increasing
+the happiness of the body. If we could suppose a
+man completely perfect, we should take for granted
+that he would unite these two forms of pleasure in the
+highest degree, and would extract, both from body and
+mind, every enjoyment consistent with his own happiness,
+and with the happiness of others. But, as no
+such character is to be found, it invariably occurs, that
+even the wisest of us are unable to hold the balance;
+we, therefore, err, some in over-indulging the body,
+some in over-indulging the mind. Comparing one set
+of indulgences with the other, there can be no doubt
+that the intellectual pleasures are, in many respects,
+superior to the physical; they are more numerous,
+more varied, more permanent, and more ennobling;
+they are less liable to cause satiety in the individual,
+and they produce more good to the species. But for
+one person who can enjoy intellectual pleasures, there
+are at least a hundred who can enjoy physical pleasures.
+The happiness derived from gratifying the senses,
+being thus diffused over a wider area, and satisfying, at
+any given moment, a greater number of persons than
+the other form of happiness is capable of, does, on that
+account, possess an importance which many who call
+themselves philosophers are unwilling to recognize.
+Too often have philosophic and speculative thinkers, by
+a foolish denunciation of such pleasures, done all in
+their power to curtail the quantity of happiness of
+which humanity is susceptible. Forgetting that we
+have bodies as well as minds, and forgetting, too, that
+in an immense majority of instances the body is more
+active than the mind, that it is more powerful, that it
+plays a more conspicuous part, and is fitted for greater
+achievements, such writers commit the enormous error
+of despising that class of actions to which ninety-nine
+men out of every hundred are most prone, and for
+which they are best fitted. And for committing this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[271]</a></span>
+error they pay the penalty of finding their books unread,
+their systems disregarded, and their scheme of
+life adopted, perhaps, by a small class of solitary
+students, but shut out from that great world of reality
+for which it is unsuited, and in which it would produce
+the most serious mischief.</p>
+
+<p>If, then, we review the history of opinion in connexion
+with the history of action, we may probably
+say, that the ascetic notions of philosophers, such, for
+instance, as the doctrines of the Stoics, and similar
+theories of mortification, have not worked the harm
+which might have been expected, and have not succeeded
+in abridging, to any perceptible extent, the
+substantial happiness of mankind. There are, I apprehend,
+two reasons why they have failed. In the first
+place, these philosophers have, with hardly an exception,
+had little real acquaintance with human nature,
+and have, therefore, been unable to touch those chords,
+and appeal to those hidden motives, by influencing
+which one man gains over another to his side. And,
+in the second place, they, fortunately for us, have never
+possessed authority, and have, therefore, been unable
+either to enforce their doctrine by penalties, or to recommend
+it by rewards.</p>
+
+<p>But, though philosophers have failed in their effort
+to lessen the pleasures of mankind, there is another
+body of men, who, in making the same attempt, have
+met with far greater success. I mean, of course, the
+theologians, who, considered as a class, have, in every
+country and in every age, deliberately opposed themselves
+to gratifications which are essential to the
+happiness of an overwhelming majority of the human
+race. Raising up a God of their own creation, whom
+they hold out as a lover of penance, of sacrifice, and of
+mortification, they, under this pretence, forbid enjoyments
+which are not only innocent, but praiseworthy.
+For, every enjoyment by which no one is injured, is
+innocent; and every innocent enjoyment is praiseworthy,
+because it assists in diffusing that spirit of content
+and of satisfaction which is favourable to the practice
+of benevolence towards others. The theologians,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[272]</a></span>
+however, for reasons which I have already stated,
+cultivate an opposite spirit, and, whenever they have
+possessed power, they have always prohibited a large
+number of pleasurable actions, on the ground that such
+actions are offensive to the Deity. That they have no
+warrant for this, and that they are simply indulging in
+peremptory assertions on subjects respecting which we
+have no trustworthy information, is well known to
+those who, impartially, and without preconceived bias,
+have studied their arguments, and the evidence which
+they adduce. On this, however, I need not dilate; for,
+inasmuch as men are, almost every year, and certainly
+every generation, becoming more accustomed to close
+and accurate reasoning, just in the same proportion is
+the conviction spreading, that theologians proceed from
+arbitrary assumptions, for which they have no proof,
+except by appealing to other assumptions, equally arbitrary
+and equally unproven. Their whole system
+reposes upon fear, and upon fear of the worst kind;
+since, according to them, the Great Author of our being
+has used His omnipotence in so cruel a manner as to
+endow his creatures with tastes, instincts, and desires,
+which He not only forbids them to gratify, but which,
+if they do gratify, shall bring on themselves eternal
+punishment.</p>
+
+<p>What the theologians are to the closet, that are the
+priests to the pulpit. The theologians work upon the
+studious, who read; the clergy act upon the idle, who
+listen. Seeing, however, that the same man often performs
+both offices, and seeing, too, that the spirit and tendency
+of each office are the same, we may, for practical
+purposes, consider the two classes as identical; and, putting
+them together, and treating them as a whole, it must
+be admitted by whoever will take a comprehensive
+view of what they have actually done, that they have
+been, not only the most bitter foes of human happiness,
+but also the most successful ones. In their high and
+palmy days, when they reigned supreme, when credulity
+was universal and doubt unknown, they afflicted
+mankind in every possible way; enjoining fasts, and
+penances, and pilgrimages, teaching their simple and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[273]</a></span>
+ignorant victims every kind of austerity, teaching them
+to flog their own bodies, to tear their own flesh, and to
+mortify the most natural of their appetites. This was
+the state of Europe in the middle ages. It is still the
+state of every part of the world where the priesthood are
+uncontrolled. Such ascetic and self-tormenting observances
+are the inevitable issue of the theological spirit,
+if that spirit is unchecked. Now, and owing to the
+rapid march of our knowledge, it is constantly losing
+ground, because the scientific and secular spirit is encroaching
+on its domain. Therefore, in our time, and
+especially in our country, its most repulsive features
+are disguised, and it is forced to mask its native
+ugliness. Among our clergy, a habit of grave and
+decent compromise has taken the place of that bold and
+fiery war which their predecessors waged against a
+sensual and benighted world. Their threats have perceptibly
+diminished. They now allow us a little
+pleasure, a little luxury, a little happiness. They no
+longer tell us to mortify every appetite, and to forego
+every comfort. The language of power has departed
+from them. Here and there, we find vestiges of the
+ancient spirit; but this is only among uneducated men,
+addressing an ignorant audience. The superior clergy,
+who have a character to lose, are grown cautious; and,
+whatever their private opinion may be, they rarely venture
+on those terrific denunciations with which their
+pulpits once resounded, and which, in times of yore,
+made the people shrink with fear, and humbled every
+one except him by whom the denunciation was uttered.</p>
+
+<p>Still, though much of this has vanished, enough
+remains to show what the theological spirit is, and to
+justify a belief, that nothing but the pressure of public
+opinion prevents it from breaking out into its former
+extravagance. Many of the clergy persist in attacking
+the pleasures of the world, forgetting that, not only the
+world, but all which the world contains, is the work of
+the Almighty, and that the instincts and desires, which
+they stigmatise as unholy, are part of his gifts to man.
+They have yet to learn, that our appetites, being as
+much a portion of ourselves as any other quality we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[274]</a></span>
+possess, ought to be indulged, otherwise the whole individual
+is not developed. If a man suppresses part of
+himself, he becomes maimed and shorn. The proper
+limit to self-indulgence is, that he shall neither hurt
+himself nor hurt others. Short of this, everything is
+lawful. It is more than lawful; it is necessary. He
+who abstains from safe and moderate gratification of
+the senses, lets some of his essential faculties fall into
+abeyance, and must, on that account, be deemed imperfect
+and unfinished. Such an one is incomplete; he is
+crippled; he has never reached his full stature. He may
+be a monk; he may be a saint; but a man he is not.
+And now, more than ever, do we want true and genuine
+men. No previous age has had so much work to do, and,
+to accomplish that work, we need robust and vigorous
+natures, whose every function has been freely exercised
+without let or hindrance. Never before, was the practice
+of life so arduous; never were the problems
+presented to the human mind so numerous, or so complicated.
+Every addition to our knowledge, every fresh
+idea, opens up new difficulties, and gives birth to new
+combinations. Under this accumulated pressure, we
+shall assuredly sink, if we imitate the credulity of our
+forefathers, who allowed their energies to be cramped
+and weakened by those pernicious notions, which the
+clergy, partly from ignorance, and partly from interest,
+have, in every age, palmed on the people, and have,
+thereby, diminished the national happiness, and retarded
+the march of national prosperity.</p>
+
+<p>In the same way, we constantly hear of the evils of
+wealth, and of the sinfulness of loving money; although
+it is certain that, after the love of knowledge, there is
+no one passion which has done so much good to mankind
+as the love of money. It is to the love of money
+that we owe all trade and commerce; in other words,
+the possession of every comfort and luxury which our
+own country is unable to supply. Trade and commerce
+have made us familiar with the productions of many
+lands, have awakened curiosity, have widened our
+ideas by bringing us in contact with nations of various
+manners, speech, and thought, have supplied an outlet<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[275]</a></span>
+for energies which would otherwise have been pent up
+and wasted, have accustomed men to habits of enterprise,
+forethought, and calculation, have, moreover,
+communicated to us many arts of great utility, and
+have put us in possession of some of the most valuable
+remedies with which we are acquainted, either to save
+life or to lessen pain. These things we owe to the love
+of money. If theologians could succeed in their desire
+to destroy that love, all these things would cease, and
+we should relapse into comparative barbarism. The
+love of money, like all our appetites, is liable to abuse;
+but to declaim against it as evil in itself, and, above all,
+to represent it as a feeling, the indulgence of which
+provokes the wrath of God, is to betray an ignorance,
+natural, perhaps, in former ages, but shameful in our
+time, particularly when it proceeds from men who give
+themselves out as public teachers, and profess that it is
+their mission to enlighten the world.</p>
+
+<p>Injurious, however, as all this is to the best interests
+of society, it is nothing in comparison with the doctrines
+formerly advocated by the Scotch divines. What their
+ideas were, I have shown from their own sermons, the
+reading of which has been the most painful literary task
+I ever undertook, since, in addition to the narrowness
+and the dogmatism which even the best of such compositions
+contain, there is, in these productions, a hardness
+of heart, an austerity of temper, a want of sympathy
+with human happiness, and a hatred of human nature,
+such as have rarely been exhibited in any age, and, I
+rejoice to think, have never been exhibited in any other
+Protestant country. These things, I have resuscitated
+from the oblivion in which they had long been buried,
+partly because it was necessary to do so in order to
+understand the history of the Scotch mind, and partly
+because I desired to show what the tendency of theologians
+is, when that tendency is uncontrolled. Protestants,
+generally, are too apt to suppose that there is
+something in their creed which protects them against
+those hurtful extravagances which have been, and,
+to a certain extent, still are, practised in the Catholic
+Church. Never was a greater mistake. There is but one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[276]</a></span>
+protection against the tyranny of any class; and that is,
+to give that class very little power. Whatever the pretensions
+of any body of men may be, however smooth
+their language, and however plausible their claims, they
+are sure to abuse power, if much of it is conferred on
+them. The entire history of the world affords no instance
+to the contrary. In Catholic countries, France
+alone excepted, the clergy have more authority than in
+Protestant countries. Therefore, in Catholic countries,
+they do more harm than in Protestant countries, and
+their peculiar views are developed with greater freedom.
+The difference depends, not on the nature of the creed,
+but on the power of the class. This is very apparent in
+Scotland, where the clergy, being supreme, did, Protestants
+though they were, imitate the ascetic, the unsocial,
+and the cruel doctrines, which, in the Catholic
+Church, gave rise to convents, fastings, scourgings, and
+all the other appliances of an uncouth and ungenial
+superstition.</p>
+
+<p>Indeed, the Scotch divines, in some of their theories,
+went beyond any section of the Catholic Church, except
+the Spanish. They sought to destroy, not only human
+pleasures, but also human affections. They held that
+our affections are necessarily connected with our lusts,
+and that we must, therefore, wean ourselves from them
+as earthly vanities.<a name="FNanchor_606_606" id="FNanchor_606_606"></a><a href="#Footnote_606_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a> A Christian had no business with
+love or sympathy. He had his own soul to attend to,
+and that was enough for him. Let him look to himself.
+On Sunday, in particular, he must never think of benefiting
+others; and the Scotch clergy did not hesitate to
+teach the people, that on that day it was sinful to save a
+vessel in distress, and that it was a proof of religion to
+leave ship and crew to perish.<a name="FNanchor_607_607" id="FNanchor_607_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_607_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a> They might go; none<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[277]</a></span>
+but their wives and children would suffer, and that was
+nothing in comparison with breaking the Sabbath. So,
+too, did the clergy teach, that on no occasion must food
+or shelter be given to a starving man, unless his opinions
+were orthodox.<a name="FNanchor_608_608" id="FNanchor_608_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_608_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a> What need for him to live? Indeed,
+they taught that it was a sin to tolerate his notions at
+all, and that the proper course was, to visit him with
+sharp and immediate punishment.<a name="FNanchor_609_609" id="FNanchor_609_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_609_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a> Going yet further,
+they broke the domestic ties, and set parents against<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[278]</a></span>
+their offspring. They taught the father to smite the
+unbelieving child, and to slay his own boy sooner than
+allow him to propagate error.<a name="FNanchor_610_610" id="FNanchor_610_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_610_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a> As if this were not
+enough, they tried to extirpate another affection, even
+more sacred and more devoted still. They laid their
+rude and merciless hands on the holiest passion of which
+our nature is capable, the love of a mother for her son.
+Into that sanctuary, they dared to intrude; into that, they
+thrust their gaunt and ungentle forms. If a mother
+held opinions of which they disapproved, they did not
+scruple to invade her household, take away her children,
+and forbid her to hold communication with them.<a name="FNanchor_611_611" id="FNanchor_611_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_611_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a>
+Or if, perchance, her son had incurred their displeasure,
+they were not satisfied with forcible separation, but they
+laboured to corrupt her heart, and harden it against her
+child, so that she might be privy to the act. In one of
+these cases, mentioned in the records of the church of
+Glasgow, the Kirk-Session of that town summoned before
+them a woman, merely because she had received into
+her house her own son, after the clergy had excommunicated
+him. So effectually did they work upon her mind,
+that they induced her to promise, not only that she would
+shut her door against her child, but that she would aid
+in bringing him to punishment. She had sinned in
+loving him; she had sinned, even, in giving him shelter;
+but, says the record, &lsquo;she promised not to do it again,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[279]</a></span>
+and to tell the magistrates when he comes next to
+her.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_612_612" id="FNanchor_612_612"></a><a href="#Footnote_612_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a></p>
+
+<p>She promised not to do it again. She promised to
+forget him, whom she had born of her womb and
+suckled at her breast. She promised to forget her
+boy, who had ofttimes crept to her knees, who had slept
+in her bosom, and whose tender frame she had watched
+over and nursed. All the dearest associations of the
+past, all that the most exquisite form of human affection
+can give or receive, all that delights the memory, all
+that brightens the prospect of life, all vanished, all passed
+away from the mind of this poor woman, at the bidding
+of her spiritual masters. At one fell swoop, all were
+gone. So potent were the arts of these men, that they
+persuaded the mother to conspire against her son, that
+she might deliver him up to them. They defiled her
+nature, by purging it of its love. From that day her
+soul was polluted. She was lost to herself, as well as
+lost to her son. To hear of such things is enough to
+make one's blood surge again, and raise a tempest in
+our inmost nature. But to have seen them, to have
+lived in the midst of them, and yet not to have rebelled
+against them, is to us utterly inconceivable, and proves
+in how complete a thraldom the Scotch were held, and
+how thoroughly their minds, as well as their bodies,
+were enslaved.</p>
+
+<p>What more need I say? What further evidence need
+I bring to elucidate the real character of one of the most
+detestable tyrannies ever seen on the earth? When the
+Scotch Kirk was at the height of its power, we may
+search history in vain for any institution which can compete
+with it, except the Spanish Inquisition. Between
+these two, there is a close and intimate analogy. Both
+were intolerant, both were cruel, both made war upon
+the finest parts of human nature, and both destroyed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[280]</a></span>
+every vestige of religions freedom. One difference,
+however, there was, of vast importance. In political
+matters, the Church, which was servile in Spain, was
+rebellious in Scotland. Hence the Scotch always had
+one direction in which they could speak and act with
+unrestrained liberty. In politics, they found their vent.
+There, the mind was free. And this was their salvation.
+This saved them from the fate of Spain, by securing to
+them the exercise of those faculties which otherwise
+would have lain dormant, if, indeed, they had not been
+entirely destroyed by that long and enfeebling servitude
+in which their clergy retained them, and from which,
+but for this favourable circumstance, no escape would
+have been open.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_410_410" id="Footnote_410_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a> In 1638, one of the most eminent of the Scotch clergy
+writes: &lsquo;Our maine feare&rsquo; is &lsquo;to have our religion lost, our throats
+cutted, our poore countrey made ane English province, to be disposed
+upon for ever hereafter at the will of a Bishope of Canterburie.&rsquo;
+<i>Baillie's Letters and Journals</i>, vol. i. p. 66. Compare p. 450. &lsquo;This
+kirk is a free and independant kirk, no less then the kingdom is a free
+and independant kingdom; and as our own Patriots can best judge what is
+for the good of the kingdom, so our own Pastors should be most able to
+judge what form of worship beseemeth our Reformation, and what serveth
+most for the good of the People.&rsquo; Two generations later, one of the most
+popular arguments against the Union was, that it might enable the
+English to force episcopacy upon Scotland. See <i>De Foe's History of the
+Union between England and Scotland</i>, pp. 222, 284, 359. &lsquo;The danger of
+the Church of Scotland, from the suffrages of English bishops,&rsquo; &amp;c.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_411_411" id="Footnote_411_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a> The hatred which the Scotch naturally felt against the
+English for having inflicted so much suffering upon them, was intense
+about the middle of the seventeenth century, notwithstanding the
+temporary union of the two nations against Charles. In 1652, &lsquo;the
+criminal record is full of cases of murder of English soldiers. They
+were cut off by the people whenever a fitting opportunity occurred, and
+were as much detested in Scotland as the French soldiers were in Spain
+during the Peninsular war.&rsquo; <i>The Spottiswoode Miscellany</i>, vol. ii. p.
+98, Edinburgh, 1845. See also p. 167: &lsquo;a nationall quarrell, and not for
+the Stuarts.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_412_412" id="Footnote_412_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a> <i>Browne's History of the Highlands</i>, vol. ii. pp. 75&ndash;77:
+&lsquo;the English army was augmented to twenty thousand men, and citadels
+erected in several towns, and a long train of military stations drawn
+across the country to curb the inhabitants.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_413_413" id="Footnote_413_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a> Clarendon, under the year 1655, says, &lsquo;Though Scotland was
+vanquished, and subdued, to that degree, that there was no place nor
+person who made the least show of opposing Cromwell; who, by the
+administration of Monk, made the yoke very grievous to the whole nation;
+yet the preachers kept their pulpit license; and, more for the affront
+that was offered to presbytery, than the conscience of what was due to
+majesty, many of them presumed to pray for the king; and generally,
+though secretly, exasperated the minds of the people against the present
+government.&rsquo; <i>Clarendon's History of the Rebellion</i>, p. 803.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_414_414" id="Footnote_414_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a> And, what they must have felt very acutely, he would not go
+to hear them preach. A writer of that time informs us that, even in
+1648, when Cromwell was in Edinburgh, &lsquo;he went not to their churches;
+but it is constantle reported that ewerie day he had sermons in his oune
+ludginge, himself being the preacher, whensoewer the spirit came upon
+him; which took him lyk the fitts of an ague, somtyms twise, sometyms
+thryse in a day.&rsquo; <i>Gordon's Britane's Distemper</i>, p. 212. In 1650,
+according to another contemporary, &lsquo;he made stables of all the churches
+for hes horsses quhersoeuer he came, and burned all the seatts and pewes
+in them; riffled the ministers housses, and distrayed ther cornes.&rsquo;
+<i>Balfour's Annales of Scotland</i>, vol. iv. p. 88. The clergy, on the
+other hand, employing a resource with which their profession has always
+been familiar, represented Cromwell as opposing Providence, because he
+was opposing them. Rutherford (<i>Religious Letters</i>, reprinted Glasgow,
+1824, p. 346) says, that he fought &lsquo;against the Lord's secret ones;&rsquo; and
+Row (<i>Continuation of Blair's Autobiography</i>, p. 335), under the year
+1658, triumphantly observes: &lsquo;In the beginning of September this year,
+the Protector, that old fox, died. It was observed, as a remarkable cast
+of divine providence, that he died upon the 3d of September, which he,
+glorying of routing of our armies at Dunbar and Worcester on that day,
+used to call <i>his day</i>. On that same very day the Just Judge called him
+to an account,&rsquo; &amp;c.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_415_415" id="Footnote_415_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a> See contemporary notices of this, in <i>Nicoll's Diary</i>, p.
+110; and in <i>The Diary of Mr. John Lamont of Newton</i>, pp. 56, 57. But
+the best account is that given by Baillie, in a letter to Calamy, dated
+Glasgow, 27th July 1653. He writes: &lsquo;That on the 20th of July last, when
+our Generall Assemblie was sett in the ordinarie tyme and place,
+Lieutenant-Colonell Cotterall besett the church with some rattes of
+musqueteirs and a troup of horse; himself (after our fast, wherein Mr.
+Dickson and Mr. Dowglas had two gracious sermons) entered the
+Assemblie-house, and immediately after Mr. Dickson the Moderator his
+prayer, required audience; wherein he inquired, If we did sitt there by
+the authority of the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England? or of
+the Commanders-in-chiefe of the English forces? or of the English Judges
+in Scotland? The Moderator replyed, That we were ane Ecclesiasticall
+synod, ane Spirituall court of Jesus Christ, which medled not with
+anything Civile; that our authoritie wes from God, and established by
+the lawes of the land yet standing unrepealed; that, by the Solemn
+League and Covenant, the most of the English army stood obliedged to
+defend our Generall Assemblie. When some speeches of this kind had
+passed, the Lieutenant-Colonell told us, his order was to dissolve us;
+whereupon he commanded all of us to follow him, else he would drag us
+out of the rowme. When we had entered a Protestation of this unheard-of
+and unexampled violence, we did ryse and follow him; he ledd us all
+through the whole streets a myle out of the towne, encompassing us with
+foot-companies of musqueteirs, and horsemen without; all the people
+gazing and mourning as at the saddest spectacle they had ever seen. When
+he had ledd us a myle without the towne, he then declared what further
+he had in commission, That we should not dare to meet any more above
+three in number; and that against eight o'clock to-morrow, we should
+depart the towne, under paine of being guiltie of breaking the publick
+peace: And the day following, by sound of trumpet, we were commanded off
+towne under the paine of present imprisonment. Thus our Generall
+Assemblie, the glory and strength of our Church upon earth, is, by your
+souldiarie, crushed and trod under foot, without the least provocatione
+from us, at this time, either in word or deed.&rsquo; <i>Baillie's Letters and
+Journals</i>, vol. iii. pp. 225, 226.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_416_416" id="Footnote_416_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a> In August 1640, the army marched into England; and &lsquo;it was
+very refreshfull to remark, that after we came to ane quarter at night,
+there was nothing almost to be heard throughout the whole army but
+singing of Psalms, prayer, and reading of Scripture by the souldiers in
+their severall hutts.&rsquo; <i>Select Biographies</i>, edited by Mr. Tweedie for
+the Wodrow Society, vol. i. p. 163. &lsquo;The most zealous among them
+boasted, they should carry the triumphant banners of the covenant to
+Rome itself.&rsquo; <i>Arnot's History of Edinburgh</i>, p. 124. In 1644, the
+celebrated divine, Andrew Cant, was appointed by the Commissioners of
+the General Assembly, &lsquo;to preach at the opening of the Parliament,
+wherein he satisfied their expectation fully. For, the main point he
+drove at in his sermon, was to state an opposition betwixt King Charles
+and King Jesus (as he was pleased to speak) and upon that account to
+press resistance to King Charles for the interest of King Jesus. It may
+be wondered that such doctrine should have relish'd with men brought up
+in the knowledge of the Scriptures; and yet, such was the madness of the
+times, that none who preach'd in public since the beginning of the
+Troubles, had been so cried up as he was for that sermon.&rsquo; <i>Guthry's
+Memoirs</i>, pp. 136, 137.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_417_417" id="Footnote_417_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a> &lsquo;The rooting out of prelacy and the wicked hierarchy
+therein so obviously described, is the main duty.&rsquo; <i>Naphtali, or the
+Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland</i>, pp. 53, 54. This refers to the
+Covenant of 1643. So, too, the continuator of <i>Row's History of the
+Kirk</i>, p. 521, says, under the year 1639, that the object of the war
+was, &lsquo;to withstand the prelaticall faction and malignant, countenanced
+by the kinge in his owne persone.&rsquo; Compare the outbreak of the Reverend
+Samuel Rutherford, against &lsquo;the accursed and wretched prelates, the
+Antichrist's first-born, and the first fruit of his foul womb.&rsquo;
+<i>Rutherford's Religious Letters</i>, p. 179.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_418_418" id="Footnote_418_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a> Our civil war was not religious; but was a struggle between
+the Crown and the Parliament. See a note in <i>Buckle's History of
+Civilization</i>, vol. i. p. 359.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_419_419" id="Footnote_419_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a> In September 1643, Baillie, writing an account of the
+proceedings of the Westminster Assembly in the preceding month, says,
+&lsquo;In our committees also we had hard enough debates. The English were for
+a civill League, we for a religious Covenant.&rsquo; Letter to Mr. William
+Spang, dated 22nd September 1643, in <i>Baillie's Letters and Journals</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_420_420" id="Footnote_420_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a> &lsquo;The Solemn League and Covenant,&rsquo; which &lsquo;is memorable as
+the first approach towards an intimate union between the kingdoms, but,
+according to the intolerant principles of the age, a federal alliance
+was constructed on the frail and narrow basis of religious communion.&rsquo;
+<i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>, vol. iii. pp. 258, 259. The passage,
+however, which I have quoted, in the last note, from Baillie, shows that
+England was not responsible for the intolerant principles, or,
+consequently, for the narrow basis.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_421_421" id="Footnote_421_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a> The Chancellor of Scotland &lsquo;did as good as conclude &ldquo;that
+if the king would satisfy them in the business of the Church, they would
+not concern themselves in any of the other demands.&rdquo;&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;And it was
+manifest enough, by the private conferences with other of the
+commissioners, that the parliament took none of the points in
+controversy less to heart, or were less united in, than in what
+concerned the Church.&rsquo; <i>Clarendon's History of the Rebellion</i>, edit.
+Oxford, 1843, p. 522. See also p. 527: &lsquo;that the Scots would insist upon
+the whole government of the Church, and in all other matters would defer
+to the king.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_422_422" id="Footnote_422_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a> See this extraordinary document in <i>Acts of the General
+Assembly of the Church of Scotland from 1638 to 1842</i>, pp. 122&ndash;128,
+Edinburgh, 1843. It is entitled &lsquo;A solemne and seasonable warning to the
+noblemen, barons, gentlemen, burrows, ministers, and commons of
+Scotland; as also to armies without and within this kingdom.&rsquo; In it (p.
+123) occurs the following passage: &lsquo;And for our part, our forces sent
+into that kingdom, in pursuance of that Covenant, have been so
+mercifully and manifestly assisted and blessed from heaven (though in
+the mids of many dangers and distresses, and much want and hardship),
+and have been so farre instrumentall to the foyling and scattering of
+two principall armies; first, the Marquesse of Newcastle his army; and
+afterwards Prince Rupert's and his together; and to the reducing of two
+strong cities, York and Newcastle, that we have what to answer the enemy
+that reproacheth us concerning that businesse, and that which may make
+iniquitie it self to stop her mouth. But which <i>is more unto us than all
+victories or whatsomever temporall blessing</i>, the reformation of
+religion in England, and uniformity therein between both kingdoms (a
+principal end of that Covenant), is so far advanced, that the English
+Service-Book with the Holy-Dayes and many other ceremonies contained in
+it, together with the Prelacy, the fountain of all these, are abolished
+and taken away by ordinance of parliament, and a directory for the
+worship of God in all the three kingdoms agreed upon in the Assemblies,
+and in the Parliaments of both kingdoms, without a contrary voice in
+either; the government of the kirk by congregational elderships,
+classical presbyteries, provincial and national assemblies, is agreed
+upon by the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, which is also voted and
+concluded in both Houses of the Parliament of England.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_423_423" id="Footnote_423_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a> In 1644, &lsquo;God ansuered our Wednesday's prayers: Balfour
+and Waller had gotten a glorious victorie over Forth and Hopton, and
+routed them totallie, horse and foot.&rsquo; <i>Baillie's Letters and Journals</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 155. In the same year, thanksgivings being offered at
+Aberdeen for the victory of Leslie over Rupert, &lsquo;oure minister Mr.
+William Strathauchin declairit out of pulpit that this victory wes
+miraculous, wrocht by the fynger of God.&rsquo; <i>Spalding's History of the
+Troubles</i>, vol. ii. p. 254. In 1648, the Commissioners of the General
+Assembly, in an address to the Prince of Wales, stated that the Deity
+had been &lsquo;fighting for his people;&rsquo; meaning by his people, the Scotch
+people. They added, that the fact of their enemies having been repulsed,
+was a proof of &lsquo;how sore the Lord hath been displeased with their way.&rsquo;
+<i>Clarendon State Papers</i>, vol. ii. p. 424, Oxford, 1773, folio.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_424_424" id="Footnote_424_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a> Two Scotch notices are now before me of the fatal battle
+of Dunbar. According to one, the defeat was intended to testify against
+&lsquo;the great sin and wickedness&rsquo; of the people. <i>Naphtali, or the
+Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland</i>, p. 75. According to the other, it
+was owing to the anger of the Deity at the Scotch showing any favour to
+the partizans of Charles. For, says the Reverend Alexander Shields,
+&lsquo;both at that time, and since that time, the Lord never countenanced an
+expedition where that malignant interest was taken in unto the state of
+the quarrel. Upon this, our land was invaded by Oliver Cromwell, who
+defeat our army at Dunbar, where the anger of the Lord was evidently
+seen to smoke against us, for espousing that interest.&rsquo; <i>Shields' Hind
+let loose</i>, p. 75. These opinions were formed after the battle. Before
+the battle, a different hypothesis was broached. Sir Edward Walker, who
+was in Scotland at the time, tells us, that the clergy assured the
+people that &lsquo;they had an army of saints, and that they could not be
+beaten.&rsquo; <i>Journal of Affairs in Scotland in 1650</i>, in <i>Walker's
+Historical Discourses</i>, London, 1705, folio, p. 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_425_425" id="Footnote_425_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a> &lsquo;Each new victory of Montrose was expressly attributed to
+the admonitory &ldquo;indignation of the Lord&rdquo; against his chosen people for
+their sin, in &ldquo;trusting too much to the arm of flesh.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Napier's Life
+of Montrose</i>, Edinburgh, 1840, p. 283. Compare <i>Guthrie's Considerations
+contributing unto the Discovery of the Dangers that threaten Religion</i>,
+pp. 274, 275, reprinted Edinburgh, 1846. Guthrie was at the height of
+his reputation in the middle of the seventeenth century. Lord Somerville
+says of the Scotch, when they were making war against Charles I., that
+it was &lsquo;ordinary for them, dureing the wholl tyme of this warre, to
+attribute ther great successe to the goodnesse and justice of their
+cause, untill Divyne Justice trysted them with some crosse
+dispensatione, and then you might have heard this language from them,
+that it pleased the Lord to give his oune the heavyest end of the tree
+to bear, that the saints and people of God must still be sufferers while
+they are here away; that that malignant party was God's rod to punish
+them for their unthankfullnesse,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Somerville's Memorie of the
+Somervilles</i>, vol. ii. pp. 351, 352.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_426_426" id="Footnote_426_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a> Baillie mentions, in 1644, an instance of these
+expectations being fulfilled. He says (<i>Letters and Journals</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 138), &lsquo;These things were brought in at a very important nick of time,
+by God's gracious providence: Never a more quick passage from Holy
+Island to Yarmouth in thirtie houres; they had not cast anchor halfe an
+houre till the wind turned contrare.&rsquo; Compare p. 142: &lsquo;If this were
+past, we look for a new lyfe and vigoure in all affaires, especiallie if
+it please God to send a sweet northwind, carrying the certain news of
+the taking of Newcastle, which we dailie expect.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_427_427" id="Footnote_427_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427_427"><span class="label">[427]</span></a> No one, perhaps, carried this further than John Menzies,
+the celebrated professor of divinity at Aberdeen. &lsquo;Such was his uncommon
+fervour in the pulpit, that, we are informed, he &ldquo;used to change his
+shirt always after preaching, and to wet two or three napkins with tears
+every sermon.&rdquo;&rsquo; Note in <i>Wodrow's Correspondence</i>, vol. ii. p. 222.
+James Forbes, also, was &lsquo;an able and zealous preacher, who after every
+sermon behooved to change his shirt, he spoke with such vehemency and
+sweating.&rsquo; <i>Select Biographies</i>, published by the Wodrow Society, vol.
+i. p. 333. Lord Somerville, who wrote in 1679, mentions &lsquo;their
+thundering preachings.&rsquo; <i>Memorie of the Somervilles</i>, vol. ii. p. 388. A
+traditionary anecdote, related by the Dean of Edinburgh, refers to a
+later period, but is characteristic of the class. &lsquo;Another description I
+have heard of an energetic preacher more forcible than delicate&mdash;&ldquo;Eh,
+our minister had a great power o' watter, for he grat, and spat, and
+swat like mischeef.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Reminiscences of Scottish Life and Character</i>, by
+E. B. Ramsay, Dean of Edinburgh, p. 201.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_428_428" id="Footnote_428_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a> He &lsquo;was a very learned and pious man; he had a strange
+faculty of preaching five or six hours at a time.&rsquo; <i>Burnet's History of
+his own Time</i>, vol. i. p. 38.
+Even early in the eighteenth century, when theological fervour was
+beginning to decline, and sermons were consequently shorter, Hugh
+Thomson came near to Forbes. &lsquo;He was the longest preacher ever I heard,
+and would have preached four (or) five hours, and was not generally
+under two hours; that almost every body expected.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;He was a piouse
+good man, and a fervent affectionat preacher, and, when I heard him, he
+had a vast deal of heads, and a great deal of matter, and generally very
+good and practicall, but very long.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>,
+vol. iv. p. 203.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_429_429" id="Footnote_429_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a> In 1653, Lamont casually mentions, in his journal, that
+&lsquo;the one came doune from the pulpit and the other went vp, in the tyme
+that the psalme after the first sermon was singing, so that ther was no
+intermission of the exercise, nether were the peopell dismissed till
+both sermons were ended.&rsquo; <i>The Diary of Mr. John Lamont of Newton</i>, p.
+58. Burnet (<i>History of his own Time</i>, vol. i. p. 92) says, &lsquo;I remember
+in one fast day there were six sermons preached without intermission. I
+was there myself, and not a little weary of so tedious a service.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_430_430" id="Footnote_430_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a> When Guthrie preached at Fenwick, &lsquo;his church, although a
+large country one, was overlaid and crowded every Sabbath-day, and very
+many, without doors, from distant parishes, such as Glasgow, Paisley,
+Hamilton, Lanerk, Kilbryde, Glasford, Strathaven, Newmills, Egelsham and
+many other places, who hungered for the pure gospel preached, and got a
+meal by the word of his ministry. It was their usual practice to come to
+Fenwick on Saturday, and to spend the greatest part of the night in
+prayer to God, and conversation about the great concerns of their souls,
+to attend the public worship on the Sabbath, to dedicate the remainder
+of that holy day in religious exercises, and then to go home on Monday
+the length of ten, twelve or twenty miles without grudging in the least
+at the long way, want of sleep or other refreshments; neither did they
+find themselves the less prepared for any other business through the
+week.&rsquo; <i>Howie's Biographia Scoticana</i>, 2nd edit., Glasgow, 1781, p. 311.
+One woman went forty miles to hear Livingstone preach. See her own
+statement, in <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. ii. p. 249.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_431_431" id="Footnote_431_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a> Spalding gives the following account of what happened at
+Aberdeen in 1644. &lsquo;So heir in Old Abirdene, upone the sevint of July, we
+had ane fast, entering the churche be nyne houris, and continewit
+praying and preiching whill tua houris. Efter sermon, the people sat
+still heiring reiding whill efternone's sermon began and endit, whiche
+continewit till half hour to sex. Then the prayer bell rang to the
+evening prayeris, and continewit whill seven.&rsquo; <i>Spalding's History of
+the Troubles</i>, vol. ii. p. 244, edit. Edinburgh, 1829, 4to. See also p.
+42: &lsquo;the people keipit churche all day.&rsquo; This was also at Aberdeen, in
+1642.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_432_432" id="Footnote_432_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a> &lsquo;Out of one pulpit now they have thirty sermons per week,
+all under one roof.&rsquo; <i>A Modern Account of Scotland</i>, in <i>The Harleian
+Miscellany</i>, vol. vi. p. 138, edit. Park, London, 1810, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_433_433" id="Footnote_433_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a> &lsquo;But where the greatest part was more sound, they gave the
+sacrament with a new and unusual solemnity. On the Wednesday before,
+they held a fast day, with prayers and sermons for about eight or ten
+hours together: on the Saturday they had two or three preparation
+sermons: and on the Lord's day they had so very many, that the action
+continued above twelve hours in some places: and all ended with three or
+four sermons on Monday for thanksgiving.&rsquo; <i>Burnet's History of his own
+Time</i>, vol. i. p. 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_434_434" id="Footnote_434_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a> &lsquo;The power of those kirk-sessions, which are now private
+assemblages, in whose meetings and proceedings the public take no
+interest whatever, is defined to be the cognizance of parochial matters
+and cases of scandal; but in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
+especially during the Covenanting reign of terror after the outbreak of
+the Civil War against Charles I., the kirk-sessions of Scotland were the
+sources of excessive tyranny and oppression&mdash;were arbitrary,
+inquisitorial, and revengeful, to an extent which exceeds all belief. It
+is truly stated by the author of the &ldquo;Memoirs of Locheill&rdquo;&mdash;&ldquo;Every
+parish had a tyrant, who made the greatest Lord in his district stoop to
+his authority. The kirk was the place where he kept his court; the
+pulpit his throne or tribunal from whence he issued out his terrible
+decrees; and twelve or fourteen sour ignorant enthusiasts, under the
+title of Elders, composed his council. If any, of what quality soever,
+had the assurance to disobey his orders, the dreadful sentence of
+excommunication was immediately thundered out against him, his goods and
+chattels confiscated and seized, and he himself being looked upon as
+actually in the possession of the devil, and irretrievably doomed to
+eternal perdition.&rdquo;&rsquo; Introduction to <i>The Kirk-Session Register of
+Perth</i>, in <i>The Spottiswoode Miscellany</i>, vol. ii. pp. 229&ndash;230,
+Edinburgh, 1845. In regard to the perdition which the sentence of
+excommunication was supposed to involve, one of the most influential
+Scotch divines of that time merely expresses the prevailing notion, when
+he asserts, that whoever was excommunicated was thereby given up to
+Satan. &lsquo;That he who is excommunicated may be truly said to be delivered
+to Sathan is undeniable.&rsquo; <i>Gillespie's Aaron's Rod Blossoming, or the
+Divine Ordinance of Church Government Vindicated</i>, 1646, 4to, p. 239.
+&lsquo;Excommunication, which is a shutting out of a Church-member from the
+Church, whereby Sathan commeth to get dominion and power over him.&rsquo;
+<i>Ibid.</i> p. 297. &lsquo;Sure I am an excommunicate person may truly be said to
+be delivered to Sathan.&rsquo; p. 424.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_435_435" id="Footnote_435_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a> Clarendon, under the year 1640, emphatically says
+(<i>History of the Rebellion</i>, p. 67), &lsquo;The preacher reprehended the
+husband, governed the wife, chastised the children, and insulted over
+the servants, in the houses of the greatest men.&rsquo; The theory was, that
+&lsquo;ministers and elders must be submitted unto us as fathers.&rsquo; <i>Shields'
+Enquiry into Church Communion</i>, 2nd edit., Edinburgh, 1747, p. 66. In
+the middle of the seventeenth century, one of the most famous of the
+Scotch preachers openly asserted the right of his profession to
+interfere in family matters, on the ground that such was the custom in
+the time of Joshua. &lsquo;The Ministers of God's house have not only the
+ministry of holy things, as Word and Sacraments, committed to their
+charge, but also the power of ecclesiastical government to take order
+with scandalous offences within the familie; both these are here
+promised to Joshua and the Priests.&rsquo; <i>Hutchison's Exposition of the
+Minor Prophets</i>, vol. iii. p. 72, London, 1654. In 1603, the Presbytery
+of Aberdeen took upon themselves to order that every master of a house
+should keep a rod, that his family, including his servants, might be
+beaten if they used improper language. &lsquo;It is concludit that thair salbe
+in ewerie houss a palmar.&rsquo; <i>Selections from the Records of the Kirk
+Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen</i>, printed for the Spalding
+Club, 4to, Aberdeen, 1846, p. 194. It also appears (p. 303) that, in
+1674, the clergyman was expected to exercise supervision over all
+visitors to private houses; since he ought to be informed, &lsquo;iff ther be
+anie persone receaved in the familie without testimoniall presented to
+the minister.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_436_436" id="Footnote_436_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a> In 1650, it was ordered, &lsquo;That everie paroche be divydit
+in severall quarteris, and each elder his owne quarter, over which he is
+to have speciall inspectioun, and that everie elder visit his quarter
+once everie month at least, according to the act of the Generall
+Assemblie, 1649, and in thair visitatioun tak notice of all disorderlie
+walkeris, especiallie neglectouris of God's worship in thair families,
+sueareris, haunteris of aill houses, especiallie at vnseasonable tymes,
+and long sitteris thair, and drinkeris of healthis; and that he dilate
+these to the Sessioun.&rsquo; <i>Selections from the Minutes of the Synod of
+Fife</i>, printed for the Abbotsford Club, Edinburgh, 1837, 4to, p. 168.
+&lsquo;The elders each one in his own quarter, for trying the manners of the
+people.&rsquo; <i>The Government and Order of the Church of Scotland</i>,
+Edinburgh, 1690, p. 14. This scarce little volume is reprinted from the
+edition of 1641. See the advertisement at the beginning.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_437_437" id="Footnote_437_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437_437"><span class="label">[437]</span></a> In 1652, the Kirk-Session of Glasgow &lsquo;brot boyes and
+servants before them, for breaking the Sabbath, and other faults. They
+had clandestine censors, and gave money to some for this end.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's
+Collections</i>, vol. ii. part ii. p. 74, Glasgow, 1848, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_438_438" id="Footnote_438_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438_438"><span class="label">[438]</span></a> &lsquo;It is thocht expedient that ane baillie with tua of the
+sessioun pas throw the towne everie Sabboth day, and nott sic as thay
+find absent fra the sermones ather afoir or efter none; and for that
+effect that thay pas and <i>sersche sic houss as they think maist meit</i>,
+and pas athort the streittis.&rsquo; <i>Selections from the Records of the Kirk
+Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen</i>, p. 26. &lsquo;To pas throw the
+towne to caus the people resort to the hering of the sermones.&rsquo; p. 59.
+&lsquo;Ganging throw the towne on the ordinar preiching dayes in the weik, als
+weill as on the Saboth day, to caus the people resort to the sermones.&rsquo;
+p. 77. See also p. 94; and <i>Wodrow's Collections</i>, vol. ii. part ii. p.
+37: &lsquo;the Session allous the searchers to go into houses and apprehend
+absents from the kirk.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_439_439" id="Footnote_439_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439_439"><span class="label">[439]</span></a> &lsquo;Another peculiarity was the supervision wielded over the
+movements of people to such a degree that they could neither <i>obtain
+lodging nor employment</i> except by a licence from the Kirk-Session, or,
+by defying this police court, expose themselves to fine and
+imprisonment.&rsquo; <i>Lawson's Book of Perth</i>, p. xxxvii. Edinburgh, 1847.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_440_440" id="Footnote_440_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440_440"><span class="label">[440]</span></a> In 1652, Sir Alexander Irvine indignantly writes, that the
+presbytery of Aberdeen, &lsquo;when they had tried many wayes, bot in vaine,
+to mak probable this their vaine imaginatione, they, at lenthe, when all
+other meanes failed thame, by ane unparalelled barbaritie, enforced my
+serwandis to reweall upon oathe what they sawe, herd, or knewe done
+within my house, beyond which no Turkische inquisitione could pase.&rsquo;
+<i>The Miscellany of the Spalding Club</i>, vol. iii. p. 206, Aberdeen, 1846,
+4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_441_441" id="Footnote_441_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441_441"><span class="label">[441]</span></a> In 1656, a servant was ordered to be brought before the
+Kirk-Session of Aberdeen &lsquo;for her rayleing againest Mr. Andrew Cant,
+minister, in saying that becaus the said Mr. Andrew spak againest Yuill,
+he spak lyke ane old fool.&rsquo; <i>Selections from the Records of the Kirk
+Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen</i>, p. 138. In 1642, the
+Presbytery of Lanark had up a certain James Baillie, because he stated
+the extremely probable circumstance, &lsquo;that two fooles mett togither,
+when the Minister and his sone mett togither.&rsquo; <i>Selections from the
+Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark</i>, printed for the Abbotsford Club,
+Edinburgh, 1839, 4to, p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_442_442" id="Footnote_442_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442_442"><span class="label">[442]</span></a> In 1644, &lsquo;If you dissent from them in a theological tenet,
+it is heresy.&rsquo; <i>Presbytery Displayed</i>, 1644, p. 39, reprinted London,
+1663, 4to. In 1637, &lsquo;If ye depart from <i>what I taught you in a
+hair-breadth</i> for fear or favour of men, or desire of ease in this
+world, I take heaven and earth to witness, that ill shall come upon you
+in end.&rsquo; <i>Rutherford's Religious Letters</i>, p. 116. In 1607, &lsquo;Mr. William
+Cowper, Minister, complained upon Robert Keir that he had disdainfully
+spoken of his doctrine. The (Kirk) Session ordained him to be warned to
+the morrow.&rsquo; <i>Lawson's Book of Perth</i>, p. 247.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_443_443" id="Footnote_443_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443_443"><span class="label">[443]</span></a> In 1619, a man was summoned before the Kirk-Session of
+Perth, because, among other things, he would not perform &lsquo;that civil
+duty of salutation, as becomes him to his pastor;&rsquo; but &lsquo;passed by him
+without using any kind of reverence.&rsquo; <i>The Chronicle of Perth</i>,
+Edinburgh, 1831, 4to, p. 80. The complaint was preferred by the minister
+himself. Indeed, the Scotch clergy took these things so much to heart,
+that they set up a theory to the effect that whoever showed them any
+disrespect, was prompted thereto by Satan. &lsquo;It is Satan's great engine
+to draw men to contemne God and his word, under pretext of disrespect
+and prejudice against the Messengers only.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;It may let us see their
+guilt who despise most eminent ordinary Messengers.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's
+Exposition of the Minor Prophets</i>, vol. i. pp. 205, 233.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_444_444" id="Footnote_444_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444_444"><span class="label">[444]</span></a> The General Assembly of Saint Andrews, in 1642, passed &lsquo;an
+act against using ministers' names in any of the public papers, without
+their own consent.&rsquo; <i>Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland</i>, p.
+503.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_445_445" id="Footnote_445_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445_445"><span class="label">[445]</span></a> &lsquo;Directions for a believer's walk, given by Christ's
+ministers from his word, are his own, and are accounted by him as if he
+did immediately speak them himself.&rsquo; <i>Durham's Exposition of the Song of
+Solomon</i>, p. 102. I quote from the Glasgow reprint of 1788. That my
+references may be easily verified, and any error, if error there be,
+detected, I mention that the exact edition used will, in every case, be
+found specified in the List of Authors at the beginning of this work.
+But, if it will give the reader any additional confidence, I will
+venture to observe, that I am always scrupulously careful in reference
+to quotations, having looked out each passage afresh, as the sheets came
+from the printers hands. Some of the circumstances narrated in this
+chapter are so monstrous, that I hope to be excused in saying that I
+have taken all possible pains to secure their literal accuracy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_446_446" id="Footnote_446_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446_446"><span class="label">[446]</span></a> &lsquo;Yea, such was their arrogance, that, as if they had been
+privy to the councils of God, or the dispensers of his vengeance to the
+world, they presumed to pronounce upon their future state, and doomed
+them, both body and soul, to eternal torments.&rsquo; <i>Wishart's Memoirs of
+the Marquis of Montrose</i>, p. 237. &lsquo;Ye heard of me the whole counsel of
+God. <i>Rutherford's Religious Letters</i>, p. 16. 'I am free from the blood
+of all men; for I have communicated to you the whole counsel of God.&rsquo;
+<i>Ibid.</i> p. 191. &lsquo;This is the great business of Gospel Ministers, to
+declare the whole counsel of God.&rsquo; <i>Halyburton's Great Concern of
+Salvation</i>, p. 4. &lsquo;Asserting that he had declared the whole counsel of
+God, and had keeped nothing back.&rsquo; <i>Life of the Rev. A. Peden</i>, p. 41,
+in vol. i. of <i>Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_447_447" id="Footnote_447_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447_447"><span class="label">[447]</span></a> &lsquo;The power of the keys is given to the Ministers of the
+church, wherewith not only by the preaching of the word, but also to
+church censures (sic) they open and shut the kingdom of heaven.&rsquo;
+<i>Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error</i>, p. 282. &lsquo;To preach the Word,
+impugne, rebuik, admonishe, exhort and correct, and that under no less
+paine then casting both bodie and soull into eternall hell's fire.&rsquo;
+<i>Forbes' Certaine Records touching the Estate of the Kirk</i>, p. 519. &lsquo;The
+next words, &ldquo;Whatsoever ye shall bind on Earth shall be bound in
+Heaven,&rdquo; being spoken to the Apostles, and in them to other Ministers of
+Jesus Christ.&rsquo; <i>Gillespie's Aaron's Rod Blossoming</i>, p. 366. &lsquo;The keys
+of the kingdom of Heaven&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;are committed and intrusted to the
+pastors and other ruling officers of the Church.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> p. 260.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_448_448" id="Footnote_448_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448_448"><span class="label">[448]</span></a> &lsquo;Gird up the loins of your mind, and make you ready for
+meeting the Lord; I have often summoned you, and now I summon you again,
+to compear before your Judge, to make a reckoning of your life.&rsquo;
+<i>Rutherford's Religious Letters</i>, p. 235. &lsquo;Mr. Cameron, musing a little,
+said, &ldquo;You, and all who do not know my God in mercy, shall know him in
+his judgments, which shall be sudden and surprising in a few days upon
+you; and I, as a sent servant of Jesus Christ, whose commission I bear,
+and whose badge I wear upon my breast, give you warning, and leave you
+to the justice of God.&rdquo; Accordingly, in a few days after, the said
+Andrew, being in perfect health, took his breakfast plentifully, and
+before he rose fell a-vomiting, and vomited his heart's blood in the
+very vessel out of which he had taken his breakfast; and died in a most
+frightful manner.&rsquo; <i>Howie's Biographia Scoticana</i>, p. 406.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_449_449" id="Footnote_449_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449_449"><span class="label">[449]</span></a> &lsquo;Sitting at supper with the Lord Ochiltree (who was uncle
+to Mr. Welsh's wife), as his manner was, he entertained the company with
+godly and edifying discourse, which was well received by all the company
+save only one debauched Popish young gentleman, who sometimes laughed,
+and sometimes mocked and made faces; whereupon Mr. Welsh brake out into
+a sad abrupt charge upon all the company to be silent, and observe the
+work of the Lord upon that profane mocker, which they should presently
+behold; upon which immediately the profane wretch sunk down and died
+beneath the table, but never returned to life again, to the great
+astonishment of all the company.&rsquo; <i>History of Mr. John Welsh, Minister
+of the Gospel at Ayr</i>, in <i>Select Biographies</i>, vol. i. p. 29. &lsquo;Mr.
+Welsh being by the Captaine, set at the upper end, intertained the
+company with grave and edifying discourse which all delighted to hear,
+save this young Papist, who, with laughter and derision, laboured to
+silence him, which was little regarded by Mr. Welsh. But after supper,
+while the guests sate a little, this youth stood up at the lower end of
+the table, and while Mr. Welsh proceeded from grave to gracious
+entertainment of his company, the youth came to that height of insolence
+as with the finger to point at him and with the face to make flouting
+grimaces, whereby he grieved the holy man, so as on a suddain he was
+forced to a silence. The whole company, who had heard him with delight,
+were silent with him. Within a little, Mr. Welsh, as moved by the spirit
+of God, broke forth into these words: &ldquo;Gentlemen, the spirit of God is
+provoked against us, and I shall intreat you not to be afraid to see
+what God shall do among you before you rise from the table, for he will
+smite some of you with death before you go hence.&rdquo; All were silently
+astonished, waiting to see the issue with fear. And while every man
+feared himselfe, except the insolent youth, he fel down dead suddenly at
+the foot of the table to shew the power of God's jealousie against the
+mockers of his Spirit and the offers of his grace.&rsquo; <i>Fleming's
+Fulfilling of the Scripture</i>, pp. 374, 375.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_450_450" id="Footnote_450_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450_450"><span class="label">[450]</span></a> &lsquo;When they sat doun to supper, it seems, knives were
+forgote; and when the servant was rebuked, Mr. Hogg said, there was noe
+matter, for he had one in his pocket, and it was a necessary companion
+for a travailer; and, as his use was upon evry thing, he took occasion
+to raise a spirituall discourse from it: &ldquo;If we wer soe carefull about
+accommodations in our way here, what care should we take in our
+spirituall journey!&rdquo; and the like; at which the factour takes a kink of
+laughing. Mr. Hogg looked at him with a frown, and went on in his
+discourse. Within a little, at somewhat or other, he laughed out yet
+louder, and Mr. Hogg stoped a litle, and looked him very stern in the
+face, and went on in his discourse, upon the free grace of God; and, at
+some expression or other, the man fell a laughing and flouting very
+loud: Upon which Mr. Hogg stoped, and directed his discourse to him, to
+this purpose: &ldquo;Alace!&rdquo; sayes he, &ldquo;my soul is afflicted to say what I
+must say to you, sir, and I am constrained and pressed in spirit to say
+it, and cannot help it. Sir, you nou dispise the grace of God, and mock
+at it; but I tell you, in the name of the Lord, that the time is coming,
+and that very shortly, when you (will) seek ane offer of grace, but
+shall not find it!&rdquo; Upon which the man arose, laughing and flouting, and
+went to his room. After he was away, the lady asked Mr. Hogg, What he
+thought would come upon him? He answered, he kneu noe more then he had
+said, and that he was constrained and oblidged to say it against his
+inclination; and he could not accompt for some of these impressions he
+sometimes felt, and after Providences would clear, and that shortly; but
+what it was, when, or where, he kneu not. The man told some of the
+servants that a phanatick Minister had been pronouncing a curse on him,
+but he did not value him nor it either. After Mr. Hogg had been somtime
+with the lady, he went to his room; and after he had, as he used to doe,
+spent some time in prayer, he putt off his cloaths, and just as he was
+stepping into his bedd, a servant comes and knocks at the dore and
+cryes, &ldquo;For the Lord's sake, Mr. Hogg, come doun staires, presently, to
+the factour's room!&rdquo; He put on his cloaths, as quickly as possible, and
+came doun, but the wretch was dead before he reached him!&rsquo; <i>Analecta,
+or Materials for a History of Remarkable Providences, mostly relating to
+Scotch Ministers and Christians</i>, by the Rev. Robert Wodrow, vol. i. pp.
+265, 266. Compare <i>The Life of Mr. Thomas Hog</i>, in <i>Howie's Biographia</i>,
+p. 543, where a version is given, slightly different, but essentially
+the same.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_451_451" id="Footnote_451_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451_451"><span class="label">[451]</span></a> &lsquo;He tells me, that when in the South country, he heard
+this story, which was not doubted about Geddart&rsquo; (i.e. Jedburgh): &lsquo;Mr.
+Gabriel Semple had gote a habite, when speaking and preaching, of
+putting out his tongue, and licking his lipps very frequently. Ther was
+a fellou that used to ape him, in a way of mock; and one day, in a
+druken caball, he was aping him and putting out his tongue; and it
+turned stiffe and sensless, and he could not drau it in again, but in a
+feu dayes dyed. This accompt is soe odd, that I wish I may have it
+confirmed from other hands.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. ii. p. 187.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_452_452" id="Footnote_452_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452_452"><span class="label">[452]</span></a> &lsquo;About the same time, wading Douglas-water very deep,&rsquo;
+(he) &lsquo;came to a house there; the good wife of the house insisted (as
+most part of women do not keep a bridle-hand) in chiding of him; which
+made him to fret, and said, I wonder that your tongue is not sore with
+so much idle clatter. She said, I never had a sore tongue nor mouth all
+my days. He said, It will not be long so. Accordingly, her tongue and
+gooms swelled so, that she could get no meat taken for some days.&rsquo;
+<i>Account of the Life and Death of Mr. Walter Smith</i>, p. 93, in vol. ii.
+of <i>Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_453_453" id="Footnote_453_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453_453"><span class="label">[453]</span></a> &lsquo;I hear from Lady Henriett Campbell, who was present at a
+Communion at Jeddart (Jedburgh), some years before Mr. Gabriel Semple's
+death, that, either on the fast day, or Saturnday, ther wer three
+gentlmen either in the parish or noturely knouen thereabout, who rose in
+the time of the last sermon, and with their servants went out of (the
+church), either to some fair or some race, not farr off. After sermon,
+when Mr. Semple rose to give the ordinary advertisments, he began with
+taking nottice of this, and said, he had remarked three gentlmen rise in
+time of sermon, and contemptuously and boldly leave God's service to goe
+to a fair, or race, as he supposed; but sayes, &ldquo;It's born in upon me,
+and I am perswaded of it, the Lord will not suffer them to goe off time,
+without some remarkable judgment, and I am much mistaken if the most
+part that have seen them committ the sin, will not hear of the
+punishment of such open despite to the ordinances of Christ.&rdquo; This
+peremptoryness did very much surprize Lady H(enriett), and coming home
+from sermon with my Lord Lothian and his Lady, in coach, she expressed
+her surprize at it. My Lord Lothian said, &ldquo;The Minister is a man of God,
+and I am perswaded not one word of his will fall to the ground!&rdquo; Within
+some feu moneths, my Lord or my Lady, writing to Lady H(enriett),
+signifyed to her, that one of these gentlmen was found in his room, (if
+I forgett not), with his throat cutt; and a second, being drunk, fell
+off his horse, and broke his neck; and some while after, shee heard the
+third had dyed some violent death.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. i. pp.
+344, 345.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_454_454" id="Footnote_454_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454_454"><span class="label">[454]</span></a> &lsquo;In the time of sermon, the Laird of Hiltoun comes in, and
+charges him in the midst of his work, to come out of (the) pulpite, in
+the king&lsquo;s name. Mr. Douglasse refused; whereupon the Laird comes to the
+pulpit, and pulls him out by force! When he sau he behoved to yeild, he
+said, &ldquo;Hiltoun, for this injury you have done to the servant of God,
+knou what you are to meet with! In a litle time you shall be brought
+into this very church, like a sticked sou!&rdquo; And in some litle time
+after, Hilton was run throu the body, and dyed by, if I mistake not,
+Annandale&lsquo;s brother, either in a douell or a drunken toilzie, and his
+corpes wer brought in, all bleeding, into that church. &ldquo;Touch not mine
+annoynted, and doe my prophets noe harm!&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 154. In the same work (vol. iv. p. 268) the Reverend Mr. Wodrow
+writes, that he had been subsequently informed, &lsquo;that the story is very
+true about the denuntiation upon the Laird of Hiltoun, as I have (I
+think) published it; and ther is a man yet alive who was witness to it,
+and in the church at the time.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_455_455" id="Footnote_455_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455_455"><span class="label">[455]</span></a> &lsquo;While prisoner in the Bass, one Sabbath morning, being
+about the publick worship of God, a young lass, about the age of
+thirteen or fourteen years, came to the chamber-door, mocking with loud
+laughter: He said, Poor thing, thou mocks and laughs at the worship of
+God; but ere long, God shall write such a sudden, surprising judgment on
+thee, that shall stay thy laughing, and thou shalt not escape it. Very
+shortly thereafter, she was walking upon the rock, and there came a
+blast of wind, and sweeped her off the rock into the sea, where she was
+lost.&rsquo; <i>Life and Death of Mr. Alexander Peden</i>, p. 43, in vol. i. of <i>Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana</i>. See also
+<i>Howie's Biographia Presbyteriana</i>, p. 487.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_456_456" id="Footnote_456_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456_456"><span class="label">[456]</span></a> &lsquo;He (Mr. Fordyce, in Aberdeen) tells me this following
+accompt, which he had from personall observation: When he lived near
+Frazerburge, in the North, there was a minister settled there, <i>jure
+devoluto</i>, the toun being biggotted against Presbytery to a pitch, and
+only two or three that had any seeming liking that way. After the
+Minister is setled, he expected much encouragement from one Ougstoun, I
+think his name was, who had professed much respect for him
+in that way. A while after, in some difficulty, the
+Minister came to him, and desired his countenance and assistance in the
+difficulty. He at first put the Minister off with delay: and within a
+litle plainly mocked him, and would doe nothing. The Minister came from
+him to my informer, who lived a litle from the place, and gave him ane
+account (of) what had befallen him, and said, &ldquo;I expected much from that
+man, and reaconed upon his help and assistance, in soe comfortless a
+setlement as I have ventured on; and he has not only disappointed me,
+but mocked me!&rdquo; And the Minister was like to sink under the thoughts of
+this carriage; and after some silence, he said, very peremptorly, &ldquo;I am
+much mistaken, yea, I'le say it, God hath sent me, and spoken by me. God
+will visite that man, and something more than ordinary will befall him
+and his!&rdquo; My informer was very much stunned and greived at such a
+peremptory declaration. However, it was accomplished, to my informer's
+personall knowledge. The man was a trader, who was very rich, worth near
+four or five thousand pounds sterling in stock. He had two sons and two
+daughters. Within some litle time, one of his sons turned distracted,
+and I think continues soe still. The other son, in some distemper,
+turned silly, and litle better, and dyed. His daughters, one was maryed,
+and her husband lost all his stock at sea, twice or thrice; his
+goodfather stocked him once or twice, and all was still lost, and they
+and their children are miserable. The other daughter fell into a
+distemper, wherein she lost her reason. The man himself, after that
+time, never throve; his means wasted away insensibly; and throu all
+things, he fell under melancholy, and turned silly, and dyed stupide.
+All this fell out in some feu years after what passed above; and my
+relator kneu all this particularly, and had occasion to be upon the
+man's bussiness and affairs.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. ii. pp. 175,
+176. See also, in another work by this eminent Scotch divine, an account
+of what happened, when &lsquo;a rash young man&rsquo; having destroyed the property
+of a clergyman, named Boyd, &lsquo;it was observed that that family did never
+thrive afterwards, but were in a decaying condition till they are
+reduced almost to nothing.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of
+Ministers of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. part. i. p. 215.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_457_457" id="Footnote_457_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457_457"><span class="label">[457]</span></a> See Fraser's Life of Himself, in vol. ii. of <i>Select
+Biographies</i>, edited by the Rev. W. K. Tweedie. &lsquo;Nothing now remained of
+all my father's great fortune but a small wadset of sixteen chalders,
+liferented likewise by my mother. And about the same
+time a new (though an unjust) adversary charges both her and me for
+36,000 merks, and a reduction of our rights; so that our whole
+livelihood was either gone or at the stake. For four years did this
+adversary vex us, and was like to have undone us as to our temporal
+condition, had not the Lord prevented.&rsquo; p. 196. &lsquo;I, ignorant what
+defences to make, had in my company a registrate horning, which I
+accidentally and without premeditation (God putting it in my mind at the
+same time) did cast in, by which he, being the king's rebel, was
+incapacitate from pursuing me. And the Lord so ordered it that he never
+after compeared to trouble me, by which means I was delivered from a
+loss and a fashery, and had but one court to wait upon.&rsquo; p. 202. &lsquo;My
+condition during this time was a wrestling condition with the sons of
+Zeruiah that were too strong for me; little or no overcoming, yet
+violent wrestling.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;For I humbled myself under the sense of the
+calamities of our family, and my own particular wants; I besought him to
+keep us from utter destruction. And the Lord was pleased to hear; <i>he
+destroyed by death my chief adversaries</i>, I found shifts to pay my many
+petty debts, gained our law-action, and was restored to some of my
+ancient possessions again.&rsquo; pp. 227, 228.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_458_458" id="Footnote_458_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458_458"><span class="label">[458]</span></a> &lsquo;So hazardous a thing it is to meddle with Christ's sent
+servants.&rsquo; <i>Life of Mr. William Guthrie, Minister at Fenwick</i>, by the
+Rev. William Dunlop, reprinted in <i>Select Biographies</i>, vol. ii. p. 62.
+To arrest a clergyman on a civil or criminal process, was an act full of
+danger, inasmuch as the Deity would hardly fail to avenge it. This
+applied even to the officers who executed the arrest, as well as to him
+by whom it was ordered. See, for instance, <i>Some Remarkable Passages of
+the Life and Death of Mr. John Semple, Minister of the Gospel</i>, p. 171
+(in <i>Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana</i>, vol. i.). &lsquo;Some time
+thereafter, he gat orders to apprehend Mr. Semple; he intreated to
+excuse him, for Mr. Semple was the minister and man he would not meddle
+with; for he was sure, if he did that, some terrible mischief would
+suddenly befal him. Mr. Arthur Coupar, who was Mr. Semple's precentor,
+told these passages to a Reverend Minister in the church, yet alive,
+worthy of all credit, who told me.&rsquo; Durham boasts that, &lsquo;when Ministers
+have most to do, and <i>meet with most opposition</i>, God often furnisheth
+them accordingly with more boldnesse, gifts, and assistance than
+ordinary. Christ's witnesses are a terrible party; for as few as these
+witnesses are, none of their opposits do gain at their hand; <i>whoever
+hurteth them shall in this manner be killed</i>. Though they be despicable
+in sackcloth, yet <i>better oppose a king in his strength, and giving
+orders from his throne covered in cloath of state, than them</i>: though
+they may burn some and imprison others, yet their opposers will pay
+sickerly for it. This is not because of any worth that is in them, or
+for their own sake; But 1. for His sake and for His authority that
+sendeth them. 2. for the event of their word, which will certainly come
+to passe, and that more terribly, and as certainly, as ever any
+temporall judgement was brought on by Moses or Elias.&rsquo; <i>Durham's
+Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation</i>, p. 416.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_459_459" id="Footnote_459_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459_459"><span class="label">[459]</span></a> &lsquo;These who are trusted by Christ to be keepers of the
+vineyard, and his ministers, ought also to be respected by the people
+over whom they are set; and Christ allows this on them. Where Christ is
+respected and gets his due, there the keepers will be respected and get
+their due.&rsquo; <i>Durham's Exposition of the Song of Solomon</i>, pp. 450, 451.
+Fergusson complacently says, that to affront a clergyman by not
+believing his statement, or &lsquo;message,&rsquo; as he terms it, is a &lsquo;dishonour
+done to God.&rsquo; <i>Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul</i>, p. 422.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_460_460" id="Footnote_460_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460_460"><span class="label">[460]</span></a> &lsquo;As it is true concerning vs, that necessitie lyeth vpon
+vs to preach, and woe will bee to vs if wee preach not; so it is true
+concerning you, that a necessitie lyeth vpon you to heare, and <i>woe will
+be to you if you heare not</i>.&rsquo; <i>Cowper's Heaven Opened</i>, p. 156.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_461_461" id="Footnote_461_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461_461"><span class="label">[461]</span></a> The following order was promulgated by the Kirk-Session of
+Aberdeen on the 12th July 1607. &lsquo;The said day, in respect it wes delatit
+to the sessioun that thair is sindrie landvart gentillmen and vtheris
+cum to this towne, quha mackis thair residence thairin, and resortis not
+to the preching nather on Saboth nor vlk dayes; thairfor, it is ordanit
+that thrie elderis of everie quarter convene with the ministrie in the
+sessioun hous, immediatlie efter the ending of the sermone on Tuysday
+nixt, and thair tak vp the names of the gentillmen and vtheris skipperis
+duelling in this burgh, quha kepis nocht the Kirk, nor resortis not to
+the hering of Godis word; and thair names being taken vp, ordains ane
+off the ministeris, with a baillie, to pas vnto thame and admoneis thame
+to cum to the preichingis, and keip the Kirk, vthervayes to remowe thame
+aff the towne.&rsquo; <i>Selections from the Records of the Kirk Session,
+Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen</i>, p. 58. It was not enough to go
+occasionally to church; the attendance must be regular; otherwise the
+clergy were dissatisfied, and punished the delinquents. In the
+Presbytery Book of Strathbogie it is recorded that, on the 29th
+September 1649, &lsquo;Mr. Johne Reidfurd being posed quhat diligence he had
+vsed to the Lady Frendraught, reported, shoe had hard three sermons, and
+so, as he thought, shoe intended to continow ane hearer. The bretheren,
+considering her long continowed contumacie and delay of her process, by
+<i>heiring a sermon now and then</i>, thought not <i>that kind of heiring
+satufactorie</i>, quherfor Mr. Robert Watson, and Mr. Robert Irving, ver
+ordained to goe with Mr. Johne Reidfurd, and requyre the said Lady to
+subscryv the Covenant, quherby shoe might testifie her conformitie vith
+the Kirk of Scotland, quhilk, if shoe refused, the said Mr. Johne vas
+ordained to pronounce the sentence of excommunicatioun against hir
+before the Provinciall Assemblie, as he vold be answerable therto.&rsquo;
+<i>Extracts from the Presbytery Book of Strathbogie</i>, p. 115. Neither
+distance, nor illness, might be pleaded as a valid excuse. Under no
+circumstances, would the preachers tolerate the affront of any one
+displaying an unwillingness to hear their sermons. In 1650, &lsquo;compeired
+the Lord Oliphant, being summondit for not keeping his parish kirk of
+Abercherdour, vho declared his inabilitie of bodie many tymes, and the
+want of houses for accommodating him and his familie so farr distant
+from the same, vas the onlie caus, quhilk he promised to amend in tym
+comming. Mr. John Reidfurd ordained to report the same to the
+presbytrie, and vpon his continowed absence, to processe him.&rsquo;
+<i>Presbytery Book of Strathbogie</i>, p. 149. See more on this subject in
+<i>Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark</i>, pp. 5, 33, 67; <i>Minutes of the
+Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar</i>, pp. 67, 68, 90, 153; <i>Minutes of
+the Synod of Fife</i>, pp. 18, 55, 132; and <i>Spalding's History of the
+Troubles</i>, vol. ii. p. 57. Spalding also mentions (p. 114) that at
+Aberdeen, in 1643, the clergy discoursed every Tuesday, Thursday, and
+Saturday, in the afternoon; on which occasions, &lsquo;the people is compellit
+to attend their Lectureis, or ther cryit out against.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_462_462" id="Footnote_462_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462_462"><span class="label">[462]</span></a> &lsquo;And it may be truly said, as the Church of Scotland hath
+had no detractors, but such as were ignorant of her, or misinformed
+about her, or whom faction, partiality, prejudice, wickedness, or love
+of unlawful liberty did inspire; so no person or party hath endeavoured
+hithertil to root out Presbytery, but the Lord hath made it a burdensome
+stone unto them.&rsquo; <i>Naphtali</i>, sig. B 2 rev. &lsquo;The Lord's wrath shall so
+meet his enemies in the teeth, wheresoever they turn, that they shall be
+forced to forsake their pursuing of the Church.&rsquo; <i>Dickson's Explication
+of the First Fifty Psalms</i>, p. 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_463_463" id="Footnote_463_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463_463"><span class="label">[463]</span></a> &lsquo;The true children of the Kirk are indeed the excellent
+ones of the earth, and princes indeed, wherever they live, in comparison
+of all other men who are but the beastly slaves of Satan.&rsquo; <i>Dickson's
+Explication of the First Fifty Psalms</i>, p. 312. Another high authority
+carefully identifies &lsquo;the true religion&rsquo; with &lsquo;the true presbyterial
+profession.&rsquo; See <i>An Enquiry into Church Communion by Mr. Alexander
+Shields, Minister of the Gospel at Saint Andrews</i>, p. 126. His remark
+applies to the &lsquo;Burgess-oaths.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_464_464" id="Footnote_464_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464_464"><span class="label">[464]</span></a> Fergusson gives an ingenious turn to this, and says that
+it was their duty to praise their own profession, not for their own
+sake, but for the sake of others. &lsquo;It is the duty of Christ's ministers
+to commend and magnify their office, not for gaining praise and esteem
+to themselves, 2 Cor. iii. 1, but that the malice of Satan and his
+instruments may be hereby frustrated, 2 Cor. xi. 12, who labours to
+bring that sacred calling into contempt; that so it may have the less of
+success upon people's hearts.&rsquo; <i>Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles
+of Paul</i>, p. 180.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_465_465" id="Footnote_465_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465_465"><span class="label">[465]</span></a> &lsquo;Neither is there any mediate authoritie betweene the Lord
+and his ambassadours, in the affaires of their message; he only sendeth
+them; he alone gives them to be pastors and doctors, etc.; he alone
+shall judge them; he alone shall reward them; to him alone they must
+give an accompt of their dispensation; and he himselfe alone doth
+immediatlie rule them by his spirit and word.&rsquo; <i>Forbes' Certaine Records
+touching the Estate of the Kirk</i>, p. 435. In reference to these amazing
+pretensions, the Scotch clergy were constantly terming themselves the
+ambassadors of the Deity; thereby placing themselves infinitely above
+all other men. See, for instance, <i>Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of
+the Revelation</i>, pp. 86, 100, 160. <i>Durham's Law Unsealed</i>, pp. 85, 96.
+<i>Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation</i>, p. 402. <i>Fergusson's
+Exposition of the Epistles of Paul</i>, pp. 17, 273. <i>Shields' Enquiry into
+Church Communion</i>, p. 72. <i>Binning's Sermons</i>, vol. ii. p. 118, vol.
+iii. p. 178. <i>Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule</i>, p. 122. <i>Monro's
+Sermons</i>, p. 207. <i>Gillespie's Aaron's Rod Blossoming</i>, pp. 240, 413.
+<i>Cowper's Heaven Opened</i>, p. 166. <i>Rutherford's Free Disputation against
+Pretended Liberty of Conscience</i>, p. 41. <i>Dickson's Truth's Victory over
+Error</i>, p. 274. <i>Gray's Great and Precious Promises</i>, pp. 50, 74.
+<i>Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture</i>, p. 429. <i>Cockburn's Jacob's
+Vow, or Man's Felicity and Duty</i>, p. 401. <i>Hutcheson's Exposition of the
+Book of Job</i>, pp. 461, 479.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_466_466" id="Footnote_466_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466_466"><span class="label">[466]</span></a> &lsquo;Ministers are called Angels, because they are God's
+Messengers, intrusted by Him with a high and heavenly imployment; and it
+is a title that should put Ministers in mind of their duty, to do God's
+will on earth as the Angels do it in heaven, in a spiritual and heavenly
+way, cheerfully, willingly and readily: and it <i>should put people in
+mind of their duty, to take this word off Ministers hands, as from
+Angels</i>.&rsquo; <i>Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation</i>, p. 496.
+&lsquo;Therefore are Ministers called Angels, and Angels, Ministers,&rsquo; p. 596.
+Cockburn says that this is the reason why &lsquo;we should behave ourselves
+decently and reverently&rsquo; in church; &lsquo;for if the presence of Kings
+overawe us, how much more should the presence of God and Angels.&rsquo;
+<i>Cockburn's Jacob's Vow, or Man's Felicity and Duty</i>, p. 356. Another
+Scotch divine asserts that he and his brethren are able to instruct the
+angels, and free them from their ignorance. See the audacious passage in
+<i>Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul</i>, p. 180: &lsquo;<i>This may
+commend the ministers of the gospel not a little unto men</i>, and beget
+reverence in them towards the same, that even the blessed angels are in
+some sort bettered by it, and that it is therefore respected by them:
+for Paul commendeth his office from this, that by occasion thereof &ldquo;unto
+the principalities and powers, was made known the manifold wisdom of
+God.&rdquo; Though angels be most knowing creatures, as enjoying the immediate
+sight and presence of God, Matt. xviii. 10, yet <i>they are ignorant of
+some things, which, by God's way of dispensing the Gospel to his church,
+they come to a more full knowledge off</i>.&rsquo; After this, it is a slight
+matter to find Monro insisting that &lsquo;the people should consider our
+character as the most difficult and most sacred.&rsquo; <i>Monro's Sermons</i>, p.
+202.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_467_467" id="Footnote_467_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467_467"><span class="label">[467]</span></a> &lsquo;He is obliged to minister unto them in the gospel; and
+they are obliged to submit to him, strengthen him, acknowledge him,
+communicate to him in all good things, and to provide for him,&rsquo; &amp;c.
+<i>Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation</i>, p. 90. That the
+clergy are &lsquo;rulers and governors,&rsquo; and that their business is &lsquo;ruling
+and watching over the flock,&rsquo; is likewise affirmed in <i>Gillespie's
+Aaron's Rod Blossoming</i>, pp. 172, 313. Compare <i>The Correspondence of
+the Rev. Robert Wodrow</i>, vol. i. p. 181: &lsquo;rule over the people and speak
+the word;&rsquo; and <i>Rutherford's Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty
+of Conscience</i>, p. 41: &lsquo;the commanding power in the Ambassadour of
+Christ.&rsquo; See also the &lsquo;reverential estimation&rsquo; inculcated in <i>Boston's
+Sermons</i>, p. 186.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_468_468" id="Footnote_468_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468_468"><span class="label">[468]</span></a> &lsquo;Called watchmen by a name borrowed from the practice of
+centinels in armies or cities.&rsquo; They are &lsquo;Satan's greatest eyesores.&rsquo;
+<i>Hutcheson's Exposition of the Minor Prophets</i>, vol. ii. p. 158, vol.
+iii. p. 208. &lsquo;They being made watchmen, do thereby become the butt of
+Satan's malice.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The Enemy's principal design is sure to be against
+the watchman, because he prevents the surprising of his people by Satan,&rsquo;
+at least &lsquo;tis his business to do so.&rsquo; <i>Halyburton's Great Concern of
+Salvation</i>, p. 24. Compare <i>Guthrie's Considerations contributing unto
+the Discovery of the Dangers that threaten Religion</i>, p. 259;
+<i>Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul</i>, pp. 97, 106; <i>Durham's
+Exposition of the Song of Solomon</i>, pp. 278, 443, and <i>Wodrow's
+Correspondence</i>, vol. i. pp. 84, 244.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_469_469" id="Footnote_469_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469_469"><span class="label">[469]</span></a> One of the most popular of the Scotch preachers in the
+seventeenth century, actually ranks himself, in this respect, as doing
+the same work as the Son of God. &lsquo;Christ and his ministers are the
+musicians that do apply their songs to catch men's ears and hearts, if
+so be they may stop their course and not perish. These are blessed
+syrens that do so.&rsquo; <i>Binning's Sermons</i>, vol. iii. p. 265.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_470_470" id="Footnote_470_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470_470"><span class="label">[470]</span></a> Rutherford terms himself, &lsquo;a chosen arrow hid in his
+quiver.&rsquo; <i>Howie's Biographia Scoticana</i>, p. 230. To read the coarse
+materialism contained in this and other extracts, will, I know, shock,
+and so far offend, many pure and refined minds, whose feelings I would
+not needlessly wound. But no one can understand the history of the
+Scotch intellect, who refuses to enter into these matters; and it is for
+the reader to choose whether or not he will remain ignorant of what I,
+as an historian, am bound to disclose. His remedy is easy. He has only
+either to shut the book, or else to pass on at once to the next
+chapter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_471_471" id="Footnote_471_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a> &lsquo;The Lord calleth men to be preachers, and hath them in
+his hand as starres, holding them out sometime to one part of the world,
+and sometime to another, that we may communicate light to them that are
+sitting in darkness.&rsquo; <i>Cowper's Heaven Opened</i>, p. 360.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_472_472" id="Footnote_472_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472_472"><span class="label">[472]</span></a> &lsquo;Ministers are called Stars, for these reasons: I. To
+signifie and point out the eminence and dignity of the office, that it
+is a glorious and shineing office. II. To point out what is the
+especiall end of this office; It is to give light: as the use of Stars
+is to give light to the world; so it's Ministers main imployment to
+shine and give light to others; to make the world, which is a dark
+night, to be lightsome.&rsquo; <i>Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the
+Revelation</i>, p. 43. See also pp. 151, 368; and <i>Dickson's Truth's
+Victory over Error</i>, p. 176.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_473_473" id="Footnote_473_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473_473"><span class="label">[473]</span></a> The Rev. James Kirton says of the Rev. John Welsh, that
+some one who observed him walking, &lsquo;saw clearly a strange light surround
+him, and heard him speak strange words about his spiritual joy.&rsquo; <i>Select
+Biographies</i>, edited by the Rev. W. K. Tweedie, vol. i. p. 12. But more
+than this remains to be told. The hearts of the Scotch clergy were so
+lifted up with pride, that they believed&mdash;horrible to relate&mdash;that they
+had audible and verbal communications from the Almighty God, which
+bystanders could hear. One of these stories, relating also to Welsh,
+will be found, as tradition handed it down, in <i>Howie's Biographia
+Scoticana</i>, p. 148. I cannot quote such blasphemy; and those who doubt
+my statement had better refer to the second edition of Howie's work,
+published at Glasgow in 1781. It may probably be met with in the British
+Museum.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_474_474" id="Footnote_474_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474_474"><span class="label">[474]</span></a> &lsquo;Mr. Johne M'Birnie at Aberdeen, (but first at the South
+Ferrie, over aganis the Castell of Broughtie,) a most zealous and
+painfull pastor, a great opposer of hierarchie. He was a shyning torch
+and a burning starre; wherefore the Lord miraculouslie made, at his
+death, a starre to appeare in heaven at the noonetyde of the day;
+whilk many yit alive testifies that they did evidentlie see it (at
+Whitsunday 1609).&rsquo; <i>Row's History of the Kirk of Scotland</i>, p. 421.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_475_475" id="Footnote_475_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a> Mr. James Stirling, minister of Barony, Glasgow, writes
+respecting his father, Mr. John Stirling, minister at Kilbarchan, that
+the &lsquo;day he was burryed ther wer two great candles burning in the
+chamber, and they did go out most surprisingly without any wind causing
+them to go out.&rsquo; <i>Analecta, or Materials for a History of Remarkable
+Providences</i>, by the Rev. Robert Wodrow, vol. iii. p. 37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_476_476" id="Footnote_476_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476_476"><span class="label">[476]</span></a> &lsquo;This night, Glanderston told me, that it was reported for
+a truth at Burroustoness, that about six weeks since Mr. David
+Williamson was preaching in his own church in Edinburgh, and in the
+midle of the sermon, a ratton came and sat doun on his Bible. This
+made him stope; and after a little pause, he told the congregation that
+this was a message of God to him, and broke off his sermon, and took a
+formall fareweel of his people, and went home, and continoues sick.&rsquo;
+<i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. i. p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_477_477" id="Footnote_477_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a> &lsquo;The same person&rsquo; (<i>i.e.</i> the Rev. Mr. White) &lsquo;adds, that
+some years ago, when Mr. Bruce's grave was opened, to lay in his
+grandchild, his body was almost fresh and uncorrupted, to the great
+wonder of many; and if I right remember, the grave was again filled up,
+and another made. The fresh body had no noisome smell. It was then
+nearly eighty years after he was buried. My informer was minister of
+Larbert when this happened.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Life of Bruce</i>, p. 150, prefixed
+to <i>Bruce's Sermons</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_478_478" id="Footnote_478_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478_478"><span class="label">[478]</span></a> &lsquo;He&rsquo; (John Lockhart) &lsquo;tells me Mr. Robert Paton, minister
+at Barnweel, his father-in-lau, had a particular for-notice, seven or
+eight years before, of his death: That he signifyed so much to my
+informer.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;When my informer came, he did not apprehend any hazard,
+and signifyed so much to his father-in-lau, Mr. Paton. He answered,
+&lsquo;John, John, I am to dye at this time; and this is the time God warned
+me of, as I told you.&rsquo; In eight or ten dayes he dyed. Mr. Paton was a
+man very much (beloved) and mighty in prayer.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 451. Compare the case of Henderson (in <i>Wodrow's
+Correspondence</i>, vol. iii. p. 33), where the notice was much shorter,
+but &lsquo;all fell out as he had foretold.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_479_479" id="Footnote_479_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479_479"><span class="label">[479]</span></a> &lsquo;Generally, I observe that Ministers' deaths are not
+single, but severall of them together.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 275.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_480_480" id="Footnote_480_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480_480"><span class="label">[480]</span></a> The Rev. William Row (in his <i>Continuation of Blair's
+Autobiography</i>, p. 153) says, &lsquo;Without all doubt, though it cannot be
+proven from Scripture, that every one has a tutelar angel, yet it is
+certain that the good angels do many good offices to the people of God,
+<i>especially to his ministers and ambassadors</i>, which we do not see, and
+do not remark or know.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_481_481" id="Footnote_481_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481_481"><span class="label">[481]</span></a> &lsquo;Mr. James Stirling, and Mr. Robert Muir, and severall
+others in the company, agreed on this accompt of Mr. Rutherford. When
+about four years old, he was playing about his father's house, and a
+sister of his, somewhat older than he, with him. Mr. Rutherford fell
+into a well severall fathoms deep, and not full, but faced about with
+heuen stone, soe that it was not possible for any body to get up almost,
+far less a child. When he fell in, his sister ran into the house near
+by, and told that Samuell was fallen into the well; upon which his
+father and mother ran out, and found him sitting on the grasse beside
+the well; and when they asked him, Hou he gote out? he said, after he
+was once at the bottome, he came up to the tope, and ther was a bonny
+young man pulled him out by the hand. Ther was noe body near by at the
+time; and soe they concluded it was noe doubt ane angell. The Lord had
+much to doe with him.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. i. p. 57. See also vol.
+iii. pp. 88, 89, where this circumstance is again mentioned as &lsquo;a
+tradition anent him&rsquo; in the place of his birth.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_482_482" id="Footnote_482_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482_482"><span class="label">[482]</span></a> &lsquo;Mr. William Trail, minister at ****, tells me that his
+father, Mr. William Trail, minister at Borthwick, used every morning,
+when he had publick work on his hand, to hear three knocks at his
+chamber dore; and if, throu wearynes, or heaviness, he did sitt these,
+ther wer ordinarily three knocks at his bed-head, which he never durst
+sitt, but gott up to his work. This was ordinarily about three in the
+morning. This, at first, in his youth, frighted him; but at lenth it
+turned easy to him, and he believed these knocks and awaknings proceed
+from a good art. That these never failed him on Sabbaths and at
+Communions, when he was obliged to rise early: That when he turned old
+and infirm, towards the close of his dayes, they intirely ceased and
+left him.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. ii. p. 307. This work, in four
+quarto volumes, is invaluable for the history of the Scotch mind; being
+a vast repertory of the opinions and traditions of the clergy, during
+the seventeenth, and early part of the eighteenth, century. Wodrow was a
+man of ability, certainly above the average; his honesty is
+unimpeachable, as the jealous scrutiny which the episcopalians have made
+of his great work on the History of the Church of Scotland, decisively
+proves; and he was in the constant habit of personal and epistolary
+communication with the leading characters of his age. I have, therefore,
+freely used his <i>Analecta</i>; also his <i>Collections upon the Lives of
+Ministers</i>, which is likewise in four quarto volumes; and his
+<i>Correspondence</i>, in three thick octavo volumes. It would be difficult
+to find a more competent witness respecting the sentiments of his
+ecclesiastical brethren. It would be impossible to find a more candid
+one.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_483_483" id="Footnote_483_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483_483"><span class="label">[483]</span></a> In illustration of this, a volume might be filled with
+extracts from the writings of the Scotch divines of the seventeenth
+century. The following passage is, perhaps, as good as any. &lsquo;Yea, it can
+hardly be instanced any great change, or revolution in the earth, which
+hath not had some such extraordinary herald going before. Can the world
+deny how sometimes these prodigious signes have been shaped out to point
+at the very nature of the stroke then imminent, by a strange resemblance
+to the same, such as a flaming sword in the air, the appearance of
+armies fighting even sometimes upon the earth, to the view of many most
+sober and judicious onlookers, also showers of blood, the noise of
+drummes, and such like, which are known usually to go before warr and
+commotions.&rsquo; <i>Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture</i>, 1681, p. 216.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_484_484" id="Footnote_484_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484_484"><span class="label">[484]</span></a> Durham, after mentioning &lsquo;old abbacies or monasteries, or
+castles when walls stand and none dwelleth in them,&rsquo; adds, &lsquo;If it be
+asked, If there be such a thing, as the haunting of evill spirits in
+these desolate places? We answer 1. That there are evill spirits
+rangeing up and down through the earth is certain, even though hell be
+their prison properly, yet have they a sort of dominion and abode both
+in the earth and air; partly, as a piece of their curse, this is laid on
+them to wander; partly as their exercise to tempt men, or bring
+spirituall or temporall hurt to them,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Durham's Commentarie upon
+the Book of the Revelation</i>, p. 582. So, too, Hutcheson (<i>Exposition of
+the Book of Job</i>, p. 9): &lsquo;We should remember that we sojourn in a world
+where Devils are, and do haunt among us;&rsquo; and Fleming (<i>Fulfilling of
+the Scripture</i>, p. 217): &lsquo;But the truth itself is sure, that such a
+party is at this day, encompassing the earth, and trafficking up and
+down there, to prove which by arguments were to light a candle to let
+men see that it is day, while it is known what <i>ordinary familiar
+converse many have therewith</i>.&rsquo; One of their favourite abodes was the
+Shetland Islands, where, in the middle of the seventeenth century,
+&lsquo;almost every family had a Brouny or evil spirit so called.&rsquo; See the
+account given by the Rev. John Brand, in his work entitled <i>A Brief
+Description of Orkney, Zetland, Pightland-Firth, and Caithness</i>, pp.
+111, 112, Edinburgh, 1701.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_485_485" id="Footnote_485_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485_485"><span class="label">[485]</span></a> &lsquo;There is not one whom he assaulteth not.&rsquo; <i>Abernethy's
+Physicke for the Soule</i>, p. 101. &lsquo;On the right hand and on the left.&rsquo;
+<i>Cowper's Heaven Opened</i>, p. 273. Even early in the eighteenth century,
+the &lsquo;most popular divines&rsquo; in Scotland, affirmed that Satan &lsquo;frequently
+appears clothed in a corporeal substance.&rsquo; <i>Memoirs of Charles Lee
+Lewes, written by Himself</i>, vol. iii. pp. 29, 30, London, 1805.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_486_486" id="Footnote_486_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486_486"><span class="label">[486]</span></a> &lsquo;This night James Lochheid told me, that last year, if I
+mistake not, at the Communion of Bafrou, he was much helped all day. At
+night, when dark somewhat, he went out to the feilds to pray; and a
+terrible slavish fear came on him, that he almost lost his senses.
+Houever, he resolved to goe on to his duty. By (the time) he was at the
+place, his fear was off him; and lying on a knou-side, a black dogg came
+to his head and stood. He said he kneu it to be Satan, and shooke his
+hand, but found nothing, it evanishing.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Lord help against his
+devices, and strenthen against them!&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. i. p.
+24. The <i>Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark</i>, p. 77, contain a
+declaration, in 1650, that &lsquo;the devill appeared like a little whelpe,&rsquo;
+and afterwards, &lsquo;like a brown whelpe.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_487_487" id="Footnote_487_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487_487"><span class="label">[487]</span></a> The celebrated Peden was present when &lsquo;there came down the
+appearance of a raven, and sat upon one man's head.&rsquo; &hellip; Thereupon,
+&lsquo;going home, Mr. Peden said to his land-lord, I always thought there was
+Devilry among you, but I never thought that he did appear visibly among
+you, till now I have seen it. O, for the Lord's sake quit this way,&rsquo;
+<i>The Life and Death of Mr. Alexander Peden, late Minister of the Gospel
+at New Glenluce in Galloway</i>, pp. 111, 112, in vol. i. of <i>Walker's
+Biographia Presbyteriana</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_488_488" id="Footnote_488_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488_488"><span class="label">[488]</span></a> &lsquo;I heard a voice just before me on the other side of the
+hedge, and it seemed to be like the groaning of an aged man. It
+continued so some time. I knew no man could be there; for, on the other
+side of the hedge, where I heard the groaning, there was a great stank
+or pool. I nothing doubted but it was Satan, and I guessed his design;
+but still I went on to beg the child's life. At length he roared and
+made a noise like a bull, and that very loud. From all this I concluded,
+that I had been provoking God some way or other in the duty, and that he
+was angry with me, and had let the enemy loose on me, and might give him
+leave to tear me in pieces. This made me intreat of God, to shew me
+wherefore he contended, and begged he would rebuke Satan. The enemy
+continued to make a noise like a bull, and seemed to be coming about the
+hedge towards the door of the summer-seat, bellowing as he came along.&rsquo;
+<i>Stevenson's Rare, Soul-Strengthening, and Comforting Cordial for Old
+and Young Christians</i>, p. 29. This book was published, and prepared for
+the press, by the Rev. William Cupples. See Mr. Cupples' letter at the
+beginning.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_489_489" id="Footnote_489_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489_489"><span class="label">[489]</span></a> In 1684, with &lsquo;black cloaths, and a blue band, and white
+handcuffs.&rsquo; <i>Sinclair's Satan's Invisible World Discovered</i>, p. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_490_490" id="Footnote_490_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490_490"><span class="label">[490]</span></a> &lsquo;He observed one of the black man's feet to be cloven, and
+that the black man's apparel was black, and that he had a blue band
+about his neck, and white hand-cuffs, and that he had hoggers upon his
+legs without shoes; and that the black man's voice was hollow and
+ghastly.&rsquo; <i>Satan's Invisible World Discovered</i>, p. 9. &lsquo;The devil
+appeared in the shape of a black man,&rsquo; p. 31. See also <i>Brand's
+Description of Orkney</i>, p. 126: &lsquo;all in black.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_491_491" id="Footnote_491_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491_491"><span class="label">[491]</span></a> &lsquo;The acquired knowledge of the Devill is great, hee being
+an advancing student, and still learning now above five thousand
+yeares.&rsquo; <i>Rutherford's Christ Dying and Drawing Sinners to Himselfe</i>, p.
+204. &lsquo;He knowes very well, partly by the quicknesse of his nature, and
+partly by long experience, being now very neere six thousand yeeres
+old.&rsquo; <i>Cowper's Heaven Opened</i>, p. 219. &lsquo;Hee, being compared with vs,
+hath many vantages; as that he is more subtill in nature, being of
+greater experience, and more ancient, being now almost sixe thousand
+yeeres old.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> p. 403. &lsquo;The diuell here is both diligent and
+cunning, and (now almost of sixe thousand yeeres) of great experience.&rsquo;
+<i>Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule</i>, p. 142. &lsquo;Satan, such an ingenious
+and experimented spirit.&rsquo; <i>Binning's Sermons</i>, vol. i. p. 67. &lsquo;His great
+sleight and cunning.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> p. 110. Other eulogies of his skill may be
+seen in <i>Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul</i>, p. 475; and in
+<i>Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture</i>, p. 45. A &lsquo;minister,&rsquo; whose name
+is not mentioned, states that he is &lsquo;of an excellent substance, of great
+natural parts, long experience, and deep understanding.&rsquo; <i>Sinclair's
+Satan's Invisible World Discovered</i>, p. 78.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_492_492" id="Footnote_492_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492_492"><span class="label">[492]</span></a> In Professor Sinclair's work (<i>Satan's Invisible World
+Discovered</i>, p. 141), we find, in 1684, &lsquo;an evident instance, that the
+devil can transport the bodies of men and women through the air. It is
+true, he did not carry her far off, but not for want of skill and
+power.&rsquo; Late in the seventeenth century, it was generally believed that
+one of Satan's accomplices was literally &lsquo;strangled in his chair by the
+devil, least he should make a confession to the detriment of the
+service.&rsquo; <i>Crawfurd's History of the Shire of Renfrew</i>, part iii. p.
+319.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_493_493" id="Footnote_493_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493_493"><span class="label">[493]</span></a> See the account of a young preacher being deceived in this
+way, in <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. i. pp. 103, 104. The Rev. Robert Blair
+detected the cheat, and &lsquo;with ane awful seriousness appearing in his
+countenance, began to tell the youth his hazard, and that the man whom
+he took for a Minister was the Divel, who had trepanned him, and brought
+him into his net; advised him to be earnest with God in prayer, and
+likewise not to give way to dispair, for ther was yet hope.&rsquo; The
+preacher had, on this occasion, been so far duped as to give the devil
+&lsquo;a written promise&rsquo; to do whatever he was requested. As soon as the Rev.
+Mr. Blair ascertained this fact, he took the young man before the
+Presbytery, and narrated the circumstance to the members. &lsquo;They were all
+strangely affected with it, and resolved unanimously to dispatch the
+Presbitry business presently, and to stay all night in town, and on the
+morrow to meet for prayer in one of the most retired churches of the
+Presbitry, acquainting none with their business, (but) taking the youth
+alongst with them, whom they keeped alwise close by them. Which was
+done, and after the Ministers had prayed all of them round, except Mr.
+Blair, who prayed last, in time of his prayer there came a violent
+rushing of wind upon the church, so great that they thought the church
+should have fallen down about their ears, and with that the youth's
+paper and covenant&rsquo; (<i>i.e.</i> the covenant which he had signed at the
+request of Satan) &lsquo;droops down from the roof of the church among the
+Ministers.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_494_494" id="Footnote_494_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494_494"><span class="label">[494]</span></a> &lsquo;The devil strikes at them, that in them he may strike at
+the whole congregation.&rsquo; <i>Boston's Sermons</i>, p. 186. Fleming
+(<i>Fulfilling of the Scripture</i>, p. 379) gives an account of his
+appearing to one of the Scotch clergy. Compare <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol.
+iv. p. 110. In 1624, Bruce writes, &lsquo;I heard his voice as vively as ever
+I heard any thing, not being sleeping, but waking.&rsquo; <i>Life of Bruce</i>, p.
+8, prefixed to <i>Bruce's Sermons</i>. The only remedy was immediate
+resistance. &lsquo;It is the duty of called ministers to go on with courage in
+the work of the Lord, notwithstanding of any discouragement of that
+kind, receiving manfully the first onset chiefly of Satan's fury, as
+knowing their ceding to him will make him more cruel.&rsquo; <i>Fergusson's
+Exposition of the Epistles of Paul</i>, p. 74. In the seventeenth century,
+the Scotch clergy often complimented each other on having baffled him,
+and thereby put him in a passion. Thus, in 1626, Dickson writes to Boyd:
+&lsquo;The devil is mad against you, he fears his kingdom.&rsquo; <i>Life of Robert
+Boyd, in Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of Ministers</i>, vol. ii.
+part i. p. 238. See also pp. 165, 236.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_495_495" id="Footnote_495_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495_495"><span class="label">[495]</span></a> &lsquo;He can delude ears, eyes, &amp;c., either by misrepresenting
+external objects, or by inward disturbing of the faculties and organes,
+whereby men and women may, and do often, apprehend that they hear, see,
+&amp;c. such and such things, which, indeed, they do not.&rsquo; <i>Durham's
+Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation</i>, p. 128. &lsquo;Raise tempests.&rsquo;
+<i>Binning's Sermons</i>, vol. i. p. 122. &lsquo;His power and might, whereby
+through God's permission, he doth raise up storms, commove the elements,
+destroy cattle,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul</i>,
+p. 264. &lsquo;Hee can work curiously and strongly on the walls of bodily
+organs, on the shop that the understanding soule lodgeth in, and on the
+necessary tooles, organs, and powers of fancie, imagination, memory,
+humours, senses, spirits, bloud,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Rutherford's Christ Dying</i>, p.
+212. Semple, giving notice of his intention to administer the sacrament,
+told the congregation &lsquo;that the Devil would be so envious about the good
+work they were to go about, that he was afraid he would be permitted to
+raise a storm in the air with a speat of rain, to raise the waters,
+designing to drown some of them; but it will not be within the compass
+of his power to drown any of you, no not so much as a dog.&rsquo; <i>Remarkable
+Passages of the Life and Death of Mr. John Semple</i>, <i>Minister of the
+Gospel</i>, pp. 168, 169, in vol. i. of <i>Walker's Biographia
+Presbyteriana</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_496_496" id="Footnote_496_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496_496"><span class="label">[496]</span></a> <i>Sinclair's Satan's Invisible World Discovered</i>, p. 137.
+<i>Memoirs of the Life and Experiences of Marion Laird of Greenock, with a
+Preface by the Rev. Mr. Cock</i>, pp. 43, 44, 45, 84, 85, 172, 222, 223.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_497_497" id="Footnote_497_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497_497"><span class="label">[497]</span></a> &lsquo;I shall next show how the murderer Satan visibly appeared
+to a wicked man, stirred him up to stab me, and how mercifully I was
+delivered therefrom.&rsquo; <i>The Autobiography of Mr. Robert Blair, Minister
+of St. Andrews</i>, p. 65. See also <i>Fleming's Fulfilling of the
+Scripture</i>, pp. 379, 380.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_498_498" id="Footnote_498_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498_498"><span class="label">[498]</span></a> &lsquo;One Mr. Thomas Hogg, a very popular presbyterian preacher
+in the North, asked a person of great learning, in a religious
+conference, whether or not he had seen the Devil? It was answered him,
+&ldquo;That he had never seen him in any visible appearance.&rdquo; &ldquo;Then, I assure
+you,&rdquo; saith Mr. Hogg, &ldquo;that you can never be happy till you see him in
+that manner; that is, until you have both a personal converse and combat
+with him.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence</i>, pp. 28, 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_499_499" id="Footnote_499_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499_499"><span class="label">[499]</span></a> &lsquo;Ye go to the kirk, and when ye hear the devil or hell
+named in the preaching, ye sigh and make a noise.&rsquo; <i>The Last and
+Heavenly Speeches of John, Viscount Kenmure</i>, in <i>Select Biographies</i>,
+vol. i. p. 405.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_500_500" id="Footnote_500_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500_500"><span class="label">[500]</span></a> Andrew Gray, who died in 1656, used such language, &lsquo;that
+his contemporary, the foresaid Mr. Durham, observed, That many times he
+caused the very hairs of their head to stand up.&rsquo; <i>Howie's Biographia
+Scoticana</i>, p. 217. James Hutcheson boasted of this sort of success. &lsquo;As
+he expressed it, &ldquo;I was not a quarter of ane hour in upon it, till I sau
+a dozen of them all gasping before me.&rdquo; He preached with great freedome
+<i>all day</i>, and fourteen or twenty dated their conversion from that
+sermon.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. i. p. 131. When Dickson preached,
+&lsquo;many were so choaked and taken by the heart, that through terrour, the
+spirit in such a measure convincing them of sin, in hearing of the word
+they have been made to fall over, and thus carried out of the church.&rsquo;
+<i>Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture</i>, p. 347. There was hardly any
+kind of resource which these men disdained. Alexander Dunlop &lsquo;entered
+into the ministry at Paislay, about the year 1643 or 1644.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;He used
+in the pulpit, to have a kind of a groan at the end of some sentences.
+Mr. Peebles called it a holy groan.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. iii. pp.
+16, 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_501_501" id="Footnote_501_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501_501"><span class="label">[501]</span></a> A schoolmaster, recording his religious experiences
+(<i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. i. p. 246), says: &lsquo;If any thing had given a
+knock, I would start and shiver, the seeing of a dogg made me affrayed,
+the seeing of a stone in the feild made me affrayed, and as I thought a
+voice in my head saying, &ldquo;It's Satan.&rdquo;&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_502_502" id="Footnote_502_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502_502"><span class="label">[502]</span></a> Only those who are extensively read in the theological
+literature of that time, can form an idea of this, its almost universal
+tendency. During about a hundred and twenty years, the Scotch pulpits
+resounded with the most frightful denunciations. The sins of the people,
+the vengeance of God, the activity of Satan, and the pains of hell, were
+the leading topics. In this world, calamities of every kind were
+announced as inevitable; they were immediately at hand; that generation,
+perhaps that year, should not pass away without the worst evils which
+could be conceived, falling on the whole country. I will merely quote
+the opening of a sermon which is now lying before me, and which was
+preached, in 1682, by no less a man than Alexander Peden. &lsquo;There is
+three or four things that I have to tell you this day; and the first is
+this, A bloody sword, a bloody sword, a bloody sword, for thee, O
+Scotland, that shall reach the most part of you to the very heart. And
+the second is this, Many a mile shall ye travel in thee, O Scotland! and
+shall see nothing but waste places. The third is this, The most fertile
+places in thee, O Scotland! shall be waste as the mountain tops. And
+fourthly, The women with child in thee, O Scotland! shall be dashed in
+pieces. And fifthly, There hath been many conventicles in thee, O
+Scotland! but ere it be long, God shall have a conventicle in thee, that
+shall make thee Scotland tremble. Many a preaching hath God wared on
+thee, O Scotland! but ere it be long God's judgments shall be as
+frequent in Scotland as these precious meetings, wherein he sent forth
+his faithful servants to give faithful warning in his name of their
+hazard in apostatizing from God, and in breaking all his noble vows. God
+sent out a Welsh, a Cameron, a Cargill, and a Semple to preach to thee;
+but ere long God shall preach to thee by a bloody sword.&rsquo; <i>Sermons by
+Eminent Divines</i>, pp. 47, 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_503_503" id="Footnote_503_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503_503"><span class="label">[503]</span></a> To &lsquo;thunder out the Lord's wrath and curse.&rsquo; <i>Durham's
+Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation</i>, p. 191. &lsquo;It is the duty of
+Ministers to preach judgments.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
+Prophets</i>, vol. i. p. 93. &lsquo;If ministers when they threaten be not the
+more serious and fervent, the most terrible threatening will but little
+affect the most part of hearers.&rsquo; <i>Fergusson's Exposition of the
+Epistles of Paul</i>, p. 421.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_504_504" id="Footnote_504_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504_504"><span class="label">[504]</span></a> The clergy were not ashamed to propagate a story of a boy
+who, in a trance, had been mysteriously conveyed to hell, and thence
+permitted to revisit the earth. His account, which is carefully
+preserved by the Rev. Robert Wodrow (<i>Analecta</i>, vol. i. p. 51) was,
+that &lsquo;ther wer great fires and men roasted in them, and then cast into
+rivers of cold water, and then into boyling water; others hung up by the
+tongue.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_505_505" id="Footnote_505_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505_505"><span class="label">[505]</span></a> &lsquo;Scortched in hell-fire and hear the howling of their
+fellow-prisoners, and see the ugly devils, the bloody scorpions with
+which Satan lasheth miserable soules.&rsquo; <i>Rutherford's Christ Dying</i>, pp.
+491, 492.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_506_506" id="Footnote_506_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506_506"><span class="label">[506]</span></a> &lsquo;Boiling oil, burning brimstone, scalding lead.&rsquo; <i>Sermons
+by Eminent Divines</i>, p. 362.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_507_507" id="Footnote_507_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507_507"><span class="label">[507]</span></a> &lsquo;A river of fire and brimstone broader than the earth.&rsquo;
+<i>Rutherford's Religious Letters</i>, p. 35. &lsquo;See the poor wretches lying in
+bundles, boiling eternally in that stream of brimstone.&rsquo; <i>Halyburton's
+Great Concern of Salvation</i>, p. 53.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_508_508" id="Footnote_508_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508_508"><span class="label">[508]</span></a> &lsquo;Tongue, lungs, and liver, bones and all, shall boil and
+fry in a torturing fire.&rsquo; <i>Rutherford's Religious Letters</i>, p. 17. &lsquo;They
+will be universal torments, every part of the creature being tormented
+in that flame. When one is cast into a fiery furnace, the fire makes its
+way into the very bowels, and leaves no member untouched: what part then
+can have ease, when the damned swim in a lake of fire burning with
+brimstone?&rsquo; <i>Boston's Human Nature in its Four-fold State</i>, p. 458.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_509_509" id="Footnote_509_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509_509"><span class="label">[509]</span></a> &lsquo;While wormes are sporting with thy bones, the devils
+shall make pastime of thy paines.&rsquo; <i>Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule</i>,
+p. 97. &lsquo;They will have the society of devils in their torments, being
+shut up with them in hell.&rsquo; <i>Boston's Human Nature in its Four-fold
+State</i>, p. 442. &lsquo;Their ears filled with frightful yellings of the
+infernal crew.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> p. 460.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_510_510" id="Footnote_510_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510_510"><span class="label">[510]</span></a> This fundamental doctrine of the Scotch divines is
+tersely summed up in <i>Binning's Sermons</i>, vol. iii. p. 130: &lsquo;You shall
+go out of one hell into a worse; eternity is the measure of its
+continuance, and the degrees of itself are answerable to its duration.&rsquo;
+The author of these sermons died in 1653.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_511_511" id="Footnote_511_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_511_511"><span class="label">[511]</span></a> And, according to them, the barbarous cruelty was the
+natural result of His Omniscience. It is with pain, that I transcribe
+the following impious passage. &lsquo;Consider, Who is the contriver of these
+torments. There have been some very exquisite torments contrived by the
+wit of men, the naming of which, if ye understood their nature, were
+enough to fill your hearts with horror; but <i>all these fall as far short
+of the torments ye are to endure, as the wisdom of man falls short of
+that of God</i>.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;<i>Infinite wisdom has contrived that evil</i>.&rsquo; <i>The Great
+Concern of Salvation, by the late Reverend Mr. Thomas Halyburton</i>, edit.
+Edinburgh, 1722, p. 154.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_512_512" id="Footnote_512_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_512_512"><span class="label">[512]</span></a> &lsquo;Men wonder what he could be doing all that time, if we
+may call it time which hath no beginning, and how he was employed.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;Remember that which a godly man answered some wanton curious wit, who,
+in scorn, demanded the same of him&mdash;&ldquo;He was preparing hell for curious
+and proud fools,&rdquo; said he.&rsquo; <i>Binning's Sermons</i>, vol. i. p. 194.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_513_513" id="Footnote_513_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513_513"><span class="label">[513]</span></a> &lsquo;Hell hath inlarged itselfe.&rsquo; <i>Abernethy's Physicke for
+the Soule</i>, p. 146.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_514_514" id="Footnote_514_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514_514"><span class="label">[514]</span></a> &lsquo;Eternal shriekings.&rsquo; <i>Sermons by Eminent Divines</i>, p.
+394. &lsquo;Screakings and howlings.&rsquo; <i>Gray's Great and Precious Promises</i>, p.
+20. &lsquo;O! the screechs and yels that will be in hell.&rsquo; <i>Durham's
+Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation</i>, p. 654. &lsquo;The horrible
+scrieches of them who are burnt in it.&rsquo; <i>Cowper's Heaven Opened</i>, p.
+175.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_515_515" id="Footnote_515_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_515_515"><span class="label">[515]</span></a> &lsquo;When children and servants shall go, as it were, in
+sholes to the Pit, cursing their parents and their masters who brought
+them there. And parents and masters of families shall be in multitudes
+plunged headlong in endless destruction, because they have not only
+murdered their own souls, but also imbrued their hands in the blood of
+their children and servants. O how doleful will the reckoning be amongst
+them at that day! When the children and servants shall upbraid their
+parents and masters. &ldquo;Now, now, we must to the Pit, and we have you to
+blame for it; your cursed example and lamentable negligence has brought
+us to the Pit.&rdquo;&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;And on the other hand, how will the shrieks of
+parents fill every ear? &ldquo;I have damn'd myself, I have damn'd my
+children, I have damn'd my servants. While I fed their bodies, and
+clothed their backs, I have ruined their souls, and brought double
+damnation on myself.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation</i>, pp.
+527, 528. See this further worked out in <i>Boston's Human Nature in its
+Four-fold State</i>, pp. 378, 379: &lsquo;curses instead of salutations, and
+tearing of themselves, and raging against one another, instead of the
+wonted embraces.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_516_516" id="Footnote_516_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_516_516"><span class="label">[516]</span></a> William Vetch, &lsquo;preaching in the town of Jedburg to a
+great congregation, said, &ldquo;There are two thousand of you here to day,
+but I am sure fourscore of you will not be saved;&rdquo; upon which, three of
+his ignorant hearers being in despair, despatch'd themselves soon
+after.&rsquo; <i>Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence</i>, p. 23. See also the life, or
+rather panegyric, of Vetch in <i>Howie's Biographia Scoticana</i>, where this
+circumstance is not denied, but, on the contrary, stated to be no
+&lsquo;disparagement to him,&rsquo; p. 606. The frame of mind which the teachings of
+the clergy encouraged, and which provoked self-murder, is vividly
+depicted by Samuel Rutherford, the most popular of all the Scotch
+divines of the seventeenth century. &lsquo;Oh! hee lieth down, and hell
+beddeth with him; hee sleepeth, and hell and hee dreame together; hee
+riseth, and hell goeth to the fields with him; hee goes to his garden,
+there is hell.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The man goes to his table, O! hee dare not eat, hee
+hath no right to the creature; to eat is sin and hell; so hell is in
+every dish. To live is sinne, <i>hee would faine chuse strangling</i>; every
+act of breathing is sin and hell. Hee goes to church, there is a dog as
+great as a mountaine before his eye: Here be terrors.&rsquo; <i>Rutherford's
+Christ Dying</i>, 1647, 4to, pp. 41, 42. Now, listen to the confessions of
+two of the tortured victims of the doctrines enunciated by the clergy;
+victims who, after undergoing ineffable agony, were more than once,
+according to their own account, tempted to put an end to their lives.
+&lsquo;The cloud lasted for two years and some months.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The arrows of the
+Almighty did drink up my spirits; night and day his hand lay heavy upon
+me, so that even my bodily moisture was turned into the drought of
+summer. When I said sometimes that my couch would ease my complaint, I
+was filled with tossings to the dawning of the day.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Amidst all my
+downcastings, I had the roaring lion to grapple with, who likes well to
+fish in muddy waters. He strongly suggested to me that I should not eat,
+because I had no right to food; or if I ventured to do it, the enemy
+assured me, that the wrath of God would go down with my morsel; and that
+I had forfeited a right to the divine favour, and, therefore, had
+nothing to do with any of God's creatures.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;However, so violent were
+the temptations of the strong enemy, that I frequently forgot to eat my
+bread, and durst not attempt it; and when, through the persuasion of my
+wife, I at any time did it, the enemy through the day did buffet me in a
+violent way, assuring me that the wrath of God had gone over with what I
+had taken.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The enemy after all did so pursue me, that he violently
+suggested to my soul, that, some time or other, God would suddenly
+destroy me as with a thunderclap: which so filled my soul with fear and
+pain, that, every now and then, I looked about me, to receive the divine
+blow, still expecting it was a coming; yea, many a night I durst not
+sleep, lest I had awakened in everlasting flames.&rsquo; <i>Stevenson's Rare
+Cordial</i>, pp. 11&ndash;13. Another poor creature, after hearing one of
+Smiton's sermons, in 1740, says, &lsquo;Now, I saw myself to be a condemned
+criminal; but I knew not the day of my execution. I thought that there
+was nothing between me and hell, but the brittle thread of natural
+life.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;And in this dreadful confusion, I durst not sleep, lest I had
+awakened in everlasting flames.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;And Satan violently assaulted me to
+take away my own life, seeing there was no mercy for me.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Soon after
+this, I was again violently assaulted by the tempter to take away my own
+life; he presented to me a knife therewith to do it; no person being in
+the house but myself. The enemy pursued me so close, that I could not
+endure so much as to see the knife in my sight, but laid it away.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;One evening, as I was upon the street, Satan violently assaulted me to
+go into the sea and drown myself; it would be the easiest death. Such a
+fear of Satan then fell upon me, as made my joints to shake, so that it
+was much for me to walk home; and when I came to the door, I found
+nobody within; I was afraid to go into the house, lest Satan should get
+power over me.&rsquo; <i>Memoirs of the Life and Experiences of Marion Laird of
+Greenock</i>, pp. 13, 14, 19, 45, 223, 224.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_517_517" id="Footnote_517_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_517_517"><span class="label">[517]</span></a> Binning says, that &lsquo;since the first rebellion&rsquo; (that is,
+the fall of Adam), &lsquo;there is nothing to be seen but the terrible
+countenance of an angry God.&rsquo; <i>Binning's Sermons</i>, vol. iii. p. 254.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_518_518" id="Footnote_518_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518_518"><span class="label">[518]</span></a> &lsquo;He will, as it were, lie in wait to take all advantages
+of sinners to undo them.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
+Prophets</i>, vol. i. p. 247.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_519_519" id="Footnote_519_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519_519"><span class="label">[519]</span></a> &lsquo;His wrath rages against walls, and houses, and
+senselesse creatures more now then at that time&rsquo; (<i>i.e.</i> at the time
+when the Old Testament was written). &lsquo;See what desolation he hath
+wrought in Ireland, what eating of horses, of infants, and of killed
+souldiers, hath beene in that land, and in Germany.&rsquo; <i>Rutherford's Free
+Disputation against Pretended Liberty of Conscience</i>, pp. 244, 245.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_520_520" id="Footnote_520_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_520_520"><span class="label">[520]</span></a> &lsquo;Albeit there were no earthly man to pursue Christ's
+enemies; yet avenging angels, or evil spirits shall be let forth upon
+them and their families to trouble them.&rsquo; <i>Dickson's Explication of the
+First Fifty Psalms</i>, p. 229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_521_521" id="Footnote_521_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_521_521"><span class="label">[521]</span></a> &lsquo;God hath many wayes and meanes whereby to plague man,
+and <i>reach his contentments</i>.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
+Prophets</i>, vol. i. p. 286. &lsquo;God hath variety of means whereby to plague
+men, and to bring upon them any affliction he intendeth against them;
+and particularly he hath several wayes whereby to bring on famine. He
+can arme all his creatures to cut off men's provision, one of them after
+another; he can make the change of aire, and small insects do that worke
+when he pleaseth.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. i. p. 422. The same divine, in another
+elaborate treatise, distinctly imputes to the Deity a sensation of
+pleasure in injuring even the innocent. &lsquo;When God sends out a scourge,
+of sword, famine, or pestilence, suddenly to overthrow and cut people
+off, not only are the wicked reached thereby (which is here supposed),
+but even the innocent, that is such as are righteous and free of gross
+provocations; for, in any other sense, none are innocent, or free of
+sin, in this life. Yea, further, in trying of the innocent by these
+scourges, <i>the Lord seems to act as one delighted with it</i>, and little
+resenting the great extremities wherewith they are pressed.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's
+Exposition of the Book of Job</i>, 1669, folio, p. 123. Compare p. 359. &lsquo;It
+pleaseth the Lord to exercise great variety in afflicting the children
+of men,&rsquo; &amp;c. But, after all, mere extracts can give but a faint idea of
+the dark and malignant spirit which pervades these writings.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_522_522" id="Footnote_522_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522_522"><span class="label">[522]</span></a> &lsquo;The present dearth and famine quhilk seases vpon many,
+quhairby God his heavie wrath is evidentlie perceaved to be kindlit
+against vs.&rsquo; <i>Selections from the Minutes of the Synod of Fife</i>, p. 98.
+&lsquo;Smiting of the fruits of the ground.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Exposition on the
+Minor Prophets</i>, vol. i. p. 277. &lsquo;Makes fruits to wither.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 183. &lsquo;Hee restraines the clouds, and bindeth up the wombe of
+heaven, in extreme drought.&rsquo; <i>Rutherford's Christ Dying</i>, p. 52.
+&lsquo;Sometime hee maketh tho heauen aboue as brasse, and the earth beneath
+as iron; so that albeit men labour and sow, yet they receiue no
+increase: sometime againe hee giues in due season the first and latter
+raine, so that the earth renders abundance, but the Lord by blasting
+windes, or by the caterpillar, canker-worme and grasse-hopper doth
+consume them, who come out as exacters and officers sent from God to
+poind men in their goods.&rsquo; <i>Cowper's Heaven Opened</i>, p. 433.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_523_523" id="Footnote_523_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_523_523"><span class="label">[523]</span></a> &lsquo;Under the late dearth this people suffered greatly, the
+poor were numerous, and many, especially about the town of Kilsyth, were
+at the point of starving; yet, as I frequently observed to them, I could
+not see any one turning to <i>the Lord who smote them</i>, or crying to him
+because of their sins, while <i>they howled upon their beds for bread</i>.&rsquo;
+<i>Robe's Narratives of the Extraordinary Work of the Spirit of God</i>, p.
+68.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_524_524" id="Footnote_524_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_524_524"><span class="label">[524]</span></a> <i>Nicoll's Diary</i>, pp. 152, 153. Much rain in the autumn,
+was &lsquo;the Lord's displeasure upon the land.&rsquo; <i>Minutes of the Presbyteries
+of Saint Andrews and Cupar</i>, p. 179.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_525_525" id="Footnote_525_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525_525"><span class="label">[525]</span></a> &lsquo;Men sweat, till, sow much, and the sun and summer, and
+clouds, warme dewes and raines smile upon cornes and meddowes, yet God
+steppeth in betweene the mouth of the husbandman and the sickle, and
+blasteth all.&rsquo; <i>Rutherford's Christ Dying</i>, p. 87. Compare <i>Baillie's
+Letters</i>, vol. iii. p. 52, on the &lsquo;continuance of very intemperate rain
+upon the corns,&rsquo; as one of the &lsquo;great signs of the wrath of God.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_526_526" id="Footnote_526_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526_526"><span class="label">[526]</span></a> &lsquo;When the Lord is provoked, he can not only send an
+affliction, but so order it, by faire appearances of a better lot, and
+heightening of the sinners expectation and desire, as may make it most
+sad.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor Prophets</i>, vol. iii. pp. 9,
+10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_527_527" id="Footnote_527_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527_527"><span class="label">[527]</span></a> In 1696, there was a fire in Edinburgh; whereupon
+Moncrief, in his sermon next day, &lsquo;told us, &ldquo;That God's voice was crying
+to this city, and that he was come to the very ports, and was crying
+over the walls to us; that we should amend our ways, lest he should come
+to our city, and consume us in a terrible manner.&rdquo; I cannot tell what
+this Dispensation of Providence wrought on me,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Memoirs or
+Spiritual Exercises of Elizabeth West, written by her own Hand</i>, pp. 41,
+42. See also, at pp. 122, 123, the account of another conflagration,
+where it is said, &lsquo;there was much of God to be seen in this fire.&rsquo;
+Compare a curious passage in <i>Calderwood's History of the Kirk of
+Scotland</i>, vol. vii. pp. 455, 456.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_528_528" id="Footnote_528_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528_528"><span class="label">[528]</span></a> The Rev. James Fraser had a boil, and afterwards a fever.
+&lsquo;During this sickness he miraculously allayed the pain of my boil, and
+speedily, and that without means, cured it; for however I bought some
+things to prevent it, yet, looking on it as a punishment from God, I
+knew not if I could be free to take the rod out of his hand, and to
+counterwork him.&rsquo; <i>Memoirs of the Rev. James Fraser of Brea, Minister of
+the Gospel at Culross, written by Himself</i>, in <i>Select Biographies</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 223. Durham declaims against &lsquo;Sinful shunning and shifting
+off suffering;&rsquo; and Rutherford says, &lsquo;No man should rejoice at weakness
+and diseases; but I think we may have a sort of gladness at boils and
+sores, because, without them, Christ's fingers, as a slain Lord, should
+never have touched our skin.&rsquo; <i>Durham's Law Unsealed</i>, p. 160;
+<i>Rutherford's Religious Letters</i>, p. 265. I do not know what effect
+these passages may produce upon the reader; but it makes my flesh creep
+to quote them. Compare <i>Stevenson's Rare, Soul-strengthening, and
+Comforting Cordial</i>, p. 35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_529_529" id="Footnote_529_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529_529"><span class="label">[529]</span></a> It was not until late in the eighteenth century, that the
+Scotch clergy gave up this notion. At last, even they became influenced
+by the ridicule to which their superstition exposed them, and which
+produced more effect than any argument could have done. The doctrines,
+however, which they and their predecessors had long inculcated, had so
+corrupted the popular mind, that instances will, I believe, be found
+even in the nineteenth century, of the Scotch deeming precautions
+against small-pox to be criminal, or, as they called it, flying in the
+face of Providence. The latest evidence I can at this moment put my hand
+on, is in a volume published in 1797. It is stated by the Rev. John
+Paterson, that, in the parish of Auldearn, in the county of Nairn, &lsquo;Very
+few have fallen a sacrifice to the small-pox, though the people are in
+general averse to inoculation, from the general gloominess of their
+faith, which teaches them, that all diseases which afflict the human
+frame are instances of the Divine interposition, for the punishment of
+sin; any interference, therefore, on their part, they deem an usurpation
+of the prerogative of the Almighty.&rsquo; <i>Sinclair's Statistical Account of
+Scotland</i>, vol. xix. p. 618, Edinburgh, 1797. See also vol. xiv. p. 52,
+Edinburgh, 1795. This is well said. No doubt, so abject, and so
+pernicious, a superstition among the people, was the result of &lsquo;the
+general gloominess of their faith.&rsquo; But the Rev. John Paterson has
+forgotten to add, that the gloominess of which he complains, was in
+strict conformity with the teachings of the most able, the most
+energetic, and the most venerated of the Scotch clergy. Mr. Paterson
+renders scant justice to his countrymen, and should rather have praised
+the tenacity with which they adhered to the instructions they had long
+been accustomed to receive.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_530_530" id="Footnote_530_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_530_530"><span class="label">[530]</span></a> The Rev. John Welsh, when suffering from a painful
+disorder, and also from other troubles, writes: &lsquo;My douleurs ar
+impossible to expresse.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;It is the Lord's indignation.&rsquo; See his
+letter, in <i>Miscellany of the Wodrow Society</i>, vol. i. p. 558. See also
+<i>Cowper's Heaven Opened</i>, p. 128. A pain in one's side was the work of
+&lsquo;the Lord&rsquo; (<i>Memoirs of Marion Laird</i>, p. 95); so was a sore throat
+(<i>Wast's Memoirs</i>, p. 203); and so was the fever in pleurisy. <i>Robe's
+Narratives of the Extraordinary Work of the Spirit of God</i>, p. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_531_531" id="Footnote_531_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_531_531"><span class="label">[531]</span></a> In January 1653, &lsquo;This tyme, and mony monethis befoir,
+thair wes great skairshtie of wynes. In this also appered Godis justice
+toward this natioun for abusing of that blissing many yeiris befoir.&rsquo;
+<i>Nicoll's Diary</i>, p. 105.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_532_532" id="Footnote_532_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_532_532"><span class="label">[532]</span></a> This idea was so deeply rooted, that we actually find a
+public fast and humiliation ordered, on account of &lsquo;this present uncouth
+storme of frost and snaw, quhilk hes continewit sa lang that the
+bestiall ar dieing thik fauld.&rsquo; <i>Records of the Kirk Session,
+Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen</i>, p. 82.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_533_533" id="Footnote_533_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_533_533"><span class="label">[533]</span></a> &lsquo;There was a dog bit my leg most desperately. I no sooner
+received this, but I saw the hand of God in it.&rsquo; <i>Wast's Memoirs</i>, p.
+114.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_534_534" id="Footnote_534_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_534_534"><span class="label">[534]</span></a> &lsquo;The evident documentis of Goddis wrath aganes the land,
+be the extraordinarie drouth.&rsquo; <i>Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery,
+and Synod of Aberdeen</i>, p. 78.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_535_535" id="Footnote_535_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_535_535"><span class="label">[535]</span></a> &lsquo;The hynous synnes of the land produced much takines of
+Godis wraith; namelie, in this spring tyme, for all Februar and a great
+pairt of Marche wer full of havie weittis.&rsquo; <i>Nicoll's Diary</i>, p. 152.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_536_536" id="Footnote_536_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536_536"><span class="label">[536]</span></a> <i>Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation</i>, p. 85.
+<i>Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture</i>, pp. 101, 149, 176. <i>Balfour's
+</i>, vol. i. p. 169. <i>Boston's Sermons</i>, p. 52. <i>Boston's Human
+Nature in its Four-fold State</i>, pp. 67, 136. <i>Memoirs of Marion Laird</i>,
+pp. 63, 90, 113, 163. <i>Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of Job</i>, pp.
+62, 91, 140, 187, 242, 310, 449, 471, 476, 527, 528.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_537_537" id="Footnote_537_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537_537"><span class="label">[537]</span></a> &lsquo;War is one of the sharp scourges whereby God punisheth
+wicked nations; and it cometh upon a people, not accidentally, but <i>by
+the especial providence of God</i>, who hath peace and war in his own
+hand.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor Prophets</i>, vol. ii. p. 3. In
+1644, &lsquo;Civill war wracks Spaine, and lately wracked Italie: it is coming
+by appearance shortlie upon France. The just Lord, who beholds with
+patience the wickednesse of nations, at last <i>arises in furie</i>.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The
+Swedish and Danish fleets, after a hott fight, are making for a new
+onsett: great blood is feared shall be shortly shed there, both by sea
+and land. The <i>anger of the Lord</i> against all christendome is great.&rsquo;
+<i>Baillie's Letters and Journals</i>, vol. ii. pp. 190, 223.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_538_538" id="Footnote_538_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538_538"><span class="label">[538]</span></a> &lsquo;Earthquakes, whereby God, when he is angry, overthrows
+and overturns very mountains.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of
+Job</i>, p. 114. &lsquo;The ministris and sessioun convening in the sessioun
+hous, considdering the fearfull erthquak that wes yisternicht, the aucht
+of this instant, throughout this haill citie about nine houris at evin,
+to be a document that God is angrie aganes the land and aganes this
+citie in particular, for the manifauld sinnis of the people,&rsquo; &amp;c.
+<i>Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen</i>, p.
+64.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_539_539" id="Footnote_539_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539_539"><span class="label">[539]</span></a> &lsquo;Whatever natural causes may be adduced for those
+alarming appearances, the system of comets is yet so uncertain, and they
+have so frequently preceded desolating strokes and turns in public
+affairs, that they seem designed in providence to stir up sinners to
+seriousness. Those preachers from heaven, when God's messengers were
+silenced, neither prince nor prelate could stop.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's History of
+the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 421.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_540_540" id="Footnote_540_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540_540"><span class="label">[540]</span></a> &lsquo;People of all sortes rane to the churches to deprecat
+God's wrath.&rsquo; <i>Balfour's Annales</i>, vol. i. p. 403. This was in 1598.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_541_541" id="Footnote_541_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_541_541"><span class="label">[541]</span></a> &lsquo;By it, he manifests his power and shows himself
+terrible.&rsquo; <i>Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation</i>, p.
+33. Compare <i>Row's History of the Kirk</i>, p. 333; and a passage in
+<i>Laird's Memoirs</i>, p. 69, which shows how greedily their credulous
+hearers imbibed such notions: &lsquo;There were several signal evidences that
+the Lord's righteous judgments were abroad in the earth; great claps of
+thunder,&rsquo; &amp;c.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_542_542" id="Footnote_542_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_542_542"><span class="label">[542]</span></a> &lsquo;The stupidity and senselessnesse of man is greater than
+that of the brute creatures, which are all more moved with the thunder,
+then the hearts of men for the most part.&rsquo; <i>Dickson's Explication of the
+First Fifty Psalms</i>, p. 193. Hutcheson makes a similar remark concerning
+earthquakes. &lsquo;The shaking and trembling of insensible creatures, when
+God is angry, serves to condemn men, who are not sensible of it, nor
+will stoop under his hand.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of Job</i>,
+p. 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_543_543" id="Footnote_543_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_543_543"><span class="label">[543]</span></a> Lady Colsfeild &lsquo;had born two or three daughters, and was
+sinfully anxious after a son, to heir the estate of Colsfeild.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's
+Analecta</i>, vol. iii. p. 293.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_544_544" id="Footnote_544_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_544_544"><span class="label">[544]</span></a> Under the influence of this terrible creed, the amiable
+mother of Duncan Forbes, writing to him respecting his own health and
+that of his brother, speaks &lsquo;of my sinful God-provoking anxiety, both
+for your souls and bodies.&rsquo; <i>Burton's Lives of Lovat and Forbes</i>, p.
+724. The theological theory, underlying and suggesting this, was, that
+&lsquo;grace bridles these affections.&rsquo; <i>Boston's Human Nature in its Four-fold
+State</i>, p. 184. Hence its rigid application on days set apart for
+religious purposes. The Rev. Mr. Lyon (<i>History of Saint Andrews</i>, vol.
+i. p. 458) mentions that some of the Scotch clergy, in drawing up
+regulations for the government of a colony, inserted the following
+clause: &lsquo;No husband shall kiss his wife, and no mother shall kiss her
+child on the Sabbath day.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_545_545" id="Footnote_545_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_545_545"><span class="label">[545]</span></a> &lsquo;The more you please yourselves and the world, the
+further you are from pleasing God.&rsquo; <i>Binning's Sermons</i>, vol. ii. p. 55.
+Elsewhere (vol. ii. p. 45): &lsquo;Amity to ourselves is enmity to God.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_546_546" id="Footnote_546_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_546_546"><span class="label">[546]</span></a> &lsquo;Pleasures are most carefully to be auoided: because they
+both harme and deceiue.&rsquo; <i>Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule</i>, p. 251.
+At p. 268, the same authority says, &lsquo;Beate downe thy body, and bring it
+to subiection by abstaining, not only from vnlawfull pleasures, but also
+from lawfull and indifferent delights.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_547_547" id="Footnote_547_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_547_547"><span class="label">[547]</span></a> According to <i>Hutcheson's Exposition of Job</i>, p. 6,
+&lsquo;there is no time wherein men are more ready to miscarry, and discover
+any bitter root in them, then when they are about
+the liberal use of the creatures, and amidst occasions of mirth and
+cheerfulness.&rsquo; How this doctrine ripened, cannot be better illustrated
+than from the sentiments entertained, so late as the early part of the
+eighteenth century, by Colonel Blackader, a Scotch officer, who was also
+an educated man, who had seen much of the world, and might, to some
+degree, be called a man of the world. In December 1714, he went to a
+wedding, and, on his return home, he writes: &lsquo;I was cheerful, and
+perhaps gave too great a swing to raillery, but I hope not light or vain
+in conversation. I desire always to have my speech seasoned with salt,
+and ministering profit to the hearers. Sitting up late, and merry
+enough, though I hope innocent; but I will not justify myself.&rsquo; <i>The
+Life and Diary of Lieut.-Col. J. Blackader, by Andrew Crichton</i>, p. 453.
+On another occasion (p. 511), in 1720, he was at an evening party. &lsquo;The
+young people were merry. I laid a restraint upon myself for fear of
+going too far, and joined but little, only so as not to show moroseness
+or ill-breeding. We sat late, but the conversation was innocent, and no
+drinking but as we pleased. However, much time is spent; which I dare
+not justify. <i>In all things we offend.</i>&rsquo; At p. 159, he writes, &lsquo;I should
+always be mixing something that may edify in my discourse;&rsquo; and, says
+his biographer (p. 437), &lsquo;Conversation, when it ceased to accomplish
+this object, he regarded as <i>degenerating into idle entertainment</i>,
+which ought to be checked rather than encouraged.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_548_548" id="Footnote_548_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548_548"><span class="label">[548]</span></a> &lsquo;Frequent the gravest company, and the fellowship of
+those that are sorrowfull.&rsquo; <i>Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule</i>, p.
+416. Compare the attacks on &lsquo;too much carnal mirth and laughter,&rsquo; in
+<i>Durham's Law Unsealed</i>, p. 323; in <i>Fleming's Fulfilling of the
+Scripture</i>, p. 226; and in <i>Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of
+Paul</i>, p. 227. See also <i>Gray's Spiritual Warfare</i>, p. 42. Cowper says,
+&lsquo;Woe be unto them that now laugh, for assuredly they shall weepe, the
+end of their joy shall be endleese mourning and gnashing of teeth, they
+shall shed tears abundantly with Esau, but shall find no place for
+mercy.&rsquo; <i>Cowper's Heaven Opened</i>, p. 271. Hutcheson, in a train of
+unusual liberality, permits occasional laughter. He says, &lsquo;There is a
+faculty of laughing given to men, which certainly is given for use, at
+least at sometimes; and diversions are sometime needfull for men who are
+serious and employed in weighty affairs.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;And particularly, laughter
+is sometimes lawful for magistrates and others in publick charge, not
+only that they may recreate themselves, but that, thereby, and by the
+like insinuating carriage, they may gain the affection of the people.&rsquo;
+<i>Hutcheson&lsquo;s Exposition of the Book of Job</i>, edit. folio, 1669, pp. 389,
+390.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_549_549" id="Footnote_549_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549_549"><span class="label">[549]</span></a> In 1650, when Charles II. was in Scotland, &lsquo;the clergy
+reprehended him very sharply, if he smiled on those days&rsquo; (Sundays).
+<i>Clarendon's History of the Rebellion</i>, book xiii. p. 747, edit. Oxford,
+1843.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_550_550" id="Footnote_550_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550_550"><span class="label">[550]</span></a> It is said of Donald Cargill, that, &lsquo;his very countenance
+was edifying to beholders; often sighing with deep groans.&rsquo; <i>A Cloud of
+Witnesses for the Royal Prerogatives of Jesus Christ</i>, p. 423. The
+celebrated James Durham was &lsquo;a person of the utmost gravity, and scarce
+smiled at anything.&rsquo; <i>Howie's Biographia Scoticana</i>, p. 226. Of
+Livingston, we are told &lsquo;that he was a very affectionate person, and
+weeped much; that it was his ordinary way, and might be observed almost
+every Sabbath, that when he came into the pulpite he sate doun a litle,
+and looked first to the one end of the kirk, and then to the other; and
+then, ordinarly, the tear shott in his eye, and he weeped, and oftimes
+he began his preface and his work weeping.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 249. James Alexander &lsquo;used to weep much in prayer and preaching;
+he was every way most savoury.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. iii. p. 39. As to the Rev.
+John Carstairs, &lsquo;his band in the Sabbath would have been all wett, as if
+it had been douked, with tears, before he was done with his first
+prayer.&rsquo; p. 48. Aird, minister of Dalserf, &lsquo;weeping much&rsquo; (<i>Ibid.</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 56), &lsquo;Mr. James Stirling tells me he was a most fervent,
+affectionat, weeping preacher.&rsquo; p. 172; and the Rev. Alexander Dunlop
+was noted for what was termed &lsquo;a holy groan,&rsquo; vol. iii. p. 21. See also,
+on weeping as a mark of religion, <i>Wast's Memoirs</i>, pp. 83, 84; and
+<i>Robe's Narrative of the Extraordinary Work of the Spirit of God</i>, pp.
+21, 31, 75, 150. One passage from the most popular of the Scotch
+preachers, I hesitate as to the propriety of quoting; but it is
+essential that their ideas should be known, if the history of Scotland
+is to be understood. Rutherford, after stating whom it is that we should
+seek to imitate, adds: &lsquo;Christ did never laugh on earth that we read of,
+but he wept.&rsquo; <i>Rutherford's Christ Dying</i>, 1647, 4to, p. 525. I publish
+this with no irreverent spirit; God forbid that I should. But I will not
+be deterred from letting this age see the real character of a system
+which aimed at destroying all human happiness, exciting slavish and
+abject fear, and turning this glorious world into one vast theatre of
+woe.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_551_551" id="Footnote_551_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551_551"><span class="label">[551]</span></a> &lsquo;Walk with a sober pace, not &ldquo;tinkling with your feet.&rdquo;&rsquo;
+<i>Memoirs of the Rev. James Fraser, written by Himself</i>, in <i>Select
+Biographies</i>, vol. ii. p. 280. &lsquo;It is somewhat like this, or less than
+this, which the Lord condemneth, <i>Isa.</i> iii. 16, &lsquo;Walking and mincing,
+or tripping and making a tinkling with their feet.&rsquo; What is that but
+disdaining the grave way of walking, to affect an art in it? as many do
+now in our days; and shall this be displeasing to the Lord, and not the
+other? seeing he loveth, and is best pleased with, the native way of
+carrying the body.&rsquo; <i>Durham's Law Unsealed</i>, p. 324. &lsquo;The believer hath,
+or at least ought to have, and, if he be like himself, will have, a well
+ordered walk, and will be in his carriage stately and princely.&rsquo;
+<i>Durham's Exposition of the Song of Solomon</i>, p. 365.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_552_552" id="Footnote_552_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_552_552"><span class="label">[552]</span></a> &lsquo;At home, writing letters to a friend. My vein is
+inclined to jest and humour. The letter was too comical and jocose; and
+after I had sent it away, I had a check that it was too light, and
+jesting foolishly. I sent and got it back, and destroyed it. My temper
+goes too far that way, and I ought to check it, and be more on my guard,
+and study edification in every thing.&rsquo; <i>Crichton's Life and Diary of
+Blackader</i>, pp. 536, 537. Even amongst young children, from eight years
+old and upwards, toys and games were bad; and it was a good sign when
+they were discarded. &lsquo;Some very young, of eight and nine years of age,
+some twelve and thirteen. They still inclined more and more to their
+duty, so that they meet three times a day, in the morning, at night, and
+at noon. Also they have forsaken all their childish fancies and plays;
+so these that have been awakened are known by their countenance and
+conversation, their walk and behaviour.&rsquo; <i>Robe's Narratives of the
+Extraordinary Work of the Spirit of God</i>, pp. 79, 80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_553_553" id="Footnote_553_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553_553"><span class="label">[553]</span></a> &lsquo;To the unmortified man, the world smelleth like the
+garden of God&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;the world is not to him an ill-smelled stinking
+corps.&rsquo; <i>Rutherford's Christ Dying</i>, p. 498. But those who were properly
+mortified, knew that &lsquo;the earth is but a potter's house&rsquo; (<i>Ibid.</i>, p.
+286); &lsquo;an old thred-bare-worn case&rsquo; (<i>Ibid.</i>, p. 530); a &lsquo;smoky house&rsquo;
+(<i>Rutherford's Religious Letters</i>, p. 100); a &lsquo;plaistered, rotten world&rsquo;
+(<i>Ibid.</i>, p. 132); and &lsquo;an ashy and dirty earth&rsquo; (<i>Ibid.</i>, p. 169). &lsquo;The
+earth also is spotted (like the face of a woman once beautifull, but now
+deformed with scabs of leprosie) with thistles, thornes, and much barren
+wilderness.&rsquo; <i>Cowper's Heaven Opened</i>, p. 255.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_554_554" id="Footnote_554_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554_554"><span class="label">[554]</span></a> &lsquo;Wearinesse and motion is laid on Moon and Sunne, and all
+creatures on this side of the Moon. Seas ebbe and flow, and that's
+trouble; winds blow, rivers move, heavens and stars these five thousand
+yeares, except one time, have not had sixe minutes rest.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The Sunne
+that never rests, but moves as swiftly in the night as in the day.&rsquo;
+<i>Rutherford's Christ Dying</i>, pp. 12, 157. &lsquo;This is the world's old age;
+it is declining; albeit it seem a fair and beautiful thing in the eyes
+of them who know no better, and unto them who are of yesterday and know
+nothing, it looks as if it had been created yesterday; yet the truth is,
+and a believer knows, it is near the grave.&rsquo; <i>Binning's Sermons</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 372.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_555_555" id="Footnote_555_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555_555"><span class="label">[555]</span></a> &lsquo;This, then, I say, is the state all things ye see are
+in,&mdash;it is their old age. The creation now is an old rotten house that
+is all dropping through and leaning to the one side.&rsquo; <i>Binning's
+Sermons</i>, vol. iii. p. 398.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_556_556" id="Footnote_556_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_556_556"><span class="label">[556]</span></a> &lsquo;The lilies and roses, which, no doubt, had more
+sweetnesse of beauty and smell, before the sin of man made them
+vanity-sick.&rsquo; <i>Rutherford's Christ Dying</i>, p. 185.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_557_557" id="Footnote_557_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_557_557"><span class="label">[557]</span></a> &lsquo;The heavens that are supposed to be incorruptible, yet
+they wax old as doth a garment.&rsquo; <i>Binning's Sermons</i>, vol. i. p. 95.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_558_558" id="Footnote_558_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_558_558"><span class="label">[558]</span></a> &lsquo;The neerer the sun drawes to the end of his daily
+course, the lesse is his strength, for we see the Sunne in the evening
+decayes in heat; so it is, the longer by reuolution he turnes about in
+his sphere, he waxes alway the weaker; and, to vse the similitude of the
+holy spirit, as a garment the older it groweth becomes the lesse
+beautifull.&rsquo; <i>Cowper's Heaven Opened</i>, p. 255.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_559_559" id="Footnote_559_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559_559"><span class="label">[559]</span></a> &lsquo;It is so delicate by nature, that since it was the first
+sense that offended, it is, aboue all the rest, made subject (as a
+condigne punishment) to as many maladies, as there are weekes in a
+yeere.&rsquo; <i>Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule</i>, p. 501. The Scotch divines
+were extremely displeased with our eyes. Rutherford contemptuously calls
+them &lsquo;two clay windows.&rsquo; <i>Rutherford's Christ Dying</i>, p. 570. Gray,
+going still further, says, &lsquo;these cursed eyes of ours.&rsquo; <i>Gray's Great
+and Precious Promises</i>, p. 53.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_560_560" id="Footnote_560_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560_560"><span class="label">[560]</span></a> &lsquo;The true visible Kirk where God's ordinances are set up,
+as he hath appointed, where his word is purely preached, is the most
+beautifull thing under heaven.&rsquo; <i>Dickson's Explication of the First
+Fifty Psalms</i>, p. 341.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_561_561" id="Footnote_561_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561_561"><span class="label">[561]</span></a> I have one very late, and, on that account, very curious,
+instance of the diffusion of this feeling in Scotland. In 1767, a
+vacancy occurred in the mastership of the grammar-school of Greenock.
+It was offered to John Wilson, the author of &lsquo;Clyde.&rsquo; But, says his
+biographer, &lsquo;the magistrates and minister of Greenock thought fit,
+before they would admit Mr. Wilson to the superintendance of the grammar
+school, to stipulate that he should abandon &ldquo;the profane and
+unprofitable art of poem-making.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Lives of Eminent Scotsmen by the
+Society of Ancient Scots</i>, 1821, vol. v. p. 169.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_562_562" id="Footnote_562_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562_562"><span class="label">[562]</span></a> &lsquo;Sept. 22. 1649.&mdash;The quhilk day the Sessioune caused mak
+this act, that ther sould be no pypers at brydels, and who ever sould
+have a pyper playing at their brydell on their mariage day, sall loose
+their consigned money, and be farder punisched as the Sessioune thinks
+fitt.&rsquo; <i>Extracts from the Registers of the Presbytery of Glasgow, and of
+the Kirk Sessions of the Parishes of Cambusnethan Humbie and Stirling</i>,
+p. 34. This curious volume is a quarto, and without date; unless,
+indeed, one of the title-pages is wanting in my copy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_563_563" id="Footnote_563_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563_563"><span class="label">[563]</span></a> See the Minutes of the Kirk Session of Glasgow, in
+<i>Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of Ministers</i>, vol. ii. part ii. p.
+76; also the case of &lsquo;Mure, pyper,&rsquo; in <i>Selections from the Minutes of
+the Presbyteries of Saint Andrews and Cupar</i>, p. 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_564_564" id="Footnote_564_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564_564"><span class="label">[564]</span></a> This notion lingered on, probably to the beginning of
+this century; certainly to late in the last. In a work published in
+Scotland in 1836, it is stated, that a clergyman was still alive, who
+was &lsquo;severely censured,&rsquo; merely because, when Punch was performing, &lsquo;the
+servant was sent out to the showman to request him to come below the
+windows of her master's house, that the clergyman and his wife might
+enjoy the sight.&rsquo; <i>Traditions of Perth by George Penny</i>, Perth, 1836, p.
+124.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_565_565" id="Footnote_565_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565_565"><span class="label">[565]</span></a> &lsquo;17 Feb. 1650. Ane act of the commissioun of the Generall
+Assemblie wes red in all the churches of Edinburgh dischargeing
+promiscuous dansing.&rsquo; <i>Nicoll's Diary</i>, p. 3. See also <i>Acts of the
+General Assembly of the Church of Scotland</i>, 1638&ndash;1842, p. 201;
+<i>Register of the Kirk Session of Cambusnethan</i>, p. 35; <i>Minutes of the
+Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar</i>, pp. 55, 181; <i>Minutes of the
+Synod of Fife</i>, pp. 150, 169, 175; and a choice passage in <i>A Collection
+of Sermons by Eminent Divines</i>, p. 51.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_566_566" id="Footnote_566_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566_566"><span class="label">[566]</span></a> See <i>Selections from the Records of the Kirk Session,
+Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen</i>, pp. 77, 78, forbidding any one to
+&lsquo;giwe ony meatt or drink to these sangsteris or lat thame within thair
+houss.&rsquo; The singers were to be &lsquo;put in prisoun.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_567_567" id="Footnote_567_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567_567"><span class="label">[567]</span></a> In 1643 the Presbytery of St. Andrews ordered that
+&lsquo;because of the great abuse that is likewayes among them by conveening
+multitudes at baptismes and contracts, the ministers and sessions are
+appointed to take strict order for restraineing these abuses, that in
+number they exceid not sixe or seven. As also ordaines that the hostlers
+quho mak such feists salbe censured by the sessions.&rsquo; <i>Minutes of the
+Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar</i>, p. 11. See also <i>Records of the
+Kirk Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen</i>, pp. 109, 110,
+complaining of the custom &lsquo;that everie base servile man in the towne,
+when he has a barne to be baptesed, invitis tuelff or sextene persones
+to be his gossopes and godfatheris to his barne,&rsquo; &amp;c.; and enacting
+&lsquo;that it shall not be lesume to any inhabitant within this burt
+quhasoever, to invite any ma persones to be godfatheris to thair barne
+in ony tyme cumming bot tua or four at the most, lyk as the Kirk
+officier is expresslie commandit and prohibitt that from hence furth he
+tak vp no ma names to be godfatheris, nor giwe any ma vp to the redar
+bot four at the most, vnder all hiest censure he may incur be the
+contrairie, and this ordinance to be intimat out of pulpitt, that the
+people pretend no ignorance thairof.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_568_568" id="Footnote_568_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568_568"><span class="label">[568]</span></a> They forbade music and dancing; and they ordered that not
+more than twenty-four persons should be present. See the enactment, in
+1647, respecting &lsquo;Pennie bryddells,&rsquo; in <i>Minutes of the Presbyteries of
+St. Andrews and Cupar</i>, p. 117. In 1650, &lsquo;The Presbyterie being sadly
+weghted with the report of the continwance, and exhorbitant and
+unnecessarly numerous confluences of people at pennie brydles, and of
+inexpedient and wnlawfull pypeing and dancing at the same, so scandalous
+and sinfull in this tyme of our Churches lamentable conditioun; and
+being apprehensive that ministers and Kirk Sessiouns have not bein so
+vigilant and active (as neid werre), for repressing of these disorders,
+doe therfor most seriously recommend to ministers and Kirk Sessiouns to
+represse the same.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> pp. 169, 170. See, further, <i>Registers of
+the Presbytery of Lanark</i>, p. 29; and <i>Extracts from the Presbytery Book
+of Strathbogie</i>, pp. 4, 144.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_569_569" id="Footnote_569_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569_569"><span class="label">[569]</span></a> See two curious instances of limitation of price, in
+<i>Irving's History of Dumbartonshire</i>, p. 567; and in <i>Wodrow's
+Collections upon the Lives of Ministers</i>, vol. ii. part ii. p. 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_570_570" id="Footnote_570_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_570_570"><span class="label">[570]</span></a> &lsquo;What a vile, haughty, and base creature he is&mdash;how
+defiled and desperately wicked his nature&mdash;how abominable his actions;
+in a word, what a compound of darkness and wickedness he is&mdash;a heap of
+defiled dust, and a mass of confusion&mdash;a sink of impiety and iniquity,
+<i>even the best of mankind</i>, those of the rarest and most refined
+extraction, <i>take them at their best estate</i>.&rsquo; <i>Binning's Sermons</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 302. Compare <i>Boston's Human Nature in its Four-fold State</i>, pp.
+26, 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_571_571" id="Footnote_571_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571_571"><span class="label">[571]</span></a> &lsquo;The least sin cannot but deserve God's wrath and curse
+eternally.&rsquo; <i>Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error</i>, p. 71. &lsquo;All men,
+even the regenerate, sin daily.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> p. 153.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_572_572" id="Footnote_572_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_572_572"><span class="label">[572]</span></a> &lsquo;Our best works have such a mixture of corruption and sin
+in them, that they deserve his curse and wrath.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> p. 130.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_573_573" id="Footnote_573_573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_573_573"><span class="label">[573]</span></a> &lsquo;But now, falling away from God, hee hath also so farre
+degenerated from his owne kind, that he is become inferiour to the
+beasts.&rsquo; <i>Cowper's Heaven Opened</i>, p. 251. &lsquo;O! is not man become so
+brutish and ignorant, that he may be sent unto the beasts of the field
+to be instructed of that which is his duty?&rsquo; <i>Gray's Spiritual Warfare</i>,
+p. 28. &lsquo;Men are naturally more bruitish than beasts themselves.&rsquo;
+<i>Boston's Human Nature in its Four-fold State</i>, p. 58. &lsquo;Worse than the
+beast of the field.&rsquo; <i>Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation</i>, p. 71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_574_574" id="Footnote_574_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_574_574"><span class="label">[574]</span></a> &lsquo;Infants, even in their mother's belly, have in
+themselves sufficient guilt to deserve such judgments;&rsquo; <i>i.e.</i> when
+women with child are &lsquo;ript up.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
+Prophets</i>, vol. i. p. 255.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_575_575" id="Footnote_575_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_575_575"><span class="label">[575]</span></a> &lsquo;And in our speech, our Scripture and old Scots names are
+gone out of request; instead of <i>Father</i> and <i>Mother</i>, <i>Mamma</i> and
+<i>Papa</i>, training children to speak nonsense, and what they do not
+understand. These few instances, amongst many that might be given, are
+additional causes of God's wrath.&rsquo; <i>The Life and Death of Mr. Alexander
+Peden, late Minister of the Gospel at New Glenluce, in Galloway</i>, in
+<i>Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana</i>, vol. i. p. 140.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_576_576" id="Footnote_576_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_576_576"><span class="label">[576]</span></a> &lsquo;Yea, if the Lord did not restraine her, shee would open
+her mouth and swallow the wicked, as she did Corah, Dathan, and Abiram.&rsquo;
+<i>Cowper's Heaven Opened</i>, p. 257. Compare <i>Hutcheson's Exposition on the
+Minor Prophets</i>, vol. i. p. 507.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_577_577" id="Footnote_577_577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_577_577"><span class="label">[577]</span></a> &lsquo;There is nothing so monstrous, so deformed in the world,
+as man.&rsquo; <i>Binning's Sermons</i>, vol. i. p. 234. &lsquo;There is not in all the
+creation such a miserable creature as man.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> vol. iii. p. 321.
+&lsquo;Nothing so miserable.&rsquo; <i>Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule</i>, p. 37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_578_578" id="Footnote_578_578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_578_578"><span class="label">[578]</span></a> &lsquo;December 17th, 1635. Mention made of a correction house,
+which the Session ordeans persons to be taken to, both men and women,
+and appoints them to be whipt every day during the Session's will.&rsquo;
+<i>Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of Ministers</i>, vol. ii. part ii. p.
+67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_579_579" id="Footnote_579_579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_579_579"><span class="label">[579]</span></a> On the 22nd October 1648, the Kirk Session of Dunfermline
+ordered that a certain Janet Robertson &lsquo;shall be cartit and scourged
+through the town, and markit with an hot iron.&rsquo; <i>Chalmers' History of
+Dunfermline</i>, p. 437.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote_580_580" id="Footnote_580_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_580_580"><span class="label">[580]</span></a> &lsquo;As they punish by pecuniary fines, so corporally too, by
+imprisoning the persons of the delinquents, using them disgracefully,
+carting them through cities, making them stand in logges, as they call
+them, pillaries (which in the country churches are fixed to the two
+sides of the main door of the Parish Church), cutting the halfe of their
+hair, shaving their beards, &amp;c., and it is more than ordinary, by their
+&ldquo;original&rdquo; and &ldquo;proper power,&rdquo; to banish them out of the bounds and
+limits of the parish, or presbytery, as they list to order it.&rsquo;
+<i>Presbytery Displayd</i>, p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_581_581" id="Footnote_581_581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_581_581"><span class="label">[581]</span></a> The Scotch clergy of the seventeenth century were not
+much given to joking; but on one of these occasions a preacher is said
+to have hazarded a pun. A woman, named Ann Cantly, being made to do
+penance, &lsquo;Here&rsquo; (said the minister), &lsquo;Here is one upon the stool of
+repentance, they call her <i>Cantly</i>; she saith herself, she is an honest
+woman, but I trow <i>scantly</i>.&rsquo; <i>Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence</i>, p. 125.
+From what I have read of Scotch theology, I can bear testimony to the
+accuracy of this book, so far as its general character is concerned.
+Indeed, the author, through fear of being entirely discredited, has
+often rather understated his case.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_582_582" id="Footnote_582_582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_582_582"><span class="label">[582]</span></a> As Durham says, in his <i>Exposition of the Song of
+Solomon</i>, p. 451, &lsquo;It is no burden to an honest believer to acknowledge
+Christ's ministers, to obey their doctrine, and submit to their
+censures.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_583_583" id="Footnote_583_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_583_583"><span class="label">[583]</span></a> A man, named Alexander Laurie, was brought before the
+Kirk Session of Perth, &lsquo;and being inquired by the minister if, in his
+last being out of this country, he had been in Spain, answered that he
+was in Portugal, but was never present at mass, neither gave reverence
+to any procession, and that he was never demanded by any concerning his
+religion. The said Alexander being removed and censured, it was thought
+good by the (Kirk) Session that he should be admonished not to travel in
+these parts again, except that they were otherwise reformed in
+religion.&rsquo; <i>Extracts from the Kirk-Session Register of Perth</i>, in <i>The
+Spottiswoode Miscellany</i>, vol. ii. p. 274. Still earlier, that is, in
+1592, the clergy attempted to interfere even with commerce, &lsquo;allegeing
+that the marchands could not mak vayage in Spayne without danger of
+their sawlis, and tharefore willit thayme in the nayme of God to
+absteyne.&rsquo; <i>The Historie of King James the Sext</i>, p. 254.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_584_584" id="Footnote_584_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_584_584"><span class="label">[584]</span></a> See the case of Patrick Stewart, and Mr. Lawson's note
+upon it, in <i>Lawson's Book of Perth</i>, p. 238. In this instance, the
+&lsquo;Roman Catholic gentleman&rsquo; had been excommunicated, which made matters
+still worse.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_585_585" id="Footnote_585_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_585_585"><span class="label">[585]</span></a> The Presbytery of Edinburgh, &lsquo;by their transcendent sole
+authority, discharged any market to be kept on Monday; the reason was,
+because it occasioned the travelling of men and horse the Lord's-day
+before, which prophaned the Sabbath.&rsquo; <i>Presbytery Displayd</i>, p. 10. In
+1650, Saturday was also taken in by another ecclesiastical senate. &lsquo;The
+Presbyterie doe appoint the severall brethren in burghes, to deale with
+such as have not changed ther Mondayes and Satterdayes mercats to other
+dayes of the weeke, that they may doe the same <i>primo quoque tempore</i>.&rsquo;
+<i>Minutes of the Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar</i>, p. 53.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_586_586" id="Footnote_586_586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_586_586"><span class="label">[586]</span></a> In 1650, &lsquo;For &ldquo;the down-bearing of sin,&rdquo; women were not
+allowed to act as waiters in taverns, but &ldquo;allenarly men-servands and
+boys.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Chambers' Annals</i>, vol. ii. p. 196. This order &lsquo;wes red and
+publictlie intimat in all the kirkis of Edinburgh.&rsquo; <i>Nicoll's Diary</i>, p.
+5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_587_587" id="Footnote_587_587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_587_587"><span class="label">[587]</span></a> &lsquo;Forsameikle as dilatation being made, that Janet Watson
+holds an house by herself where <i>she may give occasion of slander</i>,
+therefore Patrick Pitcairn, elder, is ordained to admonish her in the
+session's name, either to marry, or then pass to service, otherwise that
+she will not be suffered to dwell by herself.&rsquo; <i>Kirk-Session Records of
+Perth</i>, in <i>The Chronicle of Perth</i>, p. 86.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_588_588" id="Footnote_588_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_588_588"><span class="label">[588]</span></a> &lsquo;Ordains the two sisters, Elspith and Janet Stewart, that
+they be not found in the house again with their sister, but every one of
+them shall go to service, or where they may be best entertained without
+slander, under the penalty of warding their persons and banishment of
+the town.&rsquo; <i>Kirk-Session Register</i>, in <i>Lawson's Book of Perth</i>, p.
+169.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_589_589" id="Footnote_589_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_589_589"><span class="label">[589]</span></a> &lsquo;Compeirit William Kinneir, and confest his travelling on
+the Sabbath day, which he declairit was out of meer necessitie, haveing
+two watters to croce, and ane tempestuos day, quhilk moowit him to fear
+that he wold not get the watters crost, and so his credit might faill.
+He was sharpelie admonished, and promist newer to doe the lyke again.&rsquo;
+<i>Selections from the Records of the Kirk-Session of Aberdeen</i>, p. 136.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_590_590" id="Footnote_590_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_590_590"><span class="label">[590]</span></a> &lsquo;Compearit Thomas Gray, and confest that one Sunday in
+the morning, he went to Culter to visit a friend, and stayed thair all
+night. The sessioune warnit him, <i>apud acta</i>, to the next day, and
+appointed Patrick Gray, his master, to be cited to the next day, to give
+furder informatioune in the matter. (Sharply rebuked before the
+pulpit.)&rsquo; <i>Selections from the Records of the Kirk-Session of Aberdeen</i>,
+p. 146.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_591_591" id="Footnote_591_591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_591_591"><span class="label">[591]</span></a> &lsquo;It was reported that Margaret Brotherstone did water her
+kaill wpon the Sabbath day, and thairwpon was ordained to be cited.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;Compeired Margaret Brotherstone, and confessed her breach of Sabbath in
+watering of her kaill, and thairwpon ordained to give evidence in
+publick of her repentance the next Lord's day.&rsquo; <i>Extracts from the
+Register of the Kirk-Session of Humbie</i>, p. 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_592_592" id="Footnote_592_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_592_592"><span class="label">[592]</span></a> Even so late as the middle of the eighteenth century,
+&lsquo;clergymen were sometimes libelled&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;for shaving&rsquo; on Sunday.
+<i>Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland</i>, vol. xvi. p. 34,
+Edinburgh, 1795. At an earlier period, no one might be shaved on that
+day. See <i>The Spottiswoode Miscellany</i>, vol. ii. p. 276; and <i>Lawson's
+Book of Perth</i>, pp. 224, 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_593_593" id="Footnote_593_593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_593_593"><span class="label">[593]</span></a> &lsquo;Compeired John Gordon of Avachie, and confessed that he
+had transgressed in travailing on the Sabbath day with horse, going for
+a milston. Referred to the session of Kinor for censure.&rsquo; <i>Extracts from
+the Presbytery Book of Strathbogie</i>, p. 236. See also the case mentioned
+in <i>Letters from a Gentleman in the North of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 172;
+&lsquo;This riding on horseback of a Sunday was deemed a great scandal.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_594_594" id="Footnote_594_594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_594_594"><span class="label">[594]</span></a> In 1647, the punishment was ordered of whoever was guilty
+of &lsquo;sitting or walking idle upon the streetes and feildes&rsquo; on Sunday.
+<i>Selections from the Minutes of the Synod of Fife</i>, p. 152. In 1742,
+&lsquo;sitting idle at their doors&rsquo; and &lsquo;sitting about doors&rsquo; was profane.
+<i>Robe's Naratives of the Extraordinary Work of the Spirit of God</i>, pp.
+109, 110. In 1756, at Perth, &lsquo;to stroll about the fields, or even to
+walk upon the inches, was looked upon as extremely sinful, and an
+intolerable violation of the fourth commandment.&rsquo; <i>Penny's Traditions of
+Perth</i>, p. 36.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_595_595" id="Footnote_595_595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_595_595"><span class="label">[595]</span></a> In 1656, &lsquo;Cite Issobell Balfort, servand to William
+Gordone, tailyeor, beeing found sleeping at the Loche side on the Lord's
+day in tyme of Sermon.&rsquo; <i>Selections from the Records of the Kirk-Session
+of Aberdeen</i>. p. 137. It was a sin even for children to feel tired of
+the interminable sermons which they were forced to hear. Halyburton,
+addressing the young people of his congregation, says, &lsquo;Have not you
+been glad when the Lord's day was over; or, at least, <i>when the
+preaching was done</i>, that ye might get your liberty. Has it not been a
+burden to you, to sit so long in the church? Well, <i>this is a great
+sin</i>.&rsquo; See this noticeable passage, in <i>Halyburton's Great Concern of
+Salvation</i>, p. 100.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_596_596" id="Footnote_596_596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_596_596"><span class="label">[596]</span></a> In 1719, the Presbytery of Edinburgh indignantly
+declares, &lsquo;Yea, some have arrived at that height of impiety, as not to
+be ashamed of washing in waters, and swimming in rivers upon the holy
+Sabbath.&rsquo; <i>Register of Presbytery of Edinburgh, 29th April 1719</i>, in
+<i>Arnot's History of Edinburgh</i>, p. 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_597_597" id="Footnote_597_597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_597_597"><span class="label">[597]</span></a> So late as 1691, the Kirk-Session of Glasgow attempted to
+prevent all boys from swimming, whatever the day might be. But as the
+Church was then on the decline, it was necessary to appeal to the civil
+authority for help. What the result was, I have not been able to
+ascertain. There is, however, a curious notice, in <i>Wodrow's Collections
+upon the Lives of Ministers</i>, vol. ii. part ii. p. 77, stating that, on
+&lsquo;August 6th, 1691, the Session recommends it to the magistrates to think
+on some overtures for discharging boyes from swimming, in regard one was
+lately lost.&rsquo; I have met with other evidence respecting this; but I
+cannot remember the passages.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_598_598" id="Footnote_598_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_598_598"><span class="label">[598]</span></a> The Rev. James Fraser says, &lsquo;The world is a dangerous
+thing and a great evil, and the comforts of it a hell.&rsquo; <i>Select
+Biographies</i>, vol. ii. p. 220. Compare <i>Gray's Spiritual Warfare</i>, p.
+22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_599_599" id="Footnote_599_599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_599_599"><span class="label">[599]</span></a> &lsquo;It is good to be continually afflicted here.&rsquo; <i>Select
+Biographies</i>, vol. ii. p. 220. Gray, advocating the same doctrine, sums
+up his remarks by a suggestion, that, &lsquo;I think David had never so sweet
+a time as then, when he was pursued as a partridge by his son Absalom.&rsquo;
+<i>Gray's Great and Precious Promises</i>, p. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_600_600" id="Footnote_600_600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_600_600"><span class="label">[600]</span></a> &lsquo;Suspect that which pleaseth the senses.&rsquo; <i>Abernethy's
+Physicke for the Soule</i>, p. 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_601_601" id="Footnote_601_601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_601_601"><span class="label">[601]</span></a> Durham, in his long catalogue of sins, mentions as one,
+&lsquo;the preparing of meat studiously, that is, when it is too riotously
+dressed, for pleasing men's carnal appetite and taste, or palate, by the
+fineness of it, and other curiosities of that kind.&rsquo; <i>Durham's Law
+Unsealed</i>, p. 333. See also p. 48, on &lsquo;palate-pleasers;&rsquo; and Dickson's
+opinion of the &lsquo;rarest dishes and best meats.&rsquo; <i>Dickson's Explication of
+the Psalms</i>, p. 84. According to another of the Scotch divines, whoever
+makes one good meal and has enough left for a second, is in imminent
+peril. &lsquo;He that is full, and hath enough to make him fuller, will easily
+deny God, and be exalted against him: his table shall be a snare to his
+body, and a snare to his soule.&rsquo; <i>Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule</i>,
+p. 421.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_602_602" id="Footnote_602_602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_602_602"><span class="label">[602]</span></a> For, says Abernethy (<i>Physicke for the Soule</i>, p. 488),
+&lsquo;men are loth to lend their eare to the Word, when they abound in
+prosperity.&rsquo; So, too, Hutcheson, in his <i>Exposition of the Book of Job</i>,
+p. 387: &lsquo;Such is the weakness even of godly men, that they can hardly
+live in a prosperous condition, and not be overtaken with some security,
+carnal confidence, or other miscarriage.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_603_603" id="Footnote_603_603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_603_603"><span class="label">[603]</span></a> See this theory worked out in <i>Cockburn's Jacob's Vow, or
+Man's Felicity and Duty</i>, pp. 71&ndash;75. He says, &lsquo;And certainly to crave
+and be desirous of more than what is competent for the maintenance and
+support of our lives, is both inconsistent with that dependence and
+subjection we owe to God, and doth also bespeak a great deal of vanity,
+folly, and inconsiderateness.&rsquo; Boston, striking at the very foundation
+of that practice of providing for the future, which is the first and
+most important maxim in all civil wisdom, and which peculiarly
+distinguishes civilized nations from barbarians, asks his hearers, &lsquo;Why
+should men rack their heads with cares how to provide for to-morrow,
+while they know not if they shall then need anything?&rsquo; <i>Boston's Human
+Nature in its Four-fold State</i>, p. 300. Hutcheson thinks that those who
+are guilty of such impious prudence, deserve to be starved. &lsquo;When men
+are not content with food and rayment, but would still heap up more, it
+is just with God to leave them not so much as bread; and to suffer men
+to have an evil eye upon them, and to pluck at them, even so long as
+they have meat.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of Job</i>, p. 296.
+Binning, going still further, threatens eternal ruin. &lsquo;Ye may have
+things necessary here,&mdash;food and raiment; and if ye seek more, if ye
+will be rich, and will have superfluities, then ye shall fall into many
+temptations, snares, and hurtful lusts which shall drown you in
+perdition.&rsquo; <i>Binning's Sermons</i>, vol. iii. p. 355.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_604_604" id="Footnote_604_604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_604_604"><span class="label">[604]</span></a> &lsquo;If God loved riches well, do ye think he would give them
+so liberally, and heap them up upon some base covetous wretches? Surely
+no.&rsquo; <i>Binning's Sermons</i>, vol. iii. p. 366. Gray, in his zeal against
+wealth, propounds another doctrine, which I do not remember to have seen
+elsewhere. He says, &lsquo;All that the owner of riches hath, is, the seeing
+of them; which a man, who is a passer by, may likeways have, though he
+be not possessor of them.&rsquo; <i>Gray's Spiritual Warfare</i>, p. 128. I hope
+that the reader will not suspect me of having maliciously invented any
+of these passages. The books from which they are quoted, are, with only
+two or three exceptions, all in my library, and may be examined by
+persons who are curious in such matters.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_605_605" id="Footnote_605_605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_605_605"><span class="label">[605]</span></a> &lsquo;The absence of external appearances of joy in Scotland,
+in contrast with the frequent holidayings and merry-makings of the
+continent, has been much remarked upon. We find in the records of
+ecclesiastical discipline clear traces of the process by which this
+distinction was brought about. To the puritan kirk of the sixteenth and
+seventeenth centuries, every outward demonstration of natural good
+spirits was a sort of sin, to be as far as possible repressed.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The
+whole sunshine of life was, as it were, squeezed out of the community.&rsquo;
+<i>Chambers' Annals of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 336, vol. ii. p. 156.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_606_606" id="Footnote_606_606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_606_606"><span class="label">[606]</span></a> &lsquo;A Christian should mortifie his affections, which are
+his predominant lusts, to which our affections are so much joined, and
+our soul doth so much go out after.&rsquo; <i>Gray's Spiritual Warfare</i>, p. 29.
+&lsquo;That blessed work of weaning of affections from all things that are
+here.&rsquo; <i>Gray's Great and Precious Promises</i>, p. 86.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_607_607" id="Footnote_607_607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_607_607"><span class="label">[607]</span></a> &lsquo;One of our more northern ministers, whose parish lies
+along the coast between Spey and Findorn, made some fishermen do penance
+for sabbath-breaking, in going out to sea, though purely with endeavour
+to save a vessel in distress by a storm.&rsquo; <i>Letters from a Gentleman in
+the North of Scotland</i>, vol. i. p. 173.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_608_608" id="Footnote_608_608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_608_608"><span class="label">[608]</span></a> &lsquo;The master of a family may, and ought to, deny an act of
+humanity or hospitality to strangers that are false teachers.&rsquo;
+<i>Rutherford's Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty of Conscience</i>,
+p. 176. &lsquo;The Holy Ghost forbiddeth the master of every Christian family
+to owne a hereticke as a guest.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 219. See also p. 235.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_609_609" id="Footnote_609_609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_609_609"><span class="label">[609]</span></a> &lsquo;We hold that tolleration of all religions is not farre
+from blasphemy.&rsquo; <i>Rutherford's Free Disputation against Pretended
+Liberty of Conscience</i>, p. 20. &lsquo;If wolves be permitted to teach what is
+right in their own erroneous conscience, and there be no &ldquo;Magistrate to
+put them to shame,&rdquo; <i>Judg.</i> xviii. 7, and no King to punish them, then
+godlinesse and all that concernes the first Table of the Law must be
+marred.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 230. &lsquo;Wilde and atheisticall liberty of
+conscience,&rsquo; p. 337. &lsquo;Cursed toleration,&rsquo; p. 400. See also, in the same
+work (pp. 110, 244), Rutherford's remarks on the murder of Servetus. In
+1645, Baillie, who was then in London, writes, &lsquo;The Independents here
+plead for a tolleration both for themselfes and other sects. My
+Dissuasive is come in time to doe service here. We hope God will assist
+us to remonstrate the wickedness of such an tolleration.&rsquo; And on account
+of the Independents wishing to show common charity towards persons who
+differed in opinions from themselves, Baillie writes next year (1646),
+&lsquo;The Independents has the least zeale to the truth of God of any men we
+know.&rsquo; <i>Baillie's Letters and Journals</i>, vol. ii. pp. 328, 361. Blair,
+who was in London in 1649, was sorely vexed with &lsquo;the most illegal,
+irreligious, and wicked proceedings and actings of the sectarian army;&rsquo;
+one of their crimes being the attempt &lsquo;to ruin religion by their
+toleration.&rsquo; <i>Continuation of the Autobiography of Mr. Robert Blair,
+Minister of St. Andrews</i>, p. 213. For other evidence of this persecuting
+spirit, see <i>Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error</i>, pp. 159, 163,
+199&ndash;202; <i>Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule</i>, p. 215; <i>Durham's
+Exposition of the Song of Solomon</i>, p. 147; <i>Durham's Commentarie upon
+the Book of the Revelation</i>, pp. 141, 143, 330; and <i>Shields' Hind let
+loose</i>, p. 168.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_610_610" id="Footnote_610_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_610_610"><span class="label">[610]</span></a> &lsquo;A third benefit (which is a branch of the former), is
+zeal in the godly against false teachers, who shall be so tender of the
+truth and glory of God, and the safety of the Church (all which are
+endangered by error), that it shall overcome natural affection in them;
+so that parents shall not <i>spare their own children</i>, being seducers,
+but shall either by an heroick act (such as was in Phinehas, <i>Numb.</i>
+<span class="smcap">XXV.</span> 8), <i>themselves judge him worthy to die, and give sentence and
+execute it</i>, or cause him to be punished, by bringing him to the
+Magistrate,&rsquo; &amp;c&hellip;. &lsquo;The toleration of a false religion in doctrine or
+worship, and the exemption of the erroneous from civil punishment, is no
+more lawful under the New Testament than it was under the Old.&rsquo; <i>An
+Exposition of the Prophecie of Zechariah</i>, in <i>Hutcheson's Exposition on
+the Minor Prophets</i>, vol. iii. p. 203, 8vo. 1654.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_611_611" id="Footnote_611_611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_611_611"><span class="label">[611]</span></a> <i>Selections from the Registers of the Presbytery of
+Lanark</i>, pp. <span class="smcap">X.</span> 33, 56, 63, 65, 73.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_612_612" id="Footnote_612_612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_612_612"><span class="label">[612]</span></a> I copy the exact words from <i>Wodrow's Collections upon
+the Lives of Ministers of the Church of Scotland</i>, vol. ii. part ii. p.
+71. An order had been previously obtained from the government,
+&lsquo;requiring the magistrates to expell furth of the Toun all excomunicated
+persons.&rsquo;</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[281]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.</div>
+
+<p>To complete the history and analysis of the Scotch
+mind, I have now to examine the peculiar intellectual
+movement which appeared in the eighteenth century,
+and which, for several reasons, deserves careful
+attention. It was essentially a reaction against that
+theological spirit which predominated during the seventeenth
+century. Such a reaction would hardly have been
+possible, except for the fact which I have already noticed,
+namely, that the political activity which produced the
+rebellion against the Stuarts, saved the Scotch mind
+from stagnating, and prevented that deep slumber into
+which the progress of superstition would naturally have
+thrown it. The long and stubborn conflict with a despotic
+government, kept alive a certain alertness and
+vigour of understanding, which survived the struggle
+that gave it birth. When the contest was ended, and
+peace was restored, the faculties which, for three generations,
+had been exercised in resisting the executive
+authority, sought other employment, and found another
+field in which they could disport themselves. Hence it
+was, that the boldness which, in the seventeenth century,
+was practical, became, in the eighteenth century,
+speculative, and produced a literature, which attempted
+to unsettle former opinions, and to disturb the ancient
+landmarks of the human mind. The movement was revolutionary,
+and bore the same relation to ecclesiastical
+tyranny, which the previous movement had borne to
+political tyranny. But this new rebellion had one striking
+characteristic. In nearly every other country, when
+the intellect has fairly arrayed itself against the exclusive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[282]</a></span>
+pretensions of the Church, it has happened that the
+secular philosophy, which has been engendered, has been
+an inductive philosophy, taking for its basis individual
+and specific experience, and seeking, by that means, to
+overthrow the general and traditional notions, on which
+all church power is founded. The plan has been, to refuse
+to accept principles which could not be substantiated
+by facts; while the opposite and theological plan
+is, to force the facts to yield to the principles. In the
+former case, experience precedes theory; in the latter
+case, theory precedes experience, and controls it. In
+theology, certain principles are taken for granted; and,
+it being deemed impious to question them, all that remains
+for us is to reason from them downwards. This
+is the deductive method. On the other hand, the inductive
+method will concede nothing, but insists upon
+reasoning upwards, and demands that we shall have the
+liberty of ascertaining the principles for ourselves. In
+a complete scheme of our knowledge, and when all our
+resources are fully developed and marshalled into order,
+as they must eventually be, the two methods will be,
+not hostile, but supplementary, and will be combined
+into a single system. At present, however, we are very
+far from such a result; and not only is every mind more
+prone to one method than to another, but we find, historically,
+that different ages and different countries have
+been characterised by the extent to which one of these
+two schemes has predominated; and we also find,
+that a study of this antagonism is the surest way of
+understanding the intellectual condition of any period.</p>
+
+<p>That the inductive philosophy is even more marked
+by its secular tendencies than by its scientific ones, will
+be evident to whoever observes the epochs in which it
+has been most active, and has possessed most adherents.
+Of this, the history of the French mind, in the eighteenth
+century, affords a good instance, where, after the death
+of Louis XIV., we may clearly trace the connexion between
+the growth of the inductive method, and the subsequent
+overthrow of the Gallican Church. In England,
+too, the rise of the Baconian philosophy, with its determination
+to subordinate ancient principles to modern<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[283]</a></span>
+experience, was the heaviest blow which has ever been
+inflicted on the theologians, whose method is to begin,
+not with experience, but with principles, which are said
+to be inscrutable, and which we are bound to believe
+without further difficulty. And I need hardly remind
+the reader, that scarcely was that philosophy established
+among us, when it produced those bold inquiries which
+quickly ended in the downfall of the English Church
+under Charles I. From that terrible defeat, our clergy
+did, for a time, partly rally; but as their apparent success,
+in the reign of Charles II., was owing to political
+changes, and not to social ones, they were unable to recover
+their hold over society, and, unless the nation
+should retrograde, there is no possibility that they ever
+should recover it. Over the inferior order of minds, they
+still wield great influence; but the Baconian philosophy,
+by bringing their favourite method into disrepute, has
+sapped the very base of their system. From the moment
+that their mode of investigation was discredited,
+the secret of their power was gone. From the moment
+that men began to insist on inquiring into the validity
+of first principles, instead of accepting them without
+inquiry, and humbly submitting to them as matters of
+faith and of necessary belief; from that moment, the
+theologians, driven from one post to another, and constantly
+receding before the pressure of advancing knowledge,
+have been forced to abandon entrenchment after
+entrenchment, until what they have retained of their
+former territory is hardly worth the struggle. As a last
+resource, they, at the close of the eighteenth century,
+determined to use the weapons of their opponents; and
+Paley and his successors, enlarging the scheme which
+Ray and Derham had feebly sketched, endeavoured, by
+a skilful employment of the inductive method, to compensate
+their party for the failure of the deductive one.
+But their project, though ably conceived, has come to
+naught. It is now generally admitted, that nothing can
+be made of it, and that it is impossible to establish the
+old theological premises by a chain of inductive reasoning.
+Respecting this, the most eminent philosophers
+agree with the most eminent theologians; and, since the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[284]</a></span>
+time of Kant in Germany, and of Coleridge in England,
+none of our ablest men, even among divines themselves,
+have recurred to a plan which Paley, indeed, pursued
+with vigour, but of which our Bridgewater Treatises,
+our Prize-Essays, and such schoolboy productions, are
+poor and barren imitations.<a name="FNanchor_613_613" id="FNanchor_613_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_613_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a> No great thinkers now
+follow this course in matters of religion. On the contrary,
+they prefer the safer, as well as the more philosophic,
+method, of dealing with these subjects on transcendental
+grounds, frankly confessing that they elude the
+grasp of that inductive philosophy which, in the department
+of science, has achieved such signal triumphs.</p>
+
+<p>The opposition of these two methods, and the inapplicability
+of the inductive method to theological pursuits
+being thus apparent, it is not strange that the
+Scotch should have adopted one of the methods with
+great zeal, and to the almost complete exclusion of the
+other. Scotland, being essentially theological, followed
+the theological plan. The intellectual history of
+that country, in the seventeenth century, is almost
+entirely the history of theology. With the single
+exception of Napier, who was born in the middle of
+the sixteenth century, all the most vigorous thinkers
+were divines. In physical science, scarcely anything
+was done.<a name="FNanchor_614_614" id="FNanchor_614_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_614_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a> There was no poetry, no drama, no original<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[285]</a></span>
+philosophy, no fine compositions, no secular literature,
+now worth reading.<a name="FNanchor_615_615" id="FNanchor_615_615"></a><a href="#Footnote_615_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a> The only men of real<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[286]</a></span>
+influence were the clergy. They governed the nation
+and the pulpit was the chief engine of their power.
+From the pulpit, they moved all classes and all sorts
+intellects; the highest as well as the lowest. There, they
+instructed them, and threatened them; saying whatever
+they liked, and knowing that what they said would
+be believed.<a name="FNanchor_616_616" id="FNanchor_616_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_616_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a> But all their sermons, and all their controversial
+writings, are eminently deductive; not
+of them attempts an inductive argument. The
+idea of such a thing never entered their heads. They
+assumed the truth of their own religion and moral
+notions, most of which they had borrowed from
+antiquity; they made those notions the major premises
+of their syllogisms, and from them they reasoned downwards
+till they obtained their conclusions. They never
+suspected that premises, taken from ancient times
+might be the result of the inductions of those times
+and that, as knowledge advanced, the inductions might
+need revising. They assumed, that God has given
+us first principles, and that He, having revealed them
+it would ill become us to scrutinize them. That He
+had revealed them, they took for granted, and deemed
+it unnecessary to prove.<a name="FNanchor_617_617" id="FNanchor_617_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_617_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a> Their method being
+entirely deductive, all they were concerned with was
+to beware that no error crept in between the premises
+and the conclusions. And this part of their task they
+accomplished with great ability. They were acute<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[287]</a></span>
+dialecticians, and rarely blundered in what is termed
+the formal part of logic. In dealing with their premises
+after they obtained them, they were extremely
+skilful; how they obtained them, they were very heedless.
+That was a point they never examined with
+anything approaching to impartiality. According to
+their method, all that was requisite was, to draw inferences
+from what had been supernaturally communicated.
+On the other hand, the inductive method would have
+taught them that the first question was, whether or not
+they had been supernaturally communicated? They,
+as deductive reasoners, assumed the very preliminaries
+which inductive reasoners would have disputed. They
+proceeded from generals to particulars, instead of from
+particulars to generals. And they would not allow
+either themselves or others to sift the general propositions,
+which were to cover and control the particular
+facts. It was enough for them that the wider propositions
+were already established, and were to be treated
+according to the rules of the old and syllogistic logic.
+Indeed, they were so convinced of the impropriety of
+the inductive method, that they did not hesitate to
+assert, that it was by means of the syllogism that the
+Deity communicated His wishes to man.<a name="FNanchor_618_618" id="FNanchor_618_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_618_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a></p>
+
+<p>It was naturally to be expected, that the clergy,
+holding these views respecting the best means of arriving
+at truth, should do all in their power to bring
+over the nation to their side, and should labour to make
+their own method of investigation entirely supersede
+the opposite method. Nor was this a very difficult task.
+The prevailing credulity was one great point in their
+favour, inasmuch as it made men more willing to
+accept propositions than to scrutinise them. When the
+propositions were accepted, nothing was left but to
+reason from them; and the most active intellects in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[288]</a></span>
+Scotland, being constantly engaged in this process,
+acquired complete mastery over it, and the dexterity
+they displayed increased its repute. Besides this, the
+clergy, who were its zealous champions, had monopolized
+all the sources of education, both public and
+private. In no other Protestant country, have they
+exercised such control over the universities; not only
+the doctrines taught, but also the mode of teaching
+them, being, in Scotland, placed under the supervision
+of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_619_619" id="FNanchor_619_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_619_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a> This power they, of course, used to
+propagate their own plan of obtaining truth; and, as
+long as their power remained undiminished, it was
+hardly possible that the opposite, or inductive, plan
+should gain a hearing. Over grammar-schools, the
+clergy possessed an authority fully equal to that which
+they had in the universities.<a name="FNanchor_620_620" id="FNanchor_620_620"></a><a href="#Footnote_620_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a> They also appointed and
+removed, at their own pleasure, teachers of every grade,
+from village schoolmasters to tutors in private families.<a name="FNanchor_621_621" id="FNanchor_621_621"></a><a href="#Footnote_621_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[289]</a></span>
+In this way, each generation, as it arose, was brought
+under their influence, and made subject to their notions.
+Taking the mind of Scotland while it was young and
+flexible, they bent it to their own method. Hence,
+that method became supreme; it reigned every where;
+not a voice was lifted up against it; and no one had an
+idea that there was more than one path by which truth
+could be reached, or that the human understanding
+was of any use, except to deal deductively with premisses,
+which were not to be inductively examined.</p>
+
+<p>The inductive or analytic spirit being thus unknown,
+and the deductive or synthetic spirit being alone
+favoured, it happened that, when, early in the eighteenth
+century, the circumstances already mentioned gave
+rise to a great intellectual movement, that movement,
+though new in its results, was not new in the method
+by which the results were obtained. A secular philosophy
+was, indeed, established, and the ablest men,
+instead of being theological, became scientific. But so
+completely had the theological plan occupied Scotland,
+that even philosophers were unable to escape from its
+method, and, as I am about to show, the inductive
+method exercised no influence over them. This most
+curious fact is the key to the history of Scotland in the
+eighteenth century, and explains many events which
+would otherwise appear incompatible with each other.
+It also suggests an analogy with Germany, where the
+deductive method has, for a long period, been equally
+prevalent, owing to precisely the same causes. In both
+countries, the secular movement of the eighteenth
+century was unable to become inductive; and this intellectual
+affinity between two such otherwise different
+nations, is, I have no doubt, the principal reason why
+the Scotch and German philosophies have so remarkably
+acted and reacted upon each other; Kant and
+Hamilton being the most finished specimens of their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[290]</a></span>
+intercourse. To this, England forms a complete contrast.
+For more than a hundred and fifty years after
+the death of Bacon, the greatest English thinkers,
+Newton and Harvey excepted, were eminently inductive;
+nor was it until the nineteenth century that
+signs were clearly exhibited of a counter-movement,
+and an attempt was made to return in some degree to
+the deductive method.<a name="FNanchor_622_622" id="FNanchor_622_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_622_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a> This we are, in many respects,
+justified in doing, because, in the progress of our knowledge,
+we have, by a long course of induction, arrived
+at several conclusions which we may safely treat deductively;
+that is to say, we may make them the
+major premisses of new arguments. The same process
+has been seen in France, where the exclusively
+inductive philosophy of the eighteenth century preceded
+a partial resuscitation of deductive philosophy in
+the nineteenth century. In Scotland, however, there
+have been no such vicissitudes. In that country, men
+have always been deductive; even the most original
+thinkers being unable to liberate themselves from the
+universal tendency, and being forced to accept a method
+which time had consecrated, and which was interwoven
+with all the associations of the national mind.</p>
+
+<p>To understand the investigation into which we are
+about to enter, the reader must firmly seize, and keep<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[291]</a></span>
+before his eyes, the essential difference between deduction,
+which reasons from principles, and induction, which
+reasons to principles. He must remember, that induction
+proceeds from the smaller to the greater; deduction, from
+the greater to the smaller. Induction is from particulars
+to generals, and from the senses to the ideas; deduction
+is from generals to particulars, and from the ideas to the
+senses. By induction, we rise from the concrete to the
+abstract; by deduction, we descend from the abstract to
+the concrete. Accompanying this distinction, there are
+certain qualities of mind, which, with extremely few
+exceptions, characterize the age, nation, or individual,
+in which one of these methods is predominant. The
+inductive philosopher is naturally cautious, patient, and
+somewhat creeping; while the deductive philosopher is
+more remarkable for boldness, dexterity, and often rashness.
+The deductive thinker invariably assumes certain
+premisses, which are quite different from the hypotheses
+essential to the best induction. These premisses are sometimes
+borrowed from antiquity; sometimes they are taken
+from the notions which happen to prevail in the surrounding
+society; sometimes they are the result of a
+man's own peculiar organization; and sometimes, as we
+shall presently see, they are deliberately invented, with
+the object of arriving, not at truth, but at an approximation
+to truth. Finally, and to sum up the whole, we
+may say that a deductive habit, being essentially synthetic,
+always tends to multiply original principles or
+laws; while the tendency of an inductive habit is to
+diminish those laws by gradual and successive analysis.</p>
+
+<p>These being the two fundamental divisions of human
+inquiry, it is surely a most remarkable fact in the history
+of Scotland, that, during the eighteenth century, all the
+great thinkers belonged to the former division, and that,
+in the very few instances of induction which their works
+contain, it is evident, from the steps they subsequently
+took, that they regarded such inductions as unimportant
+in themselves, and as only valuable in so far as they
+supplied the premisses for another and deductive investigation.
+As the various departments of our knowledge
+have never yet been co-ordinated and treated as a whole,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[292]</a></span>
+probably no one is aware of the universality of this
+movement in Scotland, and of the extent to which it
+pervaded every science, and governed every phase of
+thought. To prove, therefore, the force with which it
+acted, I now purpose to examine its working in all the
+principal forms of speculation, whether physical or moral,
+and to show that in each the same method was adopted.
+In doing this, I must, for the sake of clearness, proceed
+according to a natural arrangement of the different
+topics; but I will, whenever it is possible, also follow
+the chronological order in which the Scotch mind unfolded
+itself; so that we may understand, not only the
+character of that remarkable literature, but likewise the
+steps of its growth, and the astonishing vigour with
+which it emancipated itself from the shackles which
+superstition had imposed.</p>
+
+<p>The beginning of the great secular philosophy of
+Scotland is undoubtedly due to Francis Hutcheson.<a name="FNanchor_623_623" id="FNanchor_623_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_623_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a>
+This eminent man, though born in Ireland, was of
+Scotch family, and was educated in the University of
+Glasgow, where he received the appointment of Professor
+of Philosophy in the year 1729.<a name="FNanchor_624_624" id="FNanchor_624_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_624_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a> By his lectures,
+and by his works, he diffused a taste for bold inquiries
+into subjects of the deepest importance, but concerning
+which it had previously been supposed nothing fresh was
+to be learned; the Scotch having hitherto been taught,
+that all truths respecting our own nature, which were
+essential to be known, had been already revealed. Hutcheson,
+however, did not fear to construct a system of
+morals according to a plan entirely secular, and no example
+of which had been exhibited in Scotland before<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[293]</a></span>
+his time. The principles from which he started, were
+not theological, but metaphysical. They were collected
+from what he deemed the natural constitution of the
+mind, instead of being collected, as heretofore, from what
+had been supernaturally communicated. He, therefore,
+shifted the field of study. Though he was a firm believer
+in revelation, he held that the best rules of conduct
+could be ascertained without its assistance, and could be
+arrived at by the unaided wit of man; and that, when
+arrived at, they were, in their aggregate, to be respected
+as the Law of Nature.<a name="FNanchor_625_625" id="FNanchor_625_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_625_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a> This confidence in the power
+of the human understanding was altogether new in Scotland,
+and its appearance forms an epoch in the national
+literature. Previously, men had been taught that the
+understanding was a rash and foolish thing, which ought
+to be repressed, and which was unfit to cope with the
+problems presented to it.<a name="FNanchor_626_626" id="FNanchor_626_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_626_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a> Hutcheson, however, held
+that it was quite able to deal with them, but that, to do
+so, it must be free and unfettered. Hence, he strenuously
+advocated that right of private judgment which
+the Scotch Kirk had not only assailed, but had almost
+destroyed. He insisted that each person had a right to
+form his opinion according to the evidence he possessed,
+and that, this right being inalienable, none but weak
+minds would abstain from exercising it.<a name="FNanchor_627_627" id="FNanchor_627_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_627_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a> Every one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[294]</a></span>
+was to judge according to his own light, and nothing
+could be gained by inducing men to profess sentiments
+contrary to their convictions.<a name="FNanchor_628_628" id="FNanchor_628_628"></a><a href="#Footnote_628_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a> So far, however, was
+this from being understood, that we found all the little
+sects quarrelling among themselves, and abusing each
+other, merely because their views were different. It was
+strange to hear how the professors of one creed would
+stigmatize the professors of other creeds as idolatrous,
+and would demand that penalties should be inflicted on
+them. In point of fact, all had much that was good;
+and their only real evil was, this love of persecution.<a name="FNanchor_629_629" id="FNanchor_629_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_629_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a>
+But the vulgar deemed every one a heretic who did not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[295]</a></span>
+believe what they believed; and this way of thinking
+had been too much countenanced by the clergy, many of
+whom felt their vanity offended at the idea of laymen
+pretending to be wiser than their spiritual teachers, and
+venturing to disagree with what they said.<a name="FNanchor_630_630" id="FNanchor_630_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_630_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such large views of liberty were far in advance of
+the country in which they were propounded, and could
+exercise no influence, except over a few thinking men.
+These, and similar doctrines, were, however, repeated by
+Hutcheson, in his lectures, every year.<a name="FNanchor_631_631" id="FNanchor_631_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_631_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a> And strange,
+indeed, they must have seemed. To those who received
+them, they were utterly subversive of the prevailing
+theological spirit, which regarded toleration as impious,
+and which, seeking to confine the human mind within
+the limits of foregone conclusions, deemed it a duty to
+chastise those who overstepped them. In opposition to
+this, Hutcheson let in the elements of inquiry, of discussion,
+and of doubt. There is also another point in which
+his philosophy is memorable, as the beginning of the
+great rebellion of the Scotch intellect. We saw, in the
+last chapter, how successfully the teachers of the people
+had inculcated doctrines of the darkest asceticism, and
+how naturally those doctrines had arisen out of the enormous
+authority possessed by the Church. Against such
+notions, Hutcheson set his face strenuously. He rightly
+supposed, that an admiration of every kind of beauty,
+so far from being sinful, is essential to a complete and
+well-balanced mind; and the most original part of his
+philosophy consists of the inquiries which he made into
+the working and origin of our ideas on that subject.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[296]</a></span>
+Hitherto, the Scotch had been taught that the emotions
+which beauty excites, were owing to the corruption of
+our nature, and ought to be repressed. Hutcheson, on the
+other hand, insisted that they were good in themselves;
+that they were part of the general scheme of human
+affairs, and that they deserved a special and scientific
+study.<a name="FNanchor_632_632" id="FNanchor_632_632"></a><a href="#Footnote_632_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a> And with such skill did he investigate them,
+that, in the opinion of one of the highest living authorities,
+he is the originator of all subsequent inquiries into
+these matters; his being the first attempt to deal with
+the subject of beauty in a broad and comprehensive
+spirit.<a name="FNanchor_633_633" id="FNanchor_633_633"></a><a href="#Footnote_633_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a></p>
+
+<p>Not only in speculative views, but also in practical
+recommendations, Hutcheson displayed the same tendency;
+every where endeavouring to break down that
+gloomy fabric which superstition had built up.<a name="FNanchor_634_634" id="FNanchor_634_634"></a><a href="#Footnote_634_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a> His<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[297]</a></span>
+predecessors, and, indeed, nearly all his contemporaries
+who exercised much influence, represented pleasure as
+immoral, and opposed themselves to the fine arts, which
+they considered dangerous, as ministering to our pleasures,
+and thereby distracting our minds from serious
+concerns. Hutcheson, however, declared that the fine
+arts were to be cherished; for, he said, they are not only
+agreeable, but also reputable, and to employ our time
+with them is honourable.<a name="FNanchor_635_635" id="FNanchor_635_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_635_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a> That such is the case is
+obvious enough to us, but it was long, indeed, since
+similar language had been heard in Scotland from a great
+public teacher, and it was completely opposed to the
+prevailing notions. But Hutcheson went even further.
+Not content with raising his voice in favour of wealth,<a name="FNanchor_636_636" id="FNanchor_636_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_636_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a>
+which the Scotch clergy stigmatized as one of the most
+pernicious and carnal of all things, he fearlessly asserted
+that all our natural appetites are lawful, and that the
+gratification of them is consistent with the highest
+virtue.<a name="FNanchor_637_637" id="FNanchor_637_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_637_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a> In his eyes, they were lawful, because they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[298]</a></span>
+were natural; while, according to the theological theory,
+their being natural made them unlawful. And here lies
+the fundamental difference between the practical views
+of Hutcheson and those previously received. He, like
+every great thinker since the seventeenth century, loved
+human nature, and respected it; but he neither loved nor
+respected those who unduly trammelled it, and thereby
+weakened its vigour, as well as impaired its beauty. He
+placed more confidence in mankind, than in the rulers of
+mankind. The Scotch divines, who preceded him, were
+the libellers of their species; they calumniated the whole
+human race. According to them, there was nothing in
+us but sin and corruption; and, therefore, all our desires
+were to be checked. It is the peculiar glory of Hutcheson,
+that he was the first man in Scotland who publicly
+combated these degrading notions. With a noble and
+lofty aim did he undertake his task. Venerating the
+human mind, he was bent on vindicating its dignity
+against those who disputed its titles. Unhappily, he
+could not succeed; the prejudices of his time were
+too strong. Still, he did all that was in his power.
+He opposed the tide which he was unable to stem; he
+attacked what it was impossible to destroy; and he cast
+from his philosophy, with vehement scorn, those base
+prejudices, which, by aspersing all that is great and
+magnanimous, had long blinded the eyes of their contemporaries,
+and, by bringing into fresh prominence the
+old and mischievous dogma of moral degeneracy, had
+represented our nature as a compound of vices, and had
+been unable to see how many virtues we really possess,
+how much of the spirit of self-sacrifice, and of free disinterested
+benevolence has always existed; how much of
+good even the worst of us retain; and how, among the
+ordinary and average characters of whom the world is
+composed, the desire of benefiting others is more frequent
+than the desire of hurting them, kindness is more
+common than cruelty, and the number of good deeds<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[299]</a></span>
+does, on the whole, far outweigh the number of bad
+ones.<a name="FNanchor_638_638" id="FNanchor_638_638"></a><a href="#Footnote_638_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus much as to the tendency of Hutcheson's philosophy.<a name="FNanchor_639_639" id="FNanchor_639_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_639_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a>
+We have now to ascertain his method, that is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[300]</a></span>
+to say, the plan which he adopted in order to obtain his
+results. This is a very important part of our present
+inquiry; and we shall find that, in the study of moral
+philosophy, as in the study of all subjects not yet raised
+to sciences, there are not only two methods, but that each
+method leads to different consequences. If we proceed
+by induction, we arrive at one conclusion; if we proceed
+by deduction, we arrive at another. This difference in
+the results, is always a proof that the subject, in which
+the difference exists, is not yet capable of scientific treatment,
+and that some preliminary difficulties have to be
+removed, before it can pass from the empirical stage
+into the scientific one. As soon as those difficulties are
+got rid of, the results obtained by induction, will correspond
+with those obtained by deduction; supposing, of
+course, that both lines of argument are fairly managed.
+In such case, it will be of no importance whether we
+reason from particulars to generals, or from generals to
+particulars. Either plan will yield the same consequences,
+and this agreement between the consequences, proves
+that our investigation is, properly speaking, scientific.
+Thus, for instance, in chemistry, if, by reasoning deductively
+from general principles, we could always predict
+what would happen when we united two or more elements,
+even supposing those elements were new to us;
+and if, by reasoning inductively from each element, we
+could arrive at the same conclusion, one process would
+corroborate the other, and, by their mutual verification,
+the science would be complete. In chemistry, we cannot
+do this; therefore, chemistry is not yet a science,
+although, since the introduction into it, by Dalton, of the
+ideas of weight and number, there is every prospect of
+its becoming one. On the other hand, astronomy is a
+science, because, by employing the deductive weapon of
+mathematics, we can compute the motions and perturbations
+of bodies; and, by employing the inductive weapon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[301]</a></span>
+of observation, the telescope reveals to us the accuracy
+of our previous, and, as it were, foregone, inferences.
+The fact agrees with the idea; the particular event confirms
+the general principle; the principle explains the
+event; and their unanimity authorizes us to believe that
+we must be right, since, proceed as we may, the conclusion
+is the same; and the inductive plan, of striking
+averages, harmonizes with the deductive plan, of
+reasoning from ideas.</p>
+
+<p>But, in the study of morals there is no such harmony.
+Partly from the force of prejudice, and partly from the
+complexity of the subject, all attempts at a scientific
+investigation of morals have failed. It is not, therefore,
+surprising that, in this field, the inductive inquirer arrives
+at one conclusion, and the deductive inquirer at
+another. The inductive inquirer endeavours to attain his
+object by observing the actions of men, and subjecting
+them to analysis, in order to learn the principles which
+regulate them. The deductive inquirer, beginning at
+the other end, assumes certain principles as original,
+and reasons from them to the facts which actually appear
+in the world. The former proceeds from the concrete to
+the abstract; the latter, from the abstract to the concrete.
+The inductive moralist looks at the history of
+past society, or at the condition of the present, and takes
+for granted that the first step is, to assemble the facts,
+and then to generalize them. The deductive inquirer,
+using the facts rather to illustrate his principles, than to
+suggest them, appeals, in the first place, not to external
+facts, but to internal ideas, and he makes those ideas the
+major premiss of a syllogistic argument. Both parties
+agree, that we have the power of judging some actions
+to be right, and others to be wrong. But as to how we
+get that power, and as to what that power is, they are
+at utter variance. The inductive philosopher says, that
+its object is happiness, that we get it by association, and
+that it is due to the action and reaction of social causes,
+which are susceptible of analysis. The deductive philosopher
+says, that this power of distinguishing between
+right and wrong, aims, not at happiness, but at truth;
+that it is inherent, that it cannot be analyzed, that it is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[302]</a></span>
+a primary conviction, and that we may assume it and
+reason from it, but can never hope to explain it by
+reasoning to it.</p>
+
+<p>It requires but a slight acquaintance with the works
+of Hutcheson to see that he belongs to the latter of these
+two schools. He assumes, that all men have what he
+terms a moral faculty, which, being an original principle,
+does not admit of analysis.<a name="FNanchor_640_640" id="FNanchor_640_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_640_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a> He further assumes, that
+the business of this faculty is to regulate all our powers.<a name="FNanchor_641_641" id="FNanchor_641_641"></a><a href="#Footnote_641_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a>
+From these two assumptions, he reasons downwards to
+the visible facts of our conduct, and deductively constructs
+the general scheme of life. His plan being entirely synthetic,
+he depreciates the analytic method, and complains
+of it as an artful attempt to diminish the number of our
+perceptive powers.<a name="FNanchor_642_642" id="FNanchor_642_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_642_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a> The truth is, that every such
+diminution would have taken away some of his original
+principles, and would thereby have prevented him from
+using them as the major premisses of separate arguments.
+And if you deprive a deductive reasoner of his major
+premisses, you leave him nothing on which to stand.
+Hutcheson, therefore, like all the philosophers of his
+school, was extremely jealous of the invasions of the inductive
+spirit, with its constant tendency to attack convictions
+supposed to be primary, and seek to resolve
+them into their elements. He repulsed such encroachments
+upon his major premisses, because the power and
+beauty of his method were displayed in reasoning from
+the premisses, and not in reasoning to them. According
+to him, the moral faculty, and the authority which it
+exercised, were impervious to analysis; it was impossible
+to track them higher, or to resolve them into simpler
+constituents; and it was in vain that many attempted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[303]</a></span>
+to refer them to circumstances external to themselves,
+such as education, custom, or the association of ideas.<a name="FNanchor_643_643" id="FNanchor_643_643"></a><a href="#Footnote_643_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a></p>
+
+<p>Hence, the judgments which men pass upon the
+conduct of others, or of themselves, are, in their origin,
+altogether inexplicable; each judgment being merely a
+different form of one great moral faculty. Inasmuch,
+however, as that faculty escapes observation, and is only
+known by its results, it is evident that, for all purposes
+of reasoning, the judgments must be deemed primary,
+and arguments are to be constructed from them, as if
+they were the ultimate and highest conditions of our
+nature. In this way, Hutcheson was led to that love of
+multiplying original principles, which Sir James Mackintosh
+has justly noticed as a characteristic of his
+philosophy, and, after him, of the Scotch philosophy in
+general;<a name="FNanchor_644_644" id="FNanchor_644_644"></a><a href="#Footnote_644_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a> though the distinguished author of this
+remark has failed to perceive that such characteristic
+was but a single part of a far larger scheme, and was
+intimately connected with those habits of deductive
+thought which a long train of preceding circumstances
+had indelibly imprinted on the Scotch mind.</p>
+
+<p>In Hutcheson, the tendency was so strong, as to make
+him believe, that, by arguing from a certain number of
+original principles, he could construct the theory and
+explain the march of human affairs, with little or no
+aid from the experience of the past, or, indeed, of the
+present. His views, for instance, respecting the nature
+and objects of legislation, criminal, as well as civil, might
+have been written by a recluse who had never quitted
+his hermitage, and whose purity was still unsoiled by
+the realities of the world. Starting from the so-called
+nature of things, his first steps were ideal, and from them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[304]</a></span>
+he sought to advance to the actual. In his account of
+the duties of life, as they existed before the power of
+government was consolidated, he quotes no evidence to
+show what really happened among barbarous tribes who
+were in that state; but he contents himself with deductive
+inferences from the principles he had previously
+laid down.<a name="FNanchor_645_645" id="FNanchor_645_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_645_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a> Difficult questions relating to the laws of
+property, are treated in the same manner; that is to say,
+the conclusions respecting them are arrived at on speculative
+grounds, and not by comparing how the different
+enactments have worked in different countries.<a name="FNanchor_646_646" id="FNanchor_646_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_646_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a> Experience
+is either shut out, or made subordinate to
+theory; and facts are adduced to illustrate the inference,
+but not to suggest it. So, too, the proper relation between
+the people and their rulers, and the amount of
+liberty which the people should possess, instead of being
+inductively generalized from an historical inquiry into
+the circumstances which had produced most happiness,
+might, in the opinion of Hutcheson, be ascertained by
+reasoning from the nature of government, and from the
+ends for which it was instituted.<a name="FNanchor_647_647" id="FNanchor_647_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_647_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a></p>
+
+<p>The next great attempt to study the actions of men
+scientifically, and to generalize the principles of their
+conduct without the intervention of supernatural ideas,
+was made by Adam Smith, who, in 1759, published his
+<i>Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, and, in 1776, his <i>Wealth
+of Nations</i>. To understand the philosophy of this, by
+far the greatest of all the Scotch thinkers, both works
+must be taken together, and considered as one; since<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[305]</a></span>
+they are, in reality, the two divisions of a single subject.
+In the <i>Moral Sentiments</i>, he investigates the sympathetic
+part of human nature; in the <i>Wealth of Nations</i>,
+he investigates its selfish part. And as all of us are
+sympathetic as well as selfish; in other words, as all of
+us look without as well as within, and as this classification
+is a primary and exhaustive division of our motives
+to action, it is evident, that if Adam Smith had completely
+accomplished his vast design, he would at once
+have raised the study of human nature to a science,
+leaving nothing for subsequent inquirers except to ascertain
+the minor springs of affairs, all of which would
+find their place in this general scheme, and be deemed
+subordinate to it. In his attempt to perform this prodigious
+task, and to traverse the enormous field which
+he saw lying before him, he soon perceived that an inductive
+investigation was impossible, because it would
+require the labour of many lives even to assemble the
+materials from which the generalization was to be made.
+Moved by this reflection, and, probably, moved still
+more by the intellectual habits which prevailed around
+him, he resolved on adopting the deductive method instead
+of the inductive; but, in seeking for the premisses
+from which he was to reason, and on which his structure
+was to be built, he resorted to a peculiar artifice,
+which is perfectly valid, and which he had an undoubted
+right to employ, though, to make it available, requires
+such delicate tact, and involves so many refinements,
+that extremely few writers have used it with effect on
+social questions either before or since.</p>
+
+<p>The plan to which I allude is, that when any subject
+becomes unmanageable by the inductive method, whether
+from the impossibility of experimenting upon it, or
+from its extreme natural complexity, or from the presence
+of immense and bewildering details collected
+around it, we may, in all such cases, make an imaginary
+separation of inseparable facts; and reason upon trains
+of events which have no real and independent existence,
+and which are nowhere to be found except in the mind
+of the inquirer. A result obtained in this way, cannot
+be strictly true; but, if we have reasoned accurately, it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[306]</a></span>
+will be as near truth as were the premisses from which
+we started. To make it perfectly true, we must confront
+it with other results, which we have arrived at
+in a similar way, and from the same subject. These
+separate inferences may eventually be coördinated into
+a single system; so that, while each inference contains
+only an imperfect truth, the whole of the inferences,
+when put together, will contain perfect truth.</p>
+
+<p>Such hypothetical arguments are evidently based
+upon an intentional suppression of facts; and the artifice
+is necessary, because, without the suppression, the
+facts would be unmanageable. Each argument leads
+to a conclusion which approximates to truth; hence,
+whenever the premisses are so comprehensive as almost
+to exhaust the facts to which they refer, the conclusion
+will be so near to complete truth as to be of
+the greatest value, even before it is coördinated with
+other conclusions drawn from the same department of
+inquiry.</p>
+
+<p>Geometry exhibits the most perfect example of this
+logical stratagem. The object of the geometrician is,
+to generalize the laws of space; in other words, to ascertain
+the necessary and universal relations of its various
+parts. Inasmuch, however, as space would have no
+parts unless it were divided, the geometrician is forced
+to assume such a division; and he takes the simplest
+possible form of it, a division by lines. Now, a line
+considered as a fact, that is, as it is found in the actual
+world, must always have two qualities, length and
+breadth. However slight these qualities may be, every
+line has them both. But if the geometrician took both
+into consideration, he would find himself in the presence
+of a problem too complicated for the resources of the
+human understanding to deal with; or, at all events,
+too complicated for the present resources of our knowledge.
+He, therefore, by a scientific artifice, deliberately
+strikes off one of these qualities, and asserts that
+a line is length without breadth. He knows that the
+assertion is false, but he also knows that it is necessary.
+For, if you deny it, he can prove nothing. If you
+insist upon his letting into his premisses the idea of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[307]</a></span>
+breadth, he is unable to proceed, and the whole fabric
+of geometry falls to the ground. Since, however, the
+breadth of the faintest line is so slight as to be incapable
+of measurement, except by an instrument used under
+the microscope, it follows that the assumption, that
+there can be lines without breadth, is so nearly true,
+that our senses, when unassisted by art, cannot detect
+the error. Formerly, and until the invention of the
+micrometer, in the seventeenth century, it was impossible
+to detect it at all. Hence, the conclusions of the
+geometrician approximate so close to truth, that we are
+justified in accepting them as true. The flaw is too
+minute to be perceived. But that there is a flaw, appears
+to me certain. It appears certain, that whenever
+something is kept back in the premisses, something
+must be wanting in the conclusion. In all such cases,
+the field of inquiry has not been entirely covered; and
+part of the preliminary facts being suppressed, it must,
+I think, be admitted, that complete truth is unattainable,
+and that no problem in geometry has yet been
+exhaustively solved.<a name="FNanchor_648_648" id="FNanchor_648_648"></a><a href="#Footnote_648_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a></p>
+
+<p>Still, the amazing triumphs effected in this branch of
+mathematics, show how powerful a weapon that form
+of deduction is, which proceeds by an artificial separation
+of facts, in themselves inseparable. So little, however,
+is the philosophy of the method understood, that
+when, late in the eighteenth century, political economy
+assumed a scientific form, many persons, who were
+otherwise well instructed, reproached its cultivators
+with their hard-heartedness; such objectors being unable
+to see, that the science could not be constructed if<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[308]</a></span>
+it were necessary to take in the whole range of generous
+and benevolent affections. The political economist aims
+at discovering the laws of wealth, which are far too
+complicated to be studied under every aspect. He,
+therefore, selects one of those aspects, and generalizes
+the laws as they are exhibited in the selfish parts of
+human nature. And he is right in doing so, simply
+because men, in the pursuit of wealth, consider their
+own gratification oftener than the gratification of others.
+Hence, he, like the geometrician, blots out one part of
+his premisses, in order that he may manipulate the
+remaining part with greater ease. But we must always
+remember, that political economy, though a profound
+and beautiful science, is only a science of one department
+of life, and is founded upon a suppression of some
+of the facts in which all large societies abound. It
+suppresses, or, what comes to the same thing, it ignores,
+many high and magnanimous feelings which we could
+ill afford to lose. We are not, therefore, to allow its
+conclusions to override all other conclusions. We may
+accept them in science, and yet reject them in practice.
+Thus, the political economist, when confining himself to
+his own department, says, with good reason, that it is
+both absurd and mischievous for government to undertake
+to supply the working-classes with employment.
+This assertion, he, as a political economist, can prove;
+and yet, notwithstanding its scientific truth, it may
+be practically right for a government to do the exact
+opposite. It may be right for a government to supply
+the employment, when the people are so ignorant as to
+demand it, and when, at the same time, they are so
+powerful as to plunge the country into anarchy if the
+demand is refused. Here, the view of the politician
+takes in all the premisses of which the political economist
+had only taken in a portion. In the same way, as
+a matter of economic science, it is wrong for any one to
+relieve the poor; since nothing is better established,
+than that to relieve poverty increases it, by encouraging
+improvidence. But, in spite of this, the antagonistic
+principle of sympathy will come into play, and will, in
+some minds, operate with such force, as to make it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[309]</a></span>
+advisable, that he who feels it should give alms, because,
+if he abstains from giving them, the violence which he
+does to his own nature may inflict more mischief on
+himself, than his bestowal of charity would inflict on
+the general interests of society.</p>
+
+<p>It will not, I hope, be considered that, in these remarks,
+I have digressed from the main argument of the
+present chapter, since, although, in making them, I have
+aimed at clearing up a general question respecting the
+nature of scientific proof, I have only done so with the
+more particular object of illustrating the philosophy of
+Adam Smith, and of explaining the method which that
+most profound and original thinker pursued. We shall
+now be able to see how entirely his plan was deductive,
+and what a peculiar form of deduction it was. In his
+two great works, he first lays down certain ideas, and
+from them he marches on to the facts of the external
+world. And, in each work, he reasons from only
+part of his premisses; supplying the other part in the
+other work. None of us are exclusively selfish, and
+none of us are exclusively sympathetic. But Adam
+Smith separates in speculation qualities which are inseparable
+in reality. In his <i>Moral Sentiments</i>, he ascribes
+our actions to sympathy; in his <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, he
+ascribes them to selfishness. A short view of these two
+works will prove the existence of this fundamental difference,
+and will enable us to perceive that each is supplementary
+to the other; so that, in order to understand
+either, it is necessary to study both.</p>
+
+<p>In the <i>Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, Adam Smith lays
+down one great principle from which he reasons, and
+to which all the others are subordinate. This principle
+is, that the rules which we prescribe to ourselves, and
+which govern our conduct, are solely arrived at by
+observing the conduct of others.<a name="FNanchor_649_649" id="FNanchor_649_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_649_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a> We judge ourselves,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[310]</a></span>
+because we had previously judged them. Our notions
+are obtained from without, and not from within. If,
+therefore, we lived entirely alone, we could have no idea
+of merit or demerit, and it would be impossible for us
+to form an opinion as to whether our sentiments were
+right or wrong.<a name="FNanchor_650_650" id="FNanchor_650_650"></a><a href="#Footnote_650_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a> To acquire this knowledge, we must
+look abroad. Inasmuch, however, as we have no direct
+experience of what other persons actually feel, we can
+only gain the information by conceiving what we should
+feel if we were in their place.<a name="FNanchor_651_651" id="FNanchor_651_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_651_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a> Hence, all men are,
+in imagination, constantly changing situations with
+others; and though the change is ideal, and lasts but
+for a moment, it is the foundation of that great and
+universal impulse which is called Sympathy.<a name="FNanchor_652_652" id="FNanchor_652_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_652_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a></p>
+
+<p>By proceeding from these premisses, a vast number
+of social phenomena may be explained. We naturally
+sympathize with joy more than with sorrow.<a name="FNanchor_653_653" id="FNanchor_653_653"></a><a href="#Footnote_653_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a> Hence,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[311]</a></span>
+that admiration for prosperous and successful persons,
+which is quite independent of any benefit we expect
+from them; and hence, too, the existence of different
+ranks and of social distinctions, all of which emanate
+from the same source.<a name="FNanchor_654_654" id="FNanchor_654_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_654_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a> Hence, also, the feeling of
+loyalty, which is a product, not of reason, nor of fear,
+nor of a sense of public convenience, but rather of sympathy
+with those above us, begetting an extraordinary
+compassion for even their ordinary sufferings.<a name="FNanchor_655_655" id="FNanchor_655_655"></a><a href="#Footnote_655_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a> Custom
+and fashion play a great part in the world, but they
+owe their origin entirely to sympathy;<a name="FNanchor_656_656" id="FNanchor_656_656"></a><a href="#Footnote_656_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a> and so do the
+various systems of philosophy which have flourished at
+different times, the disagreement between which depends
+on the fact, that each philosopher has sympathized with
+different ideas, some sympathizing with the notion of
+fitness or congruity, some with that of prudence, some
+with that of benevolence, and every one developing the
+conception paramount in his own mind.<a name="FNanchor_657_657" id="FNanchor_657_657"></a><a href="#Footnote_657_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a> To sympathy,
+again, we must ascribe the establishment of
+rewards and punishments, and the whole of our criminal
+laws, none of which would have existed but for our disposition
+to sympathize with those who either do good
+or suffer harm; for the circumstance of society being
+protected by penal laws, is a subsequent and subordinate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[312]</a></span>
+discovery, which confirms our sense of their propriety,
+but did not suggest it.<a name="FNanchor_658_658" id="FNanchor_658_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_658_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a> The same principle causes
+the difference of character exhibited by different classes,
+such as the irritability of poets, compared with the
+coolness of mathematicians;<a name="FNanchor_659_659" id="FNanchor_659_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_659_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a> it likewise causes that
+social difference between the sexes, which makes men
+more remarkable for generosity, and women for humanity.<a name="FNanchor_660_660" id="FNanchor_660_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_660_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a>
+All these results illustrate the workings of
+sympathy, and are the remote, but still the direct,
+operations of that principle. Indeed, we can trace to it
+some of the minutest divisions of character; pride and
+vanity, for instance, being dependent on it, although
+those two passions are often confused together, and are
+sometimes strangely blended in the same mind.<a name="FNanchor_661_661" id="FNanchor_661_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_661_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a></p>
+
+<p>Sympathy, then, is the main-spring of human conduct.
+It arises, not so much from witnessing the passions
+of other persons, as from witnessing the situation
+which excites those passions.<a name="FNanchor_662_662" id="FNanchor_662_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_662_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a> To this single process
+we are indebted, not only for the highest principles, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[313]</a></span>
+also for the deepest emotions. For, the greatest affection
+of which we are capable, is merely sympathy fixed
+into habit; and the love which exists between the nearest
+relations, is not inherent, but is derived from this
+mighty and controlling principle, which governs the
+whole course of affairs.<a name="FNanchor_663_663" id="FNanchor_663_663"></a><a href="#Footnote_663_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a></p>
+
+<p>By this bold hypothesis, Adam Smith, at one stroke,
+so narrowed the field of inquiry, as to exclude from it
+all considerations of selfishness as a primary principle,
+and only to admit its great antagonist, sympathy. The
+existence of the antagonism, he distinctly recognizes.
+For, he will not allow that sympathy is in any way to
+be deemed a selfish principle.<a name="FNanchor_664_664" id="FNanchor_664_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_664_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a> Although he knew that
+it is pleasurable, and that all pleasure contains an element
+of selfishness, it did not suit the method of his
+philosophy to subject the principle of sympathy to such
+an inductive analysis as would reveal its elements. His
+business was, to reason from it, and not to it. Concentrating
+his energy upon the deductive process, and
+displaying that dialectic skill which is natural to his
+countrymen, and of which he himself was one of the
+most consummate masters the world has ever seen, he
+constructed a system of philosophy, imperfect indeed,
+because the premisses were imperfect, but approaching
+truth as closely as it was possible for any one to do who
+abstained from giving due consideration to the selfish
+part of human nature. Into the workings of its sympathetic
+part, he looked with a minuteness, and he
+reasoned from it with a subtlety, which make his work
+the most important that has ever been written on this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[314]</a></span>
+interesting subject. But, inasmuch as his plan involved
+a deliberate suppression of preliminary and essential
+facts, the results which he obtained do not strictly correspond
+to those which are actually observed in the
+world.<a name="FNanchor_665_665" id="FNanchor_665_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_665_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a> This, however, as I have shown, is not a valid
+objection; since such discrepancy between the ideal and
+the actual, or between the abstract and the concrete, is
+the necessary consequence of that still early condition
+of our knowledge, which forces us to study complicated
+questions piecemeal, and to raise them to sciences by
+separate and fragmentary investigations.</p>
+
+<p>That Adam Smith saw this necessity, and that his
+seeing it was the cause of the method he pursued, is
+evident from the fact, that in his next great work he
+followed the same plan, and, though he argued from
+new premisses, he carefully avoided arguing from any
+of the old ones. Convinced that, in his theory of morals,
+he had reasoned as accurately as possible from the
+principles supplied by sympathy, his capacious and
+insatiable mind, deeming that nothing had been done
+while aught remained to do, urged him to pass on to
+the opposite passion of selfishness, and treat it in the
+same manner, so that the whole domain of thought
+might be covered. This he did in his <i>Wealth of Nations</i>,
+which, though even a greater work than his <i>Moral
+Sentiments</i>, is equally one-sided, in reference to the
+principles which it assumes. It assumes that selfishness
+is the main regulator of human affairs, just as his previous
+work had assumed sympathy to be so. Between
+the two works there elapsed an interval of seventeen
+years; the <i>Wealth of Nations</i> not being published till
+1776. But what shows that to their author both were
+part of a single scheme, is the notable circumstance,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[315]</a></span>
+that, so early as 1753, he had laid down the principles
+which his later work contains.<a name="FNanchor_666_666" id="FNanchor_666_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_666_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a> This was while his
+former work was still in meditation, and before it had
+seen the light. It is, therefore, clear, that the study
+which he made, first of one passion, and then of its opposite,
+was not a capricious or accidental arrangement,
+but was the consequence of that vast idea which presided
+over all his labours, and which, when they are rightly
+understood, gives to them a magnificent unity. And a
+glorious object of ambition it was. His aspiring and
+comprehensive genius, sweeping the distant horizon, and
+taking in the intermediate space at a glance, sought to
+traverse the whole ground in two separate and independent
+directions, indulging the hope, that, by supplying
+in one line of argument the premisses which were
+wanting in the other, their opposite conclusions would
+be compensatory rather than hostile, and would serve
+as a broad and permanent basis on which one great
+science of human nature might be safely built.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Wealth of Nations</i> is, as I have elsewhere observed,<a name="FNanchor_667_667" id="FNanchor_667_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_667_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a>
+probably the most important book which has
+ever been written, whether we consider the amount of
+original thought which it contains, or its practical influence.
+Its practical recommendations were extremely
+favourable to those doctrines of freedom which the
+eighteenth century ushered in; and this secured to
+them an attention which otherwise they would not have
+received. While, therefore, the <i>Wealth of Nations</i> was
+the proximate cause of a great change in legislation,<a name="FNanchor_668_668" id="FNanchor_668_668"></a><a href="#Footnote_668_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a>
+a deeper analysis will show, that the success of the book,
+and, consequently, the alteration of the laws, depended<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[316]</a></span>
+upon the operation of more remote and general causes.
+It must also be confessed, that those same causes predisposed
+the mind of Adam Smith to the doctrines of
+liberty, and gave him a sort of prejudice in favour of
+conclusions which limited the interference of the legislator.
+Thus much he borrowed from his age; but one
+thing he did not borrow. His wide and organizing
+mind was all his own. This would have made him great
+under any circumstances; to make him powerful, required
+a peculiar conjunction of events. That conjunction
+he enjoyed, and he turned it to good account. The
+influence of his contemporaries was enough to make
+him liberal; his own capacity was enough to make him
+comprehensive. He had, in a most remarkable degree,
+that exuberance of thought, which is one of the highest
+forms of genius, but which leads those who possess it
+into distant excursions, which, though they have one
+common aim, are often stigmatized as digressions, simply
+because they who criticize are unable to discern the
+great principle which pervades the whole, and unites
+the various parts into a single scheme. This has been
+especially the case with Adam Smith, whose immortal
+work has often been exposed to such shallow objections.
+And certainly, the <i>Wealth of Nations</i> displays a breadth
+of treatment which those who cannot sympathize with,
+are very likely to ridicule. The phenomena, not only
+of wealth, but also of society in general, classified and
+arranged under their various forms; the origin of the
+division of labour, and the consequences which that
+division has produced; the circumstances which gave
+rise to the invention of money, and to the subsequent
+changes in its value; the history of those changes traced
+in different ages, and the history of the relations which
+the precious metals bear to each other; an examination
+of the connection between wages and profits, and of the
+laws which govern the rise and fall of both; another
+examination of the way in which these are concerned,
+on the one hand, with the rent of land, and, on the
+other hand, with the price of commodities; an inquiry
+into the reason why profits vary in different trades, and
+at different times; a succinct, but comprehensive, view<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[317]</a></span>
+of the progress of towns in Europe since the fall of the
+Roman Empire; the fluctuations, during several centuries,
+in the prices of the food of the people, and a
+statement of how it is, that, in different stages of society,
+the relative cost of land and of meat varies; the history
+of corporation laws and of municipal enactments, and
+their bearing on the four great classes of apprentices,
+manufacturers, merchants, and landlords; an account
+of the immense power and riches formerly enjoyed by
+the clergy, and of the manner in which, as society advances,
+they gradually lose their exclusive privileges;
+the nature of religious dissent, and the reason why the
+clergy of the established Church can never contend
+with it on terms of equality, and, therefore, call on the
+State to help them, and wish to persecute when they
+cannot persuade; why some sects profess more ascetic
+principles, and others more luxurious ones; how it was,
+that, during the feudal times, the nobles acquired their
+power, and how that power has, ever since, been gradually
+diminishing; how the rights of territorial jurisdiction
+originated, and how they died away; how the
+sovereigns of Europe obtained their revenue, what the
+sources of it are, and what classes are most heavily taxed
+in order to supply it; the cause of certain virtues, such
+as hospitality, flourishing in barbarous ages, and decaying
+in civilized ones; the influence of inventions and
+discoveries in altering the distribution of power among
+the various classes of society; a bold and masterly sketch
+of the peculiar sort of advantages which Europe derived
+from the discovery of America and of the passage round
+the Cape; the origin of universities, their degeneracy
+from their original plan, the corruption which has gradually
+crept over them, and the reason why they are so
+unwilling to adopt improvements, and to keep pace with
+the wants of the age; a comparison between public and
+private education, and an estimate of their relative advantages;&mdash;these,
+and a vast number of other subjects,
+respecting the structure and development of society,
+such as the feudal system, slavery, emancipation of serfs,
+origin of standing armies, and of mercenary troops, effects
+produced by tithes, laws of primogeniture, sumptuary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[318]</a></span>
+laws, international treaties concerning trade, rise of
+European banks, national debts, influence of dramatic
+representations over opinions, influence of foreign travels
+over opinions, colonies, poor-laws,&mdash;all topics of a miscellaneous
+character, and many of them diverging from
+each other,&mdash;all are fused into one great system, and
+irradiated by the splendour of one great genius. Into
+that dense and disorderly mass, did Adam Smith introduce
+symmetry, method, and law. At his touch, anarchy
+disappeared, and darkness was succeeded by light.
+Much, of course, he took from his predecessors, though
+nothing like so much as is commonly supposed. On
+this sort of borrowing, the best and strongest of us are
+dependent. But, after making every possible allowance
+for what he gathered from others, we must honestly say,
+that no single man ever took so great a step upon so
+important a subject, and that no single work which is
+now preserved, contains so many views, which were
+novel at the time, but which subsequent experience has
+ratified. What, however, for our present purpose, is
+most important to observe, is, that he obtained these
+results by arguing from principles which the selfish part
+of human nature exclusively supplied, and that he
+omitted those sympathetic feelings of which every human
+being possesses at least some share, but which he could
+not take into consideration, without producing a problem,
+the number of whose complications it would have
+been hopeless to unravel.</p>
+
+<p>To avoid, therefore, being baffled, he simplified the
+problem, by erasing from his view of human nature those
+premisses which he had already handled in his <i>Theory
+of Moral Sentiments</i>. At the beginning of the <i>Wealth of
+Nations</i>, he lays down two propositions: 1st, that all
+wealth is derived, not from land, but from labour; and
+2d, that the amount of the wealth depends, partly on the
+skill with which the labour is conducted, and partly on
+the proportion between the number of those who labour
+and the number of those who do not labour. The rest
+of the work, is an application of these principles, to explain
+the growth and mechanism of society. In applying
+them, he everywhere assumes, that the great moving<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[319]</a></span>
+power of all men, all interests, and all classes, in all
+ages, and in all countries, is selfishness. The opposite
+power of sympathy he entirely shuts out; and I hardly
+remember an instance in which even the word occurs
+in the whole course of his work. Its fundamental assumption
+is, that each man exclusively follows his own
+interest, or what he deems to be his own interest. And
+one of the peculiar features of his book is, to show that,
+considering society as a whole, it nearly always happens
+that men, in promoting their own interest, will unintentionally
+promote the interest of others. Hence, the
+great practical lesson is, not to restrain selfishness, but
+to enlighten it; because there is a provision in the
+nature of things, by which the selfishness of the individual
+accelerates the progress of the community. According
+to this view, the prosperity of a country depends
+on the amount of its capital; the amount of its capital
+depends on the habit of saving, that is, on parsimony,
+as opposed to generosity; while the habit of saving is,
+in its turn, governed by the desire we all feel of bettering
+our condition,&mdash;a desire so inherent in our nature,
+that it comes with us from the womb, and only leaves
+us in the grave.<a name="FNanchor_669_669" id="FNanchor_669_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_669_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a></p>
+
+<p>This constant effort of every man, to better his own
+condition, is so salutary, as well as so powerful, that it
+is often capable of securing the progress of society, in
+spite of the folly and extravagance of the rulers of mankind.<a name="FNanchor_670_670" id="FNanchor_670_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_670_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a>
+If it were not for this propensity, improvement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[320]</a></span>
+would be impossible. For human institutions are constantly
+stopping our advance, by thwarting our natural
+inclinations.<a name="FNanchor_671_671" id="FNanchor_671_671"></a><a href="#Footnote_671_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a> And no wonder that this should be the
+case, seeing that the men who are at the head of affairs,
+and by whom the institutions are contrived, have, perhaps,
+a certain rough and practical sagacity; but being,
+from the narrowness of their understandings, incapable
+of large views, their councils are determined by those
+mere casual fluctuations which alone they are able to
+perceive.<a name="FNanchor_672_672" id="FNanchor_672_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_672_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a> They do not see that we have prospered,
+not on account of their enactments, but in the teeth of
+them; and that the real cause of our prosperity is the
+fact that we enjoy undisturbed the fruit of our own
+labour.<a name="FNanchor_673_673" id="FNanchor_673_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_673_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a> Whenever this right is tolerably secure, every
+man will be bent on procuring for himself either present
+enjoyment or future profit; and if he does not aim at
+one of these objects, he is void of common understanding.<a name="FNanchor_674_674" id="FNanchor_674_674"></a><a href="#Footnote_674_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a>
+If he possess capital, he will probably aim at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[321]</a></span>
+both, but, in doing so, he will never consider the interest
+of others; his sole motive will be his own private
+profit.<a name="FNanchor_675_675" id="FNanchor_675_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_675_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a> And it is well that such should be the case.
+For, by thus pursuing his personal interest, he aids
+society more than if his views were generous and
+exalted. Some people affect to carry on trade for the
+good of others; but this is mere affectation, though, to
+say the truth, it is an affectation not very common
+among merchants, and many words are not needed to
+dissuade them from so foolish a practice.<a name="FNanchor_676_676" id="FNanchor_676_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_676_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a></p>
+
+<p>In this way, Adam Smith completely changes the
+premisses which he had assumed in his earlier work.
+Here, he makes men naturally selfish; formerly, he had
+made them naturally sympathetic.<a name="FNanchor_677_677" id="FNanchor_677_677"></a><a href="#Footnote_677_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a> Here, he represents
+them as pursuing wealth for sordid objects, and
+for the narrowest personal pleasures; formerly he represented
+them as pursuing it out of regard to the
+sentiments of others, and for the sake of obtaining their
+sympathy.<a name="FNanchor_678_678" id="FNanchor_678_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_678_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a> In the <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, we hear no
+more of this conciliatory and sympathetic spirit; such
+amiable maxims are altogether forgotten, and the affairs
+of the world are regulated by different principles. It
+now appears that benevolence and affection have no influence
+over our actions. Indeed, Adam Smith will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[322]</a></span>
+hardly admit common humanity into his theory of
+motives. If a people emancipate their slaves, it is a
+proof, not that the people are acted on by high moral
+considerations, nor that their sympathy is excited by
+the cruelty inflicted on these unhappy creatures.
+Nothing of the sort. Such inducements to conduct are
+imaginary, and exercise no real sway. All that the
+emancipation proves, is, that the slaves were few in
+number, and, therefore, small in value. Otherwise, they
+would not have been emancipated.<a name="FNanchor_679_679" id="FNanchor_679_679"></a><a href="#Footnote_679_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a></p>
+
+<p>So, too, while in his former work, he had ascribed
+the different systems of morals to the power of sympathy,
+he, in this work, ascribes them entirely to the
+power of selfishness. He observes, that, among the
+lower ranks of society, dissipation is more fatal to individuals,
+than it is among the higher ranks. The extravagance
+which dissipation produces, may injure the
+fortune of a wealthy man, but the injury is usually
+capable of being repaired, or, at all events, he can indulge
+his vices for years without completely destroying
+his fortune, and without bringing himself to utter ruin.
+To the labourer, a similar indulgence would be fatal in
+a single week; it would not merely reduce him to beggary,
+and perhaps send him to jail, but it would destroy
+his future prospects, by taking away that character for
+sobriety and regularity on which his employment depends.
+Hence, the better class of common people,
+guided by their interest, look with aversion on excesses
+which they know to be fatal; while the upper ranks
+finding that a moderate amount of vice hurts neither
+their purse nor their reputation consider such license to
+be one of the advantages which their fortune confers,
+and they value, as one of the privileges belonging to
+their station, the liberty of indulging themselves without
+being censured. Therefore it is, that they who
+dissent from the established Church have a purer<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[323]</a></span>
+system of morals, or, at all events, an austerer one, than
+they who agree with it. For, new religious sects usually
+begin among the common people, the thinking part of
+whom are, by their interest, driven to strict views of
+the duties of life. Consequently, the advocates of the
+new opinion profess a similar strictness, seeing that it
+is the surest means of increasing their proselytes. Thus
+it is that sectaries and heretics, governed by interest
+rather than by principle, adopt a code of morals which
+is suited to their own purpose, and the rigidity of which
+is strongly contrasted with the laxer code of more orthodox
+believers.<a name="FNanchor_680_680" id="FNanchor_680_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_680_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a> Owing to the operation of the same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[324]</a></span>
+principle, we also find, that, among the orthodox themselves,
+the clergy embrace a stricter system of morals in
+countries where church benefices are nearly equal than
+they do in countries where the benefices are very
+unequal. This is because, when all the benefices are
+nearly equal, none can be very rich, and, consequently,
+even the most conspicuous among the clergy will have
+but small incomes. But a man who has little to spend
+can have no influence, unless his morals are exemplary.
+Having no wealth to give him weight the vices of levity
+would make him ridiculous. To avoid contempt, and
+also to avoid the expense which a looseness of conduct
+occasions, and which his narrow circumstances cannot
+afford, he has but one remedy, and that remedy he
+adopts. He retains his influence, and saves his pocket,
+by protesting against pleasures which he cannot conveniently
+enjoy; in this, as in all other cases, pursuing
+that plan of life which his own interest urges him to
+follow.<a name="FNanchor_681_681" id="FNanchor_681_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_681_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[325]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In these striking generalizations, which, though they
+contain a large amount of truth, are far from containing
+the whole truth, no room is left for the magnanimous
+parts of our nature to act; but the system of morals,
+prevailing at any one time or in any one class, is solely
+ascribed to the dictates of unalloyed selfishness. Adam
+Smith, by reasoning from this principle, with that exquisite
+subtlety which characterized his mind, explains
+many other circumstances which society presents, and
+which at first sight appear incongruous. According to
+the old notions, which, indeed, are not yet quite extinct,
+those who received wages were under a personal obligation
+to those who paid them; that is to say, they were
+under a moral obligation, over and above the obligation
+of performing certain services. It was believed that a
+master could not only select what servants he chose, but
+could pay them what he chose; or, at all events, that
+it was the will of the masters, considered as a body,
+which fixed the usual and average rate of wages.<a name="FNanchor_682_682" id="FNanchor_682_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_682_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a> The
+lower classes were, therefore, much indebted to the
+higher ones for giving them so much as they did; and
+it was incumbent upon all persons, who received wages,
+to take them with humble thankfulness, and with a
+feeling of gratitude, on account of the favour bestowed
+upon them by the generosity of their superiors.</p>
+
+<p>This doctrine, so convenient to the upper classes of
+society, and so natural to the universal ignorance which
+formerly prevailed on these matters, began to be shaken
+by the speculative thinkers of the seventeenth century;
+but it was reserved for the eighteenth century to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[326]</a></span>
+overthrow it, by letting in the great idea of necessity,
+and proving, that the rate of wages established in a country,
+was the inevitable consequence of the circumstances
+in which that country was placed, and had no connexion
+with the wishes of any individual, or, indeed, with the
+wishes of any class. To all instructed persons, this is
+now a familiar truth. Its discovery has excluded the
+notion of gratitude from the pecuniary relation between
+employers and employed, and has made known that
+servants or workmen who receive wages, have no more
+reason to be grateful than those who pay them. For,
+no choice having been exercised in fixing the wages, no
+favour can be conferred in their payment. The whole
+process is compulsory, and is the result of what had
+previously happened. Scarcely had the eighteenth
+century passed away, when this most important discovery
+was completed. It was decisively proved, that
+the reward of labour depends solely on two things;
+namely, the magnitude of that national fund out of
+which all labour is paid, and the number of the
+labourers among whom the fund is to be divided.</p>
+
+<p>This vast step in our knowledge is due, mainly, though
+not entirely, to Malthus, whose work on Population,
+besides marking an epoch in the history of speculative
+thought, has already produced considerable practical
+results, and will probably give rise to others more considerable
+still. It was published in 1798; so that Adam
+Smith, who died in 1790, missed what to him would
+have been the intense pleasure of seeing how, in it, his
+own views were expanded rather than corrected. Indeed,
+it is certain, that without Smith there would have
+been no Malthus; that is, unless Smith had laid the
+foundation, Malthus could not have raised the superstructure.
+It was Adam Smith, who, far more than any
+other man, introduced the conception of uniform and
+necessary sequence into the apparently capricious phenomena
+of wealth, and who studied those phenomena
+by the aid of principles, of which selfishness alone supplied
+the data. According to his view, the employers
+of labour have, as employers, no benevolence, no sympathy,
+no virtue of any kind. Their sole aim is, their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[327]</a></span>
+own selfish interest. They are constantly engaged in a
+tacit, if not in an open, combination, to prevent the
+lower ranks from being benefited by a rise of wages;
+and they sometimes combine for the purpose even of
+depressing those wages below their actual rate.<a name="FNanchor_683_683" id="FNanchor_683_683"></a><a href="#Footnote_683_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a>
+Having no bowels, they think only of themselves. The
+idea of their wishing to mitigate the inequalities of
+fortune, is to be exploded as one of the chimeras of that
+protective spirit, which imagined that society could
+not go on, unless the richer classes relieved the poorer
+ones, and sympathized with their troubles. This antiquated
+notion is further rebutted by the fact, that wages
+are always higher in summer than in winter, although
+the expenses which a labourer incurs in winter, being
+heavier than in summer, he ought, on principles of
+common humanity, to receive more money during the
+more expensive season.<a name="FNanchor_684_684" id="FNanchor_684_684"></a><a href="#Footnote_684_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a> In the same way, in years of
+scarcity, the dearness of food causes many persons to
+go to service, in order to support their families. The
+masters, instead of charitably paying such servants
+more on account of the unfortunate position in which
+they are placed, avail themselves of that position to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[328]</a></span>
+pay them less. They make better terms for themselves;
+they lower wages just at the moment when sympathy
+for misfortune would have raised them; and, as they
+find that their servants, besides being worse remunerated,
+are, by poverty, made more submissive, they consider
+that scarcity is a blessing, and that dear years
+are to be commended as more favourable to industry
+than cheap ones.<a name="FNanchor_685_685" id="FNanchor_685_685"></a><a href="#Footnote_685_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a></p>
+
+<p>Adam Smith, therefore, though he failed in grasping
+the remote cause of the rate of wages, clearly saw that
+the approximate cause was, not the generosity of human
+nature, but its selfishness, and that the question was
+one of supply and demand; each side striving to extract
+as much as possible from the other.<a name="FNanchor_686_686" id="FNanchor_686_686"></a><a href="#Footnote_686_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a> By the aid of
+the same principle, he explained another curious fact,
+namely, the extravagant rewards bestowed on some of
+the most despicable classes of society, such, for instance,
+as opera-dancers, who always receive enormous pay for
+insignificant services. He observes, that one of the
+reasons why we pay them so highly, is, because we
+despise them. If to be a public dancer were a creditable
+occupation, more persons would be brought up to
+it, and the supply of public dancers becoming greater,
+competition would lower their wages. As it is, we
+look on them disdainfully. By way of compensating
+the disdain, we have to bribe them largely to induce
+them to follow their pursuit.<a name="FNanchor_687_687" id="FNanchor_687_687"></a><a href="#Footnote_687_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a> Here we see, that the
+reward which one class bestows on another, instead of
+being increased by sympathy, is increased by scorn; so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[329]</a></span>
+that the more we contemn the tastes and the way of
+life of our fellow-creatures, the more liberal we are in
+recompensing them.</p>
+
+<p>Passing to another, and somewhat different, class,
+Adam Smith threw new light on the cause of that hospitality
+for which the clergy were famous during the
+Middle Ages, and for the magnificence of which they
+have received great praise. He shows that, although
+they undoubtedly relieved a large amount of distress,
+this is not to be ascribed to them as a merit, since it
+resulted from the peculiarity of their position, and since,
+moreover, they did it for their own advantage. In the
+Middle Ages, the clergy possessed enormous wealth,
+and their revenues were mostly paid, not in money, but
+in kind, such as corn, wine, and cattle. Trade and
+manufactures being hardly known, the clergy could
+find no use for these commodities except to feed other
+people. By employing them in that way, they benefited
+themselves in the most effectual manner. They
+gained a reputation for extensive charity; they increased
+their influence; they multiplied the number of their
+adherents; and they not only advanced themselves to
+temporal power, but they secured to their spiritual
+threats a respect, which, without this contrivance, it
+would have been impossible for them to obtain.<a name="FNanchor_688_688" id="FNanchor_688_688"></a><a href="#Footnote_688_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a></p>
+
+<p>The reader will now be able to understand the nature<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[330]</a></span>
+of that method of investigation which is adopted in the
+<i>Wealth of Nations</i>, and of which I have given more
+instances than I should otherwise have done, partly
+because the question of philosophic method lies at the
+very root of our knowledge, and partly because no
+attempt has hitherto been made to analyze the intellect
+of Adam Smith, by considering his two great works as
+the opposite, but yet the compensatory, parts of a single
+scheme. And, as he is by far the greatest thinker
+Scotland has produced, I need hardly apologize, in a
+history of the Scotch mind, for devoting so much
+attention to his system, and endeavouring to examine
+it at its base. But, having done so, it would be a
+needless prolixity to treat with equal fulness the productions
+of those other eminent Scotchmen who lived
+at the same time, and nearly all of whom pursued a
+method essentially, though not entirely, the same; that
+is to say, they preferred the deductive process of
+reasoning from principles, to the inductive process of
+reasoning to them. In that peculiar form of deduction
+which consists in a deliberate suppression of part of
+the principles, Adam Smith stands alone. For, though
+others attempted to follow that plan, they did so
+irregularly, and at intervals, and did not, like him, see
+the importance of keeping close to their method, and
+of invariably abstaining from letting into the premisses
+of their arguments, considerations which would complicate
+the problem that they wished to solve.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[331]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Among the contemporaries of Adam Smith, one of
+the first, in eminence, as well as in reputation, is David
+Hume. His views respecting political economy were
+published in 1752,<a name="FNanchor_689_689" id="FNanchor_689_689"></a><a href="#Footnote_689_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a> that is, the very year in which
+Adam Smith taught the principles subsequently unfolded
+in the <i>Wealth of Nations</i>. But Hume, though a
+most accomplished reasoner, as well as a profound and
+fearless thinker, had not the comprehensiveness of
+Adam Smith, nor had he that invaluable quality of
+imagination without which no one can so transport
+himself into past ages as to realize the long and progressive
+movements of society, always fluctuating, yet,
+on the whole, steadily advancing. How unimaginative
+he was, appears, not only from the sentiments he expressed,
+but likewise from many traits in his private
+life.<a name="FNanchor_690_690" id="FNanchor_690_690"></a><a href="#Footnote_690_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a> It appears, also, in the very colour and mechanism
+of his language; that beautiful and chiselled
+style in which he habitually wrote, polished as marble,
+but cold as marble too, and wanting that fiery enthusiasm
+and those bursts of tempestuous eloquence,
+which, ever and anon, great objects naturally inspire,
+and which rouse men to their inmost depths. This it
+was, which, in his <i>History of England</i>,&mdash;that exquisite
+production of art, which, in spite of its errors, will be
+admired as long as taste remains among us,&mdash;prevented
+him from sympathizing with those bold and generous
+natures, who, in the seventeenth century, risked their
+all to preserve the liberty of their country. His imagination
+was not strong enough to picture the whole of
+that great century, with its vast discoveries, its longings
+after the unknown, its splendid literature, and what
+was better than all these, its stern determination to
+vindicate freedom, and to put down tyranny. His clear
+and powerful understanding saw these things separately,
+and in their various parts, but could not fuse
+them into a single form, because he lacked that peculiar
+faculty which assimilates the past to the present, and
+enables the mind to discern both with almost equal ease.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[332]</a></span>
+That Great Rebellion, which he ascribed to the spirit of
+faction, and the leaders of which he turned into ridicule,
+was but the continuation of a movement which can be
+clearly traced to the twelfth century, and of which such
+events as the invention of printing, and the establishment
+of the Reformation, were merely successive symptoms.
+For all this, Hume cared nothing. In regard
+to philosophy, and in regard to the purely speculative
+parts of religious doctrines, his penetrating genius
+enabled him to perceive that nothing could be done,
+except by a spirit of fearless and unrestrained liberty.
+But this was the liberty of his own class; the liberty
+of thinkers, and not of actors. His absence of imagination
+prevented him from extending the range of his
+sympathy beyond the intellectual classes, that is, beyond
+the classes of whose feelings he was directly
+cognizant. It would, therefore, appear, that his political
+errors were due, not, as is commonly said, to his
+want of research, but rather to the coldness of his
+temperament.<a name="FNanchor_691_691" id="FNanchor_691_691"></a><a href="#Footnote_691_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a> It was this which made him stop
+where he did, and which gave to his works the singular
+appearance of a profound and original thinker, in the
+middle of the eighteenth century, advocating practical
+doctrines, so illiberal, that, if enforced, they would lead to
+despotism, and yet, at the same time, advocating speculative<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[333]</a></span>
+doctrines, so fearless and enlightened, that they
+were not only far in advance of his own age, but have, in
+some degree, outstripped even the age in which we live.</p>
+
+<p>Among his speculative views, the most important are
+his theory of causation as discarding the idea of power,
+and his theory of the laws of association. Neither of
+these theories are, in their primary conception, quite
+original, but his treatment made them as valuable as if
+they had been entirely his own. His theory of miracles,
+in connexion, on the one hand, with the principles of
+evidence, and, on the other hand, with the laws of causation,
+is worked out with consummate skill, and, after
+having received the modifications subsequently imposed
+by Brown, has now become the foundation on which
+the best inquirers into these matters take their stand.<a name="FNanchor_692_692" id="FNanchor_692_692"></a><a href="#Footnote_692_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a>
+His work on the principles of morals, by generalizing
+the laws of expediency, prepared the way for Bentham,
+who afterwards incorporated with them an estimate of
+the more remote consequences of human actions; Hume,
+having chiefly confined himself to their more immediate
+consequences. The doctrine of utility was common to
+each; but while Hume applied it mainly to the individual,
+Bentham applied it to the surrounding society.
+Though Bentham was more comprehensive, yet Hume,
+having come first, was more original. The praise of
+originality must also be accorded to his economical
+theories, in which he advocated those principles of free
+trade, which politicians began to adopt many years
+after his death.<a name="FNanchor_693_693" id="FNanchor_693_693"></a><a href="#Footnote_693_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a> In opposition to the notions then<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[334]</a></span>
+prevailing, he distinctly asserted, that all commodities,
+though apparently bought by money, are in reality
+bought by labour.<a name="FNanchor_694_694" id="FNanchor_694_694"></a><a href="#Footnote_694_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a> Money, therefore, is not the subject
+of commerce, and is of no use except to facilitate
+it.<a name="FNanchor_695_695" id="FNanchor_695_695"></a><a href="#Footnote_695_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a> Hence, it is absurd for a nation to trouble itself<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[335]</a></span>
+about the balance of trade, or to make regulations to
+discourage the exportation of the precious metals.<a name="FNanchor_696_696" id="FNanchor_696_696"></a><a href="#Footnote_696_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a>
+Neither does the average rate of interest depend on
+their scarcity or abundance, but upon the operation of
+more general causes.<a name="FNanchor_697_697" id="FNanchor_697_697"></a><a href="#Footnote_697_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a> As a necessary consequence of
+these positions, Hume inferred that the established
+policy was wrong, which made trading states look upon
+each other as rivals, while, in point of fact, the question,
+if considered from a certain height, was one, not of
+rivalry, but of coöperation; every country being benefited
+by the increasing wealth of its neighbours.<a name="FNanchor_698_698" id="FNanchor_698_698"></a><a href="#Footnote_698_698" class="fnanchor">[698]</a> Those
+who know the character of commercial legislation, and
+the opinions of even the most enlightened statesmen a
+century ago, will consider these views as extremely
+remarkable to have been propounded in the year 1752.
+But what is more remarkable still, is, that their author<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[336]</a></span>
+subsequently detected the fundamental error which
+Adam Smith committed, and which vitiates many of his
+conclusions. The error consists in his having resolved
+price into three components, namely, wages, profit, and
+rent; whereas it is now known that price is a compound
+of wages and profit, and that rent is not an element of
+it, but a result of it. This discovery is the corner-stone
+of political economy; but it is established by an argument
+so long and so refined, that most minds are unable
+to pursue it without stumbling, and the majority of
+those who acquiesce in it are influenced by the great
+writers to whom they pay deference, and whose judgment
+they follow. It is, therefore, a striking proof of
+the sagacity of Hume, that in an age when the science
+was but dawning, and when he could receive little help
+from his predecessors, he should have discovered a mistake
+of this sort, which lies so far beneath the surface.
+Directly the <i>Wealth of Nations</i> appeared, he wrote to
+Adam Smith, disputing his position that rent is a part
+of price;<a name="FNanchor_699_699" id="FNanchor_699_699"></a><a href="#Footnote_699_699" class="fnanchor">[699]</a> and this letter, written in the year 1776, is
+the first indication of that celebrated theory of rent,
+which, a little later, Anderson, Malthus, and West, saw,
+and imperfectly developed, but which it was reserved
+for the genius of Ricardo to build up on a broad and
+solid foundation.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[337]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>It is very observable, that Hume and Adam Smith,
+who made such immense additions to our knowledge
+of the principles of trade, had no practical acquaintance
+with it.<a name="FNanchor_700_700" id="FNanchor_700_700"></a><a href="#Footnote_700_700" class="fnanchor">[700]</a> Hume had, at an early period of his life,
+been in a mercantile house; but he threw up that employment
+in disgust, and buried himself in a provincial
+town, to think, rather than to observe.<a name="FNanchor_701_701" id="FNanchor_701_701"></a><a href="#Footnote_701_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a> Indeed, one
+of the capital defects of his mind, was a disregard of
+facts. This did not proceed, as is too often the case,
+from that worst form of moral obliquity, an indifference
+to truth; since he, on the contrary, was an ardent
+lover of it, and was, moreover, a man of the purest and
+most exemplary character, utterly incapable of falsehood,
+or of prevarication of any kind.<a name="FNanchor_702_702" id="FNanchor_702_702"></a><a href="#Footnote_702_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a> In him, a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[338]</a></span>
+contempt for facts was merely the exaggerated result of
+a devotion to ideas. He not only believed, with perfect
+justice, that ideas are more important than facts, but
+he supposed that they should hold the first place
+in the order of study, and that they should be developed
+before the facts are investigated. The Baconian
+philosophy, which, though it allows a preliminary and
+tentative hypothesis, strongly insists upon the necessity
+of first collecting the facts, and then proceeding to the
+ideas, excited his aversion; and this, I have no doubt,
+is the reason why he, who was usually so lenient in his
+judgments, and was so keen an admirer of intellectual
+greatness is, nevertheless, grossly unfair towards
+Bacon, with whose method it was impossible for him to
+sympathize, though he could not deny its utility, in
+physical science.<a name="FNanchor_703_703" id="FNanchor_703_703"></a><a href="#Footnote_703_703" class="fnanchor">[703]</a> If Hume had followed the Baconian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[339]</a></span>
+scheme, of always rising from particulars to generals,
+and from each generalization to that immediately above
+it, he would hardly have written one of his works.
+Certainly, his economical views would never have appeared,
+since political economy is as essentially a
+deductive science as geometry itself.<a name="FNanchor_704_704" id="FNanchor_704_704"></a><a href="#Footnote_704_704" class="fnanchor">[704]</a> Reversing the
+inductive process, he was in favour of beginning with
+what he termed general arguments, by which he hoped
+to demonstrate the inaccuracy of opinions which facts
+were supposed to have proved.<a name="FNanchor_705_705" id="FNanchor_705_705"></a><a href="#Footnote_705_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a> He did not stop to
+investigate the facts from which the inference had been
+drawn, but he inverted the order by which the inference
+was to be obtained. The same dislike to make the
+facts of trade the basis of the science of trade, was displayed
+by Adam Smith, who expresses his want of
+confidence in statistics, or, as it was then termed,
+political arithmetic.<a name="FNanchor_706_706" id="FNanchor_706_706"></a><a href="#Footnote_706_706" class="fnanchor">[706]</a> It is, however, evident, that
+statistical facts are as good as any other facts, and,
+owing to their mathematical form, are very precise.<a name="FNanchor_707_707" id="FNanchor_707_707"></a><a href="#Footnote_707_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a>
+But when they concern human actions, they are the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[340]</a></span>
+result of all the motives which govern those actions;
+in other words, they are the result, not merely of
+selfishness, but also of sympathy. And as Adam
+Smith, in the <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, dealt with only one
+of these passions, namely, selfishness, he would have
+found it impossible to conduct his generalization from
+statistics, which are necessarily collected from the products
+of both passions. Such statistical facts were, in
+their origin, too complex to be generalized; especially
+as they could not be experimented upon, but could
+only be observed and arranged. Adam Smith, perceiving
+them to be unmanageable, very properly rejected
+them as the basis of his science, and merely used
+them by way of illustration, when he could select what
+he liked. The same remark applies to other facts
+which he drew from the history of trade, and, indeed,
+from the general history of society. All of these are
+essentially subsequent to the argument. They make
+the argument more clear, but not more certain. For,
+it is no exaggeration to say, that, if all the commercial
+and historical facts in the <i>Wealth of Nations</i> were false,
+the book would still remain, and its conclusions would
+hold equally good, though they would be less attractive.
+In it, every thing depends upon general principles,
+and they, as we have seen, were arrived at in
+1752, that is, twenty-four years before the work was
+published in which those principles were applied.
+They must, therefore, have been acquired independently
+of the facts which Adam Smith, subsequently incorporated
+with them, and which he learnt during that long
+period of twenty-four years. And the ten years which
+he employed in composing his great work, were not
+spent in one of those busy haunts of men, where he
+might have observed all the phenomena of industry,
+and studied the way in which the operations of trade
+affect human character, and are affected by it. He did
+not resort to one of those vast marts and emporiums of
+commerce, where the events were happening which he
+was seeking to explain. That was not his method.
+On the contrary, the ten years, during which he was
+occupied in raising to a science the most active department<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[341]</a></span>
+of life, were passed in complete seclusion in
+Kirkaldy, his quiet little birthplace.<a name="FNanchor_708_708" id="FNanchor_708_708"></a><a href="#Footnote_708_708" class="fnanchor">[708]</a> He had always
+been remarkable for absence of mind, and was so little
+given to observation, as to be frequently oblivious of
+what was passing around him.<a name="FNanchor_709_709" id="FNanchor_709_709"></a><a href="#Footnote_709_709" class="fnanchor">[709]</a> In that obliviousness,
+he, amid the tranquil scenes of his childhood, could
+now indulge without danger. There, cheered, indeed,
+by the society of his mother, but with no opportunity
+of observing human nature upon a large scale, and far
+removed from the hum of great cities, did this mighty
+thinker, by the force of his own mind, unravel the
+numerous and complicated phenomena of wealth, detect
+the motives which regulate the conduct of the most
+energetic and industrious portion of mankind, and lay
+bare the schemes and the secrets of that active life
+from which he was shut out, while he, immured in
+comparative solitude, was unable to witness the very
+facts which he succeeded in explaining.</p>
+
+<p>The same determination to make the study of principles<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[342]</a></span>
+precede that of facts, is exhibited by Hume in
+one of his most original works, the <i>Natural History of
+Religion</i>. In reference to the title of this treatise, we
+must observe that, according to the Scotch philosophers,
+the natural course of any movement is by no
+means the same as its actual course. This discrepancy
+between the ideal and the real, was the unavoidable
+result of their method.<a name="FNanchor_710_710" id="FNanchor_710_710"></a><a href="#Footnote_710_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a> For, as they argued deductively
+from fixed premisses, they could not take into
+account the perturbations to which their conclusions
+were liable, from the play and friction of the surrounding
+society. To do that, required a separate inquiry.
+It would have been needful to investigate the circumstances
+which caused the friction, and thus prevented
+the conclusions from being, in the world of fact, the
+same as they were in the world of speculation. What
+we call accidents, are constantly happening, and they
+prevent the real march of affairs from being identical
+with the natural march. And, as long as we are
+unable to predict those accidents, there will always be
+a want of complete harmony between the inferences of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[343]</a></span>
+a deductive science and the realities of life; in other
+words, our inferences will tend towards truth, but
+never completely attain it.<a name="FNanchor_711_711" id="FNanchor_711_711"></a><a href="#Footnote_711_711" class="fnanchor">[711]</a></p>
+
+<p>With peculiar propriety, therefore, did Hume term
+his work a <i>Natural History of Religion</i>. It is an
+admirable specimen of the deductive method. Its only
+fault is that he speaks too confidently of the accuracy of
+the results to which, on such a subject, that method
+could attain. He believed, that, by observing the
+principles of human nature, as he found them in his
+own mind, it was possible to explain the whole course
+of affairs, both moral and physical.<a name="FNanchor_712_712" id="FNanchor_712_712"></a><a href="#Footnote_712_712" class="fnanchor">[712]</a> These principles
+were to be arrived at by experiments made on himself;
+and having thus arrived at them, he was to reason
+from them deductively, and so construct the entire
+scheme. This he contrasts with the inductive plan,
+which he calls a tedious and lingering process; and
+while others might follow that slow and patient method
+of gradually working their way towards first principles,
+his project was, to seize them at once, or, as he expresses
+himself, not to stop at the frontier, but to march
+directly on the capital, being possessed of which, he
+could gain an easy victory over other difficulties,
+and could extend his conquests over the sciences.<a name="FNanchor_713_713" id="FNanchor_713_713"></a><a href="#Footnote_713_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[344]</a></span>
+According to Hume, we are to reason, not in order to
+obtain ideas, but we are to have clear ideas before we
+reason.<a name="FNanchor_714_714" id="FNanchor_714_714"></a><a href="#Footnote_714_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a> By this means, we arrive at philosophy; and
+her conclusions are not to be impugned, even if they do
+happen to clash with science. On the contrary, her
+authority is supreme, and her decisions, being essentially
+true, must always be preferred to any generalization
+of the facts which the external world presents.<a name="FNanchor_715_715" id="FNanchor_715_715"></a><a href="#Footnote_715_715" class="fnanchor">[715]</a></p>
+
+<p>Hume, therefore, believed that all the secrets of the
+external world are wrapped up in the human mind.
+The mind was not only the key by which the treasure
+could be unlocked; it was also the treasure itself.
+Learning and science might illustrate and beautify our<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[345]</a></span>
+mental acquisitions, but they could not communicate
+real knowledge; they could neither give the prime
+original materials, nor could they teach the design according
+to which those materials must be worked.</p>
+
+<p>In conformity with these views, the <i>Natural History
+of Religion</i> was composed. The object of Hume in
+writing it, was, to ascertain the origin and progress of
+religious ideas; and he arrives at the conclusion, that
+the worship of many Gods must, every where, have
+preceded the worship of one God. This, he regards as
+a law of the human mind, a thing not only that always
+has happened, but that always must happen. His proof
+is entirely speculative. He argues that the earliest state
+of man is necessarily a savage state; that savages can
+feel no interest in the ordinary operations of nature,
+and no desire to study the principles which govern
+those operations; that such men must be devoid of
+curiosity on all subjects which do not personally
+trouble them; and that, therefore, while they neglect
+the usual events of nature, they will turn their minds
+to the unusual ones.<a name="FNanchor_716_716" id="FNanchor_716_716"></a><a href="#Footnote_716_716" class="fnanchor">[716]</a> A violent tempest, a monstrous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[346]</a></span>
+birth, excessive cold, excessive rain, sudden and fatal
+diseases, are the sort of things to which the attention
+of the savage is confined, and of which alone he desires
+to know the causes. Directly he finds that such causes
+are beyond his control, he reckons them superior to
+himself, and, being incapable of abstracting them, he
+personifies them; he turns them into deities; polytheism
+is established; and the earliest creed of mankind
+assumes a form which can never be altered, as long as
+men remain in this condition of pristine ignorance.<a name="FNanchor_717_717" id="FNanchor_717_717"></a><a href="#Footnote_717_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a></p>
+
+<p>These propositions, which are not only plausible, but
+which are probably true, ought, according to the inductive
+philosophy, to have been generalized from a
+survey of facts; that is, from a collection of evidence
+respecting the state of religion and of the speculative
+faculties among savage tribes. But this, Hume abstains
+from doing. He refers to none of the numerous
+travellers who have visited such people; he does not,
+in the whole course of his work, mention even a single
+book where facts respecting savage life are preserved.
+It was enough for him, that the progress from a belief
+in many Gods to a belief in one God, was the natural
+progress; which is saying, in other words, that it appeared
+to his mind to be the natural progress.<a name="FNanchor_718_718" id="FNanchor_718_718"></a><a href="#Footnote_718_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a> With
+that, he was satisfied. In other parts of his essay,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[347]</a></span>
+where he treats of the religious opinions of the ancient
+Greeks and Romans, he displays a tolerable, though by
+no means remarkable, learning; but the passages
+which he cites, do not refer to that entirely barbarous
+society in which, as he supposes, polytheism first arose.
+The premisses, therefore, of the argument are evolved
+out of his own mind. He reasons deductively from the
+ideas which his powerful intellect supplied, instead of
+reasoning inductively from the facts which were peculiar
+to the subject he was investigating.</p>
+
+<p>Even in the rest of his work, which is full of refined
+and curious speculation, he uses facts, not to demonstrate
+his conclusions, but to illustrate them. He, therefore,
+selected those facts which suited his purpose, leaving
+the others untouched. And this, which many critics
+would call unfair, was not unfair in him; because he
+believed, that he had already established his principles
+without the aid of those facts. The facts might benefit
+the reader, by making the argument clearer, but they
+could not strengthen the argument. They were more
+intended to persuade than to prove; they were rather
+rhetorical than logical. Hence, a critic would waste
+his time if he were to sift them with a minuteness
+which would be necessary, supposing that Hume had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[348]</a></span>
+built an inductive argument upon them. Otherwise,
+without going far, it might be curious to contrast them
+with the entirely different facts which Cudworth, eighty
+years before, had collected from the same source, and
+on the same subject. Cudworth, who was much superior
+to Hume in learning, and much inferior to him in
+genius,<a name="FNanchor_719_719" id="FNanchor_719_719"></a><a href="#Footnote_719_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a> displayed, in his great work on the <i>Intellectual
+System of the Universe</i>, a prodigious erudition, to prove
+that, in the ancient world, the belief in one God was a
+prevailing doctrine. Hume, who never refers to Cudworth,
+arrives at a precisely opposite conclusion. Both
+quoted ancient writers; but while Cudworth drew his
+inferences from what he found in those writers, Hume
+drew his from what he found in his own mind. Cudworth,
+being more learned, relied on his reading;
+Hume, having more genius, relied on his intellect.
+Cudworth, trained in the school of Bacon, first collected
+the evidence, and then passed the judgment. Hume,
+formed in a school entirely different, believed that the
+acuteness of the judge was more important than the
+quantity of the evidence; that witnesses were likely to
+prevaricate; and that he possessed, in his own mind,
+the surest materials for arriving at an accurate conclusion.
+It is not, therefore, strange, that Cudworth
+and Hume, pursuing opposite methods, should have
+obtained opposite results, since such a discrepancy is,
+as I have already pointed out, unavoidable, when men
+investigate, according to different plans, a subject which,
+in the existing state of knowledge, is not amenable to
+scientific treatment.</p>
+
+<p>The length to which this chapter has already extended,
+and the number of topics which I have still to
+handle, will prevent me from examining, in detail, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[349]</a></span>
+philosophy of Reid, who was the most eminent among
+the purely speculative thinkers of Scotland, after Hume
+and Adam Smith, though, in point of merit, he must be
+placed far below them. For, he had neither the comprehensiveness
+of Smith, nor the fearlessness of Hume.
+The range of his knowledge was not wide enough to
+allow him to be comprehensive; while a timidity, almost
+amounting to moral cowardice, made him recoil
+from the views advocated by Hume, not so much on
+account of their being false, as on account of their being
+dangerous. It is, however, certain, that no man can
+take high rank as a philosopher, who allows himself to be
+trammelled by considerations of that kind. A philosopher
+should aim solely at truth, and should refuse to
+estimate the practical tendency of his speculations. If
+they are true, let them stand; if they are false, let them
+fall. But, whether they are agreeable or disagreeable,
+whether they are consolatory or disheartening, whether
+they are safe or mischievous, is a question, not for philosophers,
+but for practical men. Every new truth
+which has ever been propounded, has, for a time, caused
+mischief; it has produced discomfort, and often unhappiness,
+sometimes by disturbing social or religious
+arrangements, and sometimes merely by the disruption
+of old and cherished associations of thought. It is only
+after a certain interval, and when the framework of
+affairs has adjusted itself to the new truth, that its good
+effects preponderate; and the preponderance continues
+to increase, until, at length, the truth causes nothing
+but good. But, at the outset, there is always harm.
+And, if the truth is very great, as well as very new,
+the harm is serious. Men are made uneasy; they
+flinch; they cannot bear the sudden light; a general
+restlessness supervenes; the face of society is disturbed,
+or perhaps convulsed; old interests, and old beliefs, are
+destroyed, before new ones have been created. These
+symptoms are the precursors of revolution; they have
+preceded all the great changes through which the world
+has passed; and while, if they are not excessive, they
+forebode progress, so if they are excessive, they
+threaten anarchy. It is the business of practical men<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[350]</a></span>
+to moderate such symptoms, and to take care that the
+truths which philosophers discover, are not applied so
+rashly as to dislocate the fabric, instead of strengthening
+it. But the philosopher has only to discover the truth,
+and promulgate it; and that is hard work enough for
+any man, let his ability be as great as it may. This
+division of labour, between thinkers and actors, secures
+an economy of force, and prevents either class from
+wasting its power. It establishes a difference between
+science, which ascertains principles, and art, which applies
+them. It also recognizes, that the philosopher and
+the practical man, having each a separate part to play,
+each is, in his own field, supreme. But it is a sad confusion
+for either to interfere with the other. In their
+different spheres, both are independent, and both are
+worthy of admiration. Inasmuch, however, as practical
+men should never allow the speculative conclusions of
+philosophers, whatever be their truth, to be put in actual
+operation, unless society is, in some degree, ripe for
+their reception; so, on the other hand, philosophers are
+not to hesitate, and tremble, and stop short in their
+career, because their intellect is leading them to conclusions
+subversive of existing interests. The duty of a
+philosopher is clear. His path lies straight before him.
+He must take every pains to ascertain the truth; and,
+having arrived at a conclusion, he, instead of shrinking
+from it because it is unpalatable, or because it seems
+dangerous, should on that very account, cling the closer
+to it, should uphold it in bad repute, more zealously
+than he would have done in good repute; should noise
+it abroad far and wide, utterly regardless what opinions
+he shocks, or what interests he imperils; should, on its
+behalf, court hostility and despise contempt, being well
+assured, that, if it is not true, it will die, but that, if it
+is true, it must produce ultimate benefit, albeit unsuited
+for practical adoption by the age or country in which it
+is first propounded.</p>
+
+<p>But Reid, notwithstanding the clearness of his mind
+and his great powers of argument, had so little of the
+real philosophic spirit, that he loved truth, not for its
+own sake, but for the sake of its immediate and practical<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[351]</a></span>
+results. He himself tells us, that he began to study
+philosophy, merely because he was shocked at the consequences
+at which philosophers had arrived. As long
+as the speculations of Locke and of Berkeley were not
+pushed to their logical conclusions, Reid acquiesced in
+them, and they were good in his eyes.<a name="FNanchor_720_720" id="FNanchor_720_720"></a><a href="#Footnote_720_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a> While they
+were safe and tolerably orthodox, he was not over-nice
+in inquiring into their validity. In the hands of Hume,
+however, philosophy became bolder and more inquisitive;
+she disturbed opinions which were ancient, and
+which it was pleasant to hold; she searched into the
+foundation of things, and by forcing men to doubt and
+to inquire, she rendered inestimable service to the cause
+of truth. But this was precisely the tendency at which
+Reid was displeased. He saw that such disturbance
+was uncomfortable; he saw that it was hazardous;
+therefore, he endeavoured to prove that it was groundless.
+Confusing the question of practical consequences
+with the totally different question of scientific truth, he
+took for granted that, because to his age the adoption
+of those consequences would be mischievous, they must
+be false. To the profound views of Hume respecting
+causation, he gravely objects, that if they were carried
+into effect, the operation of criminal law would be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[352]</a></span>
+imperilled.<a name="FNanchor_721_721" id="FNanchor_721_721"></a><a href="#Footnote_721_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a> To the speculations of the same philosopher
+concerning the metaphysical basis of the theory
+of contracts, he replies, that such speculations perplex
+men, and weaken their sense of duty; they are, therefore,
+to be disapproved of, on account of their tendency.<a name="FNanchor_722_722" id="FNanchor_722_722"></a><a href="#Footnote_722_722" class="fnanchor">[722]</a>
+With Reid, the main question always is, not
+whether an inference is true, but what will happen if
+it is true. He says, that a doctrine is to be judged by
+its fruits;<a name="FNanchor_723_723" id="FNanchor_723_723"></a><a href="#Footnote_723_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a> forgetting that the same doctrine will
+bear different fruits in different ages, and that the consequences
+which a theory produces in one state of
+society, are often diametrically opposed to those which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[353]</a></span>
+it produces in another. He thus made his own age the
+standard of all future ones. He also trammelled philosophy
+with practical considerations; diverting thinkers
+from the pursuit of truth, which is their proper department,
+into the pursuit of expediency, which is not their
+department at all. Reid was constantly stopping to
+inquire, not whether theories were accurate, but whether
+it was advisable to adopt them; whether they were
+favourable to patriotism, or to generosity, or to friendship;<a name="FNanchor_724_724" id="FNanchor_724_724"></a><a href="#Footnote_724_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a>
+in a word, whether they were comfortable, and
+such as we should at present like to believe.<a name="FNanchor_725_725" id="FNanchor_725_725"></a><a href="#Footnote_725_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a> Or else,
+he would take other ground, still lower, and still more
+unworthy of a philosopher. In opposing, for instance,
+the doctrine, that our faculties sometimes deceive us,&mdash;a
+doctrine which, as he well knew, had been held by
+men whose honesty was equal to his own, and whose
+ability was superior to his own,&mdash;he does not scruple to
+enlist on his side the prejudices of a vulgar superstition;
+seeking to blacken the tenet which he was unable to
+refute. He actually asserts, that they who advocate it,
+insult the Deity, by imputing to the Almighty that He
+has lied. Such being the consequence of the opinion,
+it of course follows that the opinion must be rejected
+without further scrutiny, since, to accept it, would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[354]</a></span>
+produce fatal results on our conduct, and would, indeed,
+be subversive of all religion, of all morals, and of all
+knowledge.<a name="FNanchor_726_726" id="FNanchor_726_726"></a><a href="#Footnote_726_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a></p>
+
+<p>In 1764, Reid published his <i>Inquiry into the Human
+Mind</i>; and in that, and in his subsequent work, entitled
+<i>Essays on the Powers of the Mind</i>, he sought to destroy
+the philosophy of Locke, Berkeley, and Hume. And as
+Hume was the boldest of the three, it was chiefly his
+philosophy which Reid attacked. Of the character of
+this attack, some specimens have just been given; but
+they rather concern his object and motives, while what
+we have now to ascertain is, his method, that is, the
+tactics of his warfare. He clearly saw, that Hume had
+assumed certain principles, and had reasoned deductively
+from them to the facts, instead of reasoning
+inductively from the facts to them. To this method, he
+strongly, and perhaps fairly, objects. He admits that
+Hume had reasoned so accurately, that if his principles
+were conceded, his conclusions must likewise be conceded.<a name="FNanchor_727_727" id="FNanchor_727_727"></a><a href="#Footnote_727_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a>
+But, he says, Hume had no right to proceed
+in such a manner. He had no right to assume principles,
+and then to argue from them. The laws of
+nature were to be arrived at, not by conjecturing in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[355]</a></span>
+this way, but by a patient induction of facts.<a name="FNanchor_728_728" id="FNanchor_728_728"></a><a href="#Footnote_728_728" class="fnanchor">[728]</a> Discoveries
+depended solely on observation and experiment;
+and any other plan could only produce theories,
+ingenious, perhaps, and plausible, but quite worthless.<a name="FNanchor_729_729" id="FNanchor_729_729"></a><a href="#Footnote_729_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a>
+For, theory should yield to fact, and not fact
+to theory.<a name="FNanchor_730_730" id="FNanchor_730_730"></a><a href="#Footnote_730_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a> Speculators, indeed, might talk about
+first principles, and raise a system by reasoning from
+them. But, the fact was, that there was no agreement
+as to how a first principle was to be recognized; since
+a principle which one man would deem self-evident,
+another would think it necessary to prove, and a third
+would altogether deny.<a name="FNanchor_731_731" id="FNanchor_731_731"></a><a href="#Footnote_731_731" class="fnanchor">[731]</a></p>
+
+<p>The difficulties of deductive reasoning are here admirably
+portrayed. It might have been expected, that
+Reid would have built up his own philosophy according
+to the inductive plan, and would have despised that
+assumption of first principles, with which he taunts his
+opponents. But it is one of the most curious things in
+the history of metaphysics, that Reid after impeaching
+the method of Hume, follows the very same method
+himself. When he is attacking the philosophy of
+Hume, he holds deduction to be wrong. When he is
+raising his own philosophy, he holds it to be right. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[356]</a></span>
+deemed certain conclusions dangerous, and he objects
+to their advocates, that they argued from principles,
+instead of from facts: and that they assumed themselves
+to be in possession of the first principles of truth,
+although people were not agreed as to what constituted
+a first principle. This is well put, and hard to answer.
+Strange, however, to say, Reid arrives at his own conclusions,
+by assuming first principles to an extent far
+greater than had been done by any writer on the opposite
+side. From them, he argues; his whole scheme
+is deductive; and his works scarcely contain a single
+instance of that inductive logic, which, when attacking
+his opponents, he found it convenient to recommend.
+It is difficult to conceive a better illustration of the
+peculiar character of the Scotch intellect in the
+eighteenth century, and of the firm hold, which, what
+may be called, the anti-Baconian method, had upon
+that intellect. Reid was a man of considerable ability,
+of immaculate honesty, and was deeply convinced that
+it was for the good of society that the prevailing philosophy
+should be overthrown. To the performance of
+that task, he dedicated his long and laborious life; he
+saw that the vulnerable point of the adverse system
+was its method; he indicated the deficiencies of that
+method, and declared, perhaps wrongly, but at all
+events sincerely, that it could never lead to truth.
+Yet, and notwithstanding all this, such was the pressure
+of the age in which he lived, and so completely did the
+force of circumstances shape his understanding, that,
+in his own works, he was unable to avoid that very
+method of investigation which he rebuked in others.
+Indeed, so far from avoiding it, he was a slave to it.
+The evidence of this I will now give, because, besides
+its importance for the history of the Scotch mind, it is
+valuable as one of many lessons, which teach us how
+we are moulded by the society which surrounds us;
+how even our most vigorous actions are influenced by
+general causes of which we are often ignorant, and
+which few of us care to study; and, finally, how lame
+and impotent we are, when, as individuals, we try to
+stem the onward current, resisting the great progress<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[357]</a></span>
+instead of aiding it, and vainly opposing our little
+wishes to that majestic course of events, which admits
+of no interruption, but sweeps on, grand and
+terrible, while generation after generation passes away,
+successively absorbed in one mighty vortex.</p>
+
+<p>Directly Reid, ceasing to refute the philosophy of
+Hume, began to construct his own philosophy, he succumbed
+to the prevailing method. He now assures us,
+that all reasoning must be from first principles, and
+that, so far from reasoning to those principles, we must
+at once admit them, and make them the basis of all
+subsequent arguments.<a name="FNanchor_732_732" id="FNanchor_732_732"></a><a href="#Footnote_732_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a> Having admitted them, they
+become a thread to guide the inquirer through the
+labyrinth of thought.<a name="FNanchor_733_733" id="FNanchor_733_733"></a><a href="#Footnote_733_733" class="fnanchor">[733]</a> His opponents had no right
+to assume them, but he might do so, because to him
+they were intuitive.<a name="FNanchor_734_734" id="FNanchor_734_734"></a><a href="#Footnote_734_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a> Whoever denied them, was
+not fit to be reasoned with.<a name="FNanchor_735_735" id="FNanchor_735_735"></a><a href="#Footnote_735_735" class="fnanchor">[735]</a> Indeed, to investigate
+them, or to seek to analyze them, was wrong as well as
+foolish, because they were part of the constitution of
+things; and of the constitution of things no account
+could be given, except that such was the will of God.<a name="FNanchor_736_736" id="FNanchor_736_736"></a><a href="#Footnote_736_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[358]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>As Reid obtained his first principles with such ease,
+and as he carefully protected them by forbidding any
+attempt to resolve them into simpler elements, he was
+under a strong temptation to multiply them almost
+indefinitely, in order that, by reasoning from them, he
+might raise a complete and harmonious system of the
+human mind. To that temptation he yielded with a
+readiness, which is truly surprising, when we remember
+how he reproached his opponents with doing the same
+thing. Among the numerous first principles which he
+assumes, not only as unexplained, but as inexplicable,
+are the belief in Personal Identity;<a name="FNanchor_737_737" id="FNanchor_737_737"></a><a href="#Footnote_737_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a> the belief in the
+External World;<a name="FNanchor_738_738" id="FNanchor_738_738"></a><a href="#Footnote_738_738" class="fnanchor">[738]</a> the belief in the Uniformity of
+Nature;<a name="FNanchor_739_739" id="FNanchor_739_739"></a><a href="#Footnote_739_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a> the belief in the Existence of Life in
+Others;<a name="FNanchor_740_740" id="FNanchor_740_740"></a><a href="#Footnote_740_740" class="fnanchor">[740]</a> the belief in Testimony;<a name="FNanchor_741_741" id="FNanchor_741_741"></a><a href="#Footnote_741_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a> also in the
+power of distinguishing truth from error,<a name="FNanchor_742_742" id="FNanchor_742_742"></a><a href="#Footnote_742_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a> and even
+in the correspondence of the face and voice to the
+thoughts.<a name="FNanchor_743_743" id="FNanchor_743_743"></a><a href="#Footnote_743_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a> Of belief generally, he asserts that there
+are many principles,<a name="FNanchor_744_744" id="FNanchor_744_744"></a><a href="#Footnote_744_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a> and he regrets that any one
+should have rashly attempted to explain them.<a name="FNanchor_745_745" id="FNanchor_745_745"></a><a href="#Footnote_745_745" class="fnanchor">[745]</a> Such
+things are mysterious, and not to be pried into. We<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[359]</a></span>
+have also other faculties, which being original and indecomposable,
+resist all inductive treatment, and can
+neither be resolved into simpler elements, nor referred
+to more general laws. To this class, Reid assigns
+Memory,<a name="FNanchor_746_746" id="FNanchor_746_746"></a><a href="#Footnote_746_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a> Perception,<a name="FNanchor_747_747" id="FNanchor_747_747"></a><a href="#Footnote_747_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a> Desire of Self-Approbation,<a name="FNanchor_748_748" id="FNanchor_748_748"></a><a href="#Footnote_748_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a>
+and not only Instinct, but even Habit.<a name="FNanchor_749_749" id="FNanchor_749_749"></a><a href="#Footnote_749_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a> Many of our
+ideas, such as those concerning Space and Time, are
+equally original;<a name="FNanchor_750_750" id="FNanchor_750_750"></a><a href="#Footnote_750_750" class="fnanchor">[750]</a> and other first principles there are,
+which have not been enunciated, but from which we
+may reason.<a name="FNanchor_751_751" id="FNanchor_751_751"></a><a href="#Footnote_751_751" class="fnanchor">[751]</a> They, therefore, are the major premisses
+of the argument; no reason having yet been
+given for them, they must be simple; and not having
+yet been explained, they are, of course, inexplicable.<a name="FNanchor_752_752" id="FNanchor_752_752"></a><a href="#Footnote_752_752" class="fnanchor">[752]</a></p>
+
+<p>All this is arbitrary enough. Still, in justice to Reid,
+it must be said, that, having made these assumptions,
+he displayed remarkable ability in arguing from them,
+and that, in attacking the philosophy of his time, he
+subjected it to a criticism, which has been extremely
+serviceable. His lucidity, his dialectic skill, and the
+racy and masculine style in which he wrote, made him
+a formidable opponent, and secured to his objections a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[360]</a></span>
+respectful hearing. To me, however, it appears, that
+notwithstanding the attempts, first of M. Cousin, and
+afterwards of Sir William Hamilton, to prop up his
+declining reputation, his philosophy, as an independent
+system, is untenable, and will not live. In this I may
+be mistaken; but what is quite certain is, that nothing
+can be more absurd than to suppose, as some have
+done, that he adopted the inductive, or, as it is popularly
+called, Baconian method. Bacon, indeed, would
+have smiled at such a disciple, assuming all sorts of
+major premisses, taking general principles for granted
+with the greatest recklessness, and reserving his skill
+for the task of reasoning from propositions for which
+he had no evidence, except that on a cursory, or, as he
+termed it, a common-sense, inspection, they appeared
+to be true.<a name="FNanchor_753_753" id="FNanchor_753_753"></a><a href="#Footnote_753_753" class="fnanchor">[753]</a> This refusal to analyze preconceived
+notions, comes under the head of what Bacon stigmatized
+as the <i>anticipatio naturæ</i>, and which he deemed
+the great enemy of knowledge, on account of the dangerous
+confidence it places in the spontaneous and
+uncorrected conclusions of the human mind. When,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[361]</a></span>
+therefore, we find Reid holding up the Baconian philosophy,
+as a pattern which it behoves all inquirers to
+follow;<a name="FNanchor_754_754" id="FNanchor_754_754"></a><a href="#Footnote_754_754" class="fnanchor">[754]</a> and when we, moreover, find Dugald Stewart,
+who, though a somewhat superficial thinker, was, at
+all events, a careful writer, supposing that Reid had
+followed it,<a name="FNanchor_755_755" id="FNanchor_755_755"></a><a href="#Footnote_755_755" class="fnanchor">[755]</a> we meet with fresh proof of how difficult
+it was for Scotchmen of the last age to imbibe the true
+spirit of inductive logic, since they believed, that a
+system which flagrantly violated its rules, had been
+framed in strict accordance with them.</p>
+
+<p>Leaving mental philosophy, I now come to physical
+science, in which, if anywhere, we might expect that
+the inductive plan would predominate, and would triumph
+over the opposite, or deductive, one. How far
+this was the case, I will endeavour to ascertain, by an
+examination of the most important discoveries which
+have been made by Scotchmen concerning the organic
+and inorganic world. And, as my object is merely to
+indicate the turn and character of the Scotch mind, I
+shall avoid all details respecting the practical effects of
+those discoveries, and shall confine myself to such a
+narration as will exhibit their purely scientific aspect,
+so as to enable the reader to understand what additions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[362]</a></span>
+were made to our knowledge of the laws of nature, and
+in what way the additions were made. The character
+of each discovery, and its process, will be stated, but
+nothing more. Neither here, nor in any part of this
+Introduction, do I pretend to investigate questions of
+practical utility, or to trace the connexion between the
+discoveries of science and the arts of life. That I shall
+do in the body of the work itself, where I hope to explain
+a number of minute social events, many of which
+are regarded as isolated, if not incongruous. For the
+present, I solely aim at those broad principles, which,
+by marking out the epochs of thought, underlie the
+whole fabric of society, and which must be clearly
+apprehended before history can cease to be a mere
+empirical assemblage of facts, of which the scientific
+basis being unsettled, the true order and coherence must
+be unknown.</p>
+
+<p>Among the sciences which concern the inorganic
+world, the laws of heat occupy a conspicuous place. On
+the one hand, they are connected with geology, being
+intimately allied, and, indeed, necessarily bound up,
+with every speculation respecting the changes and present
+condition of the crust of the earth. On the other
+hand, they touch the great questions of life, both animal
+and vegetable; they have to do with the theory of species,
+and of race; they modify soil, food, and organization;
+and to them we must look for valuable help
+towards solving those great problems in biology, which,
+of late years, have occupied the attention of the boldest
+and most advanced philosophers.</p>
+
+<p>Our present knowledge of the laws of heat, may be
+briefly stated as branching into five fundamental divisions.
+These are: latent heat; specific heat; the conduction
+of heat; the radiation of heat; and, finally, the
+undulatory theory of heat; by which last, we are gradually
+discarding our old material views, and are accustoming
+ourselves to look upon heat as simply one of
+the forms of force, all of which, such as light, electricity,
+magnetism, motion, gravitation, and chemical affinity,
+are constantly assuming each other's shape, but, in their
+total amount, are incapable either of increase or of diminution.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[363]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_756_756" id="FNanchor_756_756"></a><a href="#Footnote_756_756" class="fnanchor">[756]</a>
+This grand conception, which is now placing
+the indestructibility of force on the same ground as the
+indestructibility of matter, has an importance far above
+its scientific value, considerable as that undoubtedly is.
+For, by teaching us, that nothing perishes, but that, on
+the contrary, the slightest movement of the smallest
+body, in the remotest region, produces results which
+are perpetual, which diffuse themselves through all
+space, and which, though they may be metamorphosed,
+cannot be destroyed, it impresses us with such an exalted
+idea of the regular and compulsory march of physical
+affairs, as must eventually influence other and higher
+departments of inquiry. Our habits of thought are so
+connected and interwoven, that notions of law and of
+the necessary concatenation of things, can never be introduced
+into one field of speculation, without affecting
+other fields which lie contiguous to it. When, therefore,
+the modern doctrine of conservation of force,<a name="FNanchor_757_757" id="FNanchor_757_757"></a><a href="#Footnote_757_757" class="fnanchor">[757]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[364]</a></span>
+becomes firmly coupled with the older doctrine of conservation
+of matter, we may rest assured that the human
+mind will not stop there, but will extend to the study
+of Man, inferences analogous to those already admitted
+in the study of Nature. Having once recognized that
+the condition of the material universe, at any one
+moment, is simply the result of every thing which has
+happened at all preceding moments, and that the most
+trivial disturbance would so violate the general scheme,
+as to render anarchy inevitable, and that, to sever from
+the total mass even the minutest fragment, would, by
+dislocating the structure, bury the whole in one common
+ruin, we, thus admitting the exquisite adjustment of
+the different parts, and discerning, too, in the very
+beauty and completeness of the design, the best proof
+that it has never been tampered with by the Divine<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[365]</a></span>
+Architect, who called it into being, in whose Omniscience
+both the plan, and the issue of the plan, resided
+with such clearness and unerring certainty, that not a
+stone in that superb and symmetrical edifice has been
+touched since the foundation of the edifice was laid,
+are, by ascending to this pitch and elevation of thought,
+most assuredly advancing towards that far higher step,
+which it will remain for our posterity to take, and which
+will raise their view to so commanding a height, as to
+insure the utter rejection of those old and eminently
+irreligious dogmas of supernatural interference with the
+affairs of life, which superstition has invented, and ignorance
+has bequeathed, and the present acceptance of
+which betokens the yet early condition of our knowledge,
+the penury of our intellectual resources, and the inveteracy
+of the prejudices in which we are still immersed.</p>
+
+<p>It is, therefore, natural, that the physical doctrine of
+indestructibility applied to force as well as to matter,
+should be essentially a creation of the present century,
+notwithstanding a few allusions made to it by some
+earlier thinkers, all of whom, however, groped vaguely,
+and without general purpose. No preceding age was
+bold enough to embrace so magnificent a view as a
+whole, nor had any preceding philosophers sufficient
+acquaintance with nature to enable them to defend
+such a conception, even had they desired to entertain
+it. Thus, in the case now before us, it is evident, that
+while heat was believed to be material, it could not be
+conceived as a force, and therefore no one could grasp
+the theory of its metamorphosis into other forces;
+though there are passages in Bacon which prove that
+he wished to identify it with motion. It was first
+necessary to abstract heat into a mere property or
+affection of matter, and there was no chance of doing
+this until heat was better understood in its immediate
+antecedents, that is, until, by the aid of mathematics,
+its proximate laws had been generalized. But, with
+the single exception of Newton, whose efforts, notwithstanding
+his gigantic powers, were, on this subject,
+very unsatisfactory, and who, moreover, had a decided
+leaning towards the material theory, no one attempted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[366]</a></span>
+to unravel the mathematical laws of heat till the latter
+half of the eighteenth century, when Lambert and
+Black began the career which Prevost and Fourier
+followed up. The mind, having been so slow in mastering
+the preliminaries and outworks of the inquiry,
+was not ripe for the far more difficult enterprise of
+idealizing heat itself, and so abstracting it, as to strip
+it of its material attributes, and leave it to nothing but
+the speculative notion of an immaterial force.</p>
+
+<p>From these considerations, which were necessary to
+enable the reader to appreciate the value of what was
+done in Scotland, it will be seen how essential it was
+that the laws of the movement of heat should be
+studied before its nature was investigated, and before
+the emission theory could be so seriously attacked as to
+allow of the possibility of that great doctrine of the
+indestructibility of force, which, I make no doubt, is
+destined to revolutionize our habits of thought, and to
+give to future speculations a basis infinitely wider than
+any previously known. In regard to the movements of
+heat, we owe the laws of conduction and of radiation
+chiefly to France and Geneva, while the laws of specific
+heat, and those of latent heat, were discovered in Scotland.
+The doctrine of specific heat, though interesting,
+has not the scientific importance which belongs to
+the other departments of this great subject; but the
+doctrine of latent heat is extremely curious, not only in
+itself, but also on account of the analogies it suggests
+with various branches of physical inquiry.</p>
+
+<p>What is termed latent heat, is exhibited in the following
+manner. If, in consequence of the application
+of heat, a solid passes into a liquid, as ice, for instance,
+into water, the conversion occupies a longer time than
+could be explained by any theory which had been propounded
+down to the middle of the eighteenth century.
+Neither was it possible to explain how it is, that ice
+never rises above the temperature of 32° until it is
+actually melted, no matter what the heat of the adjacent
+bodies may be. There were no means of accounting
+for these circumstances. And though practical
+men, being familiar with them, did not wonder at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[367]</a></span>
+them, they caused great astonishment among thinkers,
+who were accustomed to analyze events, and to seek a
+reason for common and every-day occurrences.</p>
+
+<p>Soon after the middle of the eighteenth century,
+Black, who was then one of the professors in the University
+of Glasgow, turned his attention to this subject.<a name="FNanchor_758_758" id="FNanchor_758_758"></a><a href="#Footnote_758_758" class="fnanchor">[758]</a>
+He struck out a theory which, being eminently
+original, was violently attacked, but is now generally
+admitted. With a boldness and reach of thought not
+often equalled, he arrived at the conclusion, that whenever
+a body loses some of its consistence, as in the case
+of ice becoming water, or water becoming steam, such
+body receives an amount of heat which our senses,
+though aided by the most delicate thermometer, can
+never detect. For, this heat is absorbed; we lose all
+sight of it, and it produces no palpable effect on the
+material world, but becomes, as it were, a hidden property.
+Black, therefore, called it latent heat, because,
+though we conceive it as an idea, we cannot trace it as
+a fact. The body is, properly speaking, hotter; and
+yet its temperature does not rise. Directly, however,
+the foregoing process is inverted, that is to say, directly
+the steam is condensed into water, or the water hardened
+into ice, the heat returns into the world of sense;
+it ceases to be latent, and communicates itself to the
+surrounding objects. No new heat has been created;
+it has, indeed, appeared and disappeared, so far as
+our senses are concerned; but our senses were deceived,
+since there has, in truth, been neither addition
+nor diminution.<a name="FNanchor_759_759" id="FNanchor_759_759"></a><a href="#Footnote_759_759" class="fnanchor">[759]</a> That this remarkable theory<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[368]</a></span>
+paved the way for the doctrine of the indestructibility
+of force, will be obvious to whoever has
+examined the manner in which, in the history of the
+human mind, scientific conceptions are generated. The
+process is always so slow, that no single discovery has
+ever been made, except by the united labours of several
+successive generations. In estimating, therefore, what
+each man has done, we must judge him, not by the
+errors he commits, but by the truths he propounds.
+Most of his errors are not really his own. He inherits
+them from his predecessors; and if he throws some of
+them off, we should be grateful, instead of being dissatisfied
+that he has not rejected all. Black, no doubt,
+fell into the error of regarding heat as a material substance,
+which obeys the laws of chemical composition.<a name="FNanchor_760_760" id="FNanchor_760_760"></a><a href="#Footnote_760_760" class="fnanchor">[760]</a>
+But this was merely an hypothesis, which was
+bequeathed to him, and with which the existing state
+of thought forced him to encumber his theory. He
+inherited the hypothesis, and could not get rid of his
+troublesome possession. The real service which he
+rendered is, that, in spite of that hypothesis, which
+clung to him to the last, he, far more than any of his
+contemporaries, contributed towards the great conception
+of idealizing heat, and thus enabled his successors<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[369]</a></span>
+to admit it into the class of immaterial and supersensual
+forces. Once admitted into that class, the list of forces
+became complete; and it was comparatively easy to
+apply to the whole body of force, the same notion of
+indestructibility, which had previously been applied to
+the whole body of matter. But it was hardly possible
+to effect this object, while heat stood, as it were, midway
+between force and matter, yielding opposite results
+to different senses; amenable to the touch, but invisible
+to the eye. What was wanting, was to remove it
+altogether out of the jurisdiction of the senses, and to
+admit that, though we experience its effects, we can
+only conceive its existence. Towards accomplishing
+this, Black took a prodigious stride. Unconscious,
+perhaps, of the remote tendency of his own labours, he
+undermined that doctrine of material heat, which he
+seemed to support. For, by his advocacy of latent
+heat, he taught that its movements constantly baffle,
+not only some of our senses, but all of them; and that,
+while our feelings make us believe that heat is lost,
+our intellect makes us believe that it is not lost. Here,
+we have apparent destructibility, and real indestructibility.
+To assert that a body received heat without its
+temperature rising, was to make the understanding
+correct the touch, and defy its dictates. It was a bold
+and beautiful paradox, which required courage as well
+as insight to broach, and the reception of which marks
+an epoch in the human mind, because it was an immense
+step towards idealizing matter into force. Some,
+indeed, have spoken of invisible matter; but that is a
+contradiction in terms, which will never be admitted,
+as long as the forms of speech remain unchanged.
+Nothing can be invisible, except force, mind, and the
+Supreme Cause of all. We must, therefore, ascribe to
+Black the signal merit that he first, in the study of
+heat, impeached the authority of the senses, and
+thereby laid the foundation of every thing which was
+afterwards done. Besides the relation which his discovery
+bears to the indestructibility of force, it is also
+connected with one of the most splendid achievements
+effected by this generation in inorganic physics;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[370]</a></span>
+namely, the establishment of the identity of light and
+heat. To the senses, light and heat, though in some
+respects similar, are in most respects dissimilar. Light,
+for instance, affects the eye, and not the touch. Heat
+affects the touch, but, under ordinary circumstances,
+does not affect the eye. The capital difference, however,
+between them is, that heat, unlike light, possesses
+the property of temperature; and this property is so
+characteristic, that until our understandings are invigorated
+by science, we cannot conceive heat separated
+from temperature, but are compelled to confuse one
+with the other. Directly, however, men began to adopt
+the method followed by Black, and were resolved to
+consider heat as supersensual, they entered the road
+which led to the discovery of light and heat being merely
+different developments of the same force. Ignoring the
+effects of heat on themselves, or on any part of the
+creation, which was capable of feeling its temperature,
+and would therefore be deceived by it, nothing was left
+for them to do, but to study its effects on the inanimate
+world. Then, all was revealed. The career of discovery
+was fairly opened; and analogies between light
+and heat, which even the boldest imagination had
+hardly suspected, were placed beyond a doubt. To
+the reflection of heat, which had been formerly known,
+were now added the refraction of heat, its double
+refraction, its polarization, its depolarization, its circular
+polarization, the interference of its rays, and their
+retardation; while, what is more remarkable than all,
+the march of our knowledge on these points was so
+swift, that before the year 1836 had come to a close,
+the chain of evidence was completed by the empirical
+investigations of Forbes and Melloni, they themselves
+little witting that every thing which they accomplished
+was prepared before they were born, that they were
+but the servants and followers of him who indicated
+the path in which they trod, and that their experiments,
+ingenious as they were, and full of resource,
+were simply the direct practical consequence of one of
+those magnificent ideas which Scotland has thrown
+upon the world, and the memory of which is almost<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[371]</a></span>
+enough so to bribe the judgment, as to tempt us to
+forget, that, while the leading intellects of the nation
+were engaged in such lofty pursuits, the nation itself,
+untouched by them, passed them over with cold and
+contemptuous indifference, being steeped in that deadening
+superstition, which turns a deaf ear to every sort
+of reason, and will not hearken to the voice of the
+charmer, charm he never so wisely.</p>
+
+<p>By thus considering the descent and relationship of
+scientific conceptions, we can alone understand what
+we really owe to Black's discovery of latent heat. In
+regard to the method of the discovery, little need be
+said, since every student of the Baconian philosophy
+must see, that the discovery was of a kind for which
+none of the maxims of that system had provided. As
+latent heat escapes the senses, it could not obey the
+rules of a philosophy, which grounds all truth on observation
+and experiment. The subject of the inquiry
+being supersensual, there was no scope for what Bacon
+called crucial experiments and separations of nature.
+The truth was in the idea; experiments, therefore,
+might illustrate it, might bring it up to the surface,
+and so enable men to grasp it, but could not prove
+it. And this, which appears on the very face of the
+discovery, is confirmed by the express testimony of
+Dr. Thomson, who knew Black, and was, indeed, one
+of the most eminent of his pupils. We are assured by
+this unimpeachable witness, that Black, about the year
+1759 began to speculate concerning heat; that the
+result of those speculations was the theory of latent
+heat; that he publicly taught that theory in the year
+1761; but that the experiments which were necessary
+to convince the world of it were not made till 1764,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[372]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_761_761" id="FNanchor_761_761"></a><a href="#Footnote_761_761" class="fnanchor">[761]</a>
+though, as I need hardly add, according to the inductive
+method, it was a breach of all the rules of philosophy
+to be satisfied with the theory three years before
+the experiments were made, and it was a still greater
+breach, not only to be satisfied with it, but to have
+openly promulgated it as an original and unquestionable
+truth, which explained, in a new manner, the
+economy of the material world.</p>
+
+<p>The intellect of Black belonged to a class, which, in
+the eighteenth century, was almost universal in Scotland,
+but was hardly to be found in England, and which,
+for want of a better word, we are compelled to call
+deductive, though fully admitting that even the most
+deductive minds have in them a large amount of induction,
+since, indeed, without induction, the common
+business of life could not be carried on. But for the purposes
+of scientific classification, we may say, that a man
+or an age is deductive, when the favourite process is
+reasoning from principles instead of reasoning to them,
+and when there is a tendency to underrate the value of
+specific experience. That this was the case with the
+illustrious discoverer of latent heat, we have seen, both
+from the nature of the discovery, and from the decisive
+testimony of his friend and pupil. And a further confirmation
+may be found in the circumstance, that,
+having once propounded his great idea, he, instead of
+instituting a long series of laborious experiments, by
+which it might be verified in its different branches,
+preferred reasoning from it according to the general
+maxims of dialectic; pushing it to its logical consequences,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[373]</a></span>
+rather than tracking it into regions where the
+senses might either confirm or refute it.<a name="FNanchor_762_762" id="FNanchor_762_762"></a><a href="#Footnote_762_762" class="fnanchor">[762]</a> By following
+this process of thought, he was led to some beautiful
+speculations, which are so remote from experience,
+that even now, with all the additional resources of our
+knowledge, we cannot tell whether they are true or
+false. Of this kind were his views respecting the
+causes of the preservation of man, whose existence
+would, he thought, be endangered, except for the power
+which heat possesses of lying latent and unobserved.
+Thus, for example, when a long and severe winter was
+followed by sudden warmth, it appeared natural that
+the ice and snow should melt with corresponding suddenness;
+and if this were to happen, the result would
+be such terrible inundations, that it would be hardly
+possible for man to escape from their ravages. Even
+if he escaped, his works, that is, the material products
+of his civilization, would perish. From this catastrophe,
+nothing saves him but the latent power of heat. Owing
+to this power, directly the ice and snow begin to melt
+at their surface, the heat enters their structure, where
+a large part of it remains in abeyance, and thus losing
+much of its power, the process of liquefaction is arrested.
+This dreadful agent is lulled, and becomes
+dormant. It is weakened at the outset of its career, and
+is laid up, as in a storehouse, from which it can afterwards
+emerge, gradually, and with safety to the human
+species.<a name="FNanchor_763_763" id="FNanchor_763_763"></a><a href="#Footnote_763_763" class="fnanchor">[763]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[374]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In this way, as summer advances, a vast magazine of
+heat is accumulated, and is preserved in the midst of
+water, where it can do man no injury, since, indeed, his
+senses are unable to feel it. There the heat remains
+buried, until, in the rotation of the seasons, winter
+returns, and the waters are congealed into ice. In the
+process of congelation, that treasury of heat, which had
+been hidden all the summer, reappears; it ceases to be
+latent; and now, for the first time, striking the senses
+of man, it tempers, on his behalf, the severity of winter.
+The faster the water freezes, the faster the heat is disengaged;
+so that, by virtue of this great law of nature,
+cold actually generates warmth, and the inclemency of
+every season, though it cannot be hindered, is softened
+in proportion as the inclemency is more threatening.<a name="FNanchor_764_764" id="FNanchor_764_764"></a><a href="#Footnote_764_764" class="fnanchor">[764]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus, again, inasmuch as heat becomes latent, and
+flies from the senses, not only when ice is passing into
+water, but also when water is passing into steam, we
+find in this latter circumstance, one of the reasons why
+man and other animals can live in the tropics, which,
+but for this, would be deserted. They are constantly
+suffering from the heat which is collected in their
+bodies, and which, considered by itself, is enough to
+destroy them. But this heat causes thirst, and they
+consequently swallow great quantities of fluid, much of
+which exudes through the pores of the skin in the form
+of vapour. And as, according to the theory of latent
+heat, vapour cannot be produced without a vast amount
+of heat being buried within it, such vapour absorbs and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[375]</a></span>
+carries off from the body, that which, if left in the
+system, would prove fatal. To this we must add, that,
+in the tropics, the evaporation of water is necessarily
+rapid, and the vapour which is thus produced, becomes
+another storehouse of heat, and a vehicle by which it
+is removed from the earth, and prevented from unduly
+interfering with the economy of life.<a name="FNanchor_765_765" id="FNanchor_765_765"></a><a href="#Footnote_765_765" class="fnanchor">[765]</a></p>
+
+<p>From these and many other arguments, all of which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[376]</a></span>
+were so essentially speculative, and dealt with such
+hidden processes of nature, that even now we are not
+justified either in confidently admitting them or in
+positively denying them, Black was led to that great
+doctrine of the indestructibility of heat,<a name="FNanchor_766_766" id="FNanchor_766_766"></a><a href="#Footnote_766_766" class="fnanchor">[766]</a> which, as I
+have pointed out, has, in its connexion with the indestructibility
+of force, a moral and social importance
+even superior to its scientific value. Though the
+evidence of which he was possessed was far more scanty
+than what we now have, he, by the reach of his commanding
+intellect, rather than by the number and
+accuracy of his facts, became so penetrated with a conviction
+of the stability of physical affairs, that he not
+only applied that idea to the subtle phenomena of heat,
+but, what was much harder to do, he applied it to cases
+in which heat so entirely escapes the senses, that man
+has no cognizance of it, except through the medium of
+the imagination. According to his view, heat passes
+through an immense variety of changes, during which
+it appears to be lost; changes which no eye can ever
+see, which no touch can ever experience, and which no
+instrument can ever measure. Still, and in the midst
+of all these changes, it remains intact. From it nothing
+can be taken, and to it nothing can be added. In one
+of those fine passages of his Lectures, which, badly
+reported as they are,<a name="FNanchor_767_767" id="FNanchor_767_767"></a><a href="#Footnote_767_767" class="fnanchor">[767]</a> bear the impress of his elevated
+genius, Black, after stating what would probably
+happen, if the total amount of heat existing in the
+world were to be diminished, proceeds to speculate on
+the consequences of its being increased. Were it possible<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[377]</a></span>
+for any power to add to it ever so little, it would
+at once overstep its bounds; the equilibrium would be
+disturbed; the framework of affairs would be disjointed.
+The evil rapidly increasing, and acting with
+accumulated force, nothing would be able to stop its
+ravages. It must continue to gain ground, till all other
+principles are absorbed and conquered. Sweeping on,
+unhindered, and irresistible, before it, every animal
+must perish, the whole vegetable world must disappear,
+the waters must pass into vapour, and the solid parts
+of the globe be merged and melted, until, at length,
+the glorious fabric, loosened and dissolved, would fall
+away, and return to that original chaos out of which it
+had been evolved.<a name="FNanchor_768_768" id="FNanchor_768_768"></a><a href="#Footnote_768_768" class="fnanchor">[768]</a></p>
+
+<p>These, like many other of the speculations of this
+great thinker, will find small favour with those purely
+inductive philosophers, who not only suppose, perhaps
+rightly, that all our knowledge is in its beginning built
+upon facts, but who countenance, what seems to me,
+the very dangerous opinion, that every increase of
+knowledge must be preceded by an increase of facts.
+To such men it will appear, that Black had far better
+have occupied himself in making new observations, or
+devising new experiments, than in thus indulging his
+imagination in wild and unprofitable dreams. They
+will think, that these flights of fancy are suitable, indeed,
+to the poet, but unworthy of that severe accuracy,
+and of that close attention to facts, which ought to
+characterize a philosopher. In England, especially,
+there is, among physical inquirers, an avowed determination
+to separate philosophy from poetry, and to
+look upon them, not only as different, but as hostile.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[378]</a></span>
+Among that class of thinkers, whose zeal and ability
+are beyond all praise, and to whom we owe almost unbounded
+obligations, there does undoubtedly exist a
+very strong opinion, that, in their own pursuit, the
+imagination is extremely dangerous, as leading to
+speculations, of which the basis is not yet assured, and
+generating a desire to catch too eagerly at distant
+glimpses before the intermediate ground has been traversed.
+That the imagination has this tendency is
+undeniable. But they who object to it on this account,
+and who would, therefore, divorce poetry from philosophy,
+have, I apprehend, taken a too limited view of
+the functions of the human mind, and of the manner
+in which truth is obtained. There is, in poetry, a
+divine and prophetic power, and an insight into the
+turn and aspect of things, which, if properly used,
+would make it the ally of science instead of the enemy.
+By the poet, nature is contemplated on the side of the
+emotions; by the man of science, on the side of the
+understanding. But the emotions are as much a part
+of us as the understanding: they are as truthful; they
+are as likely to be right. Though their view is different,
+it is not capricious. They obey fixed laws; they
+follow an orderly and uniform course; they run in
+sequences; they have their logic and method of inference.
+Poetry, therefore, is a part of philosophy, simply
+because the emotions are a part of the mind. If the
+man of science despises their teaching, so much the
+worse for him. He has only half his weapons; his
+arsenal is unfilled. Conquests, indeed, he may make,
+because his native strength may compensate the defects
+of his equipment. But his success would be more
+complete and more rapid, if he were properly furnished
+and made ready for the battle. And I cannot but regard
+as the worst intellectual symptom of this great
+country, what I must venture to call the imperfect
+education of physical philosophers, as exhibited both in
+their writings and in their trains of thought. This is
+the more serious, because they, as a body, form the
+most important class in England, whether we look at
+their ability, or at the benefits we have received from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[379]</a></span>
+them, or at the influence they are exercising, and are
+likely to exercise, over the progress of society. It cannot,
+however, be concealed, that they display an inordinate
+respect for experiments, an undue love of minute
+detail, and a disposition to overrate the inventors of
+new instruments, and the discoverers of new, but often
+insignificant, facts. Their predecessors of the seventeenth
+century, by using hypotheses more boldly, and
+by indulging their imagination more frequently, did
+certainly effect greater things, in comparison with the
+then state of knowledge, than our contemporaries, with
+much superior resources, have been able to achieve.
+The magnificent generalizations of Newton and Harvey
+could never have been completed in an age absorbed in
+one unvarying round of experiments and observations.
+We are in that predicament, that our facts have outstripped
+our knowledge, and are now encumbering its
+march. The publications of our scientific institutions,
+and of our scientific authors, overflow with minute and
+countless details, which perplex the judgment, and
+which no memory can retain. In vain do we demand
+that they should be generalized, and reduced into order.
+Instead of that, the heap continues to swell. We want
+ideas, and we get more facts. We hear constantly of
+what nature is doing, but we rarely hear of what man is
+thinking. Owing to the indefatigable industry of this and
+the preceding century, we are in possession of a huge
+and incoherent mass of observations, which have been
+stored up with great care, but which, until they are
+connected by some presiding idea, will be utterly useless.
+The most effective way of turning them to account,
+would be to give more scope to the imagination,
+and incorporate the spirit of poetry with the spirit of
+science. By this means, our philosophers would double
+their resources, instead of working, as now, maimed,
+and with only half their nature. They fear the imagination,
+on account of its tendency to form hasty
+theories. But, surely, all our faculties are needed in
+the pursuit of truth, and we cannot be justified in discrediting
+any part of the human mind. And I can
+hardly doubt, that one of the reasons why we, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[380]</a></span>
+England, made such wonderful discoveries during the
+seventeenth century, was because that century was also
+the great age of English poetry. The two mightiest
+intellects our country has produced are Shakspeare
+and Newton; and that Shakspeare should have preceded
+Newton, was, I believe, no casual or unmeaning
+event. Shakspeare and the poets sowed the seed,
+which Newton and the philosophers reaped. Discarding
+the old scholastic and theological pursuits, they drew
+attention to nature, and thus became the real founders
+of all natural science. They did even more than this.
+They first impregnated the mind of England with bold
+and lofty conceptions. They taught the men of their
+generation to crave after the unseen. They taught
+them to pine for the ideal, and to rise above the visible
+world of sense. In this way, by cultivating the
+emotions, they opened one of the paths which lead to
+truth. The impetus which they communicated, survived
+their own day, and, like all great movements,
+was felt in every department of thought. But now it
+is gone; and, unless I am greatly mistaken, physical
+science is at present suffering from its absence. Since
+the seventeenth century, we have had no poet of the
+highest order, though Shelley, had he lived, would
+perhaps have become one. He had something of that
+burning passion, that sacred fire, which kindles the
+soul, as though it came fresh from the altar of the
+gods. But he was cut off in his early prime, when his
+splendid genius was still in its dawn. If we except his
+immature, though marvellous, efforts, we may assuredly
+say, that, for nearly two hundred years, England has
+produced no poetry which bears those unmistakable
+marks of inspiration which we find in Spenser, in
+Shakspeare, and in Milton. The result is, that we,
+separated by so long an interval from those great
+feeders of the imagination, who nurtured our ancestors,
+and being unable to enter fully into the feelings of
+poets, who wrote when nearly all opinions, and, therefore,
+nearly all forms of emotion, were very different to
+what they now are, cannot possibly sympathize with
+those immortal productions so closely as their contemporaries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[381]</a></span>
+did. The noble English poetry of the sixteenth
+and seventeenth centuries is read more than ever, but
+it does not colour our thoughts; it does not shape our
+understandings, as it shaped the understandings of our
+forefathers. Between us and them is a chasm, which
+we cannot entirely bridge. We are so far removed from
+the associations amid which those poems were composed,
+that they do not flash upon us with that reality
+and distinctness of aim, which they would have done,
+had we lived when they were written. Their garb is
+strange, and belongs to another time. Not merely
+their dialect and their dress, but their very complexion
+and their inmost sentiments, tell of bygone days, of
+which we have no firm hold. There is, no doubt, a
+certain ornamental culture, which the most highly
+educated persons receive from the literature of the past,
+and by which they sometimes refine their taste, and
+sometimes enlarge their ideas. But the real culture of
+a great people, that which supplies each generation
+with its principal strength, consists of what is learnt
+from the generation immediately preceding. Though
+we are often unconscious of the process, we build nearly
+all our conceptions on the basis recognized by those
+who went just before us. Our closest contact is, not
+with our forefathers, but with our fathers. To them
+we are linked by a genuine affinity, which, being spontaneous,
+costs us no effort, and from which, indeed, we
+cannot escape. We inherit their notions, and modify
+them, just as they modified the notions of their predecessors.
+At each successive modification, something
+is lost and something is gained, until, at length, the
+original type almost disappears. Therefore it is, that
+ideas entertained several generations ago, bear about
+the same relation to us, as ideas preserved in a foreign
+literature. In both cases, the ideas may adorn our
+knowledge, but they are never so thoroughly incorporated
+with our minds, as to be the knowledge itself.
+The assimilation is incomplete, because the sympathy
+is incomplete. We have now no great poets; and our
+poverty in this respect is not compensated by the fact,
+that we once had them, and that we may, and do, read<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[382]</a></span>
+their works. The movement has gone by; the charm
+is broken; the bond of union, though not cancelled, is
+seriously weakened. Hence, our age, great as it is, and,
+in nearly all respects, greater than any the world has
+yet seen, has, notwithstanding its large and generous
+sentiments, its unexampled toleration, its love of liberty,
+and its profuse, and almost reckless, charity, a certain
+material, unimaginative, and unheroic character, which
+has made several observers tremble for the future.
+So far as I can understand our present condition, I do
+not participate in these fears, because I believe that the
+good we have already gained, is beyond all comparison
+greater than what we have lost. But that something
+has been lost, is unquestionable. We have lost much
+of that imagination, which, though, in practical life, it
+often misleads, is, in speculative life, one of the highest
+of all qualities, being suggestive as well as creative.
+Even practically, we should cherish it, because the
+commerce of the affections mainly depends on it. It
+is, however, declining; while, at the same time, the
+increasing refinement of society accustoms us more and
+more to suppress our emotions, lest they should be
+disagreeable to others. And as the play of the
+emotions is the chief study of the poet, we see, in this
+circumstance, another reason which makes it difficult
+to rival that great body of poetry which our ancestors
+possessed. Therefore, it is doubly incumbent on physical
+philosophers to cultivate the imagination. It is a
+duty they owe to their own pursuits, which would be
+enriched and invigorated by such an enlargement of
+their resources. It is also a duty which they owe to
+society in general; since they, whose intellectual influence
+is already greater than that of any other class, and
+whose authority is perceptibly on the increase, might
+have power enough to correct the most serious deficiency
+of the present age, and to make us some amends
+for our inability to produce such a splendid imaginative
+literature as that which our forefathers created, and in
+which the choicest spirits of the seventeenth century
+did, if I may so say, dwell and have their being.</p>
+
+<p>If, therefore, Black had done nothing more than set<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[383]</a></span>
+the example of a great physical philosopher giving free
+scope to the imagination, he would have conferred
+upon us a boon, the magnitude of which it is not easy
+to overrate. And it is very remarkable, that, before he
+died, that department of inorganic physics, which he
+cultivated with such success, was taken up by another
+eminent Scotchman, who pursued exactly the same
+plan, though with somewhat inferior genius. I allude,
+of course, to Leslie, whose researches on heat are well
+known to those who are occupied with this subject;
+while, for our present purpose, they are chiefly interesting
+as illustrating that peculiar method which, in the
+eighteenth century, seemed essential to the Scotch mind.</p>
+
+<p>About thirty years after Black propounded his famous
+theory of heat, Leslie began to investigate the
+same topic, and, in 1804, published a special dissertation
+upon it.<a name="FNanchor_769_769" id="FNanchor_769_769"></a><a href="#Footnote_769_769" class="fnanchor">[769]</a> In that work, and in some papers in his
+<i>Treatises on Philosophy</i>, are contained his views, several
+of which are now known to be inaccurate,<a name="FNanchor_770_770" id="FNanchor_770_770"></a><a href="#Footnote_770_770" class="fnanchor">[770]</a> though
+some are of sufficient value to mark an epoch in the
+history of science. Such was his generalization respecting
+the connexion between the radiation of heat, and
+its reflection; bodies which reflect it most, radiating it
+least, and those which radiate it most, reflecting it
+least. Such, too, was another wide conclusion, which
+the best inquirers have since confirmed, namely, that,
+while heat is radiating from a body, the intensity of
+each ray is as the sine of the angle which it makes
+with the surface of that body.</p>
+
+<p>These were important steps, and they were the
+result of experiments, preceded by large and judicious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[384]</a></span>
+hypotheses. In relation, however, to the economy of
+nature, considered as a whole, they are of small account
+in comparison with what Leslie effected towards consolidating
+the great idea of light and heat being identical,
+and thus preparing his contemporaries for that theory
+of the interchange of forces, which is the capital intellectual
+achievement of the nineteenth century. But
+it is interesting to observe, that, with all his ardour,
+he could not go beyond a certain length. He was so
+hampered by the material tendencies of his time, that
+he could not bring himself to conceive heat as a purely
+supersensual force, of which temperature was the external
+manifestation.<a name="FNanchor_771_771" id="FNanchor_771_771"></a><a href="#Footnote_771_771" class="fnanchor">[771]</a> For this, the age was barely ripe.
+We accordingly find him asserting, that heat is an
+elastic fluid, extremely subtle, but still a fluid.<a name="FNanchor_772_772" id="FNanchor_772_772"></a><a href="#Footnote_772_772" class="fnanchor">[772]</a> His
+real merit was, that, notwithstanding the difficulties
+which beset his path, he firmly seized the great truth,
+that there is no fundamental difference between light
+and heat. As he puts it, each is merely a metamorphosis
+of the other. Heat is light in complete repose.
+Light is heat in rapid motion. Directly light is combined
+with a body, it becomes heat; but when it is
+thrown off from that body, it again becomes light.<a name="FNanchor_773_773" id="FNanchor_773_773"></a><a href="#Footnote_773_773" class="fnanchor">[773]</a></p>
+
+<p>Whether this is true or false, we cannot tell; and
+many years, perhaps many generations, will have to
+elapse before we shall be able to tell. But the service
+rendered by Leslie is quite independent of the accuracy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[385]</a></span>
+of his opinion, as to the manner in which light and heat
+are interchanged. That they are interchanged, is the
+essential and paramount idea. And we must remember,
+that he made this idea the basis of his researches, at a
+period when some very important facts, or, I should
+rather say, some very conspicuous facts, were opposed
+to it; while the main facts which favoured it were still
+unknown. When he composed his work, the analogies
+between light and heat, with which we are now acquainted,
+had not been discovered; no one being aware,
+that double refraction, polarization, and other curious
+properties, are common to both. To grasp so wide a
+truth in the face of such obstacles, was a rare stroke of
+sagacity. But, on account of the obstacles, the inductive
+mind of England refused to receive the truth, as it was
+not generalized from a survey of all the facts. And
+Leslie, unfortunately for himself, died too soon to enjoy
+the exquisite pleasure of witnessing the empirical corroboration
+of his doctrine by direct experiment, although
+he clearly perceived that the march of discovery, in
+reference to polarization, was leading the scientific
+world to a point, of which his keen eye had discerned
+the nature, when, to others, it was an almost invisible
+speck, dim in the distant offing.<a name="FNanchor_774_774" id="FNanchor_774_774"></a><a href="#Footnote_774_774" class="fnanchor">[774]</a></p>
+
+<p>In regard to the method adopted by Leslie, he assures
+us, that, in assuming the principles from which
+he reasoned, he derived great aid from poetry; for he
+knew that the poets are, after their own manner, consummate
+observers, and that their united observations
+form a treasury of truths, which are nowise inferior to
+the truths of science, and of which science must either
+avail herself, or else suffer from neglecting them.<a name="FNanchor_775_775" id="FNanchor_775_775"></a><a href="#Footnote_775_775" class="fnanchor">[775]</a> To<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[386]</a></span>
+apply these truths rightly, and to fit them to the
+exigencies of physical inquiry, is, no doubt, a most difficult
+task, since it involves nothing less than holding
+the balance between the conflicting claims of the emotions
+and the understanding. Like all great enterprises,
+it is full of danger, and, if undertaken by an
+ordinary mind, would certainly fail. But there are two
+circumstances which make it less dangerous in our
+time, than in any earlier period. The first circumstance
+is, that the supremacy of the human understanding,
+and its right to judge all theories for itself, is now more
+generally admitted than ever; so that there can be
+little fear of our leaning to the opposite side, and
+allowing poetry to encroach on science. The other
+circumstance is, that our knowledge of the laws of
+nature is much greater than that possessed by any
+previous age; and there is, consequently, less risk of
+the imagination leading us into error, inasmuch as we
+have a large number of well-ascertained truths, which
+we can confront with every speculation, no matter how
+plausible or ingenious it may appear.</p>
+
+<p>On both these grounds, Leslie was, I apprehend,
+justified in taking the course which he did. At all
+events, it is certain, that, by following it, he came
+nearer than would otherwise have been possible, to the
+conceptions of the most advanced scientific thinkers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[387]</a></span>
+of our day. He distinctly recognized that, in the
+material world, there is neither break nor pause; so
+that what we call the divisions of nature have no
+existence, except in our minds.<a name="FNanchor_776_776" id="FNanchor_776_776"></a><a href="#Footnote_776_776" class="fnanchor">[776]</a> He was even
+almost prepared to do away with that imaginary difference
+between the organic and inorganic world, which
+still troubles many of our physicists, and prevents them
+from comprehending the unity and uninterrupted march
+of affairs. They, with their old notions of inanimate
+matter, are unable to see that all matter is living, and
+that what we term death is a mere expression by which
+we signify a fresh form of life. Towards this conclusion,
+all our knowledge is now converging; and it is
+certainly no small merit in Leslie, that he, sixty years
+ago, when really comprehensive views, embracing the
+whole creation, were scarcely known among scientific
+men, should have strongly insisted that all forces are of
+the same kind, and that we have no right to distinguish
+between them, as if some were living, and others were
+dead.<a name="FNanchor_777_777" id="FNanchor_777_777"></a><a href="#Footnote_777_777" class="fnanchor">[777]</a></p>
+
+<p>We owe much to him, by whom such views were
+advocated. But they were then, and in a certain,
+though far smaller degree, they are now, so out of the
+domain of physical experience, that Leslie never could
+have obtained them by generalizing in the way which
+the inductive philosophy enjoins. His great work on
+heat was executed, as well as conceived, on the opposite
+plan;<a name="FNanchor_778_778" id="FNanchor_778_778"></a><a href="#Footnote_778_778" class="fnanchor">[778]</a> and his prejudices on this point were so strong,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[388]</a></span>
+that we are assured by his biographer, that he would
+allow no merit to Bacon, who organized the inductive
+method into a system, and to whose authority we in
+England pay a willing, and I had almost said a servile,
+homage.<a name="FNanchor_779_779" id="FNanchor_779_779"></a><a href="#Footnote_779_779" class="fnanchor">[779]</a></p>
+
+<p>Another curious illustration of the skill with which
+the Scotch mind, when once possessed of a principle,
+worked from it deductively, appears in the geological
+speculations of Hutton, late in the eighteenth century.
+It is well known, that the two great powers which have
+altered the condition of our planet, and made it what it
+is, are fire and water. Each has played so considerable
+a part, that we can hardly measure their relative importance.
+Judging, however, from the present appearance
+of the crust of the earth, there is reason to believe,
+that the older rocks are chiefly the result of fusion, and
+that the younger are aqueous deposits. It is, therefore,
+not unlikely, that, in the order in which the energies of
+nature have unfolded themselves, fire preceded water,
+and was its necessary precursor.<a name="FNanchor_780_780" id="FNanchor_780_780"></a><a href="#Footnote_780_780" class="fnanchor">[780]</a> But, all that we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[389]</a></span>
+are as yet justified in asserting is, that these two
+causes, the igneous and the aqueous, were in full operation
+long before man existed, and are still busily working.
+Perhaps they are preparing another change in our
+habitation, suitable to new forms of life, as superior to
+man, as man is superior to the beings who occupied the
+earth before his time. Be this as it may, fire and water
+are the two most important and most general principles
+with which geologists are concerned; and though, on
+a superficial view, each is extremely destructive, it is
+certain that they can really destroy nothing, but can
+only decompose and recompose; shifting the arrangements
+of nature, but leaving nature herself intact.
+Whether one of these elements will ever again get the
+upper hand of its opponent, is a speculation of extreme
+interest. For, there is reason to suspect, that, at one
+period, fire was more active than water, and that, at
+another period, water was more active than fire. That
+they are engaged in incessant warfare, is a fact with
+which geologists are perfectly familiar, though, in this, as
+in many other cases, the poets were the first to discern the
+truth. To the eye of the geologist, water is constantly
+labouring to reduce all the inequalities of the earth to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[390]</a></span>
+a single level; while fire, with its volcanic action, is
+equally busy in restoring those inequalities, by throwing
+up matter to the surface, and in various ways disturbing
+the crust of the globe.<a name="FNanchor_781_781" id="FNanchor_781_781"></a><a href="#Footnote_781_781" class="fnanchor">[781]</a> And as the beauty of the
+material world mainly depends on that irregularity of
+aspect, without which scenery would have presented no
+variety of form, and but little variety of colour, we
+shall, I think, not be guilty of too refined a subtlety, if
+we say that fire, by saving us from the monotony to
+which water would have condemned us, has been the
+remote cause of that development of the imagination
+which has given us our poetry, our painting, and our
+sculpture, and has thereby not only wonderfully increased
+the pleasures of life, but has imparted to the
+human mind a completeness of function, to which, in
+the absence of such a stimulus, it could not have
+attained.</p>
+
+<p>When geologists began to study the laws according
+to which fire and water had altered the structure of the
+earth, two different courses were open to them, namely,
+the inductive and the deductive. The deductive plan
+was to compute the probable consequences of fire and
+water, by reasoning from the sciences of thermotics
+and hydrodynamics; tracking each element by an independent
+line of argument, and afterwards coördinating
+into a single scheme the results which had been separately
+obtained. It would then only remain to inquire,
+how far this imaginary scheme harmonized with the
+actual state of things; and if the discrepancy between<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[391]</a></span>
+the ideal and the actual were not greater than might
+fairly be expected from the perturbations produced by
+other causes, the ratiocination would be complete, and
+geology would, in its inorganic department, become a
+deductive science. That our knowledge is ripe for
+such a process, I am far, indeed, from supposing; but
+this is the path which a deductive mind would take, so
+far as it was able. On the other hand, an inductive
+mind, instead of beginning with fire and water, would
+begin with the effects which fire and water had produced,
+and would first study these two agents, not in
+their own separate sciences, but in their united action
+as exhibited on the crust of the earth. An inquirer of
+this sort would assume, that the best way of arriving
+at truth would be to proceed from effects to causes,
+observing what had actually happened, and rising
+from the complex results up to a knowledge of the
+simple agents, by whose power the results have been
+brought about.</p>
+
+<p>If the reader has followed the train of thought
+which I have endeavoured to establish in this chapter,
+and in the first volume, he will be prepared to
+expect that when, in the latter half of the eighteenth
+century, geology was first seriously studied, the
+inductive plan of proceeding from effects to causes
+became the favourite one in England; while the deductive
+plan of proceeding from causes to effects, was
+adopted in Scotland and in Germany. And such was
+really the case. It is generally admitted, that, in
+England, scientific geology owes its origin to William
+Smith, whose mind was singularly averse to system,
+and who, believing that the best way of understanding
+former causes was to study present effects, occupied
+himself, between the years 1790 and 1815, in a laborious
+examination of different strata.<a name="FNanchor_782_782" id="FNanchor_782_782"></a><a href="#Footnote_782_782" class="fnanchor">[782]</a> In 1815, he,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[392]</a></span>
+after traversing the whole of England on foot, published
+the first complete geological map which ever
+appeared, and thus took the first great step towards
+accumulating the materials for an inductive generalization.<a name="FNanchor_783_783" id="FNanchor_783_783"></a><a href="#Footnote_783_783" class="fnanchor">[783]</a>
+In 1807, and, therefore, before he had brought
+his arduous task to an end, there was formed in London
+the Geological Society, the express object of which, we
+are assured, was, to observe the condition of the earth,
+but by no means to generalize the causes which had
+produced that condition.<a name="FNanchor_784_784" id="FNanchor_784_784"></a><a href="#Footnote_784_784" class="fnanchor">[784]</a> The resolution was, perhaps,
+a wise one. At all events, it was highly characteristic
+of the sober and patient spirit of the English
+intellect. With what energy and unsparing toil it has
+been executed, and how the most eminent members of
+the Geological Society have, in the pursuit of truth,
+not only explored every part of Europe, but examined
+the shell of the earth in America and in Northern Asia,
+is well known to all who are interested in these matters;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[393]</a></span>
+nor can it be denied, that the great works of Lyell and
+Murchison prove that the men who are capable of
+such laborious enterprises, are also capable of the still
+more difficult achievement of generalizing their facts
+and refining them into ideas. They did not go as
+mere observers, but they went with the noble object
+of making their observations subservient to a discovery
+of the laws of nature. That was their aim; and all
+honour be to them for it. Still, it is evident, that
+their process is essentially inductive; it is a procedure
+from the observation of complex phenomena, up to the
+elements to which those phenomena are owing; it is,
+in other words, a study of natural effects, in order to
+learn the operation of natural causes.</p>
+
+<p>Very different was the process in Germany and
+Scotland. In 1787, that is, only three years before
+William Smith began his labours, Werner, by his work
+on the classification of mountains, laid the foundation
+of the German school of geology.<a name="FNanchor_785_785" id="FNanchor_785_785"></a><a href="#Footnote_785_785" class="fnanchor">[785]</a> His influence
+was immense; and among his pupils we find the names
+of Mohs, Raumer, and Von Buch, and even that of
+Alexander Humboldt.<a name="FNanchor_786_786" id="FNanchor_786_786"></a><a href="#Footnote_786_786" class="fnanchor">[786]</a> But the geological theory
+which he propounded, depended entirely on a chain of
+argument from cause to effect. He assumed, that all
+the great changes through which the earth had passed,
+were due to the action of water. Taking this for
+granted, he reasoned deductively from premisses with
+which his knowledge of water supplied him. Without
+entering into details respecting his system, it is enough
+to say, that, according to it, there was originally one
+vast and primeval sea, which, in the course of time,
+deposited the primitive rocks. The base of all was
+granite; then gneiss; and others followed in their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[394]</a></span>
+order. In the bosom of the water, which at first
+was tranquil, agitations gradually arose, which, destroying
+part of the earliest deposits, gave birth to new
+rocks, formed out of their ruins. The stratified thus
+succeeded to the unstratified, and something like
+variety was established. Then came another period,
+in which the face of the waters, instead of being merely
+agitated, was convulsed by tempests, and, amid their
+play and collision, life was generated, and plants and
+animals sprung into existence. The vast solitude was
+slowly peopled, the sea gradually retired; and a foundation
+was laid for that epoch, during which man entered
+the scene, bringing with him the rudiments of
+order and of social improvement.<a name="FNanchor_787_787" id="FNanchor_787_787"></a><a href="#Footnote_787_787" class="fnanchor">[787]</a></p>
+
+<p>These were the leading views of a system which, we
+must remember, exercised great sway in the scientific
+world, and won over to its side minds of considerable
+power. Erroneous and far-fetched though it was, it
+had the merit of calling attention to one of the two
+chief principles which have determined the present
+condition of our planet. It had the further merit of
+provoking a controversy, which was eminently serviceable
+to the interests of truth. For, the great enemy
+of knowledge is not error, but inertness. All that we
+want is discussion, and then we are sure to do well, no<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[395]</a></span>
+matter what our blunders may be. One error conflicts
+with another; each destroys its opponent, and truth is
+evolved. This is the course of the human mind, and
+it is from this point of view that the authors of new
+ideas, the proposers of new contrivances, and the originators
+of new heresies, are benefactors of their
+species. Whether they are right or wrong, is the least
+part of the question. They tend to excite the mind;
+they open up the faculties; they stimulate us to fresh
+inquiry; they place old subjects under new aspects;
+they disturb the public sloth; and they interrupt,
+rudely, but with most salutary effect, that love of
+routine, which, by inducing men to go grovelling on
+in the ways of their ancestors, stands in the path of
+every improvement, as a constant, an outlying, and,
+too often, a fatal obstacle.</p>
+
+<p>The method adopted by Werner was evidently deductive,
+since he argued from a supposed cause, and
+reasoned from it to the effects. In that cause, he
+found his major premiss, and thence he worked downwards
+to his conclusion, until he reached the world of
+sense and of reality. He trusted in his one great idea,
+and he handled that idea with consummate skill. On
+that very account, did he pay less attention to existing
+facts. Had he chosen, he, like other men, could have
+collected them, and subjected them to an inductive
+generalization. But he preferred the opposite path.
+To reproach him with this is irrational; for, in his
+journey after truth, he chose one of the only two roads
+which are open to the human mind. In England, indeed,
+we are apt to take for granted that one road is
+infinitely preferable to the other. It may be so; but
+on this, as on many other subjects, assertions are current
+which have never been proved. At all events,
+Werner was so satisfied with his method, that he would
+not be at the pains of examining the position of rocks
+and their strata, as they are variously exhibited in
+different countries; he did not even explore his own
+country, but, confining himself to a corner of Germany,
+he began and completed his celebrated system,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[396]</a></span>
+without investigating the facts on which, according to
+the inductive method, that system should have been
+built.<a name="FNanchor_788_788" id="FNanchor_788_788"></a><a href="#Footnote_788_788" class="fnanchor">[788]</a></p>
+
+<p>Exactly the same process, on the same subject, and
+at the same time, was going on in Scotland. Hutton,
+who was the founder of Scotch geology, and who, in
+1788, published his <i>Theory of the Earth</i>, conducted the
+inquiry just as Werner did; though, when he began
+his speculations, he had no knowledge of what Werner
+was doing.<a name="FNanchor_789_789" id="FNanchor_789_789"></a><a href="#Footnote_789_789" class="fnanchor">[789]</a> The only difference between them was,
+that while Werner reasoned from the agency of water,
+Hutton reasoned from the agency of fire. The cause
+of this may, I think, be explained. Hutton lived in a
+country where some of the most important laws of
+heat had, for the first time, been generalized, and where
+consequently, that department of inorganic physics had
+acquired great reputation. It was natural for a Scotchman
+to take more than ordinary interest in a subject
+in which Scotland had been so successful, and had obtained
+so much fame. We need not, therefore, wonder
+that Hutton, who, like all men, felt the intellectual<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[397]</a></span>
+bent of the time in which he lived, should have yielded
+to an influence of which he was, perhaps, unconscious.
+In obedience to the general mental habits of his country
+he adopted the deductive method. In further
+obedience to the more special circumstances connected
+with his own immediate pursuits, he gathered the
+principles from which he reasoned from a study of fire,
+instead of gathering them, as Werner did, from a study
+of water.</p>
+
+<p>Hence it is, that, in the history of geology, the followers
+of Werner are known as Neptunists, and those of
+Hutton as Plutonists.<a name="FNanchor_790_790" id="FNanchor_790_790"></a><a href="#Footnote_790_790" class="fnanchor">[790]</a> And these terms represent the
+only difference between the two great masters. In the
+most important points, namely their method, they were
+entirely agreed. Both were essentially one-sided; both
+paid a too exclusive attention to one of the two principal
+agents which have altered, and are still altering,
+the crust of the earth; both reasoned from those agents,
+instead of reasoning to them; and both constructed
+their system without sufficiently studying the actual and
+existing facts; committing, in this respect, an error
+which the English geologists were the first to rectify.</p>
+
+<p>As I am writing a history, not of science, but of
+scientific method, I can only briefly glance at the
+nature of those services which Hutton rendered to
+geology, and which are so considerable, that his system
+has been called its present basis.<a name="FNanchor_791_791" id="FNanchor_791_791"></a><a href="#Footnote_791_791" class="fnanchor">[791]</a> This, however, is
+too strongly expressed; for, though Hutton was far
+from denying the influence of water,<a name="FNanchor_792_792" id="FNanchor_792_792"></a><a href="#Footnote_792_792" class="fnanchor">[792]</a> he did not
+concede enough to it, and there is a tendency among
+several geologists to admit that the system of Werner<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[398]</a></span>
+considered as an aqueous theory, contains a larger
+amount of truth than the advocates of the igneous
+theory are willing to allow. Still, what Hutton did
+was most remarkable, especially in reference to what
+are now termed metamorphic rocks, the theory of
+whose formation he was the first to conceive.<a name="FNanchor_793_793" id="FNanchor_793_793"></a><a href="#Footnote_793_793" class="fnanchor">[793]</a> Into
+this, and into their connexion, on the one hand, with
+the sedimentary rocks, and, on the other hand, with
+those rocks whose origin is perhaps purely igneous, I
+could not enter without treading on debatable ground.
+But, putting aside what is yet uncertain, I will mention
+two circumstances respecting Hutton which are undisputed,
+and which will give some idea of his method,
+and of the turn of his mind. The first circumstance is,
+that, although he ascribed to subterranean heat, as exhibited
+in volcanic action, a greater and more constant
+energy than any previous inquirers had ventured to
+do,<a name="FNanchor_794_794" id="FNanchor_794_794"></a><a href="#Footnote_794_794" class="fnanchor">[794]</a> he preferred speculating on the probable consequences
+of that action, rather than drawing inferences
+from the facts which the action presented; he being on
+this point so indifferent, that he arrived at his conclusions
+without inspecting even a single region of active
+volcanoes, where he might have watched the workings
+of nature, and seen what she was really about.<a name="FNanchor_795_795" id="FNanchor_795_795"></a><a href="#Footnote_795_795" class="fnanchor">[795]</a> The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[399]</a></span>
+other circumstance is equally characteristic. Hutton, in
+his speculations concerning the geological effects of heat,
+naturally availed himself of the laws which Black had
+unfolded. One of those laws was, that certain earths
+owe their fusibility to the presence of fixed air in
+them before heat has expelled it; so that if it were
+possible to force them to retain their fixed air, or carbonic
+acid gas, as we now call it, no amount of heat
+could deprive them of the capability of being fused.
+The fertile mind of Hutton saw, in this discovery, a
+principle from which he could construct a geological
+argument. It occurred to him, that great pressure
+would prevent the escape of fixed air from heated
+rocks, and would thus enable them to be fused, notwithstanding
+their elevated temperature. He then
+supposed that, at a period anterior to the existence of
+man, such a process had taken place under the surface
+of the sea, and that the weight of so great a column of
+water had prevented the rocks from being decomposed
+while they were subjected to the action of fire. In this
+way, their volatile parts were held together, and they
+themselves might be melted, which could not have happened
+except for this enormous pressure. By following
+this line of argument, he accounted for the consolidation
+of strata by heat; since, according to the premisses from
+which he started, the oily, or bituminous parts, would
+remain, in spite of the efforts of heat to disperse
+them.<a name="FNanchor_796_796" id="FNanchor_796_796"></a><a href="#Footnote_796_796" class="fnanchor">[796]</a> This striking speculation led to the inference,
+that the volatile components of a substance, and
+its fixed components, may be made to cohere, in the
+very teeth of that apparently irresistible agent whose
+business it is to effect their separation. Such an inference
+was contrary to all experience; or, to say the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[400]</a></span>
+least, no man had ever seen an instance of it.<a name="FNanchor_797_797" id="FNanchor_797_797"></a><a href="#Footnote_797_797" class="fnanchor">[797]</a> Indeed,
+the event was only supposed to happen in consequence
+of circumstances which were never met with
+on the surface of the globe, and which, therefore, were
+out of the range of all human observation.<a name="FNanchor_798_798" id="FNanchor_798_798"></a><a href="#Footnote_798_798" class="fnanchor">[798]</a> The
+utmost that could be expected was, that, by means of
+our instruments, we might, perhaps, on a small scale,
+imitate the process which Hutton had imagined. It
+was possible, that a direct experiment might artificially
+combine great pressure with great heat, and that the
+result might be, that the senses would realize what the
+intellect had conceived.<a name="FNanchor_799_799" id="FNanchor_799_799"></a><a href="#Footnote_799_799" class="fnanchor">[799]</a> But the experiment had
+never been tried, and Hutton, who delighted in reasoning
+from ideas rather than from facts, was not likely to
+undertake it.<a name="FNanchor_800_800" id="FNanchor_800_800"></a><a href="#Footnote_800_800" class="fnanchor">[800]</a> He cast his speculation on the world,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[401]</a></span>
+and left it to its fate.<a name="FNanchor_801_801" id="FNanchor_801_801"></a><a href="#Footnote_801_801" class="fnanchor">[801]</a> Fortunately, however, for the
+reception of his system, a very ingenious and skilful
+experimenter of that day, Sir James Hall, determined to
+test the speculation by an appeal to facts; and as nature
+did not supply the facts which he wanted, he created
+them for himself. He applied heat to powdered chalk,
+while, at the same time, with great delicacy of manipulation,
+he subjected the chalk to a pressure about equal
+to the weight of a column of water half a mile high.
+The result was, that, under that pressure, the volatile
+parts of the chalk were held together; the carbonic
+acid gas was unable to escape; the generation of
+quicklime was stopped; the ordinary operations of nature
+were baffled, and the whole composition, being preserved
+in its integrity, was fused, and, on subsequently
+cooling, actually crystallized into solid marble.<a name="FNanchor_802_802" id="FNanchor_802_802"></a><a href="#Footnote_802_802" class="fnanchor">[802]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[402]</a></span>
+Never was triumph more complete. Never did a fact
+more fully confirm an idea.<a name="FNanchor_803_803" id="FNanchor_803_803"></a><a href="#Footnote_803_803" class="fnanchor">[803]</a> But, in the mind of
+Hutton, the idea preceded the fact by a long interval;
+since, before the fact was known, the theory had been
+raised, and the system which was built upon it had,
+indeed, been published several years. It, therefore,
+appears that one of the chief parts of the Huttonian
+Theory, and certainly its most successful part, was
+conceived in opposition to all preceding experience;
+that it pre-supposed a combination of events which no
+one had ever observed, and the mere possibility of
+which nothing but artificial experiment could prove;
+and, finally, that Hutton was so confident of the validity
+of his own method of inquiry, that he disdained
+to make the experiment himself, but left to another
+mind that empirical branch of the investigation which
+he deemed of little moment, but which we, in England,
+are taught to believe is the only safe foundation of
+physical research.<a name="FNanchor_804_804" id="FNanchor_804_804"></a><a href="#Footnote_804_804" class="fnanchor">[804]</a></p>
+
+<p>I have now given an account of all the most important
+discoveries made by Scotland, in the eighteenth
+century, respecting the laws of the inorganic world. I
+have said nothing of Watt, because, although the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">[403]</a></span>
+steam-engine, which we owe to him, is of incalculable
+importance, it is not a discovery, but an invention. An
+invention it may justly be termed, rather than an improvement.<a name="FNanchor_805_805" id="FNanchor_805_805"></a><a href="#Footnote_805_805" class="fnanchor">[805]</a>
+Notwithstanding what had been effected
+in the seventeenth century, by De Caus, Worcester,
+Papin, and Savery, and notwithstanding the later additions
+of Newcomen and others, the real originality of
+Watt is unimpeachable. His engine was, essentially, a
+new invention; but, under its scientific aspect, it was
+merely a skilful adaptation of laws previously known;
+and one of its most important points, namely, the
+economy of heat, was a practical application of ideas
+promulgated by Black.<a name="FNanchor_806_806" id="FNanchor_806_806"></a><a href="#Footnote_806_806" class="fnanchor">[806]</a> The only discovery made by
+Watt, was that of the composition of water. Though his
+claims are disputed by the friends of Cavendish, it would
+appear that he was the first who ascertained that water,
+instead of being an element, is a compound of two
+gases.<a name="FNanchor_807_807" id="FNanchor_807_807"></a><a href="#Footnote_807_807" class="fnanchor">[807]</a> This discovery was a considerable step in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[404]</a></span>
+history of chemical analysis, but it neither involved nor
+suggested any new law of nature, and has, therefore,
+no claim to mark an epoch in the history of the human
+mind.<a name="FNanchor_808_808" id="FNanchor_808_808"></a><a href="#Footnote_808_808" class="fnanchor">[808]</a> There is, however, one circumstance connected
+with it which is too characteristic to be passed over in
+silence. The discovery was made in 1783, by Watt, the
+Scotchman, and by Cavendish, the Englishman, neither
+of whom seems to have been aware of what the other
+was doing.<a name="FNanchor_809_809" id="FNanchor_809_809"></a><a href="#Footnote_809_809" class="fnanchor">[809]</a> But between the two there was this
+difference. Watt, for several years previously, had been
+speculating on the subject of water in connexion with
+air, and having, by Black's law of latent heat, associated
+them together, he was prepared to believe that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[405]</a></span>
+one is convertible into the other.<a name="FNanchor_810_810" id="FNanchor_810_810"></a><a href="#Footnote_810_810" class="fnanchor">[810]</a> The idea of an
+intimate analogy between the two bodies having once
+entered his mind, gradually ripened; and when he, at
+last, completed the discovery, it was merely by reasoning
+from data which others possessed besides himself.
+Instead of bringing to light new facts, he drew new
+conclusions from former ideas.<a name="FNanchor_811_811" id="FNanchor_811_811"></a><a href="#Footnote_811_811" class="fnanchor">[811]</a> Cavendish, on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">[406]</a></span>
+other hand, obtained his result by the method natural
+to an Englishman. He did not venture to draw a
+fresh inference, until he had first ascertained some
+fresh facts. Indeed, his discovery was so completely
+an induction from his own experiments, that he omitted
+to take into consideration the theory of latent heat,
+from which Watt had reasoned, and where that eminent
+Scotchman had found the premisses of his argument.<a name="FNanchor_812_812" id="FNanchor_812_812"></a><a href="#Footnote_812_812" class="fnanchor">[812]</a>
+Both of these great inquirers arrived at truth, but each
+accomplished his journey by a different path. And
+this antithesis is accurately expressed by one of the
+most celebrated of living chemists, who, in his remarks
+on the composition of water, truly says, that while
+Cavendish established the facts, Watt established the
+idea.<a name="FNanchor_813_813" id="FNanchor_813_813"></a><a href="#Footnote_813_813" class="fnanchor">[813]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus much, as to what was effected by the Scotch
+in the department of inorganic science. If we now
+turn to organic science, we shall find that, there also,
+their labours were very remarkable. To those who are
+capable of a certain elevation and compass of thought,
+it will appear, in the highest degree, probable, that,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[407]</a></span>
+between the organic and inorganic world, there is no
+real difference. That they are separated, as is commonly
+asserted, by a sharp line of demarcation, which
+indicates where one abruptly ends, and the other
+abruptly begins, seems to be a supposition altogether
+untenable. Nature does not pause, and break off in
+this fitful and irregular manner. In her works there
+is neither gap nor chasm. To a really scientific mind,
+the material world presents one vast and uninterrupted
+series, gradually rising from the lowest to the highest
+forms, but never stopping. In one part of that series,
+we find a particular structure, which, so far as our
+observations have yet extended, we, in another part,
+cannot find. We also observe particular functions,
+which correspond to the structure, and, as we believe,
+result from it. This is all we know. Yet, from these
+scanty facts, we, who, at present, are still in the infancy
+of knowledge, and have but skimmed the surface of
+things, are expected to infer, that there must be a
+point, in the chain of existence, where both structure
+and function suddenly cease, and, after which, we may
+vainly search for signs of life. It would be difficult to
+conceive a conclusion more repugnant to the whole
+march and analogy of modern thought. In every department,
+the speculations of the greatest thinkers are
+constantly tending to coördinate all phenomena, and to
+regard them as different, indeed, in degree, but by no
+means as different in kind. Formerly, men were content
+to ground their conviction of this difference in
+kind, on the evidence of the eye, which, on a cursory
+inspection, saw an organization in some bodies, and not
+in others. From the organization, they inferred the
+life, and supposed that plants, for instance, had life,
+but that minerals had none. This sort of argument
+was long deemed satisfactory; but, in the course of
+time, it broke down; more evidence was required, and,
+since the middle of the seventeenth century, it has been
+universally admitted, that the eye, by itself, is an untrustworthy
+witness, and that we must employ the
+microscope, instead of relying on the unaided testimony
+of our own puny and precarious senses. But the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[408]</a></span>
+microscope is steadily improving, and we cannot tell
+what limits there are to its capacity for improvement.
+Consequently, we cannot tell what fresh secrets it may
+disclose. Neither can we say, that it may not be
+altogether superseded by some new artificial resource,
+which shall furnish us with evidence, as superior to any
+yet supplied, as our present evidence is superior to that
+of the naked eye. Even already, and notwithstanding
+the shortness of time during which the microscope has
+been a really effective instrument, it has revealed to us
+organizations, the existence of which no one had previously
+suspected. It has proved, that what, for thousands
+of years, had been deemed mere specks of inert
+matter, are, in truth, animals possessing most of the
+functions which we possess, reproducing their species
+in regular and orderly succession, and endowed with
+a nervous system, which shows that they must be susceptible
+of pain and enjoyment. It has detected life
+hidden in the glaciers of Switzerland; it has found it
+embedded in the polar ice, and, if it can flourish there,
+it is hard to say from what quarter it can be shut out.
+So unwilling, however, are most men to relinquish old
+notions, that the resources of chemistry have been
+called in, to ascertain the supposed difference between
+organic and inorganic matter: it being asserted, that,
+in the organic world, there is a greater complexity of
+molecular combination, than in the inorganic.<a name="FNanchor_814_814" id="FNanchor_814_814"></a><a href="#Footnote_814_814" class="fnanchor">[814]</a> Chemists
+further assert, that, in organic nature, there is a predominance
+of carbon, and, in inorganic, a predominance of
+silicon.<a name="FNanchor_815_815" id="FNanchor_815_815"></a><a href="#Footnote_815_815" class="fnanchor">[815]</a> But chemical analysis, like microscopic
+observation, is making such rapid strides, that each<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">[409]</a></span>
+generation, I had almost said each year, is unsettling
+some of the conclusions previously established; so that,
+now, and for a long time hence, we must regard those
+conclusions as empirical, and, indeed, as merely tentative.
+Surely a permanent and universal inference
+cannot be drawn from shifting and precarious facts,
+which are admitted to-day, and may be overthrown
+to-morrow. It would, therefore, appear that, in favour
+of the opinion, that some bodies are living, and that
+others are dead, we have nothing, except the circumstance,
+that our researches, so far as they have yet
+gone, have shown that cellular structure, growth, and
+reproduction, are not the invariable properties of
+matter, but are excluded from a large part of the visible
+world, which, on that account, we call inanimate.
+This is the whole of the argument on that side of the
+question. On the other side, we have the fact, that
+our sight, and the artificial instruments, by whose aid
+we have arrived at this conclusion, are confessedly imperfect;
+and we have the further fact, that, imperfect
+as they are, they have proved, that the organic kingdom
+is infinitely more extensive than the boldest dreamer
+had ever imagined, while they have not been able to
+enlarge the boundaries of the inorganic kingdom to any
+thing like the same amount. This shows, that, so far
+as our opinions are concerned, the balance is steadily
+inclining in one given direction; in other words, as
+our knowledge advances, a belief in the organic is encroaching
+upon a belief in the inorganic.<a name="FNanchor_816_816" id="FNanchor_816_816"></a><a href="#Footnote_816_816" class="fnanchor">[816]</a> When we,
+moreover, add, that all science is manifestly converging<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">[410]</a></span>
+towards one simple and general theory, which shall
+cover the whole range of material phenomena, and that,
+at each successive step, some irregularities are explained
+away, and some inequalities are reduced, it can hardly
+be doubted, that such a movement tends to weaken
+those old distinctions, the reality of which has been too
+hastily assumed; and that, in their place, we must,
+sooner or later, substitute the more comprehensive
+view, that life is a property of all matter, and that
+the classification of bodies into animate and inanimate,
+or into organic and inorganic, is merely a provisional
+arrangement, convenient, perhaps, for our
+present purposes, but which, like all similar divisions,
+will eventually be merged in a higher and wider
+scheme.</p>
+
+<p>Until, however, that step is taken, we must be content
+to reason according to the evidence supplied by our
+imperfect instruments, or by our still more imperfect
+senses. We, therefore, recognize the difference between
+organic and inorganic nature, not as a scientific truth,
+but as a scientific artifice, by which we separate in idea,
+what is inseparable in fact; hoping, in this way, to pursue
+our course with the greater ease, and ultimately to
+obtain results, which will make the artifice needless.
+Assuming, then, this division, we may refer all investigations
+of organic bodies to one of two objects. The first
+object is, to ascertain the law of those bodies, in their
+usual, healthy, or, as we somewhat erroneously phrase
+it, normal course. The other object is, to ascertain
+their law, in their unusual, unhealthy, or abnormal
+course. When we attempt to do the first of these
+things, we are physiologists. When we attempt to do
+the second, we are pathologists.<a name="FNanchor_817_817" id="FNanchor_817_817"></a><a href="#Footnote_817_817" class="fnanchor">[817]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">[411]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Physiology and pathology are thus the two fundamental
+divisions of all organic science.<a name="FNanchor_818_818" id="FNanchor_818_818"></a><a href="#Footnote_818_818" class="fnanchor">[818]</a> Each is intimately
+connected with the other; and eventually, no
+doubt, both will be fused into a single study, by discovering
+laws which will prove that here, as elsewhere,
+nothing is really abnormal, or irregular. Hitherto, however,
+the physiologists have immeasurably outstripped
+the pathologists in the comprehensiveness of their views,
+and, therefore, in the value of their results. For, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">[412]</a></span>
+best physiologists distinctly recognize that the basis of
+their science must include, not only the animals below
+man, but also the entire vegetable kingdom, and that,
+without this commanding survey of the whole realm
+of organic nature, we cannot possibly understand even
+human physiology, still less general physiology. The
+pathologists, on the other hand, are so much in arrear,
+that the diseases of the lower animals rarely form part
+of their plan; while the diseases of plants are almost
+entirely neglected, although it is certain that, until all
+these have been studied, and some steps taken to generalize
+them, every pathological conclusion will be eminently
+empirical, on account of the narrowness of the
+field from which it is collected.</p>
+
+<p>The science of pathology being still so backward in
+the conception as well as in the execution, that even
+men of real ability believe that it can be raised from a
+mere study of the human frame, it will hardly be expected
+that the Scotch, notwithstanding the marvellous
+boldness of their speculations, should have been able, in
+the eighteenth century, to anticipate a method which
+the nineteenth century has yet to employ. But they
+produced two pathologists of great ability, and to whom
+we owe considerable obligations. These were, Cullen
+and John Hunter.<a name="FNanchor_819_819" id="FNanchor_819_819"></a><a href="#Footnote_819_819" class="fnanchor">[819]</a> Cullen was eminent only as a
+pathologist; but Hunter, whose fine and discursive
+genius took a much wider range, was great both in
+physiology and in pathology. A short account of their
+generalizations respecting organic science, will be a
+fitting sequel to the notices I have already given of what
+was done by their countrymen for inorganic science,
+during the same period. It will complete our survey
+of the Scotch intellect, and will enable the reader to
+form some idea of the brilliant achievements of that
+most remarkable people, who, contrary to the course of
+affairs in all other modern nations, have shown that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">[413]</a></span>
+scientific discoveries do not necessarily weaken superstition,
+and that it is possible for two hostile principles
+to flourish side by side, without ever coming into actual
+collision, or without sensibly impairing each other's
+vigour.</p>
+
+<p>In 1751, Cullen was appointed professor of medicine
+in the University of Glasgow;<a name="FNanchor_820_820" id="FNanchor_820_820"></a><a href="#Footnote_820_820" class="fnanchor">[820]</a> from which, however,
+in 1756, he was removed to the University of Edinburgh,<a name="FNanchor_821_821" id="FNanchor_821_821"></a><a href="#Footnote_821_821" class="fnanchor">[821]</a>
+where he delivered those celebrated lectures,
+on which his fame now depends. During the early
+part of his career, he paid great attention to inorganic
+physics, and propounded some remarkable speculations,
+which are supposed to have suggested the theory of
+latent heat to Black, who was his pupil.<a name="FNanchor_822_822" id="FNanchor_822_822"></a><a href="#Footnote_822_822" class="fnanchor">[822]</a> But, to
+follow out those views, would have required a number
+of minute experiments, which it did not suit the habit
+of his mind to make. Having, therefore, put forth his
+ideas, he left them to germinate, and passed on to his
+arduous attempt to generalize the laws of disease as they
+are exhibited in the human frame. In the study of
+disease, the phenomena being more obscure and less
+amenable to experiment, there was greater latitude for
+speculation; hence, he could more easily indulge in that
+love of theory, which was his ruling passion, and with
+an extreme devotion to which he has been reproached.<a name="FNanchor_823_823" id="FNanchor_823_823"></a><a href="#Footnote_823_823" class="fnanchor">[823]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">[414]</a></span>
+That the reproach is not altogether unjust, must, I think,
+be admitted, since we find him laying down the doctrine,
+that, inasmuch as, in the treatment of disease, theory
+could not be separated from practice, it was unimportant
+which came first.<a name="FNanchor_824_824" id="FNanchor_824_824"></a><a href="#Footnote_824_824" class="fnanchor">[824]</a> This was tantamount to saying,
+that a medical practitioner might allow his theories to
+control his observations; for it is certain that, in an
+immense majority of cases, men are so tenacious of the
+opinions they imbibe, that whatever, in any pursuit,
+first occupies their understanding, is likely to mould all
+that comes afterwards. In ordinary minds, associations
+of ideas, if firmly established, become indissoluble; and
+the power of separating them, and of arranging them in
+new combinations, is one of the rarest of our endowments.
+An average intellect, when once possessed by
+a theory, can hardly ever escape from it. Hence, in
+practical matters, theory should be feared, just as, in
+scientific matters, it should be cherished; because
+practical pursuits are chiefly engrossed by the lower
+class of minds, where associations and the force of prejudice
+are extremely strong, while scientific pursuits
+concern the higher class, where such prepossessions
+are comparatively weak, and where close associations
+are more easily severed. The most powerful intellects
+are most accustomed to new arrangements of thought,
+and are, therefore, most able to break up old ones. On
+them, belief sits lightly, because they well know how
+little evidence we have for many of even our oldest
+beliefs. But the average, or, as we must say, without
+meaning offence, the inferior, minds, are not disturbed
+by these refinements. Theories, which they have once
+heartily embraced, they can hardly ever get rid of, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">[415]</a></span>
+they often dignify them with the name of essential
+truths, and resent every attack upon them as a personal
+injury. Having inherited such theories from their
+fathers, they regard them with a sort of filial piety, and
+cling to them as if they were some rich acquisition,
+which no one has a right to touch.</p>
+
+<p>To this latter class, nearly all men belong, who are
+more engaged in practical pursuits than in speculative
+ones. Among them, are the ordinary practitioners,
+whether in medicine or in any other department, extremely
+few of whom are willing to break up trains of
+thought to which they are inured.<a name="FNanchor_825_825" id="FNanchor_825_825"></a><a href="#Footnote_825_825" class="fnanchor">[825]</a> Though they profess
+to despise theory, they are, in reality, enslaved by it.
+All that they can do, is to conceal their subjection, by
+terming their theory a necessary belief. It must, therefore,
+be deemed a remarkable proof of Cullen's love of
+deductive reasoning, that he, sagacious and clear-sighted
+as he was, should have supposed that, in so practical an
+art as medicine, theory could, with impunity, precede
+practice. For, it is most assuredly true, that, taking
+men in the average, their minds are so constructed, that
+it cannot precede it without controlling it. It is equally
+true, that such control must be hurtful. Even now, and
+notwithstanding the great steps which have been taken
+in morbid anatomy, in animal chemistry, and in the
+microscopic investigation both of the fluids and solids of
+the human frame, the treatment of disease is a question
+of art, far more than a question of science. What chiefly
+characterizes the most eminent physicians, and gives
+them their real superiority, is not so much the extent of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">[416]</a></span>
+their theoretical knowledge,&mdash;though that, too, is often
+considerable,&mdash;but it is that fine and delicate perception
+which they owe, partly to experience, and partly to a
+natural quickness in detecting analogies and differences
+which escape ordinary observers. The process which
+they follow, is one of rapid, and, in some degree, unconscious,
+induction. And this is the reason why the
+greatest physiologists and chemists, which the medical
+profession possesses, are not, as a matter of course, the
+best curers of disease. If medicine were a science, they
+would always be the best. But medicine, being still
+essentially an art, depends mainly upon qualities which
+each practitioner has to acquire for himself, and which
+no scientific theory can teach. The time for a general
+theory has not yet come, and probably many generations
+will have to elapse before it does come. To suppose,
+therefore, that a theory of disease should, as a matter of
+education, precede the treatment of disease, is not only
+practically dangerous, but logically false. With its
+practical danger I am not now concerned; but its
+logical aspect is a curious illustration of that passion
+for systematic and dialectic reasoning which characterized
+Scotland. It shows that Cullen, in his eagerness
+to argue from principles to facts, instead of from facts
+to principles, could, in the most important of all arts,
+recommend a method of procedure, for which even our
+knowledge is not ripe, but which, in his time, was so
+singularly rash and immature, that nothing can explain
+its adoption by a man of such vigorous understanding,
+except the circumstance of his living in a country in
+which that peculiar method reigned supreme.</p>
+
+<p>It must, however, be admitted that Cullen wielded
+the method with great ability, especially in his application
+of it to the science of pathology, to which it was
+far better suited than to the art of therapeutics. For,
+we must always remember, that the science which investigates
+the laws of disease, is quite a different thing
+from the art which cures it. The science has a speculative
+interest, which is irrespective of all practical
+considerations, and which depends simply on the fact,
+that, when it is completed, it will explain the aberrations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">[417]</a></span>
+of the whole organic world. Pathology aims at ascertaining
+the causes which determine every departure
+from the natural type, whether of form or of function.
+Hence it is, that no one can take a comprehensive view
+of the actual state of knowledge, without studying the
+theoretic relations between pathology and other departments
+of inquiry. To do this, is the business, not of
+practical men, but of philosophers, properly so called.
+The philosophic pathologist is as different from the
+physician, as a jurist is different from an advocate, or as
+an agricultural chemist is different from a farmer, or as
+a political economist is different from a statesman, or as
+an astronomer, who generalizes the laws of the heavenly
+bodies, is different from a captain, who navigates his
+ship by a practical application of those laws. The two
+sets of functions may be united, and occasionally, though
+very rarely, they are, but there is no necessity for their
+being so. While, therefore, it would be absurdly presumptuous
+for an unprofessional person to pass judgment
+on the therapeutical system of Cullen, it is perfectly
+legitimate for any one, who has studied the theory
+of these matters, to examine his pathological system;
+because that, like all scientific systems, must be amenable
+to general considerations, which are to be taken,
+partly from the adjoining sciences, and partly from the
+universal logic of philosophic method.</p>
+
+<p>It is from this latter, or logical, point of view, that
+Cullen's pathology is interesting for the purposes of the
+present chapter. The character of his investigations
+may be illustrated by saying, that his method in pathology
+is analogous to that which Adam Smith adopted at
+the same time, though in a very different field. Both
+were deductive; and both, before arguing deductively,
+suppressed some of the premisses from which they
+reasoned. That this suppression is the key to Adam
+Smith's method, and was an intentional part of his plan,
+I have already shown; as also that, in each of his two
+works, he supplied the premisses in which the other
+work was deficient. In this respect, he was far superior
+to Cullen. For, though Cullen, like Smith, began by
+mutilating his problem in order to solve it more readily,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">[418]</a></span>
+he, unlike Smith, did not see the necessity of instituting
+another and parallel inquiry, which should complete
+the scheme, by starting from the premisses that had
+been previously omitted.</p>
+
+<p>What I have termed the mutilation of the problem,
+was effected by Cullen in the following manner. His
+object was, to generalize the phenomena of disease, as
+they are exhibited in the human frame; and it was obvious
+to him, as to every one else, that the human frame
+consists partly of solids and partly of fluids. The peculiarity
+of his pathology is, that he reasons almost entirely
+from the laws of the solids, and makes so little account
+of the fluids, that he will only allow them to be the
+indirect causes of disease, which, in a scientific view, are
+to be deemed strictly subordinate to the direct causes,
+as represented by the solid constituents of our body.<a name="FNanchor_826_826" id="FNanchor_826_826"></a><a href="#Footnote_826_826" class="fnanchor">[826]</a>
+This assumption, though false, was perfectly justifiable,
+since, by curtailing the problem, he simplified its study;
+just as Adam Smith, in his <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, simplified
+the study of human nature, by curtailing it of all its
+sympathy. But this most comprehensive thinker was
+careful, in his <i>Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, to restore to
+human nature the quality of which the <i>Wealth of Nations</i>
+had deprived it; and, by thus establishing two different
+lines of argument, he embraced the whole subject. In
+the same way, it was incumbent on Cullen, after having
+constructed a theory of disease by reasoning from the
+solids, to have constructed another theory by reasoning
+from the fluids; so that a coördination of the two theories
+might have raised a science of pathology, as complete as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">[419]</a></span>
+the then state of knowledge allowed.<a name="FNanchor_827_827" id="FNanchor_827_827"></a><a href="#Footnote_827_827" class="fnanchor">[827]</a> But to this, his
+mind was unequal. Able though he was, he lacked the
+grasp of intellect which characterized Adam Smith, and
+which made that great man perceive, that every deductive
+argument which is founded on a suppression of
+premisses, must be compensated by a parallel argument,
+which takes those premisses into account.<a name="FNanchor_828_828" id="FNanchor_828_828"></a><a href="#Footnote_828_828" class="fnanchor">[828]</a> So little
+was Cullen aware of this, that, having built up that
+system of pathology which is known to medical writers
+as Solidism, he never took the pains to accompany it
+by another system, which gave the first rank to the
+fluids. On the contrary, he believed that his plan was
+complete and exhaustive, and that what is termed
+Humoral Pathology was a fiction, which had too long
+usurped the place of truth.<a name="FNanchor_829_829" id="FNanchor_829_829"></a><a href="#Footnote_829_829" class="fnanchor">[829]</a></p>
+
+<p>Several of the views advocated by Cullen were taken
+from Hoffmann, and several of the facts from Gaubius;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">[420]</a></span>
+but that his pathology, considered as a whole, is essentially
+original, is evident from a certain unity of design
+which is inconsistent with extensive plagiarism, and
+which proves that he had thoroughly thought out his subject
+for himself. Without, however, stopping to inquire
+how much he borrowed from others, I will briefly indicate
+a few of the salient points of his system, in order to
+enable the reader to understand its general character.</p>
+
+<p>According to Cullen, all the solids in the human body
+are either simple or vital. The simple solids retain,
+after death, the properties which they possessed during
+life. But the vital solids, which form the fundamental
+part of the nervous system, are marked by properties,
+which disappear directly death occurs.<a name="FNanchor_830_830" id="FNanchor_830_830"></a><a href="#Footnote_830_830" class="fnanchor">[830]</a> Hence, the
+simple solids, having fewer functions than the vital,
+have also fewer diseases; and the maladies to which
+they are liable admit of easy classification.<a name="FNanchor_831_831" id="FNanchor_831_831"></a><a href="#Footnote_831_831" class="fnanchor">[831]</a> The real
+difficulty lies in the vital solids, because on their peculiarities
+the whole nervous system depends, and nearly
+all disorders are immediately due to changes in them.
+Cullen, therefore, made the nervous system the basis of
+his pathology; and, in speculating on its functions, he
+assigned the chief place to an occult principle, which he
+termed the Animal Power, or Energy, of the brain.<a name="FNanchor_832_832" id="FNanchor_832_832"></a><a href="#Footnote_832_832" class="fnanchor">[832]</a>
+This principle acted on the vital solids. When the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">[421]</a></span>
+principle worked well, the body was healthy; when it
+worked ill, the body was unhealthy. Since, then, the
+state of the vital solids was the main cause of disorder,
+and since the Energy of the brain was the main cause
+of the state of the vital solids, it became important to
+know what the influences were which acted on the
+Energy, because in them we should find the beginning
+of the series. Those influences were divided by Cullen
+into physical and mental. The physical were, heat,
+cold, and effluvia, the three most potent of the material
+disturbers of the human frame.<a name="FNanchor_833_833" id="FNanchor_833_833"></a><a href="#Footnote_833_833" class="fnanchor">[833]</a> The mental influences,
+which excited the brain to act on the solids, were comprised
+under six different heads, namely, the will, the
+emotions, the appetites, the propensities, and, finally,
+the two great principles of habit and of imitation, on
+which he, with good reason, laid considerable stress.<a name="FNanchor_834_834" id="FNanchor_834_834"></a><a href="#Footnote_834_834" class="fnanchor">[834]</a>
+In arguing from these mental causes, and in generalizing
+the relations between them and the sensations of the
+body, he, faithful to his favourite method, proceeded
+deductively from the metaphysical principles then in
+vogue, without inquiring inductively into their validity,
+such an induction being, he thought, no part of his
+duty.<a name="FNanchor_835_835" id="FNanchor_835_835"></a><a href="#Footnote_835_835" class="fnanchor">[835]</a> He was too anxious to get on with his dialectic,
+to be interrupted by so trifling a matter as the truth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">[422]</a></span>
+or falsehood of the premisses on which the reason
+rested. What he did in the metaphysical part of his
+pathology, he also did in its physical part. Although
+the blood and the nerves are the two leading features
+of the human economy, he did not search into them by
+a separate induction; he subjected them neither to
+chemical experiments in order to learn their composition,
+nor to microscopic observations in order to learn their
+structure.<a name="FNanchor_836_836" id="FNanchor_836_836"></a><a href="#Footnote_836_836" class="fnanchor">[836]</a> This is the more observable, because
+though we must admit that animal chemistry was then
+generally neglected, and that its real meaning was
+scarcely understood until the wonderful labours of
+Berzelius revealed its importance, still the microscope
+was ready to Cullen's hands; it having been invented
+a hundred and fifty years before he completed his pathology,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">[423]</a></span>
+and having been in common scientific use for about
+a hundred years. But his love of synthesis overcame
+him. His system is constructed by reasoning from
+general principles; and of that process, he certainly
+was a consummate master. Between the premisses and
+the conclusion, he hardly ever lets error creep in. And,
+in reference to the results of his speculations, he had one
+immense merit, which will always secure to him a conspicuous
+place in the history of pathology. By insisting
+on the importance of the solids, he, one-sided though he
+was, corrected the equal one-sidedness of his predecessors;
+for, with extremely few exceptions, all the best
+pathologists, from Galen downwards, had erred in ascribing
+too much to the fluids, and had upheld a purely
+humoral pathology. Cullen turned the minds of men in
+the other direction; and though, in teaching them that
+the nervous system is the sole primary seat of disease,
+he committed a great mistake, it was a mistake of the
+most salutary kind. By leaning on that side, he restored
+the balance. Hence, I have no doubt, he indirectly encouraged
+those minute researches into the nerves, which
+he would not himself stop to make, but which, in the
+next generation, gave rise to the capital discoveries of
+Bell, Shaw, Mayo, and Marshall Hall. At the same
+time, the old humoral pathology, which had prevailed
+for many centuries, was practically pernicious, because,
+assuming that all diseases are in the blood, it produced
+that constant and indiscriminate venesection, which destroyed
+innumerable lives, besides the irreparable injury
+it often inflicted both on body and mind; weakening those
+whom it was unable to slay. Against this merciless onslaught,
+which made medicine the curse of mankind, the
+Solid Pathology was the first effective barrier.<a name="FNanchor_837_837" id="FNanchor_837_837"></a><a href="#Footnote_837_837" class="fnanchor">[837]</a> Practically,
+therefore, as well as speculatively, we must hail<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">[424]</a></span>
+Cullen as a great benefactor of his species; and we must
+regard his appearance as an epoch in the history of human
+comfort, as well as in the history of human thought.</p>
+
+<p>It may, perhaps, facilitate the conceptions of unprofessional
+readers, if I give, in as few words as possible,
+a specimen of the way in which Cullen employed his
+method, in investigating the theory of some one class of
+diseases. For this purpose, I will select his doctrine of
+fever, which, though now generally abandoned, once
+exercised more influence than any other part of his
+pathology. Here, as elsewhere, he reasons from the
+solids.<a name="FNanchor_838_838" id="FNanchor_838_838"></a><a href="#Footnote_838_838" class="fnanchor">[838]</a> Disregarding the state of the blood, he says,
+that the cause of all fever is a diminished energy of
+the brain.<a name="FNanchor_839_839" id="FNanchor_839_839"></a><a href="#Footnote_839_839" class="fnanchor">[839]</a> Such diminution may be produced by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">[425]</a></span>
+various sedatives, the most common of which are
+effluvia, whether marsh or human, intemperance, fear,
+and cold.<a name="FNanchor_840_840" id="FNanchor_840_840"></a><a href="#Footnote_840_840" class="fnanchor">[840]</a> Directly the energy of the brain is impaired,
+the disease begins. Rapidly passing through
+the nervous system, its first palpable effect is a chill, or
+cold fit, which is accompanied by a spasm on the extremities
+of the arteries, particularly where they touch
+the surface of the body.<a name="FNanchor_841_841" id="FNanchor_841_841"></a><a href="#Footnote_841_841" class="fnanchor">[841]</a> This spasm on the extreme<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">[426]</a></span>
+vessels, irritates the heart and arteries, and the irritation
+continues till the spasm is relaxed.<a name="FNanchor_842_842" id="FNanchor_842_842"></a><a href="#Footnote_842_842" class="fnanchor">[842]</a> At the same
+time, the increased action of the heart restores the
+energy of the brain; the system rallies; the extreme
+vessels are relieved; while, as a consequence of the
+whole movement, sweat is excreted, and the fever
+abates.<a name="FNanchor_843_843" id="FNanchor_843_843"></a><a href="#Footnote_843_843" class="fnanchor">[843]</a> Shutting out, therefore, all consideration of
+the fluids of the body, the successive stages of languor,
+cold fit, and hot fit, might, in Cullen's opinion, be
+generalized by reasoning merely from the solids, which,
+furthermore, produced his well-known distinction between
+fevers, the continuance of which is owing to an
+excess of spasm, and those, the continuance of which is
+owing to an excess of debility.<a name="FNanchor_844_844" id="FNanchor_844_844"></a><a href="#Footnote_844_844" class="fnanchor">[844]</a></p>
+
+<p>A similar process of thought gave birth to his
+<i>Nosology</i>, or general classification of diseases, which
+some have regarded as the most valuable part of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">[427]</a></span>
+labours;<a name="FNanchor_845_845" id="FNanchor_845_845"></a><a href="#Footnote_845_845" class="fnanchor">[845]</a> though, for reasons already mentioned, we
+must, I think, reject all such attempts as premature, and
+as likely to work more harm than good, unless they are
+simply used as a contrivance to aid the memory. At
+all events, the <i>Nosology</i> of Cullen, though it exhibits
+clear traces of his powerful and organizing mind, is
+fast falling into disrepute, and we may be sure, that,
+for a long time yet, a similar fate will await its successors.
+Our pathological knowledge is still too young
+for so great an enterprise.<a name="FNanchor_846_846" id="FNanchor_846_846"></a><a href="#Footnote_846_846" class="fnanchor">[846]</a> We have every reason to
+expect, that, with the aid of chemistry, and of the
+microscope, it will continue to grow more rapidly than
+it has hitherto done. Without venturing to predict the
+rate of its increase, we may form some idea of it, by
+considering what has been effected with resources very
+inferior to those we now possess. In a work of great
+authority, published in the year 1848, it is stated, that
+since the appearance of Cullen's <i>Nosology</i>, our mere
+enumeration of diseases has almost doubled, while our
+knowledge of the facts relating to disease has more
+than doubled.<a name="FNanchor_847_847" id="FNanchor_847_847"></a><a href="#Footnote_847_847" class="fnanchor">[847]</a></p>
+
+<p>I have now only one more name to add to this splendid<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">[428]</a></span>
+catalogue of the great Scotchmen of the eighteenth
+century.<a name="FNanchor_848_848" id="FNanchor_848_848"></a><a href="#Footnote_848_848" class="fnanchor">[848]</a> But it is the name of a man, who, for comprehensive
+and original genius, comes immediately after
+Adam Smith, and must be placed far above any other
+philosopher whom Scotland has produced. I mean, of
+course, John Hunter, whose only fault was, an occasional
+obscurity, not merely of language, but also of
+thought. In this respect, and, perhaps, in this alone,
+Adam Smith had the advantage; for his mind was so
+flexible, and moved so freely, that even the vastest
+designs were unable to oppress it. With Hunter, on
+the contrary, it sometimes seemed as if the understanding
+was troubled by the grandeur of his own conceptions,
+and doubted what path it ought to take. He
+hesitated; the utterance of his intellect was indistinct.<a name="FNanchor_849_849" id="FNanchor_849_849"></a><a href="#Footnote_849_849" class="fnanchor">[849]</a>
+Still, his powers were so extraordinary, that,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">[429]</a></span>
+among the great masters of organic science, he belongs,
+I apprehend, to the same rank as Aristotle, Harvey, and
+Bichat, and is somewhat superior either to Haller or
+Cuvier. As to this classification, men will differ, according
+to their different ideas of the nature of science,
+and, above all, according to the extent to which they
+appreciate the importance of philosophic method. It is
+from this latter point of view that I have, at present, to
+consider the character of John Hunter; and, in tracing
+the movements of his most remarkable mind, we shall
+find, that, in it, deduction and induction were more
+intimately united than in any other Scotch intellect,
+either of the seventeenth or eighteenth century. The
+causes of this unusual combination, I will now endeavour
+to ascertain. When they are understood, they
+will not only explain many peculiarities in his works,
+but will afford materials for speculation, to those who
+love to examine the development of ideas, and who are
+able to discern the way in which different schemes of
+national thought have given different shapes to national
+character, and have thereby modified the whole course
+of human affairs, to an extent of which the ordinary
+compilers of history have not the slightest suspicion.</p>
+
+<p>Hunter remained in Scotland till the age of twenty,
+when he settled in London; and, though he was abroad
+for about three years, he abandoned his own country,
+and became, socially and intellectually, a native of
+England.<a name="FNanchor_850_850" id="FNanchor_850_850"></a><a href="#Footnote_850_850" class="fnanchor">[850]</a> Hence, the early associations of his mind<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">[430]</a></span>
+were formed in the midst of a deductive nation; the
+later associations, in the midst of an inductive one.
+For twenty years he lived among a people, who are,
+perhaps, the acutest reasoners in Europe, if you concede
+to them the principles from which they reason; but
+who, on the other hand, owing to their proneness to
+this method, are so greedy after general principles, that
+they will accept them on almost any evidence, and are,
+therefore, at once very credulous and very logical. In
+that school, and surrounded by those habits, the intellect
+of John Hunter was nurtured during the most
+impressible period of his life. Then the scene suddenly
+shifted. Coming to England, he passed forty years in
+the heart of the most empirical nation in Europe; a
+nation utterly abhorring all general principles, priding
+itself on its common sense, boasting, and with good
+reason too, of its practical sagacity, proclaiming aloud
+the superiority of facts over ideas, and despising every
+theory, unless some direct and immediate benefit could
+be expected to accrue from it. The young and ardent
+Scotchman found himself transplanted into a country
+totally different from that which he had just quitted;
+and such a difference could not fail to influence his
+mind. He saw, on every side, marks of prosperity, and
+of long and uninterrupted success, not only in practical,
+but also in speculative, life; and he was told that these
+things were effected by a system which made facts the
+first consideration. He was ambitious of fame, but he
+perceived that the road to fame was not the same in
+England as in Scotland. In Scotland, a great logician
+would be deemed a great man; in England, little account
+would be made of the beauty of his logic, unless he was
+careful that the premisses from which he argued,
+were trustworthy, and verified by experience. A new
+machine, a new experiment, the discovery of a salt, or
+of a bone, would, in England, receive a wider homage,
+than the most profound speculation from which no
+obvious results were apprehended. That this way of
+contemplating affairs has produced great good, is certain.
+But it is also certain, that it is a one-sided way,
+and satisfies only part of the human mind. Many of
+the noblest intellects crave for something which it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">[431]</a></span>
+cannot supply. In England, however, during the greater
+part of the eighteenth century, it was even more
+supreme than it is now, and was, indeed, so universal,
+that, from the year 1727 until nearly the close of the
+century, our country did not possess, in any branch of
+science, a speculator who had sufficient force to raise
+himself above those narrow views which were then
+deemed the perfection of wisdom.<a name="FNanchor_851_851" id="FNanchor_851_851"></a><a href="#Footnote_851_851" class="fnanchor">[851]</a> Much was added
+to our knowledge, but its distant boundaries were not
+enlarged. Though there was an increase of curious
+and valuable details, and though several of the small
+and proximate laws of nature were generalized, it must
+be admitted, that those lofty generalizations, which we
+owe to the seventeenth century, remained stationary,
+and that no attempt was made to push beyond them.
+When John Hunter arrived in London, in 1748, Newton
+had been dead more than twenty years, and the English
+people, absorbed in practical pursuits, and now beginning,
+for the first time, to enter into political life, had
+become more averse than ever to inquiries which aimed
+at truth without regard to utility, and had accustomed
+themselves to value science chiefly for the sake of the
+direct and tangible benefit which they might hope to
+derive from it.</p>
+
+<p>That Hunter must have been influenced by these
+circumstances, will be obvious to whoever considers
+how impossible it is for any single mind to escape from
+the pressure of contemporary opinion. But, inasmuch
+as all his early associations had inclined him in another
+direction, we perceive that, during his long residence
+in England, he was acted on by two conflicting forces.
+The country of his birth made him deductive; the
+country of his adoption made him inductive. As a
+Scotchman, he preferred reasoning from general principles
+to particular facts; as an inhabitant of England,
+he became inured to the opposite plan of reasoning
+from particular facts to general principles. In every
+country, men naturally give the first place to what is
+most valued. The English respect facts more than
+principles, and therefore begin with the facts. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">[432]</a></span>
+Scotch consider principles as most important, and
+therefore begin with the principles. And, I make
+no doubt that one of the reasons why Hunter, in
+investigating a subject, is often obscure, is that, on
+such occasions, his mind was divided between these
+two hostile methods, and that, leaning sometimes to
+one and sometimes to the other, he was unable to determine
+which he should choose. The conflict darkened
+his understanding. Adam Smith, on the other hand,
+in common with all the great Scotchmen who remained
+in Scotland, was remarkably clear. He, like Hume,
+Black, and Cullen, never wavered in his method.
+These eminent men were not acted on by English
+influence. Of all the most illustrious Scotchmen of the
+eighteenth century, Hunter alone underwent that influence,
+and he alone displayed a certain hesitation and
+perplexity of thought, which seems unnatural to so
+great a mind, and which, as it appears to me, is best
+explained by the peculiar circumstances in which he
+was placed.</p>
+
+<p>One of the ablest of his commentators has justly
+observed, that his natural inclination was, to conjecture
+what the laws of nature were, and then reason from
+them, instead of reasoning to them by slow and gradual
+induction.<a name="FNanchor_852_852" id="FNanchor_852_852"></a><a href="#Footnote_852_852" class="fnanchor">[852]</a> This process of deduction was, as I have
+shown, the favourite method of all Scotchmen, and,
+therefore, was precisely the course which we should
+have expected him to adopt. But, inasmuch as he
+was surrounded by the followers of Bacon,<a name="FNanchor_853_853" id="FNanchor_853_853"></a><a href="#Footnote_853_853" class="fnanchor">[853]</a> this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">[433]</a></span>
+natural bias was warped, and a large part of his marvellous
+activity was employed in observations and
+experiments, such as no Scotch thinker, living in Scotland,
+would ever have engaged in. He himself declared,
+that thinking was his delight;<a name="FNanchor_854_854" id="FNanchor_854_854"></a><a href="#Footnote_854_854" class="fnanchor">[854]</a> and there can
+be no doubt that, had he been differently situated,
+thinking would have been his principal pursuit. As it
+was, the industry with which he collected facts, is one
+of the most conspicuous features in his career. His
+researches covered the whole range of the animal kingdom,
+and were conducted with such untiring zeal, that
+he dissected upwards of five hundred different species,
+exclusive of dissections of different individuals, and
+exclusive, too, of dissections of a large number of
+plants.<a name="FNanchor_855_855" id="FNanchor_855_855"></a><a href="#Footnote_855_855" class="fnanchor">[855]</a> The results were carefully arranged and
+stored up in that noble collection which he formed,
+and of the magnitude of which we may gain some idea
+from the statement, that, at his death, it contained
+upwards of ten thousand preparations illustrative of
+the phenomena of nature.<a name="FNanchor_856_856" id="FNanchor_856_856"></a><a href="#Footnote_856_856" class="fnanchor">[856]</a> By this means, he became<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">[434]</a></span>
+so intimately acquainted with the animal kingdom,
+that he made a vast number of discoveries, which, considered
+singly, are curious, but which, when put
+together, constitute an invaluable body of new truths.
+Of these, the most important are, the true nature of
+the circulation in crustacea and insects;<a name="FNanchor_857_857" id="FNanchor_857_857"></a><a href="#Footnote_857_857" class="fnanchor">[857]</a> the organ
+of hearing in cephalopods;<a name="FNanchor_858_858" id="FNanchor_858_858"></a><a href="#Footnote_858_858" class="fnanchor">[858]</a> the power possessed by
+mollusks of absorbing their shells;<a name="FNanchor_859_859" id="FNanchor_859_859"></a><a href="#Footnote_859_859" class="fnanchor">[859]</a> the fact that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">[435]</a></span>
+bees do not collect wax, but secrete it;<a name="FNanchor_860_860" id="FNanchor_860_860"></a><a href="#Footnote_860_860" class="fnanchor">[860]</a> the semicircular
+canals of the cetacea;<a name="FNanchor_861_861" id="FNanchor_861_861"></a><a href="#Footnote_861_861" class="fnanchor">[861]</a> the lymphatics of
+birds;<a name="FNanchor_862_862" id="FNanchor_862_862"></a><a href="#Footnote_862_862" class="fnanchor">[862]</a> and the air-cells in the bones of birds.<a name="FNanchor_863_863" id="FNanchor_863_863"></a><a href="#Footnote_863_863" class="fnanchor">[863]</a>
+We are also assured, that he anticipated the recent discoveries
+respecting the embryo of the kangaroo;<a name="FNanchor_864_864" id="FNanchor_864_864"></a><a href="#Footnote_864_864" class="fnanchor">[864]</a>
+and his published works prove, that, in the human
+subject, he discovered the muscularity of the arteries,<a name="FNanchor_865_865" id="FNanchor_865_865"></a><a href="#Footnote_865_865" class="fnanchor">[865]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">[436]</a></span>
+the muscularity of the iris,<a name="FNanchor_866_866" id="FNanchor_866_866"></a><a href="#Footnote_866_866" class="fnanchor">[866]</a> and the digestion of the
+stomach after death by its own juice.<a name="FNanchor_867_867" id="FNanchor_867_867"></a><a href="#Footnote_867_867" class="fnanchor">[867]</a> Although, in
+his time, animal chemistry was not yet raised to a
+system, and was consequently little heeded by physiologists,
+Hunter endeavoured, by its aid, to search out
+the qualities of the blood, so as to ascertain the properties
+of its constituents.<a name="FNanchor_868_868" id="FNanchor_868_868"></a><a href="#Footnote_868_868" class="fnanchor">[868]</a> He also examined it in
+different stages of embryonic life, and by minutely
+tracking it through its periods of development, he made
+the capital discovery, that the red globules of the blood
+are formed later than its other components. His contemporaries,
+however, were so little alive to the importance
+of this great physiological truth, that it fell dead<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">[437]</a></span>
+upon them, and, being forgotten, it was, about fifty
+years afterwards, rediscovered, and was announced, in
+1832, as a law of nature which had just been brought
+to light.<a name="FNanchor_869_869" id="FNanchor_869_869"></a><a href="#Footnote_869_869" class="fnanchor">[869]</a> This is one of many instances in the
+history of our knowledge, which proves how useless it
+is for a man to advance too far beyond the age in
+which he lives.<a name="FNanchor_870_870" id="FNanchor_870_870"></a><a href="#Footnote_870_870" class="fnanchor">[870]</a> But Hunter, besides making the
+discovery, also saw its meaning. From it, he inferred
+that the function of the red globules is to minister to
+the strength of the system, rather than to its repair.<a name="FNanchor_871_871" id="FNanchor_871_871"></a><a href="#Footnote_871_871" class="fnanchor">[871]</a>
+This is now universally admitted; but it was not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">[438]</a></span>
+admitted till long after his death. Its recognition is
+chiefly owing to the rapid advance of animal chemistry,
+and to improvements in the microscope. For, by the
+employment of these resources, it has become manifest,
+that the red globules, the respiratory process, the production
+of animal heat, and the energy of the locomotive
+organs, are but different parts of a single
+scheme.<a name="FNanchor_872_872" id="FNanchor_872_872"></a><a href="#Footnote_872_872" class="fnanchor">[872]</a> Their connexion with each other is established,
+not only by a comparison of different species,
+but also by a comparison of different members of
+the same species. In human beings, for example,
+the locomotive and other animal functions are more
+active in persons of a sanguine temperament than
+in those of a lymphatic temperament; while, in sanguine
+temperaments, the globules are more numerous
+than in lymphatic ones. The knowledge of this
+fact we owe to Lecanu;<a name="FNanchor_873_873" id="FNanchor_873_873"></a><a href="#Footnote_873_873" class="fnanchor">[873]</a> and to him we are also
+indebted for an analogous fact, corroborating the same
+view. He has shown, that the blood of women contains
+more water and fewer red globules than the
+blood of men;<a name="FNanchor_874_874" id="FNanchor_874_874"></a><a href="#Footnote_874_874" class="fnanchor">[874]</a> so that here again we discern the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">[439]</a></span>
+relation between these globules and the energy of
+animal life. Inasmuch, however, as these researches
+were not made until many years after the death of
+Hunter, the coincidence between them and his speculative
+conclusions is a striking instance of his power
+of generalization, and of that unrivalled knowledge of
+comparative anatomy, which supplied him with materials
+from which, in spite of the backwardness of
+animal chemistry, he was able to draw an inference,
+which later and minuter researches have decisively
+verified.<a name="FNanchor_875_875" id="FNanchor_875_875"></a><a href="#Footnote_875_875" class="fnanchor">[875]</a></p>
+
+<p>Having thus, by a comprehensive survey of the
+animal world, associated its remarkable faculty of
+movement with the state of its blood, Hunter turned
+his attention to another aspect of the question, and took
+into consideration the movements of the vegetable
+world, in the hope that, by comparing these two divisions
+of nature, he might detect some law, which, being
+common to both, should unite into one study all the
+principles of organic motion. Though he failed in this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">[440]</a></span>
+great undertaking, some of his generalizations are very
+suggestive, and well illustrate the power and grasp of
+his mind. Looking at the organic kingdom as a whole,
+he supposed that its capacity of action, both in animals
+and in vegetables, was of three kinds. The first kind,
+was the action of the individual upon the materials it
+already possessed; and this gave rise to growth, secretion,
+and other functions, in which the juice of the
+plant was equivalent to the blood of the animal.<a name="FNanchor_876_876" id="FNanchor_876_876"></a><a href="#Footnote_876_876" class="fnanchor">[876]</a>
+The second kind of action had for its object to increase
+these materials; it was always excited by want, and
+its result was, to nourish and preserve the individual.<a name="FNanchor_877_877" id="FNanchor_877_877"></a><a href="#Footnote_877_877" class="fnanchor">[877]</a>
+The third kind was entirely due to external causes,
+including the whole material world, all the phenomena
+of which were a stimulus to some kind of action.<a name="FNanchor_878_878" id="FNanchor_878_878"></a><a href="#Footnote_878_878" class="fnanchor">[878]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">[441]</a></span>
+By combining, in different ways, these different sources of
+motion, and by studying every incitement to action, first,
+in reference to one of the three great divisions just indicated,
+and, secondly, in reference to the <i>power</i> of action,
+as distinguished from the <i>quantity</i> of action,<a name="FNanchor_879_879" id="FNanchor_879_879"></a><a href="#Footnote_879_879" class="fnanchor">[879]</a> Hunter
+believed that some fundamental truths might be obtained,
+if not by himself, at all events by his successors.
+For, he thought that, though animals can do many
+things which plants cannot, still, the immediate cause
+of action is in both cases the same.<a name="FNanchor_880_880" id="FNanchor_880_880"></a><a href="#Footnote_880_880" class="fnanchor">[880]</a> In animals, there
+is more variety of motion, but in plants there is more
+real power. A horse is certainly far stronger than a
+man. Yet a small vine cannot only support, but can
+raise, a column of fluid five times higher than a horse
+can. Indeed, the power which a plant exercises of
+holding a leaf erect during an entire day, without pause
+and without fatigue, is an effort of astonishing vigour,
+and is one of many proofs, that a principle of compensation
+is at work, so that the same energy which, in
+the animal world, is weakened by being directed to
+many objects, is, in the vegetable world, strengthened
+by being concentrated on a few.<a name="FNanchor_881_881" id="FNanchor_881_881"></a><a href="#Footnote_881_881" class="fnanchor">[881]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">[442]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In pursuing these speculations, which, amid much
+that is uncertain, contain, I firmly believe, a large
+amount of important, though neglected, truth, Hunter
+was led to consider how motion is produced by various
+forces, such as magnetism, electricity, gravitation, and
+chemical attraction.<a name="FNanchor_882_882" id="FNanchor_882_882"></a><a href="#Footnote_882_882" class="fnanchor">[882]</a> This carried him into inorganic
+science, where, as he clearly saw, the foundation of all
+organic science must be laid. Just as, on the one hand,
+the human frame could never be successfully studied,
+except by the aid of principles which had been collected
+from an investigation of animals below man,<a name="FNanchor_883_883" id="FNanchor_883_883"></a><a href="#Footnote_883_883" class="fnanchor">[883]</a> so, on
+the other hand, the laws of those very animals must,
+he said, be approached through the laws of common or
+inorganic matter.<a name="FNanchor_884_884" id="FNanchor_884_884"></a><a href="#Footnote_884_884" class="fnanchor">[884]</a> He, therefore, aimed at nothing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">[443]</a></span>
+less than to unite all the branches of physical science,
+taking them in the order of their relative complexity,
+and proceeding from the simplest to the most intricate.
+With this view, he examined the structure of the
+mineral kingdom, and, by an extensive comparison of
+crystals, he sought to generalize the principles of form,
+in the same way as, by a comparison of animals, he
+sought to generalize the principles of function. And, in
+doing this, he took into account, not only regular crystals,
+but also irregular ones.<a name="FNanchor_885_885" id="FNanchor_885_885"></a><a href="#Footnote_885_885" class="fnanchor">[885]</a> For, he knew that, in
+nature, nothing is really irregular or disorderly; though
+our imperfect apprehension, or rather the backwardness
+of our knowledge, prevents us from discerning the
+symmetry of the universal scheme. The beauty of the
+plan, and the necessity of the sequence, are not always
+perceptible. Hence, we are too apt to fancy that the
+chain is broken, because we cannot see every link in it.
+From this serious error, Hunter was saved by his
+genius, even more than by his knowledge. Being
+satisfied that every thing which happens in the material
+world, is so connected and bound up with its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">[444]</a></span>
+antecedents, as to be the inevitable result of what had
+previously occurred, he looked with a true philosophical
+eye at the strangest and most capricious shapes, because
+to him they had a meaning and a necessary purpose.
+To him, they were neither strange nor capricious.
+They were deviations from the natural course; but it
+was a fundamental tenet of his philosophy, that nature,
+even in the midst of her deviations, still retains her
+regularity.<a name="FNanchor_886_886" id="FNanchor_886_886"></a><a href="#Footnote_886_886" class="fnanchor">[886]</a> Or, as he elsewhere expresses it, deviation
+is, under certain circumstances, part of the law of
+nature.<a name="FNanchor_887_887" id="FNanchor_887_887"></a><a href="#Footnote_887_887" class="fnanchor">[887]</a></p>
+
+<p>To generalize such irregularities, or, in other words,
+to show that they are not irregularities at all, was the
+main object of Hunter's life, and was the noblest part of
+his mission. Hence, notwithstanding his vast achievements
+in physiology, his favourite pursuit was pathology,<a name="FNanchor_888_888" id="FNanchor_888_888"></a><a href="#Footnote_888_888" class="fnanchor">[888]</a>
+where, the phenomena being more complex, the
+intellect has more play. In this great field, he studied
+the aberrations of structure and of function, in the
+vegetable, as well as in the animal, world;<a name="FNanchor_889_889" id="FNanchor_889_889"></a><a href="#Footnote_889_889" class="fnanchor">[889]</a> while,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">[445]</a></span>
+for the aberrations of form, which are the external
+manifestations of disturbed structure, he took into consideration
+the appearances presented by the mineral
+kingdom. There, the power of crystallization is the
+leading feature, and there, violations of symmetry constitute
+the essential disorder, whether the deformity of
+the crystal is subsequent to its production, or whether,
+being the result of what happened before its production,
+it is an original, and, if we may so say, congenital,
+defect. In either case, it is a deviation from the normal
+type, and, as such, is analogous to the monstrosities,
+both of animals and of vegetables.<a name="FNanchor_890_890" id="FNanchor_890_890"></a><a href="#Footnote_890_890" class="fnanchor">[890]</a> The mind of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">[446]</a></span>
+Hunter, by sweeping through this immense range of
+thought, attained to such commanding views of the
+philosophy of disease, that, in that department, he is
+certainly without a rival. As a physiologist, he was
+equalled, or perhaps excelled, by Aristotle; but as a
+pathologist, he stands alone, if we consider what pathology
+was when he found it, and what it was when he
+left it.<a name="FNanchor_891_891" id="FNanchor_891_891"></a><a href="#Footnote_891_891" class="fnanchor">[891]</a> Since his death, the rapid advance of morbid
+anatomy and of chemistry has caused some of his doctrines
+to be modified, and some of them to be overturned.
+This has been the work of inferior men,
+wielding superior chemical and microscopical resources.
+To say that the successors of John Hunter are inferior
+to him, is no disparagement to their abilities, since he
+was one of those extremely rare characters who only
+appear at very long intervals, and who, when they do
+appear, remodel the fabric of knowledge. They revolutionize
+our modes of thought; they stir up the intellect
+to insurrection; they are the rebels and demagogues
+of science. And though the pathologists of the nineteenth
+century have chosen a humbler path, this must
+not blind us to their merits, or prevent us from being
+grateful for what they have done. We cannot, however,
+be too often reminded, that the really great men,
+and those who are the sole permanent benefactors of
+their species, are not the great experimenters, nor the
+great observers, nor the great readers, nor the great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">[447]</a></span>
+scholars, but the great thinkers. Thought is the creator
+and vivifier of all human affairs. Actions, facts, and
+external manifestations of every kind, often triumph
+for a while; but it is the progress of ideas which ultimately
+determines the progress of the world. Unless
+these are changed, every other change is superficial,
+and every improvement is precarious. It is, however,
+evident that, in the present state of our knowledge, all
+ideas respecting nature must refer either to the normal
+or to the abnormal; that is to say, they must be concerned
+either with what is regular, uniform, and obedient
+to recognized principles, or else with what is
+irregular, perturbed, and disobedient. Of these two
+divisions, the first belongs to science; the second, to superstition.
+John Hunter formed the superb conception
+of merging both classes of ideas into one, by showing
+that nothing is irregular, that nothing is perturbed, that
+nothing is disobedient. Centuries, perhaps, may elapse
+before that conception will be consummated. But what
+Hunter effected towards it, places him at the head of
+all pathologists, ancient or modern. For, with him,
+the science of pathology did not mean the laws of disease
+in man alone, or even in all animals, or even in
+the whole organic kingdom; but it meant the laws of
+disease and of malformation in the entire material
+world, organic and inorganic. His great object was,
+to raise a science of the abnormal. He determined to
+contemplate nature as a vast and united whole, exhibiting,
+indeed, at different times different appearances,
+but preserving, amidst every change, a principle of
+uniform and uninterrupted order, admitting of no deviation,
+undergoing no disturbance, and presenting no
+real irregularity, albeit to the common eye, irregularities
+abound on every side.</p>
+
+<p>As pathology was the science to which Hunter was
+most devoted, so also was it that in which his natural
+love of deduction was most apparent. Here, far more
+than in his physiological inquiries, do we find a desire
+to multiply original principles from which he could
+reason; in opposition to the inductive method, which
+always aims at diminishing these principles by gradual<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">[448]</a></span>
+and successive analysis. Thus, for instance, in his
+animal pathology, he attempted to introduce, as an
+ultimate principle from which he could argue, the idea
+that all diseases move more rapidly towards the skin
+than towards internal parts, by virtue of some hidden
+force, which also obliges vegetables to approach the
+surface of the earth.<a name="FNanchor_892_892" id="FNanchor_892_892"></a><a href="#Footnote_892_892" class="fnanchor">[892]</a> Another favourite proposition,
+which he often used as a major premiss, and by its aid
+constructed deductively a pathological argument, was,
+that in no substance, be it what it may, can two processes
+go on in the same part at the same time.<a name="FNanchor_893_893" id="FNanchor_893_893"></a><a href="#Footnote_893_893" class="fnanchor">[893]</a> By
+applying this universal proposition to the more limited
+phenomena of animal life, he inferred that two general
+diseases cannot co-exist in the same individual; and he
+relied so much on this ratiocination, that he refused to
+credit any testimony by which it was impugned.<a name="FNanchor_894_894" id="FNanchor_894_894"></a><a href="#Footnote_894_894" class="fnanchor">[894]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">[449]</a></span>
+There is reason to believe that his conclusion is erroneous,
+and that different diseases can so accompany
+each other, as to be united in the same individual, at
+the same time, and in the same part.<a name="FNanchor_895_895" id="FNanchor_895_895"></a><a href="#Footnote_895_895" class="fnanchor">[895]</a> Whether or not
+this be the case, it is equally interesting to notice the
+process of thought which led Hunter to bestow infinitely
+more pains in arguing from the general theory, than in
+arguing to it. Indeed, he can hardly be said to have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">[450]</a></span>
+argued to it at all, since he obtained it by a rough and
+hasty generalization from what seemed to be the obvious
+properties of inorganic matter. Having thus obtained
+it, he applied it to the pathological phenomena of the
+organic world, and especially of the animal world.
+That he should have adopted this course, is a curious
+proof of the energy of his deductive habits, and of the
+force of mind which enabled him so to set at naught
+the traditions of his English contemporaries, as to
+follow a method which, in the opinion of every one
+who surrounded him, was not only full of danger, but
+could never lead to truth.</p>
+
+<p>Other parts of his pathology abound with similar
+instances, which show how anxious he was to assume
+principles on which he could build arguments. Of this
+kind were his ideas respecting sympathy, as connected
+with action. He suggested, that the simplest forms of
+sympathy would probably be found in the vegetable
+world, because there, the general arrangements are less
+intricate than in the animal world.<a name="FNanchor_896_896" id="FNanchor_896_896"></a><a href="#Footnote_896_896" class="fnanchor">[896]</a> On this supposition,
+he constructed a series of curious and refined
+speculations, of which, however, I must confine myself
+to giving a very short summary. As animals sympathize
+more than vegetables, this helps us to understand
+why it is that their movements are more numerous.
+For, sympathy, being a susceptibility to impression, is
+also a principle of action.<a name="FNanchor_897_897" id="FNanchor_897_897"></a><a href="#Footnote_897_897" class="fnanchor">[897]</a> Like other principles of
+action, it may be either natural or diseased.<a name="FNanchor_898_898" id="FNanchor_898_898"></a><a href="#Footnote_898_898" class="fnanchor">[898]</a> But,
+whichever it be, it can, in plants, have only one mode
+of development, because, in them, it can only be influenced
+by stimulus; while in animals, which have
+sensation, it has necessarily three modes, one from
+stimulus, one from sensation, and a third compounded<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">[451]</a></span>
+of the other two.<a name="FNanchor_899_899" id="FNanchor_899_899"></a><a href="#Footnote_899_899" class="fnanchor">[899]</a> These are the largest divisions of
+sympathy, if we consider the organic world as a whole.
+In single cases, however, sympathy admits of still
+further subdivision. We may reason from it, in reference
+to the age of the individual;<a name="FNanchor_900_900" id="FNanchor_900_900"></a><a href="#Footnote_900_900" class="fnanchor">[900]</a> we may also reason
+from it in reference to temperament, since, in point
+of fact, temperament is nothing but susceptibility to
+action.<a name="FNanchor_901_901" id="FNanchor_901_901"></a><a href="#Footnote_901_901" class="fnanchor">[901]</a> And when sympathy is in action, we may,
+by analyzing our idea of it, reduce it to five different
+heads, and may classify it as continued, or contiguous,
+or remote, or similar, or dissimilar.<a name="FNanchor_902_902" id="FNanchor_902_902"></a><a href="#Footnote_902_902" class="fnanchor">[902]</a> All these supplied
+Hunter with principles from which, by reasoning
+deductively, he attempted to explain the facts of
+disease; for, according to him, disease merely consists
+in a want of combination of actions.<a name="FNanchor_903_903" id="FNanchor_903_903"></a><a href="#Footnote_903_903" class="fnanchor">[903]</a> By this process<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">[452]</a></span>
+of thought, he was induced to neglect those predisposing
+causes, to which inductive pathologists pay
+great attention, and with which the works of his
+English contemporaries were much occupied. Such
+causes could only be generalized from observation, and
+Hunter made no account of them. Indeed, he even
+denies their real existence, and asserts that a predisposing
+cause is simply an increased susceptibility to
+form disposition to action.<a name="FNanchor_904_904" id="FNanchor_904_904"></a><a href="#Footnote_904_904" class="fnanchor">[904]</a></p>
+
+<p>By reasoning from the twofold ideas of action and of
+sympathy, Hunter constructed the deductive or synthetic
+part of his pathology. This he did as a Scotchman,
+and to this, had he always lived in Scotland, he would
+probably have confined himself. But being for forty
+years surrounded by Englishmen, and having his mind
+impregnated by English habits, he contracted something
+of their mode of thought. We, accordingly, find that a
+considerable portion of his pathology is as inductive as
+the most eager disciple of Bacon could desire; forming,
+in this respect, a striking contrast to the purely synthetic
+method of Cullen, the other great pathologist of
+Scotland. In the attempt, however, which Hunter
+made to mix these two methods, he perplexed both
+himself and his readers. Hence that obscurity, which
+even his warmest admirers have noticed, though they
+have not perceived its cause. Vast as his powers were,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">[453]</a></span>
+he was unable to effect a complete union between
+induction and deduction. That this should have happened,
+will not surprise any one, who considers how
+some of the greatest thinkers have failed in this, the
+most difficult of all enterprises. Among the ancients,
+Plato failed in induction, and all his followers failed
+with him; since none of them have placed sufficient
+confidence in facts, and in the process of reasoning
+from particulars to generals. Among the moderns,
+Bacon was deficient in deduction, and every Baconian
+has been similarly deficient; it being the essential vice
+of that school to despise reasoning from general propositions,
+and to underrate the value of the syllogism.
+It may, indeed, be doubted if the history of the world
+supplies more than two instances of physical philosophers
+being as great in one form of investigation as in
+the other. They are Aristotle and Newton, who wielded
+each method with equal ease, combining the skill and
+boldness of deduction with the caution and perseverance
+of induction, masters alike of synthesis and of analysis,
+as capable of proceeding from generals to particulars,
+as from particulars to generals, sometimes making
+ideas precede facts, and sometimes making facts precede
+ideas, but never faltering, never doubting which
+course to take, and never allowing either scheme unduly
+to encroach on its opposite. That Hunter should
+be unable to perform this, merely proves that he was
+inferior to these two men, whose almost incredible
+achievements entitle them to be termed the prodigies of
+the human race. But what he did was wonderful, and,
+in his own department, has never been rivalled. Of the
+character and extent of his inquiries, I have given a
+sketch, which, notwithstanding its imperfections, may
+serve to illustrate the antagonism of the Scotch and
+English intellects, by showing how the methods peculiar
+to each nation struggled for mastery in that great
+mind, which was exposed to the action of both. Which
+method predominated in Hunter, it would be hard to
+say. But it is certain, that his understanding was
+troubled by their conflict. It is also certain, that,
+owing to his love of deduction, or of reasoning from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">[454]</a></span>
+general ideas, he exercised much less sway over his
+English contemporaries, than he would have done if he
+had exclusively followed their favourite method of
+reasoning from particular facts. Hence, the disproportion
+between his influence and his merits. As to
+his merits, it is now admitted that, in addition to his
+physiological discoveries, and the great pathological
+views which he propounded, we may trace to him
+nearly all the surgical improvements which were introduced
+within about forty years after his death.<a name="FNanchor_905_905" id="FNanchor_905_905"></a><a href="#Footnote_905_905" class="fnanchor">[905]</a>
+He was the first who explained, and, indeed, the first
+who recognized, the disease of inflammation of the
+veins, which is of frequent occurrence, and, under the
+name of phlebitis, has latterly been much studied, but
+which, before his time, had been ascribed to the most
+erroneous causes.<a name="FNanchor_906_906" id="FNanchor_906_906"></a><a href="#Footnote_906_906" class="fnanchor">[906]</a> On general inflammation, he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">[455]</a></span>
+threw so much light, that the doctrines which he
+advocated, and which were then ridiculed as whimsical
+novelties, are now taught in the schools, and have
+become part of the common traditions of the medical
+profession.<a name="FNanchor_907_907" id="FNanchor_907_907"></a><a href="#Footnote_907_907" class="fnanchor">[907]</a> He, moreover, introduced what is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">[456]</a></span>
+probably the most capital improvement in surgery ever
+effected by a single man; namely, the practice in
+aneurism of tying the artery at a distance from the seat
+of disease. This one suggestion has saved thousands of
+lives; and both the suggestion, and the first successful
+execution of it, are entirely owing to John Hunter, who,
+if he had done nothing else, would, on this account
+alone, have a right to be classed among the principal
+benefactors of mankind.<a name="FNanchor_908_908" id="FNanchor_908_908"></a><a href="#Footnote_908_908" class="fnanchor">[908]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">[457]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>But, so far as his own immediate reputation was
+concerned, all was in vain. He was in the midst of
+a people who had no sympathy with that mode of
+thought which was most natural to him. They cared
+nothing for ideas, except with a few to direct and
+tangible results; he valued ideas for themselves, and
+for the sake of their truth, independently of all other
+considerations. His English contemporaries, prudent,
+sagacious, but short-sighted, seeing few things at a
+time, but seeing those things with admirable clearness,
+were unable to appreciate his comprehensive
+speculations. Hence, in their opinion, he was little
+else than an innovator and an enthusiast.<a name="FNanchor_909_909" id="FNanchor_909_909"></a><a href="#Footnote_909_909" class="fnanchor">[909]</a> Hence,
+too, even the practical improvements which he introduced
+were coldly received, because they proceeded<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">[458]</a></span>
+from so suspicious a source. The great Scotchman,
+thrown among a nation whose habits of mind were
+uncongenial to his own, stood, says one of the most
+celebrated of his disciples, in a position of solitary and
+comfortless superiority.<a name="FNanchor_910_910" id="FNanchor_910_910"></a><a href="#Footnote_910_910" class="fnanchor">[910]</a> Indeed, so little was he
+regarded by that very profession of which he was the
+chiefest ornament, that, during the many years in
+which he delivered lectures in London on anatomy and
+on surgery, his audience never amounted to twenty
+persons.<a name="FNanchor_911_911" id="FNanchor_911_911"></a><a href="#Footnote_911_911" class="fnanchor">[911]</a></p>
+
+<hr class="hr65" />
+
+<p>I have now completed my examination of the Scotch
+intellect as it unfolded itself in the seventeenth and
+eighteenth centuries. The difference between those
+two periods must strike every reader. In the seventeenth
+century, the ablest Scotchmen wasted their
+energies on theological subjects, respecting which we
+have no trustworthy information, and no means of
+obtaining any. On these topics, different persons and
+different nations, equally honest, equally enlightened,
+and equally competent, have entertained, and still entertain,
+the most different opinions, which they advocate
+with the greatest confidence, and support by
+arguments, perfectly satisfactory to themselves, but
+contemptuously rejected by their opponents. Each
+side deeming itself in possession of the truth, the impartial
+inquirer, that is, he who really loves truth, and
+knows how difficult it is to obtain it, seeks for some
+means by which he may fairly adjudicate between
+these conflicting pretensions, and determine which is
+right and which is wrong. The further he searches,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">[459]</a></span>
+the more he becomes convinced that no such means
+are to be found, and that these questions, if they do
+not transcend the limits of the human understanding,
+do, certainly, transcend its present resources, and have
+no chance of being answered, while other and much
+simpler problems are still unsolved. It would be
+strange, indeed, if we, ignorant of so many lower and
+subordinate matters, should be able to reach and penetrate
+these remote and complicated mysteries. It
+would be strange if we, who, notwithstanding the
+advances we have made, are still in the infancy of our
+career, and who, like infants, can only walk with unsteady
+gait, and are scarce able to move without
+stumbling, even on plain and level ground, should,
+nathless, succeed in scaling those dizzy heights, which,
+overhanging our path, lure us on where we are sure to
+fall. Unfortunately, however, men are, in every age,
+so little conscious of their deficiencies, that they not
+only attempt this impossible task, but believe they have
+achieved it. Of those who are a prey to this delusion,
+there are always a certain number, who, seated on
+their imaginary eminence, are so inflated by the fancied
+superiority, as to undertake to instruct, to warn, and
+to rebuke the rest of mankind. Giving themselves out
+as spiritual advisers, and professing to teach what they
+have not yet learned, they exhibit in their own persons
+that most consistent of all combinations, a combination
+of great ignorance with great arrogance. From this,
+other evils inevitably follow. The ignorance produces
+superstition; the arrogance produces tyranny. Hence
+it is, that, in a country like Scotland, where the pressure
+of long-continued and adverse circumstances has
+consolidated the power of these pretenders to wisdom,
+such sad results become conspicuous in every direction.
+Not only the national character, but also the national
+literature, feel their influence, and are coloured by
+them. It was, therefore, natural that, in Scotland, in
+the seventeenth century, when the authority of the
+clergy was most uncontrolled, the consequences of that
+authority should be most apparent. It was natural
+that a literature should be created such as that of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">[460]</a></span>
+which I have given some account; a literature which
+encouraged superstition, intolerance, and bigotry; a
+literature full of dark misgivings, and of still darker
+threats; a literature which taught men that it was
+wrong to enjoy the present, and that it was right to
+tremble at the future; a literature, in a word, which,
+spreading gloom on every side, soured the temper,
+corrupted the affections, numbed the intellect, and
+brought into complete discredit those bold and original
+inquiries, without which there can be no advance in
+human knowledge, and consequently no increase of
+human happiness.</p>
+
+<p>To this, the literature of the eighteenth century offered
+a striking and most exhilarating contrast. It seemed
+as if, in a moment, all was changed. The Baillies, the
+Binnings, the Dicksons, the Durhams, the Flemings,
+the Frasers, the Gillespies, the Guthries, the Halyburtons,
+the Hendersons, the Rutherfords, and the rest of
+that monkish rabble, were succeeded by eminent and
+enterprising thinkers, whose genius lighted up every
+department of knowledge, and whose minds, fresh and
+vigorous as the morning, opened for themselves a new
+career, and secured for their country a high place in
+the annals of European intellect. Something of what
+they effected, I have endeavoured to narrate; much,
+however, has been left untold. But I have brought
+forward sufficient evidence to convince even the most
+sceptical reader of the splendour of their achievements,
+and of the difference between the noble literature
+which they produced, and those wretched compositions
+which disfigured the preceding century.</p>
+
+<p>Still, great as the difference was, the two literatures
+had, as I have shown, one important point in common.
+Both were essentially deductive; and the proof of
+this I have given at considerable length, because,
+though it has, so far as I am aware, escaped the attention
+of all previous inquirers, its consequences were
+of the utmost moment to the fortunes of Scotland,
+and are, moreover, full of interest to those who, in
+their investigations of human affairs, desire to penetrate
+below the mere surface and symptoms of things.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">[461]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>If we take a general view of those countries where
+science has been cultivated, we shall find that,
+wherever the deductive method of inquiry has predominated,
+knowledge, though often increased and
+accumulated, has never been widely diffused. On the
+other hand, we shall find that, when the inductive
+method has predominated, the diffusion of knowledge
+has always been considerable, or, at all events, has been
+beyond comparison greater than when deduction was
+prevalent. This holds good, not only of different
+countries, but also of different periods in the same
+country. It even holds good of different individuals
+in the same period, and in the same country. If, in
+any civilized nation, two men, equally gifted, were to
+propound some new and startling conclusion, and one
+of these men were to defend his conclusion by reasoning
+from ideas or general principles, while the other man
+were to defend his by reasoning from particular and
+visible facts, there can be no doubt that, supposing all
+other things the same, the latter man would gain most
+adherents. His conclusion would be more easily diffused,
+simply because a direct appeal, in the first
+instance, to palpable facts, strikes the vulgar with
+immediate effect; while an appeal to principles is
+beyond their ken, and as they do not sympathize with
+it, they are apt to ridicule it. Facts seem to come
+home to every one, and are undeniable. Principles are
+not so obvious, and, being often disputed, they have, to
+those who do not grasp them, an unreal and illusory
+appearance, which weakens their influence. Hence it
+is that inductive science, which always gives the first
+place to facts, is essentially popular, and has on its
+side those innumerable persons, who will not listen to
+the more refined and subtle teachings of deductive
+science. Hence, too, we find historically that the
+establishment of the modern inductive philosophy, with
+its varied and attractive experiments, its material appliances,
+and its constant appeal to the senses, has been
+intimately connected with the awakening of the public
+mind, and coincides with that spirit of inquiry, and
+with that love of liberty, which have been constantly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">[462]</a></span>
+advancing since the sixteenth century. We may assuredly
+say, that scepticism and democracy are the two
+leading features of this great scientific movement. The
+seventeenth century, which ushered in the Baconian
+philosophy, was remarkable for its insubordinate spirit,
+especially in the country where that philosophy originated,
+and where it most flourished. In the next age,
+it was transplanted into France, and there, too, it
+worked upon the popular mind, and, was, as I have
+already pointed out, one of the principal causes of the
+French Revolution.</p>
+
+<p>If we look still closer into this interesting question,
+we shall find further corroboration of the view, that the
+inferences of an inductive philosophy are more likely to
+be diffused than those of a deductive one. Inductive
+science rests immediately upon experience, or, at all
+events, upon experiment, which is merely experience
+artificially modified. Now, an immense majority of
+mankind, even in the most advanced countries, are, by
+the constitution of their minds, incapable of seizing
+general principles and applying them to daily affairs,
+without doing serious mischief, either to themselves, or
+to others. Such an application requires not only great
+dexterity, but also a knowledge of those disturbing
+causes which affect the operation of all general theorems.
+The task, being so difficult to perform, is rarely attempted;
+and average men, possessed of a tolerably
+sound judgment, do, with good reason, rely mainly on
+experience, which is to them a safer and more useful
+guide than any principle, however accurate and scientific
+it might be. This begets in their minds a prejudice
+on behalf of experimental inquiries, and a corresponding
+dislike of the opposite and more speculative method.
+And it can, I think, hardly be doubted, that one of the
+causes of the triumph of the Baconian philosophy, is the
+growth of the industrious classes, whose business-like
+and methodical habits are eminently favourable to empirical
+observations of the uniformities of sequence,
+since, indeed, on the accuracy of such observations the
+success of all practical affairs depends. Certainly, we
+find that the overthrow of the purely deductive scholasticism<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">[463]</a></span>
+of the Middle Ages has been everywhere accompanied
+by the spread of trade; and whoever will carefully
+study the history of Europe, will discern many
+traces of a connexion between the two movements, both
+of which are marked by an increasing respect for material
+and empirical interests, and a disregard of ideal and
+speculative pursuits.</p>
+
+<p>The relation between all this and the popular tendency
+of induction is obvious. For one person who can
+think, there are at least a hundred persons who can
+observe. An accurate observer is, no doubt, rare; but
+an accurate thinker is far rarer. Of this the proofs are
+too abundant to be disputed. Indeed, no one can mix
+with his fellow-creatures, without seeing how much
+more natural it is for them to notice than to reflect;
+and how extremely unusual it is to meet with any one
+whose conversation, or whose writings, bear marks of
+patient and original thought. And, inasmuch as thinkers
+are more prone to accumulate ideas, while observers are
+more prone to accumulate facts, the overwhelming predominance
+of the observing class is a decisive reason
+why induction, which begins with facts, is always more
+popular than deduction, which begins with ideas. It is
+often said, and probably with truth, that all deduction
+is preceded by induction; so that, in every syllogism,
+the major premiss, however obvious and necessary it
+may appear, is merely a generalization of facts, or
+record of what the senses had already observed. But
+this opinion, whether true or false, does not affect what
+I have just stated, because it concerns the origin of our
+knowledge, and not its subsequent treatment; that is
+to say, it is a metaphysical opinion, rather than a logical
+one. For, even supposing that all deduction rests ultimately
+on induction, it is, nevertheless, certain that
+there are innumerable cases in which the induction
+takes place at so early a period of life that we are
+unconscious of it, and can by no effort recall the process.
+The axioms of geometry afford a good specimen
+of this. No one can tell when or how he first believed
+that the whole is greater than its part, or that things
+which are equal to the same thing are equal to one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">[464]</a></span>
+another. All these preliminary steps are concealed
+from us, and the strength and dexterity of deduction
+are displayed in the subsequent steps by which the
+major premiss is adjusted, and, as it were, fitted to the
+minor. This often requires great subtlety of thought,
+and, in every instance, the external world is put aside,
+and lost sight of. The process, being ideal, has no
+concern, either with observations or experiments. The
+suggestions of the senses are shut out, while the mind
+passes through a long train of successive syllogisms, in
+which each conclusion is turned into the premiss of a
+new argument, until, at length, an inference is deductively
+obtained, which, to those who merely hear it
+enunciated, seems to have no connexion with the first
+premisses, though, in reality, it is the necessary consequence
+of them.</p>
+
+<p>A method, so recondite, and so hidden from the public
+gaze, can never command the public sympathy. Unless,
+therefore, the human mind should undergo some remarkable
+change in its nature as well as in its resources,
+the sensuous process of working upwards from particular
+facts to general principles, will always be more
+attractive than the ideal process of working downwards
+from principles to facts. In both cases, there is, no
+doubt, a line of argument essentially ideal; just as, in
+both cases, there is an assemblage of facts essentially
+sensuous. No method is pure, or stands entirely by itself.
+But, inasmuch as, in induction, the facts are more prominent
+than the ideas, while, in deduction, the ideas are
+more prominent than the facts, it is evident that conclusions
+arrived at by the former plan will, as a general
+rule, obtain a wider assent than conclusions arrived at
+by the latter plan. Obtaining a wider assent, they will
+produce more decisive results, and will be more likely
+to shape the national character and influence the course
+of national affairs.</p>
+
+<p>The only exception to this, is theology. There, the
+inductive method, as I have already observed, is inapplicable,
+and nothing remains but deduction, which is
+quite sufficient for the purposes of the theologian. For,
+he has a peculiar resource which supplies him with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">[465]</a></span>
+general principles, from which he can argue; and the
+possession of this resource forms the fundamental difference
+between him and the man of science. Science
+is the result of inquiry; theology is the result of faith.
+In the one, the spirit of doubt; in the other, the spirit
+of belief. In science, originality is the parent of discovery,
+and is, therefore, a merit; in theology, it is the
+parent of heresy, and is, therefore, a crime. Every
+system of religion the world has yet seen, recognizes
+faith as an indispensable duty; but to every system of
+science it is a hindrance, instead of a duty, inasmuch
+as it discourages those inquisitive and innovating habits
+on which all intellectual progress depends. The theologian,
+thus turning credulity into an honour, and
+valuing men in proportion as they are simple-minded
+and easy of belief, has little need to trouble himself
+with facts, which, indeed, he sets at open defiance, in
+his eagerness to narrate portentous, and often miraculous,
+events. To the inductive philosopher such a license
+is forbidden. He is obliged to ground his inferences on
+facts which no one disputes, or which, at all events,
+any one can either verify for himself, or see verified by
+others. And if he does not adopt this course, his inferences,
+be they ever so true, will have the greatest
+difficulty in working themselves into the popular mind,
+because they will savour of a subtlety and refinement
+of thought, which, more than any thing else, predisposes
+common understandings to reject the conclusions at
+which philosophers arrive.</p>
+
+<p>From the facts and arguments contained in this and
+the preceding chapter, the reader will, I trust, be able
+to see why it was that the Scotch intellect, during the
+seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, was preëminently
+deductive; and also why it was that, in the eighteenth
+century, the Scotch literature, notwithstanding its brilliancy,
+its power, and the splendid discoveries of which
+it was the vehicle, produced little or no effect on the
+nation at large. That literature, by its bold and innovating
+character, seemed peculiarly fitted to disturb
+ancient prejudices, and to rouse up a spirit of inquiry.
+But its method, both of investigation and of proof, was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">[466]</a></span>
+too refined to suit ordinary understandings. Therefore,
+upon ordinary understandings it was inoperative. In
+Scotland, as in ancient Greece, and in modern Germany,
+the intellectual classes, being essentially deductive, have
+been unable to influence the main body of the people.
+They have considered things at too great an altitude,
+and at too great a remove. In Greece, Aristotle alone
+had a true idea of what induction really was. But
+even he knew nothing of crucial instances and the
+theory of averages, the two capital resources of that
+inductive philosophy which we now possess. Neither
+did he, nor any of the great German philosophers, nor
+any of the great Scotch philosophers, attach sufficient
+importance to the slow and cautious method of gradually
+rising from each generalization to the one immediately
+above it, without omitting any intermediate
+generalizations. On this method, Bacon, indeed, insists
+too strongly, since many most important discoveries
+have been made independently of it, or, I should rather
+say, in contradiction to it. But it is a wonderful weapon,
+and none except men of real genius can dispense with
+its use. And when they do dispense with it, they cut
+themselves off from the general sympathies of their
+age and country. For, these small and proximate generalizations,
+which they neglect, are precisely those parts
+of philosophy which, being least removed from the
+region of visible facts, are best understood by the
+people, and, therefore, form the only common ground
+between thinkers and practitioners. They are a sort
+of middle term, which, being comprehended by both
+classes, is accessible to either. In all deductive reasoning,
+this intermediate, and, if I may so say, neutral,
+territory disappears, and the two classes have no
+meeting-place. Hence it is, that the Scotch philosophy,
+like the German philosophy, and like the Greek
+philosophy, has had no national influence. But in
+England, since the seventeenth century, and in France,
+since the eighteenth century, the prevailing philosophy
+has been inductive, and has, therefore, not only affected
+the intellectual classes, but also moved the public mind.
+The German philosophers are far superior, both in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">[467]</a></span>
+depth and in comprehensiveness, to the philosophers
+either of France or of England. Their profound researches
+have, however, done so little for their country,
+that the German people are every way inferior to the
+French and English people. So, too, in the philosophy
+of ancient Greece, we find a vast body of massive and
+original thought, and, what is infinitely better, we find
+a boldness of inquiry and a passionate love of truth,
+such as no modern nation has surpassed, and few modern
+nations have equalled. But the method of that philosophy
+was an insuperable barrier to its propagation.
+The people were untouched, and went grovelling on in
+their old folly, a prey to superstitions, most of which
+the great thinkers despised, and often attacked, but
+could by no means root out. Bad, however, as those
+superstitions were, we may confidently say that they
+were less noxious, that is, less detrimental to the happiness
+of man, than the repulsive and horrible notions
+advocated by the Scotch clergy, and sanctioned by the
+Scotch people. And on those notions the Scotch philosophy
+could make no impression. In Scotland, during
+the eighteenth century, superstition and science, the
+most irreconcilable of all enemies, flourished side by
+side, unable to weaken each other, and unable, indeed,
+to come into collision with each other. There was co-existence
+without contact. The two forces kept apart,
+and the result was, that, while the Scotch thinkers
+were creating a noble and most enlightened literature,
+the Scotch people, refusing to listen to those great
+masters of wisdom which their country possessed,
+remained in darkness, leaving the blind to follow the
+blind, and no one there to help them.</p>
+
+<p>It is, indeed, curious to observe how little effect was
+produced by the many great works written by Scotchmen
+in the eighteenth century. If we except the
+<i>Wealth of Nations</i>, I can hardly call to mind one which
+has perceptibly influenced public opinion. The reason
+of this exception may be easily explained. The <i>Wealth
+of Nations</i> restricted the action of government within
+narrower limits than had ever been assigned to it by
+any other book of great merit. No previous political<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">[468]</a></span>
+writer of admitted genius, had left so much to the
+people, and had demanded for them so much liberty in
+managing their own affairs, as Adam Smith did. The
+<i>Wealth of Nations</i>, being thus eminently a democratic
+book, was sure to find favour in Scotland, which was
+eminently a democratic country. Directly men heard
+its conclusions, they were prejudiced in favour of its
+arguments. So, too, in England, that love of liberty,
+which for many centuries has been our leading characteristic,
+and which does us more real honour than all
+our conquests, all our literature, and all our philosophy
+put together, invariably causes a popular bias on behalf
+of any claim to freedom. We, therefore, notwithstanding
+the activity of interested parties, were predisposed
+to the side of free trade, as one of the means of letting
+each man do what he liked with his own. But to
+imagine that ordinary minds are capable of mastering
+such a work as the <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, and of following
+without confusion its long and intricate arguments, is
+simply absurd. It has been read by tens of thousands
+of persons, who accept its conclusions because they like
+them; which is merely saying, because the movement of
+the age tends that way. The other great work of Adam
+Smith, namely, the <i>Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, has had
+no influence except on a very small class of metaphysicians,
+although its style is, as some think, superior
+to the <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, and it is certainly easier to
+understand. It is, moreover, much shorter, which, to
+most readers, is no small recommendation; and it deals
+with subjects of great interest, which come home to
+the feelings of all. But the age, not caring for its conclusions,
+neglected its arguments. On the other hand,
+the <i>Wealth of Nations</i> harmonized with the general
+tendency, and its success was supreme. It quickly
+moved, not only philosophers, but even statesmen and
+politicians, who eventually put into force its leading recommendations,
+though, as their laws and their speeches
+abundantly prove, they have never succeeded in
+mastering those great principles which underlie it,
+and of which the freedom of trade is but a minor
+accessory.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">[469]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Putting aside the <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, we shall find
+that the Scotch literature of the eighteenth century did
+scarcely any thing for Scotland, considered as a whole.
+How it has failed in its great aim of weakening superstition,
+is but too apparent to whoever has travelled in
+that country, and observed the habits and turn of mind
+still predominant. Many able and enlightened men who
+lived there, are so cowed by the general spirit, that, for
+their own comfort, and for the peace of their families,
+they make no resistance, but tacitly comply with what
+they heartily despise. That they err in doing so, I, at
+least, firmly believe; though I know that many honest,
+and in every respect competent, judges are of opinion,
+that no man is bound to be a martyr, or to jeopardize
+his personal interests, unless he clearly sees his way to
+some immediate public good. To me, however, it appears
+that this is a narrow view, and that the first duty
+of every one is to set his face in direct opposition to
+what he believes to be false, and, having done that,
+leave the results of his conduct to take care of themselves.
+Still, the temptation to a contrary course is
+always very strong, and, in a country like Scotland, is
+by many deemed irresistible. In no other Protestant
+nation, and, indeed, in no Catholic nation except Spain,
+will a man who is known to hold unorthodox opinions,
+find his life equally uncomfortable. In a few of the
+large towns, he may possibly escape animadversion, if
+his sentiments are not too bold, and are not too openly
+expressed. If he is timid and taciturn, his heresy may,
+perchance, be overlooked. But even in large towns, impunity
+is the exception, and not the rule. Even in the
+capital of Scotland, in that centre of intelligence which
+once boasted of being the Modern Athens, a whisper
+will quickly circulate that such an one is to be avoided,
+for that he is a free-thinker; as if free-thinking were a
+crime, or as if it were not better to be a free-thinker
+than a slavish thinker. In other parts, that is, in
+Scotland generally, the state of things is far worse. I
+speak, not on vague rumour, but from what I know
+as existing at the present time, and for the accuracy
+of which I vouch and hold myself responsible. I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">[470]</a></span>
+challenge any one to contradict my assertion, when I
+say that, at this moment, nearly all over Scotland, the
+finger of scorn is pointed at every man, who, in the
+exercise of his sacred and inalienable right of free
+judgment, refuses to acquiesce in those religious notions,
+and to practise those religious customs, which
+time, indeed, has consecrated, but many of which are
+repulsive to the eye of reason, though to all of them,
+however irrational they maybe, the people adhere with
+sullen and inflexible obstinacy. Knowing that these
+words will be widely read and circulated in Scotland,
+and averse as I naturally am to bring on myself the
+hostility of a nation, for whose many sterling and valuable
+qualities I entertain sincere respect, I do, nevertheless,
+deliberately affirm, that in no civilized country is
+toleration so little understood, and that in none is the
+spirit of bigotry and of persecution so extensively diffused.
+Nor can any one wonder that such should be
+the case, who observes what is going on there. The
+churches are as crowded as they were in the Middle
+Ages, and are filled with devout and ignorant worshippers,
+who flock together to listen to opinions of which
+the Middle Ages alone were worthy. Those opinions
+they treasure up, and, when they return to their homes,
+or enter into the daily business of life, they put them in
+force. And the result is, that there runs through the
+entire country a sour and fanatical spirit, an aversion
+to innocent gaiety, a disposition to limit the enjoyments
+of others, and a love of inquiring into the opinions of
+others, and of interfering with them, such as is hardly
+anywhere else to be found; while, in the midst of
+all this, there flourishes a national creed, gloomy and
+austere to the last degree, a creed which is full of forebodings
+and threats and horrors of every sort, and
+which rejoices in proclaiming to mankind how wretched
+and miserable they are, how small a portion of them
+can be saved, and what an overwhelming majority is
+necessarily reserved for excruciating, unspeakable, and
+eternal agony.</p>
+
+<p>Before bringing this volume to a close, it may be
+fitting that I should narrate an event, which, notwithstanding<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">[471]</a></span>
+its recent occurrence, and the great attention it
+excited at the time, has, amid the pressure of weightier
+matters, fallen into comparative oblivion, although it is
+full of interest to those who study the various forms of
+national character, while it, moreover, supplies an admirable
+illustration of the essential antagonism which
+still exists between the Scotch and English minds; an
+antagonism extremely remarkable, when found among
+nations, both of whom, besides being contiguous, and
+constantly mixing together, speak the same language,
+read the same books, belong to the same empire, and
+possess the same interests, and yet are, in many important
+respects, as different as if there had never been
+any means of their influencing each other, and as if
+they had never had any thing in common.</p>
+
+<p>In the year 1853, the cholera, after having committed
+serious ravages in many parts of Europe, visited
+Scotland. There, it was sure to find numerous victims
+among a badly fed, badly housed, and not over-cleanly
+people. For, if there is one thing better established
+than another respecting this disease, it is that it invariably
+attacks, with the greatest effect, those classes
+who, from poverty or from sloth, are imperfectly
+nourished, neglect their persons, and live in dirty,
+ill-drained, or ill-ventilated dwellings. In Scotland,
+such classes are very numerous. In Scotland, therefore,
+the cholera must needs be very fatal. In this,
+there was nothing mysterious. On the contrary, the
+mystery would have been if an epidemic, like the
+Asiatic cholera, had spared a country like Scotland,
+where all the materials were collected on which pestilence
+feeds, and where filth, penury, and disorder,
+abound on every side.</p>
+
+<p>Under these circumstances, it must have been evident,
+not merely to men of science, but to all men of
+plain, sound understanding, who would apply their
+minds to the matter without prejudice, that the Scotch
+had only one way of successfully grappling with their
+terrible enemy. It behoved them to feed their poor,
+to cleanse their cesspools, and to ventilate their houses.
+If they had done this, and done it quickly, thousands<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">[472]</a></span>
+of lives would have been spared. But they neglected
+it, and the country was thrown into mourning. Nay,
+they not only neglected it, but, moved by the dire
+superstition which sits like an incubus upon them,
+they adopted a course which, if it had been carried
+into full operation, would have aggravated the calamity
+to a frightful extent. It is well known that, whenever
+an epidemic is raging, physical exhaustion and mental
+depression make the human frame more liable to it,
+and are, therefore, especially to be guarded against.
+But, though this is a matter of common notoriety, the
+Scotch clergy, backed, sad to say, by the general voice
+of the Scotch people, wished the public authorities to
+take a step which was certain to cause physical exhaustion,
+and to encourage mental depression. In the
+name of religion, whose offices they thus abused and
+perverted to the detriment of man, instead of employing
+them for his benefit, they insisted on the propriety
+of ordering a national fast, which, in so superstitious a
+country, was sure to be rigidly kept, and, being rigidly
+kept, was equally sure to enfeeble thousands of delicate
+persons, and, before twenty-four hours were passed,
+prepare them to receive that deadly poison which was
+already lurking around them, and which, hitherto, they
+had just strength enough to resist. The public fast
+was also to be accompanied by a public humiliation,
+in order that nothing might be wanting to appal the
+mind and fill it with terror. On the same occasion,
+the preachers were to thunder from their pulpits and
+proclaim aloud the sins of the land; while the poor
+benighted people, panic-struck, were to sit in awe, were
+to remain the whole day without proper nourishment,
+and retire to their beds, weeping and starved. Then it
+was hoped that the Deity would be propitiated, and the
+plague be stayed. As soon as the entire nation had
+taken the course, which, of all others, was most certain
+to increase the mortality, it was believed that man
+having done his worst, the Almighty would interpose,
+would violate the laws of nature, and, by working a
+miracle, would preserve his creatures from what, without<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">[473]</a></span>
+a miracle, would be the inevitable consequence of
+their own deliberate act.</p>
+
+<p>This was the scheme projected by the Scotch clergy,
+and they were determined to put it into execution. To
+give greater effect to it, they called upon England to
+help them, and, in the autumn of 1853, the Presbytery
+of Edinburgh, thinking that from their position they
+were bound to take the lead, caused their Moderator to
+address a letter, ostensibly to the English Minister, but
+in reality to the English nation. In this choice production,
+a copy of which is now lying before me, the
+Home Secretary is assured that the members of the
+Presbytery had delayed appointing a day for fasting
+and humiliation on their own ecclesiastical authority,
+because they thought it likely that one would be appointed
+by the royal authority. But as this had not
+been done, the Presbytery respectfully requested to be
+informed if it was intended to be done. They apologized
+for the liberty they were taking; they had no
+desire unduly to intrude themselves; neither did they
+wish the Home Secretary to answer their question unless
+he felt himself justified in doing so. Still, if he
+were able to answer it, they would be glad. For, there
+was no doubt that Asiatic cholera was in the country;
+and such being the case, the Presbytery of Edinburgh
+were interested in knowing if the appointment by the
+Queen of a national fast was in contemplation.<a name="FNanchor_912_912" id="FNanchor_912_912"></a><a href="#Footnote_912_912" class="fnanchor">[912]</a></p>
+
+<p>This letter, which, through the medium of the press,
+was sure to become well known and to be widely read,
+was evidently intended to act on public opinion in
+England. It was, in fact, a covert reproach on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">[474]</a></span>
+English Government for having neglected its spiritual
+duties, and for not having perceived that fasting was
+the most effectual way of stopping an epidemic. In
+Scotland, generally, it received great praise, and was
+regarded as a dignified rebuke addressed to the irreligious
+habits of the English people, who, seeing the
+cholera at their doors, merely occupied themselves with
+sanatory measures, and carnal devices to improve the
+public health, showing thereby that they trusted too
+much to the arms of the flesh. In England, on the
+other hand, this manifesto of the Scotch Church was
+met with almost universal ridicule, and, indeed, found
+no favourers except among the most ignorant and credulous
+part of the nation. The minister to whom it
+was addressed, was Lord Palmerston, a man of vast
+experience, and perhaps better acquainted with public
+opinion than any politician of his time. He, being
+well aware of the difference between Scotland and
+England, knew that what was suitable for one country
+was not suitable for the other, and that notions which
+the Scotch deemed religious, the English deemed fanatical.
+On a former occasion, the imperial government,
+yielding to the clamour which a few active and interested
+men succeeded in raising, had been foolish
+enough to set themselves in this matter in opposition
+to the temper of the age, and to enjoin public observances
+which, happily, were not strictly obeyed, but
+which, in so far as they were obeyed, heightened the
+general terror by reinforcing natural fears with supernatural
+ones, and thus, depressing the nervous system,
+increased the chance of mortality from the pestilence.
+To have the plague in our country is bad enough,
+since, do what we may, many victims will be struck
+down by it. But a fearful responsibility is entailed
+upon those who, at such a period, instead of exerting
+themselves to check its ravages, either by precautionary
+measures, or by soothing and re-assuring the people, do
+every thing in their power to aggravate the calamity,
+by encouraging that superstitious dread which weakens
+the popular energy at the very moment when energy
+is most requisite, and troubles the coolness, the self-reliance,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">[475]</a></span>
+and self-possession, without which no crisis of
+national danger can ever be averted.</p>
+
+<p>This time, however, there was no risk of the government
+committing so serious a blunder. Lord Palmerston,
+who knew that the sound sense of the English
+people would support him in what he was doing,
+directed a letter to be sent to the Presbytery of Edinburgh,
+which, unless I am greatly mistaken, will, in
+future ages, be quoted as an interesting document for
+illustrating the history of the progress of public opinion.
+A century ago, any statesman who had written such a
+letter, would have been driven from office by a storm
+of general indignation. Two centuries ago, the consequences
+to him would have been still more disastrous,
+and would, indeed, have ruined him socially, as well as
+politically. For, in it, he sets at defiance those superstitious
+fancies respecting the origin of disease, which
+were once universally cherished as an essential part of
+every religious creed. Traditions, the memory of which
+is preserved in the theological literature of all Pagan
+countries, of all Catholic countries, and of all Protestant
+countries, are quietly put aside, as if they were
+matters of no moment, and as if it were not worth
+while to discuss them. The Scotch clergy, occupying
+the old ground on which the members of their profession
+had always been accustomed to stand, took for
+granted that the cholera was the result of the divine
+anger, and was intended to chastise our sins. In the
+reply which they now received from the English
+Government, a doctrine was enunciated, which to
+Englishmen seems right enough, but which to Scotchmen
+sounded very profane. The Presbytery were informed,
+that the affairs of this world are regulated by
+natural laws, on the observance or neglect of which
+the weal or woe of mankind depends.<a name="FNanchor_913_913" id="FNanchor_913_913"></a><a href="#Footnote_913_913" class="fnanchor">[913]</a> One of those
+laws connects disease with the exhalations of bodies;
+and it is by virtue of this law that contagion spreads,
+either in crowded cities, or in places where vegetable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">[476]</a></span>
+decomposition is going on. Man, by exerting himself,
+can disperse or neutralize these noxious influences.
+The appearance of the cholera proves that he has not
+exerted himself. The towns have not been purified;
+hence the root of the evil. The Home Secretary, therefore,
+advised the Presbytery of Edinburgh, that it was
+better to cleanse than to fast. He thought that the
+plague being upon them, activity was preferable to
+humiliation. It was now autumn, and before the hot
+weather would return, a considerable period must
+elapse. That period should be employed in destroying
+the causes of disease, by improving the abodes of the
+poor. If this were done, all would go well. Otherwise,
+pestilence would be sure to revisit them, &lsquo;in
+spite&rsquo;&mdash;I quote the words of the English minister&mdash;&lsquo;in
+spite of all the prayers and fastings of a united, but
+inactive nation.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_914_914" id="FNanchor_914_914"></a><a href="#Footnote_914_914" class="fnanchor">[914]</a></p>
+
+<p>This correspondence between the Scotch clergy and
+the English statesman, is not to be regarded as a mere
+passing episode of light or temporary interest. On the
+contrary, it represents that terrible struggle between
+theology and science, which, having begun in the persecution
+of science, and in the martyrdom of scientific
+men, has, in these later days, taken a happier turn, and
+is now manifestly destroying that old theological spirit,
+which has brought so much misery and ruin upon the
+world. The ancient superstition, which was once universal,
+but is now slowly though surely dying away, represented
+the Deity as being constantly moved to anger,
+delighting in seeing His creatures abase and mortify<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">[477]</a></span>
+themselves, taking pleasure in their sacrifices and their
+austerities, and, notwithstanding all they could do,
+constantly inflicting on them the most grievous punishments,
+among which the different forms of pestilence
+were conspicuous. It is by science, and by science
+alone, that these horrible delusions are being dissipated.
+Events, which formerly were deemed supernatural
+visitations, are now shown to depend upon natural
+causes, and to be amenable to natural remedies. Man
+can predict them, and man can deal with them. Being
+the inevitable result of their own antecedents, no room
+is left for the notion of their being special inflictions.
+This great change in our opinions is fatal to theology,
+but is serviceable to religion. For, by it, science, instead
+of being the enemy of religion, becomes its ally.
+Religion is to each individual according to the inward
+light with which he is endowed. In different characters,
+therefore, it assumes different forms, and can
+never be reduced to one common and arbitrary rule.
+Theology, on the other hand, claiming authority over
+all minds, and refusing to recognize their essential
+divergence, seeks to compel them to a single creed, and
+sets up one standard of absolute truth, by which it
+tests every one's opinions; presumptuously condemning
+those who disagree with that standard. Such
+arrogant pretensions need means of support. Those
+means are threats, which, in ignorant times, are universally
+believed, and which, by causing fear, produce
+submission. Hence it is, that the books of every theological
+system narrate acts of the grossest cruelty,
+which, without the least hesitation, are ascribed to the
+direct interposition of God. Humane and gentle natures
+revolt at such cruelties, even while they try to
+believe them. It is the business of science to purify
+theology, by showing that there has been no cruelty,
+because there has been no interposition. Science
+ascribes to natural causes, what theology ascribes to
+supernatural ones. According to this view the calamities
+with which the world is afflicted, are the result of
+the ignorance of man, and not of the interference of
+God. We must not, therefore, ascribe to Him what is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">[478]</a></span>
+due to our own folly, or to our own vice. We must
+not calumniate an all-wise and all-merciful Being, by
+imputing to Him those little passions which move ourselves,
+as if He were capable of rage, of jealousy, and
+of revenge, and as if He, with outstretched arm, were
+constantly employed in aggravating the sufferings of
+mankind, and making the miseries of the human race
+more poignant than they would otherwise be.</p>
+
+<p>That this remarkable improvement in religious ideas
+is due to the progress of physical science, is apparent,
+not only from general arguments which would lead us
+to anticipate that such must be the case, but also from
+the historical fact, that the gradual destruction of the
+old theology is everywhere preceded by the growth
+and diffusion of physical truths. The more we know
+of the laws of nature, the more clearly do we understand
+that every thing which happens in the material
+world, pestilence, earthquake, famine, or whatever it
+may be, is the necessary result of something which had
+previously happened. Cause produces effect, and the
+effect becomes, in its turn, a cause of other effects. In
+that operation, we see no gap, and we admit of no
+pause. To us, the chain is unbroken; the constancy
+of nature is unviolated. Our minds become habituated
+to contemplate all physical phenomena as presenting an
+orderly, uniform, and spontaneous march, and running
+on in one regular and uninterrupted sequence. This is
+the scientific view. It is also the religious view.
+Against it, we have the theological view; but that
+which has already lost its hold over the intellect of men
+is now losing its hold over their affections, and is so
+manifestly perishing, that at present no educated person
+ventures to defend it, without so limiting and
+guarding his meaning, as to concede to its opponents
+nearly every point which is really at issue.</p>
+
+<p>While, however, in regard to the material world, the
+narrow notions formerly entertained, are, in the most
+enlightened countries, almost extinct, it must be confessed
+that, in regard to the moral world, the progress
+of opinion is less rapid. The same men who believe
+that Nature is undisturbed by miraculous interposition,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">[479]</a></span>
+refuse to believe that man is equally undisturbed. In
+the one case, they assert the scientific doctrine of
+regularity; in the other, they assert the theological
+doctrine of irregularity. The reason of this difference
+of opinion is, that the movements of nature are less
+complex than the movements of man. Being less
+complex, they are more easily studied, and more quickly
+understood. Hence we find, that while natural science
+has long been cultivated, historical science hardly yet
+exists. Our knowledge of the circumstances which
+determine the course of mankind, is still so imperfect,
+and has been so badly digested, that it has produced
+scarcely any effect on popular ideas. Philosophers, indeed,
+are aware, that here, as elsewhere, there must be
+a necessary connexion between even the most remote
+and dissimilar events. They know that every discrepancy
+is capable of being reconciled, though we, in
+the present state of knowledge, may be unequal to the
+task. This is their faith, and nothing can wean them
+from it. But the great majority of people have a different
+faith. They believe that what is unexplained is
+inexplicable, and that what is inexplicable is supernatural.
+Science has explained an immense number
+of physical phenomena, and therefore, even to the
+vulgar, those phenomena no longer seem supernatural,
+but are ascribed to natural causes. On the other hand,
+science has not yet explained the phenomena of history;
+consequently, the theological spirit lays hold of them,
+and presses them into its own service. In this way
+there has arisen that famous and ancient theory, which
+has received the name of the moral government of the
+world. It is a high-sounding title, and imposes on
+many, who, if they examined its pretensions, would
+never be duped by them. For, like that other notion
+which we have just considered, it is not only unscientific,
+but it is eminently irreligious. It is, in fact,
+an impeachment of one of the noblest attributes of the
+Deity. It is a slur on the Omniscience of God. It
+assumes that the fate of nations, instead of being the
+result of preceding and surrounding events, is specially
+subject to the control and interference of Providence.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">[480]</a></span>
+It assumes that there are great public emergencies, in
+which such interference is needed. It assumes, that,
+without the interference, the course of affairs could not
+run smoothly; that they would be jangled and out of
+tune; that the play and harmony of the whole would
+be incomplete. And thus it is, that the very men who,
+at one moment, proclaim the Divine Omniscience, do,
+at the next moment, advocate a theory which reduces
+that Omniscience to nothing, since it imputes to an
+All-wise Being, that the scheme of human affairs, of
+which He must, from the beginning, have foreseen every
+issue and every consequence, is so weakly contrived as
+to be liable to be frustrated; that it has not turned out
+as He could have wished; that it has been baffled by
+His own creatures, and that, to preserve its integrity,
+its operations must be tampered with, and its disorders
+redressed. The great Architect of the universe, the
+Creator and Designer of all existing things, is likened
+to some clumsy mechanic, who knows his trade so ill,
+that he has to be called in to alter the working of his
+own machine, to supply its deficiencies, to fill up its
+flaws, and to rectify its errors.</p>
+
+<p>It is time that such unworthy notions should come
+to an end. It is time that what has long been known
+to philosophers, should also be known to historians, and
+that the history of mankind should cease to be troubled
+by what, to those who are imbued with the scientific
+spirit, must seem little better than arrant trifling. Of
+two things, choose one. Either deny the Omniscience of
+the Creator, or else admit it. If you deny it, you deny
+what, to my mind at least, is a fundamental truth, and,
+on these matters, there can be no sympathy between us.
+But if you admit the Omniscience of God, beware of
+libelling what you profess to defend. For when you
+assert what is termed the moral government of the
+world, you slander Omniscience, inasmuch as you declare
+that the mechanism of the entire universe, including
+the actions both of Nature and of Man, planned as it is
+by Infinite Wisdom, is unequal to its duties, unless that
+same Wisdom does from time to time interfere with it.
+You assert, in fact, either that Omniscience has been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">[481]</a></span>
+deceived, or that Omnipotence has been defeated. Surely,
+they who believe, and whose pride and happiness it is to
+believe, that there is a Power above all and before all,
+knowing all and creating all, ought not to fall into such
+a snare as this. They who, dissatisfied with this little
+world of sense, seek to raise their minds to something
+which the senses are unable to grasp, can hardly fail, on
+deeper reflection, to perceive how coarse and material
+is that theological prejudice, which ascribes to such a
+Power the vulgar functions of a temporal ruler, arrays
+him in the garb of an earthly potentate, and represents
+him as meddling here and meddling there, uttering
+threats, inflicting punishments, bestowing rewards.
+These are base and grovelling conceptions, the offspring
+of ignorance and of darkness. Such gross and sordid
+notions are but one remove from actual idolatry. They
+are the draff and offal of a bygone age, and we will
+not have them obtruded here. Well suited they were
+to those old and barbarous times, when men, being
+unable to refine their ideas, were, therefore, unable to
+purify their creed. Now, however, they jar upon us;
+they do not assimilate with other parts of our knowledge;
+they are incongruous; their concord is gone. Every
+thing is against them. They stand alone; there is
+nothing left with which they harmonize. The whole
+scope and tendency of modern thought force upon our
+minds conceptions of regularity and of law, to which they
+are diametrically opposed. Even those who cling to
+them, do so from the influence of tradition, rather than
+from complete and unswerving belief. That child-like
+and unhesitating faith, with which the doctrine of interposition
+was once received, is succeeded by a cold and
+lifeless assent, very different from the enthusiasm of
+former times. Soon, too, this will vanish, and men
+will cease to be terrified by phantoms which their own
+ignorance has reared. This age, haply, may not witness
+the emancipation; but, so surely as the human
+mind advances, so surely will that emancipation come.
+It may come quicker than any one expects. For, we
+are stepping on far and fast. The signs of the time
+are all around, and they who list may read. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">[482]</a></span>
+handwriting is on the wall; the fiat has gone forth;
+the ancient empire shall be subverted; the dominion
+of superstition, already decaying, shall break away,
+and crumble into dust; and new life being breathed
+into the confused and chaotic mass, it shall be clearly
+seen, that, from the beginning, there has been no discrepancy,
+no incongruity, no disorder, no interruption,
+no interference; but that all the events which surround
+us, even to the furthest limits of the material creation,
+are but different parts of a single scheme, which is
+permeated by one glorious principle of universal and
+undeviating regularity.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p><div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_613_613" id="Footnote_613_613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_613_613"><span class="label">[613]</span></a> Of course, I say this merely in reference to their
+theological bearings. Some of the Bridgewater Treatises, such as Bell's,
+Buckland's, and Prout's, had great scientific merit at the time of their
+appearance, and may even now be studied with advantage; but the
+religious portion of them is pitiable, and shows either that their heart
+was not in their work, or else that the subject was too wide for them.
+At all events, it is to be hoped that we shall never again see men of
+equal eminence hiring themselves out as paid advocates, and receiving
+fees to support particular opinions. It is truly disgraceful that such
+great speculative questions, instead of being subjected to fair and
+disinterested argument, with a view of eliciting the truth, should be
+turned into a pecuniary transaction, in which any one of much money and
+little wit, can bribe as many persons as he likes, to prejudice the
+public ear in favour of his own theories.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_614_614" id="Footnote_614_614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_614_614"><span class="label">[614]</span></a> &lsquo;It is humiliating to have to remark, that the notices of
+comets which we derive from Scotch writers down to this time (1682)
+contain nothing but accounts of the popular fancies regarding them.
+Practical astronomy seems to have then been unknown in our country; and
+hence, while in other lands, men were carefully observing, computing,
+and approaching to just conclusions regarding these illustrious
+strangers of the sky, our diarists could only tell us how many <i>yards</i>
+long they seemed to be, what <i>effects</i> were apprehended from them in the
+way of war and pestilence, and how certain pious divines &ldquo;improved&rdquo; them
+for spiritual edification. Early in this century Scotland had produced
+one great philosopher, who had supplied his craft with the mathematical
+instruments by which complex problems, such as the movement of comets,
+were alone to be solved. It might have been expected that the country of
+Napier, seventy years after his time, would have had many sons capable
+of applying his key to such mysteries of nature. But no one had
+arisen&mdash;nor did any rise for fifty years onward, when at length Colin
+Maclaurin unfolded in the Edinburgh University the sublime philosophy of
+Newton. There could not be a more expressive signification of the
+character of the seventeenth century in Scotland. Our unhappy
+contentions about external religious matters had absorbed the whole
+genius of the people, rendering to us the age of Cowley, of Waller, and
+of Milton, as barren of elegant literature, as that of Horrocks, of
+Halley, and of Newton, was of science.&rsquo; <i>Chambers' Domestic Annals of
+Scotland</i>, vol. ii. pp. 444, 445.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_615_615" id="Footnote_615_615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_615_615"><span class="label">[615]</span></a> &lsquo;Thus, during the whole seventeenth century, the English
+were gradually refining their language and their taste; in Scotland, the
+former was much debased, and the latter almost entirely lost.&rsquo; <i>History
+of Scotland</i>, book viii., in <i>Robertson's Works</i>, p. 260.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;But the taste and science, the genius and the learning of the age, were
+absorbed in the gulph of religious controversy. At a time when the
+learning of Selden, and the genius of Milton, conspired to adorn
+England, the Scots were reduced to such writers as Baillie, Rutherford,
+Guthrie, and the two Gillespies.&rsquo; <i>Laing's History of Scotland</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 510. &lsquo;From the Restoration down to the Union, the only author of
+eminence whom Scotland produced was Burnet.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. iv. p. 406.
+</p>
+<p>
+&lsquo;The seventeenth century, fatal to the good taste of Italy, threw a
+total night over Scotland.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Not one writer who does the least credit
+to the nation flourished during the century from 1615 to 1715, excepting
+Burnet, whose name would, indeed, honour the brightest period. In
+particular, no poet whose works merit preservation arose. By a singular
+fatality, the century which stands highest in English history and
+genius, is one of the darkest in those of Scotland.&rsquo; <i>Ancient Scotish
+Poems, edited by John Pinkerton</i>, vol. i. pp. iii. iv., London, 1786.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_616_616" id="Footnote_616_616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_616_616"><span class="label">[616]</span></a> Ray, who visited Scotland in 1661, could not suppress a
+little professional envy, when he saw how much higher ecclesiastics were
+rated there than in England. He says, &lsquo;the people here frequent their
+churches much better than in England, and have their ministers in more
+esteem and veneration.&rsquo; <i>Ray's Memorials, edited by Dr. Lankester for
+the Ray Society</i>, p. 161.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_617_617" id="Footnote_617_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_617_617"><span class="label">[617]</span></a> &lsquo;Believing ignorance is much better than rash and
+presumptuous knowledge. Ask not a reason of these things, but rather
+adore and tremble at the mystery and majesty of them.&rsquo; <i>Binning's
+Sermons</i>, vol. i. p. 143. Even Biblical criticism was prohibited; and
+Dickson says of the different books of the Bible, &lsquo;We are not to trouble
+ourselves about the name of the writer, or time of writing of any part
+thereof, especially because God of set purpose concealeth the name
+sundry times of the writer, and the time when it was written.&rsquo;
+<i>Dickson's Explication of the Psalms</i>, p. 291.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_618_618" id="Footnote_618_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_618_618"><span class="label">[618]</span></a> &lsquo;Christ from heaven proposeth a syllogism to Saul's fury.&rsquo;
+<i>Rutherford's Christ Dying</i>, p. 180. &lsquo;The conclusion of a practical
+syllogism, whereby the believer concluded from the Gospel that he shall
+be saved.&rsquo; <i>Durham's Law Unsealed</i>, p. 97. &lsquo;All assurance is by
+practical syllogism, the first whereof must needs be a Scripture truth.&rsquo;
+<i>Gray's Precious Promises</i>, p. 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_619_619" id="Footnote_619_619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_619_619"><span class="label">[619]</span></a> Bower (<i>History of the University of Edinburgh</i>,
+vol. i. p. 217) says, &lsquo;The history of the universities and of the church
+is, in modern Europe, and perhaps in every other civilized portion of
+the globe, very nearly connected. They are more nearly connected in
+Scotland than in any other civilized country called Protestant; because
+the General Assembly have the legal power of inquiring into the economy
+of the institutions, both as it respects the mode of teaching, and the
+doctrines, whether religious, moral, or physical, which are taught.&rsquo;
+Spalding, under the year 1639, gives an instance of the power of the
+General Assembly in &lsquo;the College of Old Aberdeen.&rsquo; <i>Spalding's History
+of the Troubles</i>, vol. i. p. 178. See also, on the authority exercised
+by the General Assembly over the universities, a curious little book,
+called <i>The Government and Order of the Church of Scotland</i>, Edinburgh,
+1690, p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_620_620" id="Footnote_620_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_620_620"><span class="label">[620]</span></a> In 1632, the &lsquo;ministers&rsquo; of Perth were greatly displeased
+because John Row was made master of the grammar-school without their
+consent. <i>The Chronicle of Perth</i>, p. 33, where it is stated that,
+consequently, &lsquo;thair wes much outcrying in the pulpett.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_621_621" id="Footnote_621_621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_621_621"><span class="label">[621]</span></a> See, for instance, <i>Minutes of the Presbyteries of St.
+Andrews and Cupar</i>, pp. 66, 83, 84, 118. One of the entries is, that in
+January 1648, &lsquo;The Presbyterie ordained that all young students, who
+waittes on noblemen or gentlemen within thir bounds, aither to teach
+ther children, or catechise and pray in ther families, to frequent the
+Presbyterie, that the brether may cognosce what they ar reading, and
+what proficiencie they make in ther studies, and to know also ther
+behaviour in the said families, and of their affectione to the Covenant
+and present religione.&rsquo; p. 118. Compare <i>Selections from the Registers
+of the Presbytery of Lanark</i>, pp. 56, 65.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_622_622" id="Footnote_622_622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_622_622"><span class="label">[622]</span></a> This I have already touched upon in the first volume, pp.
+808, 809. Hereafter, and in my special history of the English mind, I
+shall examine it carefully and in detail. The revival of the old logic
+is a great symptom of it. Works like those of Whately, De Morgan, and
+Mansel, could not have been produced in tho eighteenth century, or, at
+all events, if by some extraordinary combination of events they had been
+produced, they would have found no readers. As it is, they have
+exercised a very extensive and very salutary influence; and, although
+Archbishop Whately was not well acquainted with the history of formal
+logic, his exposition of its ordinary processes is so admirably clear,
+that he has probably contributed more than any other man towards
+impressing his contemporaries with a sense of the value of deductive
+reasoning. He has, however, not done sufficient justice to the opposite
+school, and has, indeed, fallen into the old academical error of
+supposing that all reasoning is by syllogism. We might just as well say
+that all movement is by descent.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_623_623" id="Footnote_623_623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_623_623"><span class="label">[623]</span></a> See a letter from Sir James Mackintosh to Parr, in
+<i>Mackintosh's Memoirs</i>, London, 1835, vol. i. p. 334. &lsquo;To Hutcheson the
+taste for speculation in Scotland, and all the philosophical opinions
+(except the Berkleian Humism) may be traced.&rsquo; M. Cousin (<i>Histoire de la
+Philosophie</i>, première série, vol. iv. p. 35, Paris, 1846) observes,
+that before Hutcheson &lsquo;il n'avait paru en Ecosse ni un écrivain ni un
+professeur de philosophie un peu remarquable.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_624_624" id="Footnote_624_624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_624_624"><span class="label">[624]</span></a> <i>Tytler's Memoirs of Kames</i>, Edinburgh, 1814, vol. i. p.
+223. <i>Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy</i>, vol. i. p. iii. London, 1755, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_625_625" id="Footnote_625_625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_625_625"><span class="label">[625]</span></a> &lsquo;The intention of Moral Philosophy is to direct men to
+that course of action which tends most effectually to promote their
+greatest happiness and perfection; as far as it can be done by
+observations and conclusions discoverable from the constitution of
+nature, without any aids of supernatural revelation: these maxims or
+rules of conduct are therefore reputed as laws of nature, and the system
+or collection of them is called the <span class="smcap">Law of Nature</span>.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Moral
+Philosophy</i>, vol. i. p. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_626_626" id="Footnote_626_626"></a><a href="#FNanchor_626_626"><span class="label">[626]</span></a> &lsquo;The natural understanding is the most whorish thing in
+the world.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The understanding, even in the search of truth amongst
+the creatures, is a rash, precipitate, and unquiet thing.&rsquo; <i>Rutherford's
+Christ Dying</i>, p. 181. &lsquo;Innocent Adam,&rsquo; indeed, says Boston, &lsquo;Innocent
+Adam had a stock of gracious abilities, whereby he might have, by the
+force of moral considerations, brought himself to perform duty aright.
+But where is that with us?&rsquo; <i>Boston's Sermons</i>, p. 65.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_627_627" id="Footnote_627_627"></a><a href="#FNanchor_627_627"><span class="label">[627]</span></a> &lsquo;A like natural right every intelligent being has about
+his own opinions, speculative or practical, to judge according to the
+evidence that appears to him. This right appears from the very
+constitution of the rational mind, which can assent or dissent solely
+according to the evidence presented, and naturally desires knowledge.
+The same considerations show this right to be unalienable: it
+cannot be subjected to the will of another: though where there is
+a previous judgment formed concerning the superior wisdom of another, or
+his infallibility, the opinion of this other, to a weak mind, may become
+sufficient evidence. As to opinions about the Deity, religion, and
+virtue, this right is further confirmed by all the noblest desires of
+the soul; as there can be no virtue, but rather impiety in not adhering
+to the opinions we think just, and in professing the contrary.&rsquo;
+<i>Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy</i>, vol. i. pp. 295, 296. See also vol. ii.
+p. 311. &lsquo;Every rational creature has a right to judge for itself in
+these matters: and as men must assent according to the evidence that
+appears to them, and cannot command their own assent in opposition to
+it, this right is plainly unalienable.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_628_628" id="Footnote_628_628"></a><a href="#FNanchor_628_628"><span class="label">[628]</span></a> &lsquo;Thus no man can really change his sentiments, judgments,
+and inward affections, at the pleasure of another, nor can it tend to
+any good to make him profess what is contrary to his heart.&rsquo;
+<i>Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy</i>, vol. i. pp. 261, 262.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_629_629" id="Footnote_629_629"></a><a href="#FNanchor_629_629"><span class="label">[629]</span></a> &lsquo;Arians and Socinians are idolaters and denyers of God,
+say the orthodox. They retort upon the orthodox, that they are
+Tritheists; and so do other sects; and thus they spirit up magistrates
+to persecute. While yet it is plain that in all these sects there are
+all the same motives to all social virtues from a belief of a moral
+providence, the same acknowledgments that the goodness of God is the
+source of all the good we enjoy or hope for, and the same gratitude and
+resignation to him recommended. Nor do any of their schemes excite men
+to vices, except that horrid tenet, too common to most of them, the
+right of persecuting.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy</i>, vol. ii. p. 316.
+See also vol. i. p. 160; and <i>Hutcheson's Inquiry into our Ideas of
+Beauty and Virtue</i>, London, 1738, p. 283.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_630_630" id="Footnote_630_630"></a><a href="#FNanchor_630_630"><span class="label">[630]</span></a> &lsquo;We all know the notions entertained by the vulgar
+concerning all hereticks; we know the pride of schoolmen and many
+ecclesiasticks; how it galls their insolent vanity that any man should
+assume to himself to be wiser than they in tenets of religion by
+differing from them.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy</i>, vol. i. p. 167.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_631_631" id="Footnote_631_631"></a><a href="#FNanchor_631_631"><span class="label">[631]</span></a> &lsquo;As he had occasion every year in the course of his
+lectures to explain the origin of government, and compare the different
+forms of it, he took peculiar care, while on that subject, to inculcate
+the importance of civil and religious liberty to the happiness of
+mankind.&rsquo; <i>Leechman's Life of Hutcheson</i>, p. xxxv., prefixed to
+Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_632_632" id="Footnote_632_632"></a><a href="#FNanchor_632_632"><span class="label">[632]</span></a> &lsquo;The ideas of beauty and harmony, like other sensible
+ideas, are necessarily pleasant to us, as well as immediately so.&rsquo;
+<i>Hutcheson's Inquiry into our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue</i>, p. 11. &lsquo;Our
+sense of beauty seems designed to give us positive pleasure.&rsquo; p. 71.
+&lsquo;Beauty gives a favourable presumption of good moral dispositions.&rsquo; p.
+257. &lsquo;But it is plain we have not in our power the modelling of our
+senses or desires, to form them for a private interest; they are fixed
+for us by the Author of our nature, subservient to the interest of the
+system; so that each individual is made, previously to his own choice, a
+member of a great body, and affected with the fortunes of the whole; or
+at least of many parts of it; nor can he break himself off at pleasure.&rsquo;
+<i>Hutcheson's Essay on the Passions</i>, pp. 105, 106.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_633_633" id="Footnote_633_633"></a><a href="#FNanchor_633_633"><span class="label">[633]</span></a> &lsquo;Fille de la scholastique, la philosophie moderne est
+demeurée longtemps étrangère aux grâces, et les <i>Recherches</i> d'Hutcheson
+présentent, je crois, le premier traité spécial sur le beau, écrit par
+un moderne. Elles ont paru en 1725. Cette date est presque celle de
+l'avénement de l'esthétique dans la philosophie européenne. L'ouvrage du
+père André, en France, est de 1741, celui de Baumgarten, en Allemagne,
+est de 1750. Ce n'est pas un petit honneur à Hutcheson d'avoir le
+premier soumis l'idée du beau à une analyse méthodique et régulière.&rsquo;
+<i>Cousin, Histoire de la Philosophie</i>, première série, vol. iv. p. 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_634_634" id="Footnote_634_634"></a><a href="#FNanchor_634_634"><span class="label">[634]</span></a> In his <i>Inquiry into Beauty and Virtue</i>, p. 107, he so
+completely opposed the prevailing notions, as to assert that &lsquo;our
+perception of pleasure is necessary, and nothing is advantageous or
+naturally good to us, but what is apt to raise pleasure, mediately, or
+immediately.&rsquo; Compare what he says at p. 91 respecting &lsquo;superstitious
+prejudices against actions apprehended as offensive to the Deity.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_635_635" id="Footnote_635_635"></a><a href="#FNanchor_635_635"><span class="label">[635]</span></a> &lsquo;Hence a taste for the ingenious arts of musick,
+sculpture, painting, and even for the manly diversions, is reputable.&rsquo;
+<i>Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy</i>, vol. i. p. 83. At p. 129 he says, that
+in them &lsquo;our time is agreeably and honourably employed.&rsquo; See also vol.
+ii. p. 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_636_636" id="Footnote_636_636"></a><a href="#FNanchor_636_636"><span class="label">[636]</span></a> &lsquo;Wealth and power are truly useful, not only for the
+natural conveniences or pleasures of life, but as a fund for good
+offices.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy</i>, vol. i. p. 104. Compare
+<i>Hutcheson on Beauty and Virtue</i>, pp. 93&ndash;95; and his <i>Essay on the
+Passions and Affections</i>, pp. 8, 9, 99. &lsquo;How weak also are the
+reasonings of some recluse moralists, who condemn in general all
+pursuits of wealth or power, as below a perfectly virtuous character;
+since wealth and power are the most effectual means, and the most
+powerful instruments, even of the greatest virtues, and most generous
+actions.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_637_637" id="Footnote_637_637"></a><a href="#FNanchor_637_637"><span class="label">[637]</span></a> &lsquo;The chief happiness of any being must consist in the full
+enjoyment of all the gratifications its nature desires and is capable
+of.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy</i>, vol. i. p. 100. &lsquo;The highest
+sensual enjoyments may be experienced by those who employ both mind and
+body vigorously in social virtuous offices, and allow all the natural
+appetites to recur in their due seasons.&rsquo; p. 121. &lsquo;Nay, as in fact it is
+for the good of the system that every desire and sense natural to us,
+even those of the lowest kinds, should be gratified as far as their
+gratification is consistent with the nobler enjoyments, and in a just
+subordination to them; there seems a natural notion of <i>right</i> to attend
+them all.&rsquo; pp. 254, 255.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_638_638" id="Footnote_638_638"></a><a href="#FNanchor_638_638"><span class="label">[638]</span></a> &lsquo;&rsquo;Tis pleasant to observe how those authors who paint out
+our nature as a compound of sensuality, selfishness, and cunning, forget
+themselves on this subject in their descriptions of youth, when the
+natural temper is less disguised than in the subsequent parts of life.
+&rsquo;Tis made up of many keen, inconstant passions, many of them generous;
+&rsquo;tis fond of present pleasure, but &rsquo;tis also profusely kind and liberal
+to favourites; careless about distant interests of its own; full of
+confidence in others; studious of praise for kindness and generosity;
+prone to friendships, and void of suspicion.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Moral
+Philosophy</i>, vol. ii. p. 11. &lsquo;Men are often subject to anger, and upon
+sudden provocations do injuries to each other, and that only from self
+love without malice; but the greatest part of their lives is employed in
+offices of natural affection, friendship, innocent self love, or love of
+a country.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's Essay on the Passions</i>, pp. 97, 98. And at p.
+165: &lsquo;There are no doubt many furious starts of passion, in which malice
+may seem to have place in our constitution; but how seldom and how
+short, in comparison of years spent in fixed kind pursuits of the good
+of a family, a party, a country?&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Here men are apt to let their
+imaginations run out upon all the robberies, piracies, murders,
+perjuries, frauds, massacres, assassinations, they have ever either
+heard of, or read in history; thence concluding all mankind to be very
+wicked; as if a court of justice were the proper place for making an
+estimate of the morals of mankind, or an hospital of the healthfulness
+of a climate. Ought they not to consider that the number of honest
+citizens and farmers far surpasses that of all sorts of criminals in any
+state; and that the innocent or kind actions of even criminals
+themselves, surpass their crimes in numbers? That it is the rarity of
+crimes, in comparison of innocent or good actions, which engages our
+attention to them, and makes them be recorded in history; while
+incomparably more honest, generous, domestic actions are overlooked,
+only because they are so common; as one great danger, or one month's
+sickness, shall become a frequently repeated story, during a long life
+of health and safety.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_639_639" id="Footnote_639_639"></a><a href="#FNanchor_639_639"><span class="label">[639]</span></a> In 1731, Wodrow, who was the last really great specimen of
+the old Presbyterian divines, and who was not a little shocked at the
+changes he saw going on around him, writes: &lsquo;When Dr. Calamy heard of
+Mr. Hutcheson's being called to Glasgow, he smiled, and said, I think to
+Thomas Randy, that he was not for Scotland, as he thought from his book;
+and that he would be reckoned there as unorthodox as Mr. Simson. The
+Doctor has a strange way of fishing out privat storyes and things that
+pass in Scotland.&rsquo; <i>Wodrow's Analecta</i>, vol. iv. p. 227. It is
+interesting to compare with this, the remarks which that worldly-minded
+clergyman, the Rev. Alexander Carlyle, has made upon Hutcheson. See
+<i>Carlyle's Autobiography</i>, Edinburgh, 1860, 2d edit. pp. 82&ndash;85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_640_640" id="Footnote_640_640"></a><a href="#FNanchor_640_640"><span class="label">[640]</span></a> In his <i>Moral Philosophy</i>, vol. i. p. 52, he calls it &lsquo;an
+original determination or sense in our nature, not capable of being
+referred to other powers of perception.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_641_641" id="Footnote_641_641"></a><a href="#FNanchor_641_641"><span class="label">[641]</span></a> &lsquo;This moral sense from its very nature appears to be
+designed for regulating and controlling all our powers.&rsquo; <i>Hutcheson's
+Moral Philosophy</i>, vol. i. p. 61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_642_642" id="Footnote_642_642"></a><a href="#FNanchor_642_642"><span class="label">[642]</span></a> See, in his <i>Moral Philosophy</i>, vol. i. p. 79, his
+complaint against those who &lsquo;would reduce all our perceptive powers to a
+very small number, by one artful reference or another.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_643_643" id="Footnote_643_643"></a><a href="#FNanchor_643_643"><span class="label">[643]</span></a> &lsquo;&rsquo;Tis in vain here to alledge instruction, education,
+custom, or association of ideas, as the original of moral approbation.&rsquo;
+<i>Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy</i>, vol. i. p. 57. Compare his work on
+<i>Beauty and Virtue</i>, p. 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_644_644" id="Footnote_644_644"></a><a href="#FNanchor_644_644"><span class="label">[644]</span></a> &lsquo;To him may also be ascribed that proneness to multiply
+ultimate and original principles in human nature, which characterised
+the Scottish School till the second extinction of a passion for
+metaphysical speculation in Scotland.&rsquo; <i>Mackintosh's Dissertation on
+Ethical Philosophy</i>, edit. Whewell, Edinburgh, 1837, p. 208.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_645_645" id="Footnote_645_645"></a><a href="#FNanchor_645_645"><span class="label">[645]</span></a> See his ingenious chapter,
+entitled &lsquo;A deduction of the
+more special laws of nature and
+duties of life, previous to civil
+government, and other adventitious
+states.&rsquo; <i>Moral Philosophy</i>,
+vol. i. p. 227; and compare vol.
+ii. pp. 294&ndash;309, &lsquo;How civil power
+is acquired.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_646_646" id="Footnote_646_646"></a><a href="#FNanchor_646_646"><span class="label">[646]</span></a> See, for example, his remarks
+on &lsquo;the right of possession.&rsquo;
+<i>Moral Philosophy</i>, vol. i.
+p. 344; on &lsquo;rights by mortgage,&rsquo;
+p. 350; and on inheritance, p.
+356.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_647_647" id="Footnote_647_647"></a><a href="#FNanchor_647_647"><span class="label">[647]</span></a> In his <i>Moral Philosophy</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 346, 347, he sums up
+a long argument on &lsquo;the nature
+of civil laws,&rsquo; by saying: &lsquo;Thus
+the general duties of magistrates
+and subjects are discoverable
+from the nature of the trust committed
+to them, and the end of
+all civil power.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_648_648" id="Footnote_648_648"></a><a href="#FNanchor_648_648"><span class="label">[648]</span></a> That is, so far as the facts are concerned. Geometry,
+considered in the most elevated manner, rests on ideas, and from that
+point of view is impregnable, unless the axioms can be overthrown. But
+if geometricians will insist on having definitions as well as axioms,
+they gain, no doubt, increased clearness, but they lose something in
+accuracy. I apprehend that, without definitions, geometry could not be a
+science of space, but would be a science of magnitudes, ideally
+conceived and consequently as pure as ratiocination could make it. This
+does not touch the question as to the empirical origin of the axioms.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_649_649" id="Footnote_649_649"></a><a href="#FNanchor_649_649"><span class="label">[649]</span></a> &lsquo;Our continual observations upon the conduct of others,
+insensibly lead us to form to ourselves certain general rules concerning
+what is fit and proper either to be done or to be avoided.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;It is
+thus that the general rules of morality are formed. They are ultimately
+founded upon experience of what, in particular instances, our moral
+faculties, our natural sense of merit and propriety, approve or
+disapprove of. We do not originally approve or condemn particular
+actions; because, upon examination, they appear to be agreeable or
+inconsistent with a certain general rule. The general rule, on the
+contrary, is formed by finding from experience that all actions of a
+certain kind, or circumstanced in a certain manner, are approved of or
+disapproved of.&rsquo; <i>Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, vol. i. pp. 219,
+220. At p. 153: &lsquo;We either approve or disapprove of our own conduct
+according as we feel that, when we place ourselves in the situation of
+another man, and view it, as it were, with his eyes and from his
+station, we either can or cannot entirely enter into and sympathize with
+the sentiments and motives which influenced it.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_650_650" id="Footnote_650_650"></a><a href="#FNanchor_650_650"><span class="label">[650]</span></a> &lsquo;Were it possible that a human creature could grow up to
+manhood in some solitary place, without any communication with his own
+species, he could no more think of his own character, of the propriety
+or demerit of his own sentiments and conduct, of the beauty or deformity
+of his own mind, than of the beauty and deformity of his own face.&rsquo;
+<i>Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, vol. i. p. 154. &lsquo;Our first moral
+criticisms are exercised upon the characters and conduct of other
+people.&rsquo; p. 156.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_651_651" id="Footnote_651_651"></a><a href="#FNanchor_651_651"><span class="label">[651]</span></a> &lsquo;As we have no immediate experience of what other men
+feel, we can form no idea of the manner in which they are affected, but
+by conceiving what we ourselves should feel in the like situation.&rsquo;
+<i>Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, vol. i. p. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_652_652" id="Footnote_652_652"></a><a href="#FNanchor_652_652"><span class="label">[652]</span></a> &lsquo;That imaginary change of situation, upon which their
+sympathy is founded, is but momentary.&rsquo; <i>Smith's Theory of Moral
+Sentiments</i>, vol. i. p. 21. Compare vol. ii. p. 206.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_653_653" id="Footnote_653_653"></a><a href="#FNanchor_653_653"><span class="label">[653]</span></a> &lsquo;I will venture to affirm that, when there is no envy in
+the case, our propensity to sympathize with joy is much stronger than
+our propensity to sympathize with sorrow.&rsquo; <i>Smith's Theory of Moral
+Sentiments</i>, vol. i. p. 58. &lsquo;It is because mankind are disposed to
+sympathize more entirely with our joy than with our sorrow, that we make
+parade of our riches, and conceal our poverty.&rsquo; p. 65.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_654_654" id="Footnote_654_654"></a><a href="#FNanchor_654_654"><span class="label">[654]</span></a> &lsquo;Upon this disposition of mankind to go along with all the
+passions of the rich and the powerful, is founded the distinction of
+ranks, and the order of society. Our obsequiousness to our superiors
+more frequently arises from our admiration for the advantages of their
+situation, than from any private expectations of benefit from their good
+will.&rsquo; <i>Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, vol. i. p. 69. See also
+vol. ii. p. 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_655_655" id="Footnote_655_655"></a><a href="#FNanchor_655_655"><span class="label">[655]</span></a> See the striking remarks in <i>Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>,
+vol. i. p. 70&ndash;72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_656_656" id="Footnote_656_656"></a><a href="#FNanchor_656_656"><span class="label">[656]</span></a> <i>Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, vol. ii. pp. 23 seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_657_657" id="Footnote_657_657"></a><a href="#FNanchor_657_657"><span class="label">[657]</span></a> <i>Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, vol. ii. pp. 131&ndash;244. This
+sketch of the different systems of philosophy is perhaps the ablest part
+of the book, notwithstanding two or three errors which it contains.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_658_658" id="Footnote_658_658"></a><a href="#FNanchor_658_658"><span class="label">[658]</span></a> <i>Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, vol. i. pp. 89, 92,
+115, 116. The utmost which he will concede to the notion of social
+convenience, is that &lsquo;we frequently have occasion to confirm our natural
+sense of the propriety and fitness of punishment, by reflecting how
+necessary it is for preserving the order of society.&rsquo; p. 122.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_659_659" id="Footnote_659_659"></a><a href="#FNanchor_659_659"><span class="label">[659]</span></a> <i>Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, vol. i. pp. 172&ndash;174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_660_660" id="Footnote_660_660"></a><a href="#FNanchor_660_660"><span class="label">[660]</span></a> &lsquo;Humanity is the virtue of a woman, generosity of a man.
+The fair sex, who have commonly much more tenderness than ours, have
+seldom so much generosity.&rsquo; <i>Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 19. Sufficient facts have not yet been collected to enable us to
+test the truth of this remark, and the loose experience of individual
+observers is worth very little on so wide a subject. Still, I venture to
+doubt the truth of Adam Smith's distinction. I suspect that women are,
+on the whole, more generous than men, as well as more tender. But to
+establish a proposition of this sort, would require the most extensive
+research, made by a careful and analytic mind; and, at present, there is
+not even any tolerably good work on the mental characteristics which
+distinguish the sexes, and there never will be one until physiology is
+united with biography.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_661_661" id="Footnote_661_661"></a><a href="#FNanchor_661_661"><span class="label">[661]</span></a> <i>Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, vol. ii. pp. 115&ndash;122.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_662_662" id="Footnote_662_662"></a><a href="#FNanchor_662_662"><span class="label">[662]</span></a> &lsquo;Sympathy, therefore, does not arise so much from the view
+of the passion, as from that of the situation which excites it.&rsquo;
+<i>Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, vol. i. p. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_663_663" id="Footnote_663_663"></a><a href="#FNanchor_663_663"><span class="label">[663]</span></a> &lsquo;What is called affection, is, in reality, nothing but
+habitual sympathy.&rsquo; <i>Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, vol. ii. p.
+63. &lsquo;In some tragedies and romances, we meet with many beautiful and
+interesting scenes, founded upon what is called the force of blood, or
+upon the wonderful affection which near relations are supposed to
+conceive for one another, even before they know that they have any such
+connection. This force of blood, however, I am afraid, exists nowhere
+but in tragedies and romances.&rsquo; p. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_664_664" id="Footnote_664_664"></a><a href="#FNanchor_664_664"><span class="label">[664]</span></a> &lsquo;Sympathy, however, cannot, in any sense, be regarded as a
+selfish principle.&rsquo; <i>Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, vol. ii. p.
+206. In vol. i. p. 9, he complains of &lsquo;those who are fond
+of deducing all our sentiments from certain refinements of self-love.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_665_665" id="Footnote_665_665"></a><a href="#FNanchor_665_665"><span class="label">[665]</span></a> This is noticed by Sir James Mackintosh, whose sketch of
+Adam Smith is hasty, and somewhat superficial, but who, nevertheless,
+truly observes, that Smith &lsquo;has exposed himself to objections founded on
+experience, to which it is impossible to attempt any answer.&rsquo;
+<i>Mackintosh's Dissertation on Ethical Philosophy</i>, pp. 239, 240. See
+also a letter from Hume to Adam Smith, in <i>Burton's Life and
+Correspondence of Hume</i>, vol. ii. p. 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_666_666" id="Footnote_666_666"></a><a href="#FNanchor_666_666"><span class="label">[666]</span></a> &lsquo;Mr. Smith's political lectures, comprehending the
+fundamental principles of his &ldquo;Inquiry,&rdquo; were delivered at Glasgow as
+early as the year 1752 or 1753.&rsquo; <i>Dugald Stewart's Life of Adam Smith</i>,
+p. lxxviii., prefixed to <i>Smith's Posthumous Essays</i>, London, 4to,
+1795.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_667_667" id="Footnote_667_667"></a><a href="#FNanchor_667_667"><span class="label">[667]</span></a> <i>History of Civilization</i>, vol. i. p. 214.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_668_668" id="Footnote_668_668"></a><a href="#FNanchor_668_668"><span class="label">[668]</span></a> &lsquo;Perhaps the only book which produced an immediate,
+general, and irrevocable change in some of the most important parts of
+the legislation of all civilized states.&rsquo; <i>Mackintosh's Ethical
+Philosophy</i>, p. 232. But this is too strongly expressed, as the
+economical history of France and Germany decisively proves.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_669_669" id="Footnote_669_669"></a><a href="#FNanchor_669_669"><span class="label">[669]</span></a> &lsquo;Parsimony, and not industry, is the immediate cause of
+the increase of capital. Industry, indeed, provides the subject which
+parsimony accumulates; but whatever industry might acquire, if parsimony
+did not save and store up, the capital would never be the greater.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;But the principle which prompts to save, is the desire of bettering our
+condition; a desire which, though generally calm and dispassionate,
+comes with us from the womb, and never leaves us till we go into the
+grave.&rsquo; <i>Smith's Wealth of Nations</i>, book ii. chap. iii. pp. 138, 140,
+edit. Edinb. 1839.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_670_670" id="Footnote_670_670"></a><a href="#FNanchor_670_670"><span class="label">[670]</span></a> &lsquo;The uniform, constant, and uninterrupted effort of every
+man to better his condition, the principle from which public and
+national, as well as private, opulence is originally derived, is
+frequently powerful enough to maintain the natural progress of things
+towards improvement, in spite both of the extravagance of government and
+of the greatest errors of administration. Like the unknown principle of
+animal life, it frequently restores health and vigour to the
+constitution, in spite not only of the disease, but of the absurd
+prescriptions of the doctor.&rsquo; <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, book ii. chap. iii.
+p. 141. &lsquo;The natural effort of every individual to better his own
+condition, when suffered to exert itself with freedom and security, is
+so powerful a principle, that it is alone, and without any assistance,
+not only capable of carrying on the society to wealth and prosperity,
+but of surmounting a hundred impertinent obstructions with which the
+folly of human laws too often encumbers its operations.&rsquo; Book iv. chap.
+v. p. 221.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_671_671" id="Footnote_671_671"></a><a href="#FNanchor_671_671"><span class="label">[671]</span></a> See an admirable passage, p. 156, too long to quote,
+beginning, &lsquo;If human institutions had never thwarted those natural
+inclinations,&rsquo; &amp;c.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_672_672" id="Footnote_672_672"></a><a href="#FNanchor_672_672"><span class="label">[672]</span></a> &lsquo;That insidious and crafty animal, vulgarly called a
+statesman or politician, whose councils are directed by the momentary
+fluctuations of affairs.&rsquo; <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, book iv. chap. ii. p.
+190.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_673_673" id="Footnote_673_673"></a><a href="#FNanchor_673_673"><span class="label">[673]</span></a> &lsquo;That security which the laws in Great Britain give to
+every man, that he shall enjoy the fruits of his own labour, is alone
+sufficient to make any country flourish, notwithstanding these and
+twenty other absurd regulations of commerce.&rsquo; <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, book
+iv. chap. v. p. 221.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_674_674" id="Footnote_674_674"></a><a href="#FNanchor_674_674"><span class="label">[674]</span></a> &lsquo;In all countries where there is a tolerable security,
+every man of common understanding will endeavour to employ whatever
+stock he can command, in procuring either present enjoyment or future
+profit.&rsquo; <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, book ii. chap. i. p. 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_675_675" id="Footnote_675_675"></a><a href="#FNanchor_675_675"><span class="label">[675]</span></a> &lsquo;The consideration of his own private profit is the sole
+motive which determines the owner of any capital to employ it either in
+agriculture, in manufactures, or in some particular branch of the
+wholesale or retail trade.&rsquo; <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, book ii. chap. v. p.
+154.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_676_676" id="Footnote_676_676"></a><a href="#FNanchor_676_676"><span class="label">[676]</span></a> &lsquo;By pursuing his own interest, he frequently promotes that
+of the society more effectually than when he really intends to promote
+it. I have never known much good done by those who affected to trade for
+the public good. It is an affectation, indeed, not very common among
+merchants, and very few words need be employed in dissuading them from
+it.&rsquo; <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, book iv. chap. ii. p. 184.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_677_677" id="Footnote_677_677"></a><a href="#FNanchor_677_677"><span class="label">[677]</span></a> In his <i>Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, vol. i. p. 21, he
+says that mankind are &lsquo;naturally sympathetic.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_678_678" id="Footnote_678_678"></a><a href="#FNanchor_678_678"><span class="label">[678]</span></a> &lsquo;Nay, it is chiefly for this regard to the sentiments of
+mankind, that we pursue riches and avoid poverty.&rsquo; <i>Theory of Moral
+Sentiments</i>, vol. i. p. 66. &lsquo;To become the natural object of the joyous
+congratulations and sympathetic attentions of mankind, is, in this
+manner, the circumstance which gives to prosperity all its dazzling
+splendour.&rsquo; p. 78.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_679_679" id="Footnote_679_679"></a><a href="#FNanchor_679_679"><span class="label">[679]</span></a> &lsquo;The late resolution of the Quakers in Pennsylvania, to
+set at liberty all their negro slaves, may satisfy us that their number
+cannot be very great. Had they made any considerable part of their
+property, such a resolution could never have been agreed to.&rsquo; <i>Wealth of
+Nations</i>, book iii. chap. ii. p. 159.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_680_680" id="Footnote_680_680"></a><a href="#FNanchor_680_680"><span class="label">[680]</span></a> &lsquo;In every civilized society, in every society where the
+distinction of ranks has once been completely established, there have
+been always two different schemes or systems of morality current at the
+same time; of which the one may be called the strict or austere; the
+other the liberal, or, if you will, the loose system. The former is
+generally revered and admired by the common people; the latter is
+commonly more esteemed and adopted by what are called the people of
+fashion. The degree of disapprobation with which we ought to mark the
+vices of levity, the vices which are apt to arise from great prosperity,
+and from the excess of gaiety and good humour, seems to constitute the
+principal distinction between those two opposite schemes or systems. In
+the liberal, or loose system, luxury, wanton, and even disorderly mirth,
+the pursuit of pleasure to some degree of intemperance, the breach of
+chastity, at least in one of the two sexes, provided they are not
+accompanied with gross indecency, and do not lead to falsehood and
+injustice, are generally treated with a good deal of indulgence, and are
+easily either excused or pardoned altogether. In the austere system, on
+the contrary, these excesses are regarded with the utmost abhorrence and
+detestation. The vices of levity are always ruinous to the common
+people, and a single week's thoughtlessness and dissipation is often
+sufficient to undo a poor workman for ever, and to drive him, through
+despair, upon committing the most enormous crimes. The wiser and better
+sort of the common people, therefore, have always the utmost abhorrence
+and detestation of such excesses, which their experience tells them are
+so immediately fatal to people of their condition. The disorder and
+extravagance of several years, on the contrary, will not always ruin a
+man of fashion; and people of that rank are very apt to consider the
+power of indulging in some degree of excess, as one of the advantages of
+their fortune; and the liberty of doing so without censure or reproach,
+as one of the privileges which belong to their station. In people of
+their own station, therefore, they regard such excesses with but a small
+degree of disapprobation, and censure them either very slightly or not
+at all.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Almost all religious sects have begun among the common people, from
+whom they have generally drawn their earliest as well as their most
+numerous proselytes. The austere system of morality has, accordingly,
+been adopted by those sects almost constantly, or with very few
+exceptions; for there have been some. It was the system by which they
+could best recommend themselves to that order of people, to whom they
+first proposed their plan of reformation upon what had been before
+established. Many of them, perhaps the greater part of them, have even
+endeavoured to gain credit by refining upon this austere system, and by
+carrying it to some degree of folly and extravagance; and this excessive
+rigour has frequently recommended them, more than any thing else, to the
+respect and veneration of the common people.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;In little religious
+sects, accordingly, the morals of the common people have been almost
+always remarkably regular and orderly; generally much more so than in
+the established church. The morals of those little sects, indeed, have
+frequently been rather disagreeably rigorous and unsocial.&rsquo; <i>Wealth of
+Nations</i>, book v. chap. i. pp. 332, 333.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_681_681" id="Footnote_681_681"></a><a href="#FNanchor_681_681"><span class="label">[681]</span></a> &lsquo;Where the church benefices are all nearly equal, none of
+them can be very great; and this mediocrity of benefice, though it may,
+no doubt, be carried too far, has, however, some very agreeable effects.
+Nothing but exemplary morals can give dignity to a man of small fortune.
+The vices of levity and vanity necessarily render him ridiculous, and
+are, besides, almost as ruinous to him as they are to the common people.
+In his own conduct, therefore, he is obliged to follow that system of
+morals which the common people respect the most. He gains their esteem
+and affection, by that plan of life which his own interest and situation
+would lead him to follow.&rsquo; <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, book v. chap. i. p.
+340.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_682_682" id="Footnote_682_682"></a><a href="#FNanchor_682_682"><span class="label">[682]</span></a> Besides the evidence supplied by economical treatises, the
+laws in our statute-book, respecting wages, show the general conviction,
+that their rate could be fixed by the upper classes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_683_683" id="Footnote_683_683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_683_683"><span class="label">[683]</span></a> &lsquo;We rarely hear, it has been said, of the combinations of
+masters, though frequently of those of workmen. But whoever imagines,
+upon this account, that masters rarely combine, is as ignorant of the
+world as of the subject. Masters are always and every where in a sort of
+tacit, but constant and uniform, combination, not to raise the wages of
+labour above their actual rate. To violate this combination is every
+where a most unpopular action, and a sort of reproach to a master among
+his neighbours and equals. We seldom, indeed, hear of this combination,
+because it is the usual, and, one may say, the natural state of things
+which nobody ever hears of. Masters, too, sometimes enter into
+particular combinations to sink the wages of labour even below this
+rate.&rsquo; <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, book i. chap. viii. p. 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_684_684" id="Footnote_684_684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_684_684"><span class="label">[684]</span></a> &lsquo;First, in almost every part of Great Britain, there is a
+distinction, even in the lowest species of labour, between summer and
+winter wages. Summer wages are always highest. But, on account of the
+extraordinary expense of fuel, the maintenance of a family is most
+expensive in winter. Wages, therefore, being highest when this expense
+is lowest, it seems evident that they are not regulated by what is
+necessary for this expense, but by the quantity and supposed value of
+the work.&rsquo; <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, book i. chap. viii. p. 31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_685_685" id="Footnote_685_685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_685_685"><span class="label">[685]</span></a> &lsquo;In years of scarcity, the difficulty and uncertainty of
+subsistence make all such people eager to return to service. But the
+high price of provisions, by diminishing the funds destined for the
+maintenance of servants, disposes masters rather to diminish than to
+increase the number of those they have.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Masters of all sorts,
+therefore, frequently make better bargains with their servants in dear
+than in cheap years, and find them more humble and dependent in the
+former than in the latter. They naturally, therefore, commend the former
+as more favourable to industry.&rsquo; <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, book i. chap.
+viii. p. 35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_686_686" id="Footnote_686_686"></a><a href="#FNanchor_686_686"><span class="label">[686]</span></a> &lsquo;The workmen desire to get as much, the masters to give as
+little, as possible. The former are disposed to combine in order to
+raise, the latter in order to lower, the wages of labour.&rsquo;
+<i>Wealth of Nations</i>, b. i. c. viii. p. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_687_687" id="Footnote_687_687"></a><a href="#FNanchor_687_687"><span class="label">[687]</span></a> &lsquo;It seems absurd at first sight, that we should despise
+their persons, and yet reward their talents with the most profuse
+liberality. While we do the one, however, we must of necessity do the
+other. Should the public opinion, or prejudice, ever alter with regard
+to such occupation, their pecuniary recompense would quickly diminish.
+More people would apply to them, and the competition would quickly
+reduce the price of their labour. Such talents, though far from being
+common, are by no means so rare as imagined. Many people possess them in
+great perfection, who disdain to make this use of them; and many more
+are capable of acquiring them, if any thing could be made honourably by
+them.&rsquo; <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, book i. ch. x. p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_688_688" id="Footnote_688_688"></a><a href="#FNanchor_688_688"><span class="label">[688]</span></a> &lsquo;Over and above the rents of those estates, the clergy
+possessed in the tithes a very large portion of the rents of all the
+other estates in every kingdom of Europe. The revenues arising from both
+those species of rents were, the greater part of them, paid in kind, in
+corn, wine, cattle, poultry, &amp;c. The quantity exceeded greatly what the
+clergy could themselves consume; and there were neither arts nor
+manufactures, for the produce of which they could exchange the surplus.
+The clergy could derive advantage from this immense surplus in no other
+way than by employing it, as the great barons employed the like surplus
+of their revenues, in the most profuse hospitality, and in the most
+extensive charity. Both the hospitality and the charity of the ancient
+clergy, accordingly, are said to have been very great.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The
+hospitality and charity of the clergy, too, not only gave them the
+command of a great temporal force, but increased very much the weight of
+their spiritual weapons. Those virtues procured them the highest respect
+and veneration among all the inferior ranks of people, of whom many were
+constantly, and almost all occasionally, fed by them.&rsquo; <i>Wealth of
+Nations</i>, book v. chap. i. p. 336.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_689_689" id="Footnote_689_689"></a><a href="#FNanchor_689_689"><span class="label">[689]</span></a> <i>Burton's Life of Hume</i>, vol. i. p. 354.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_690_690" id="Footnote_690_690"></a><a href="#FNanchor_690_690"><span class="label">[690]</span></a> See Mr. Burton's valuable <i>Life of Hume</i>, Edinburgh, 1846,
+vol. i. pp. 58, 267, vol. ii. pp. 14, 134.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_691_691" id="Footnote_691_691"></a><a href="#FNanchor_691_691"><span class="label">[691]</span></a> What confirms me in this view, is the fact, that the older
+Hume grew, and the more he read on history, the more he became imbued
+with these errors; which would not have been the case if the errors had,
+as many of his critics say, been the result of an insufficient
+acquaintance with the evidence. Mr. Burton, by comparing the different
+editions of his <i>History of England</i>, has shown that he gradually became
+less favourable to popular liberty; softening, or erasing, in later
+editions, those expressions which seemed favourable to freedom.
+<i>Burton's Life of Hume</i>, vol. ii. pp. 74&ndash;77. See also pp. 144, 434. In
+his <i>Own Life</i>, p. xi (in vol. i. of <i>Hume's Works</i> Edinb. 1826), he
+says: &lsquo;In a hundred alterations, which farther study, reading,
+or reflection engaged me to make in the reigns of the two first Stuarts,
+I have made all of them invariably the Tory side.&rsquo; In one of his
+essays, he observes (<i>Philosophical Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 172) that &lsquo;there
+is no enthusiasm among philosophers;&rsquo; a remark perfectly true, so far as
+he was concerned, but very unjust towards the class of men to whom it
+refers.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_692_692" id="Footnote_692_692"></a><a href="#FNanchor_692_692"><span class="label">[692]</span></a> Brown, in his great work,&mdash;one of the greatest which this
+century has produced,&mdash;candidly confesses that his own book is &lsquo;chiefly
+reflective of the lights, which he&rsquo; (Hume) &lsquo;has given.&rsquo; <i>Brown's Inquiry
+into the Relation of Cause and Effect</i>, London, 1835, p. 253. See also
+p. vii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_693_693" id="Footnote_693_693"></a><a href="#FNanchor_693_693"><span class="label">[693]</span></a> While the politicians of his own time despised his views,
+the politicians of our time seem inclined to overrate them. Lord
+Brougham, for instance, in his Life of Hume, says, of his political
+economy, &lsquo;Mr. Hume is, beyond all doubt, the author of the modern
+doctrines which now rule the world of science.&rsquo; <i>Brougham's Works</i>,
+Glasgow, 1856, vol. ii. p. 176. But so far from this being
+the case, the science of political economy has, since the time of Hume,
+received such additions, that if that illustrious philosopher were to
+rise from the dead, he would hardly be able to recognize it. To him,
+many of its largest and most fundamental principles were entirely
+unknown. Hume knew nothing of the causes which govern the accumulation
+of wealth, and compel that accumulation to proceed with different speed
+in different states of society; a fruitful and important study almost
+entirely neglected until entered upon by Rae. Neither did Hume know
+anything of the law of the ratio between population and wages; nor of
+the ratio between wages and profits. He even supposes (<i>Philosophical
+Works</i>, vol. iii. p. 299, Edinburgh, 1826) that it is possible for the
+labouring classes by combination &lsquo;to heighten their wages;&rsquo; and again
+(p. 319) that the richer a nation is, and the more trade it has, the
+easier it will be for a poor country to undersell its manufactures,
+because the poor nation enjoys the advantage of a &lsquo;low price of labour.&rsquo;
+Elsewhere, he asserts that coin can be depreciated without raising
+prices, and that a country, by taxing a foreign commodity, could
+increase its own population. &lsquo;Were all our money, for instance,
+recoined, and a penny's worth of silver taken from every shilling, the
+new shilling would probably purchase every thing that could have been
+bought by the old; the prices of every thing would thereby be insensibly
+diminished; foreign trade enlivened; and domestic industry, by the
+circulation of a great number of pounds and shillings, would receive
+some increase and encouragement.&rsquo; <i>Philosophical Works</i>, vol. iii. p.
+324. &lsquo;A tax on German linen encourages home manufactures, and thereby
+multiplies our people and industry.&rsquo; p. 365. These are cardinal errors,
+which go to the very root of political economy; and when we fairly
+estimate what has been done by Malthus and Ricardo, it will be evident
+that Hume's doctrines do not &lsquo;rule the world of science.&rsquo; This is no
+disparagement of Hume, who, on the contrary, effected wonderful things,
+considering the then state of knowledge. The mistake is, in imagining
+that such a rapidly advancing science as political economy can be
+governed by doctrines propounded more than a century ago.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_694_694" id="Footnote_694_694"></a><a href="#FNanchor_694_694"><span class="label">[694]</span></a> &lsquo;Every thing in the world is purchased by labour, and our
+passions are the only causes of labour.&rsquo; <i>Essay I. on Commerce, in
+Hume's Philosophical Works</i>, vol. iii. p. 294. Hence, he saw the fallacy
+of the assertion of the French economists, &lsquo;that all taxes fall
+ultimately upon land.&rsquo; p. 388.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_695_695" id="Footnote_695_695"></a><a href="#FNanchor_695_695"><span class="label">[695]</span></a> &lsquo;Money is not, properly speaking, one of the subjects of
+commerce, but only the instrument which men have agreed upon to
+facilitate the exchange of one commodity for another.&rsquo; <i>Essay on Money
+in Philosophical Works</i>, vol. iii. p. 317. &lsquo;It is, indeed, evident that
+money is nothing but the representation of labour and commodities, and
+serves only as a method of rating or estimating them.&rsquo; p. 321.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_696_696" id="Footnote_696_696"></a><a href="#FNanchor_696_696"><span class="label">[696]</span></a> See <i>Essay V. on the Balance of Trade</i>, in <i>Hume's
+Philosophical Works</i>, vol. iii. pp. 348&ndash;367.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_697_697" id="Footnote_697_697"></a><a href="#FNanchor_697_697"><span class="label">[697]</span></a> <i>Hume's Philosophical Works</i>, vol. iii. pp. 333&ndash;335. Even
+now, a knowledge of this truth is so little diffused, that, lately, when
+Australia and California began to yield immense quantities of gold, a
+notion was widely circulated that the interest of money would
+consequently fall; although nothing can be more certain than that if
+gold were to become as plentiful as iron, the interest of money would be
+unaffected. The whole effect would fall upon price. The remarks on this
+subject in <i>Ritchie's Life of Hume</i>, London, 1807, pp. 332, 333, are
+interesting, as illustrating the slow progress of opinion, and the
+difficulty which minds, not specially trained, experience when they
+attempt to investigate these subjects.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_698_698" id="Footnote_698_698"></a><a href="#FNanchor_698_698"><span class="label">[698]</span></a> &lsquo;Nothing is more usual, among states which have made some
+advance in commerce, than to look on the progress of their neighbours
+with a suspicious eye, to consider all trading states as their rivals,
+and to suppose that it is impossible for any of them to flourish, but at
+their expense. In opposition to this narrow and malignant opinion, I
+will venture to assert, that the increase of riches and commerce in any
+one nation, instead of hurting, commonly promotes the riches and
+commerce of all its neighbours.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;I go farther, and observe, that
+where an open communication is preserved among nations, it is impossible
+but the domestic industry of every one must receive an increase from the
+improvements of the others.&rsquo; <i>Essay on the Jealousy of Trade</i>, in
+<i>Hume's Philosophical Works</i>, vol. iii. pp. 368, 369.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_699_699" id="Footnote_699_699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_699_699"><span class="label">[699]</span></a> This letter, which I have referred to in my first volume,
+p. 229, was published, for, I believe, the first time, in 1846, in
+<i>Burton's Life and Correspondence of Hume</i>, vol. ii. p. 486. It is,
+however, very difficult to determine what Adam Smith's
+opinion really was upon this subject, and how far he was aware that rent
+did not enter into price. In one passage in the <i>Wealth of Nations</i>
+(book i. chap. vi. p. 21) he says of wages, profit, and rent, &lsquo;in every
+society, the price of every commodity finally resolves itself into some
+one or other, or all of those three parts; and <i>in every improved
+society, all the three enter, more or less, as component parts, into the
+price of the far greater part of commodities</i>.&rsquo; But in book i. chap. xi.
+p. 61, he says, &lsquo;High or low wages and profit are the causes of high or
+low price; high or low rent is the effect of it.&rsquo; This latter opinion we
+now know to be the true one; it is, however, incompatible with that
+expressed in the first passage. For, if rent is the effect of price, it
+cannot be a component of it.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_700_700" id="Footnote_700_700"></a><a href="#FNanchor_700_700"><span class="label">[700]</span></a> Hence, when the <i>Wealth of Nations</i> appeared, one of our
+wise men gravely said that &lsquo;Dr. Smith, who had never been in trade,
+could not be expected to write well on that subject, any more than a
+lawyer upon physic.&rsquo; See <i>Boswell's Life of Johnson</i>, edit. Croker,
+1848, p. 478, where this remark is ascribed to Sir John Pringle.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_701_701" id="Footnote_701_701"></a><a href="#FNanchor_701_701"><span class="label">[701]</span></a> &lsquo;He was sent to a mercantile house at Bristol in 1734; but
+he found the drudgery of this employment intolerable, and he retired to
+Rheims.&rsquo; <i>Brougham's Life of Hume</i>, Glasgow, 1856, p. 169. See also
+<i>Ritchie's Life of Hume</i>, p. 6. In <i>Roberts' Memoirs of Hannah More</i>, 2d
+ed. 1834, vol. i. p. 16, it is said that &lsquo;two years of his life were
+spent in a merchant's counting-house in Bristol, whence he was dismissed
+on account of the promptitude of his pen in the correction of the
+letters intrusted to him to copy.&rsquo; The latter part of this story is
+improbable; the former part is certainly incorrect; since Hume himself
+says, &lsquo;In 1734, I went to Bristol, with some recommendations to eminent
+merchants, but <i>in a few months</i> found that scene totally unsuitable to
+me. I went over to France, with a view of prosecuting my studies in a
+country retreat.&rsquo; <i>Own Life</i>, p. v.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_702_702" id="Footnote_702_702"></a><a href="#FNanchor_702_702"><span class="label">[702]</span></a> What Sir James Mackintosh says of him is only a faint echo
+of the general voice of his contemporaries. &lsquo;His temper was calm, not to
+say cold; but though none of his feelings were ardent, all were engaged
+on the side of virtue. He was free from the slightest tincture of
+malignity or meanness; his conduct was uniformly excellent.&rsquo;
+<i>Mackintosh's Memoirs</i>, vol. ii. p. 162. A greater than Mackintosh, and
+a man who knew Hume intimately, expresses himself in much warmer terms.
+&lsquo;Upon the whole,&rsquo; writes Adam Smith,&mdash;&lsquo;Upon the whole, I have always
+considered him, both in his lifetime and since his death, as approaching
+as nearly to the idea of a perfectly wise and virtuous man as perhaps
+the nature of human frailty will permit.&rsquo; <i>Hume's Philosophical Works</i>,
+vol. i. p. xxv. Some notices of Hume will be found in an interesting
+work just published. <i>Autobiography of Alexander Carlyle</i>, Edinburgh,
+1860, pp. 272&ndash;278. But Carlyle, though a man of considerable practical
+skill, was incapable of large views, and was, therefore, unable, I will
+not say to measure, but even to conceive, the size of such an
+understanding as that possessed by David Hume. Of his want of
+speculative power, a decisive instance appears in his remarks on Adam
+Smith. He gravely says (<i>Autobiography</i>, p. 281), &lsquo;Smith's fine writing
+is chiefly displayed in his book on <i>Moral Sentiments</i>, which is the
+pleasantest and most eloquent book on the subject. His <i>Wealth of
+Nations</i>, from which he was judged to be an inventive genius of the
+first order, is tedious and full of repetition. His separate essays in
+the second volume have the air of being occasional pamphlets, without
+much force or determination. On political subjects, his opinions were
+not very sound.&rsquo; It is rather too much when a village-preacher writes in
+this strain of the greatest man his country has ever produced.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_703_703" id="Footnote_703_703"></a><a href="#FNanchor_703_703"><span class="label">[703]</span></a> He speaks of him in the following extraordinary terms. &lsquo;If
+we consider the variety of talents displayed by this man; as a public
+speaker, a man of business, a wit, a courtier, a companion, an author, a
+philosopher; he is justly the object of great admiration. If we consider
+him merely as an author and philosopher, the light in which we view him
+at present, though very estimable, <i>he was yet inferior to his
+contemporary Galileo, perhaps even to Kepler</i>.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The national spirit
+which prevails among the English, and which forms their great happiness,
+is the cause why they bestow on all their eminent writers, and on Bacon
+among the rest, such praises and acclamations as may often appear
+partial and excessive.&rsquo; <i>Hume's History of England</i>, vol. vi. pp. 194,
+195, London, 1789.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_704_704" id="Footnote_704_704"></a><a href="#FNanchor_704_704"><span class="label">[704]</span></a> See the note in vol. i. p. 250, of <i>Buckle's History of
+Civilization</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_705_705" id="Footnote_705_705"></a><a href="#FNanchor_705_705"><span class="label">[705]</span></a> Thus, for instance, in his remarkable <i>Essay on the
+Balance of Trade</i>, he says (<i>Philosophical Works</i>, vol. iii. p. 349),
+&lsquo;Every man who has ever reasoned on this subject, has always <i>proved his
+theory, whatever it was, by facts and calculations</i>, and by an
+enumeration of all the commodities sent to all foreign kingdoms;&rsquo;
+therefore (p. 350), &lsquo;It may here be proper to form a general argument to
+prove the impossibility of this event, so long as we preserve our people
+and our industry.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_706_706" id="Footnote_706_706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_706_706"><span class="label">[706]</span></a> &lsquo;I have no great faith in political arithmetic.&rsquo; <i>Wealth
+of Nations</i>, book iv. chap. v. p. 218.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_707_707" id="Footnote_707_707"></a><a href="#FNanchor_707_707"><span class="label">[707]</span></a> Indeed, the only possible objection to them is that the
+language of their collectors is sometimes ambiguous; so that, by the
+same return, one statistician may mean one thing, and another
+statistician may mean something quite different. This is well
+exemplified in medical statistics; whence several writers, unacquainted
+with the philosophy of scientific proof, have supposed that medicine is
+incapable of mathematical treatment. In point of fact, however, the only
+real impediment is the shameful state of clinical and pathological
+terminology, which is in such confusion as to throw doubt upon all
+extensive numerical statements respecting disease.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote_708_708" id="Footnote_708_708"></a><a href="#FNanchor_708_708"><span class="label">[708]</span></a> &lsquo;Upon his return to England in the autumn of 1766, he went
+to reside with his mother at his native town of Kirkaldy, and remained
+there for ten years. All the attempts of his friends in Edinburgh to
+draw him thither were vain; and from a kind and lively letter of Mr.
+Hume upon the subject, complaining that, though within sight of him on
+the opposite side of the Frith of Forth, he could not have speech of
+him, it appears that no one was aware of the occupations in which those
+years were passed.&rsquo; <i>Brougham's Life of Adam Smith</i>, p. 189.
+Occasionally, however, he saw his literary friends. See <i>Dugald
+Stewart's Biographical Memoirs</i>, p. 73, Edinb. 1811, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_709_709" id="Footnote_709_709"></a><a href="#FNanchor_709_709"><span class="label">[709]</span></a> &lsquo;He was certainly not fitted for the general commerce of
+the world, or for the business of active life. The comprehensive
+speculations with which he had been occupied from his youth, and the
+variety of materials which his own invention constantly supplied to his
+thoughts, rendered him habitually inattentive to familiar objects and to
+common occurrences; and he frequently exhibited instances of absence,
+which have scarcely been surpassed by the fancy of La Bruyère.&rsquo;
+<i>Stewart's Biographical Memoirs</i>, p. 113. See also <i>Ramsay's
+Reminiscences</i>, 5th edit. Edinb. 1859, p. 236. Carlyle, who knew him
+well, says, &lsquo;he was the most absent man in company that I ever saw,
+moving his lips, and talking to himself, and smiling, in the midst of
+large companies.&rsquo; <i>Autobiography of the Rev. Alexander Carlyle</i>, 2nd
+edit. Edinb. 1860, p. 279.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_710_710" id="Footnote_710_710"></a><a href="#FNanchor_710_710"><span class="label">[710]</span></a> A Scotch philosopher of great repute, but, as it appears
+to me, of ability not quite equal to his repute, has stated very clearly
+and accurately this favourite method of his countrymen. &lsquo;In examining
+the history of mankind, as well as in examining the phenomena of the
+material world, when we cannot trace the process by which an event <i>has
+been</i> produced, it is often of importance to be able to show how it <i>may
+have been</i> produced by natural causes.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;To this species of
+philosophical investigation, which has no appropriated name in our
+language, I shall take the liberty of giving the title of <i>Theoretical</i>
+or <i>Conjectural History</i>; an expression which coincides pretty nearly in
+its meaning with that of <i>Natural History</i> as employed by Mr. Hume, and
+with what some French writers have called Histoire Raisonnée.&rsquo; <i>Dugald
+Stewart's Biographical Memoirs</i>, pp. 48, 49. Hence (p. 53), &lsquo;in most
+cases, it is of more importance to ascertain the progress that is most
+simple, than the progress that is most agreeable to fact; for,
+paradoxical as the proposition may appear, it is certainly true, that
+<i>the real progress is not always the most natural</i>. It may have been
+determined by particular accidents, which are not likely again to occur,
+and which cannot be considered as forming any part of that general
+provision which nature has made for the improvement of the race.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_711_711" id="Footnote_711_711"></a><a href="#FNanchor_711_711"><span class="label">[711]</span></a> Part of this view is well expressed in <i>Hume's Treatise of
+Human Nature</i>, book iii. part ii. &lsquo;This, however, hinders not but that
+philosophers may, if they please, extend their reasoning to the supposed
+<i>state of nature</i>; provided they allow it to be a mere philosophical
+fiction, which never had, and never could have, any reality.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The
+same liberty may be permitted to moral, which is allowed to natural
+philosophers; and &rsquo;tis very usual with the latter to consider any motion
+as compounded and consisting of two parts separate from each other,
+though, at the same time, they acknowledge it to be in itself
+uncompounded and inseparable.&rsquo; <i>Philosophical Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 263.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_712_712" id="Footnote_712_712"></a><a href="#FNanchor_712_712"><span class="label">[712]</span></a> And, conversely, that whatever was &lsquo;demonstratively
+false,&rsquo; could &lsquo;never be distinctly conceived by the mind.&rsquo;
+<i>Philosophical Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 33. Here, and sometimes in other
+passages, Hume, though by no means a Cartesian, reminds us of
+Descartes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_713_713" id="Footnote_713_713"></a><a href="#FNanchor_713_713"><span class="label">[713]</span></a> &lsquo;Here, then, is the only expedient from which we can hope
+for success in our philosophical researches, <i>to leave the tedious,
+lingering method</i>, which we have hitherto followed, and instead of
+taking now and then a castle or a village on the frontier, to march up
+directly to the capital, or centre of these sciences, to human nature
+itself; which, being once masters of, we may every where else hope for
+an easy victory. From this station we may extend our conquests over all
+those sciences which more immediately concern human life, and may
+afterwards proceed, at leisure, to discover more fully those which are
+the objects of pure curiosity.&rsquo; <i>Hume's Philosophical Works</i>, vol. i. p.
+8. See also, in vol. ii. pp. 73, 74, his remarks on the way &lsquo;to consider
+the matter <i>à priori</i>.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_714_714" id="Footnote_714_714"></a><a href="#FNanchor_714_714"><span class="label">[714]</span></a> &lsquo;No kind of reasoning can give rise to a new idea, such
+as this of power is; but wherever we reason, we must antecedently be
+possessed of clear ideas, which may be the objects of our reasoning.&rsquo;
+<i>Hume's Philosophical Works</i>, vol. i. p. 217. Compare vol. ii. p. 276,
+on our arriving at a knowledge of causes &lsquo;by a kind of taste or fancy.&rsquo;
+Hence, the larger view preceding the smaller, and being essentially
+independent of it, will constantly contradict it; and he complains, for
+instance, that &lsquo;difficulties, which seem unsurmountable in theory, are
+easily got over in practice.&rsquo; vol. ii. p. 357; and again, in vol. iii.
+p. 326, on the effort needed to &lsquo;reconcile reason to experience.&rsquo; But,
+after all, it is rather by a careful study of his works, than by quoting
+particular passages, that his method can be understood. In the two
+sentences, however, just cited, the reader will see that theory and
+reason represent the larger view; while practice and experience
+represent the smaller.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_715_715" id="Footnote_715_715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_715_715"><span class="label">[715]</span></a> &lsquo;&rsquo;Tis certainly a kind of indignity to philosophy, whose
+sovereign authority ought every where to be acknowledged, to oblige her
+on every occasion to make apologies for her conclusions, and justify
+herself to every particular art and science, which may be offended at
+her. This puts one in mind of a king arraigned for high treason against
+his subjects.&rsquo; <i>Hume's Philosophical Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 318, 319.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_716_716" id="Footnote_716_716"></a><a href="#FNanchor_716_716"><span class="label">[716]</span></a> &lsquo;A barbarous, necessitous animal (such as a man is on the
+first origin of society), pressed by such numerous wants and passions,
+has no leisure to admire the regular face of nature, or make inquiries
+concerning the cause of those objects to which, from his infancy, he has
+been gradually accustomed. On the contrary, the more regular and
+uniform, that is the more perfect, nature appears, the more is he
+familiarized to it, and the less inclined to scrutinize and examine it.
+A monstrous birth excites his curiosity, and is deemed a prodigy. It
+alarms him from its novelty, and immediately sets him a trembling, and
+sacrificing, and praying. But an animal complete in all its limbs and
+organs is to him an ordinary spectacle, and produces no religious
+opinion or affection. Ask him whence that animal arose? He will tell
+you, from the copulation of its parents. And these, whence? From the
+copulation of theirs. A few removes satisfy his curiosity, and set the
+objects at such a distance that he entirely loses sight of them. Imagine
+not that he will so much as start the question, whence the first animal,
+much less whence the whole system, or united fabric of the universe
+arose. Or, if you start such a question to him, expect not that he will
+employ his mind with any anxiety about a subject so remote, so
+uninteresting, and which so much exceeds the bounds of his capacity.&rsquo;
+<i>Natural History of Religion</i>, in <i>Hume's Philosophical Works</i>, vol. iv.
+p. 439. See also pp. 463&ndash;465.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_717_717" id="Footnote_717_717"></a><a href="#FNanchor_717_717"><span class="label">[717]</span></a> &lsquo;By degrees, the active imagination of men, uneasy in
+this abstract conception of objects, about which it is incessantly
+employed, begins to render them more particular, and to clothe them in
+shapes more suitable to its natural comprehension. It represents them to
+be sensible, intelligent beings like mankind; actuated by love and
+hatred, and flexible by gifts and entreaties, by prayers and sacrifices.
+Hence the origin of religion. And hence the origin of idolatry, or
+polytheism.&rsquo; <i>Hume's Philosophical Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 472. &lsquo;The primary
+religion of mankind arises chiefly from an anxious fear of future
+events,&rsquo; p. 498.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_718_718" id="Footnote_718_718"></a><a href="#FNanchor_718_718"><span class="label">[718]</span></a> &lsquo;<i>It seems certain, that, according to the natural
+progress of human thought</i>, the ignorant multitude must first entertain
+some grovelling and familiar notion of superior powers, before they
+stretch their conception to that perfect Being who bestowed order on the
+whole frame of nature. <i>We may as reasonably imagine, that men inhabited
+palaces before huts and cottages</i>, or studied geometry before
+agriculture, as assert that the Deity appeared to them a pure spirit,
+omniscient, omnipotent, and omnipresent, before he was apprehended to be
+a powerful though limited being, with human passions and appetites,
+limbs and organs. The mind rises gradually from inferior to superior. By
+abstracting from what is imperfect, it forms an idea of perfection; and
+slowly distinguishing the nobler parts of its own frame from the
+grosser, it learns to transform only the former, much elevated and
+refined, to its divinity. Nothing could disturb this <i>natural progress
+of thought</i>, but some obvious and invincible argument, which might
+immediately lead the mind into the pure principles of theism, and make
+it overleap, at one bound, the vast interval which is interposed between
+the human and the Divine nature. But though I allow, that the order and
+frame of the universe, when accurately examined, affords such an
+argument, yet <i>I can never think</i> that this consideration could have an
+influence on mankind, when they formed their first rude notions of
+religion.&rsquo; <i>Natural History of Religion</i>, in <i>Philosophical Works</i>, vol.
+iv. p. 438.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_719_719" id="Footnote_719_719"></a><a href="#FNanchor_719_719"><span class="label">[719]</span></a> Not that he was by any means devoid of genius, though he
+holds a rank far below so great and original a thinker as Hume. He had,
+however, collected more materials than he was able to wield; and his
+work on the <i>Intellectual System of the Universe</i>, which is a treasure
+of ancient philosophy, is badly arranged, and, in many parts, feebly
+argued. There is more real power in his posthumous treatise on <i>Eternal
+and Immutable Morality</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_720_720" id="Footnote_720_720"></a><a href="#FNanchor_720_720"><span class="label">[720]</span></a> &lsquo;I once believed this doctrine of ideas so firmly, as to
+embrace the whole of Berkeley's system in consequence of it; till,
+finding other consequences to follow from it, which gave me more
+uneasiness than the want of a material world, it came into my mind more
+than 40 years ago, to put the question, What evidence have I for this
+doctrine that all the objects of my knowledge are ideas in my own mind?
+From that time to the present, I have been candidly and impartially, as
+I think, seeking for the evidence of this principle but can find none,
+excepting the authority of philosophers.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Essays on the Powers
+of the Human Mind</i>, edit. Edinburgh, 1808, vol. i. p. 172. And, in a
+letter which he wrote to Hume in 1763, he, with a simple candour which
+must have highly amused that eminent philosopher, confesses that &lsquo;your
+system appears to me not only coherent in all its parts, but likewise
+justly deduced from principles commonly received among philosophers;
+principles which I never thought of calling in question, until the
+conclusions you draw from them in the &ldquo;Treatise on Human Nature&rdquo; made me
+suspect them.&rsquo; <i>Burton's Life and Correspondence of Hume</i>, vol. ii. p.
+155.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_721_721" id="Footnote_721_721"></a><a href="#FNanchor_721_721"><span class="label">[721]</span></a> &lsquo;Suppose a man to be found dead on the high-way, his
+skull fractured, his body pierced with deadly wounds, his watch and
+money carried off. The coroner's jury sits upon the body, and the
+question is put, What was the cause of this man's death, was it
+accident, or <i>felo de se</i>, or murder by persons unknown? Let us suppose
+an adept in Mr. Hume's philosophy to make one of the jury, and that he
+insists upon the previous question, whether there was any cause of the
+event, or whether it happened without a cause.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Essays on the
+Powers of the Mind</i>, vol. ii. p. 286. Compare vol. iii. p. 33: &lsquo;This
+would put an end to all speculation, as well as to all the business of
+life.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_722_722" id="Footnote_722_722"></a><a href="#FNanchor_722_722"><span class="label">[722]</span></a> &lsquo;The obligation of contracts and promises is a matter so
+sacred, and of such consequence to human society, that speculations
+which have a <i>tendency to weaken that obligation</i>, and to perplex men's
+notions on a subject so plain and so important, ought to <i>meet with the
+disapprobation of all honest men</i>. Some such speculations, I think, we
+have in the third volume of Mr. Hume's &ldquo;Treatise of Human Nature,&rdquo; and
+in his &ldquo;Enquiry into the Principles of Morals;&rdquo; and my design in this
+chapter is, to offer some observations on the nature of a contract or
+promise, and on two passages of that author on this subject. I am far
+from saying or thinking, that Mr. Hume meant to weaken men's obligations
+to honesty and fair dealing, or that he had not a sense of these
+obligations himself. It is not the man I impeach, but his writings. Let
+us think of the first as charitably as we can, while we freely examine
+the import and <i>tendency</i> of the last.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Essays on the Powers of
+the Mind</i>, vol. iii. p. 444. In this, as in most passages, the italics
+are my own.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_723_723" id="Footnote_723_723"></a><a href="#FNanchor_723_723"><span class="label">[723]</span></a> &lsquo;Without repeating what I have before said of causes in
+the first of these Essays, and in the second and third chapters of this,
+I shall here mention some of the consequences that may be justly deduced
+from this definition of a cause, that we may judge of it by its fruits.&rsquo;
+<i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. iii. p. 339.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_724_724" id="Footnote_724_724"></a><a href="#FNanchor_724_724"><span class="label">[724]</span></a> &lsquo;Bishop Berkeley surely did not duly consider that it is
+by means of the material world that we have any correspondence with
+thinking beings, or any knowledge of their existence, and that by
+depriving us of the material world, he deprived us at the same time of
+family, friends, country, and every human creature; of every object of
+affection, esteem or concern, except ourselves. The good bishop surely
+never intended this. He was too warm a friend, too zealous a patriot,
+and too good a Christian to be capable of such a thought. <i>He was not
+aware of the consequences of his system</i>&rsquo; (poor, ignorant Berkeley),
+&lsquo;and therefore they ought not to be imputed to him; but we must impute
+them to the system itself. It stifles every generous and social
+principle.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. ii. pp. 251, 252.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_725_725" id="Footnote_725_725"></a><a href="#FNanchor_725_725"><span class="label">[725]</span></a> In his <i>Essays</i>, vol. i. p. 179, he says of Berkeley, one
+of the deepest and most unanswerable of all speculators, &lsquo;But there is
+one <i>uncomfortable consequence</i> of his system which he seems not to have
+attended to, and from which it will be found difficult, if at all
+possible, to guard it.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_726_726" id="Footnote_726_726"></a><a href="#FNanchor_726_726"><span class="label">[726]</span></a> &lsquo;This doctrine is dishonourable to our Maker, and lays a
+foundation for universal scepticism. It supposes the Author of our being
+to have given us one faculty on purpose to deceive us, and another by
+which we may detect the fallacy, and find that he imposed upon us.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;The genuine dictate of our natural faculties is the voice of God, no
+less than what he reveals from heaven; and to say that it is fallacious,
+is to impute a lie to the God of truth.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Shall we impute to the
+Almighty what we cannot impute to a man without a heinous affront?
+Passing this opinion, therefore, as shocking to an ingenuous mind, and,
+in its consequences, subversive of all religion, all morals, and all
+knowledge,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. iii. p. 310. See also vol. i. p.
+313.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_727_727" id="Footnote_727_727"></a><a href="#FNanchor_727_727"><span class="label">[727]</span></a> &lsquo;His reasoning appeared to me to be just; there was,
+therefore, a necessity to call in question the principles upon which it
+was founded, or to admit the conclusion.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Inquiry into the Human
+Mind</i>, p. v. &lsquo;The received doctrine of ideas is the principle from which
+it is deduced, and of which, indeed, it seems to be a just and natural
+consequence.&rsquo; p. 53. See also <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. i. pp. 199, 200,
+vol. ii. p. 211.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_728_728" id="Footnote_728_728"></a><a href="#FNanchor_728_728"><span class="label">[728]</span></a> &lsquo;The laws of nature are the most general facts we can
+discover in the operations of nature. Like other facts, they are not to
+be hit upon by a happy conjecture, but justly deduced from observation.
+Like other general facts, they are not to be drawn from a few
+particulars, but from a copious, patient, and cautious induction.&rsquo;
+<i>Reid's Inquiry into the Human Mind</i>, pp. 262, 263.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_729_729" id="Footnote_729_729"></a><a href="#FNanchor_729_729"><span class="label">[729]</span></a> &lsquo;Such discoveries have always been made by patient
+observation, by accurate experiments, or by conclusions drawn by strict
+reasoning from observations and experiments; and such discoveries have
+always tended to refute, but not to confirm, the theories and hypotheses
+which ingenious men had invented.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. i. p. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_730_730" id="Footnote_730_730"></a><a href="#FNanchor_730_730"><span class="label">[730]</span></a> &lsquo;This is Mr. Hume's notion of a cause.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;But theory
+ought to stoop to fact, and not fact to theory.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 276.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_731_731" id="Footnote_731_731"></a><a href="#FNanchor_731_731"><span class="label">[731]</span></a> &lsquo;But yet there seems to be great difference of opinions
+among philosophers about first principles. What one takes to be
+self-evident, another labours to prove by arguments, and a third denies
+altogether.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. ii. p. 218. &lsquo;Mr. Locke seems to think
+first principles of very small use.&rsquo; p. 219.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_732_732" id="Footnote_732_732"></a><a href="#FNanchor_732_732"><span class="label">[732]</span></a> &lsquo;All reasoning must be from first principles; and for
+first principles no other reason can be given but this, that, by the
+constitution of our nature, we are under a necessity of assenting to
+them.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Inquiry</i>, p. 140. &lsquo;All reasoning is from principles.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;Most justly, therefore, do such principles disdain to be tried by
+reason, and laugh at all the artillery of the logician when it is
+directed against them.&rsquo; p. 372. &lsquo;All knowledge got by reasoning must be
+built upon first principles.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. ii. p. 220. &lsquo;In
+every branch of real knowledge there must be first principles, whose
+truth is known intuitively, without reasoning, either probable or
+demonstrative. They are not grounded on reasoning, but all reasoning is
+grounded on them.&rsquo; p. 360.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_733_733" id="Footnote_733_733"></a><a href="#FNanchor_733_733"><span class="label">[733]</span></a> &lsquo;For, when any system is grounded upon first principles,
+and deduced regularly from them, we have a thread to lead us through the
+labyrinth.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. ii. p. 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_734_734" id="Footnote_734_734"></a><a href="#FNanchor_734_734"><span class="label">[734]</span></a> &lsquo;I call these &ldquo;first principles,&rdquo; because they <i>appear to
+me</i> to have in themselves an intuitive evidence which <i>I cannot
+resist</i>.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. iii. p. 375.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_735_735" id="Footnote_735_735"></a><a href="#FNanchor_735_735"><span class="label">[735]</span></a> &lsquo;If any man should think fit to deny that these things
+are qualities, or that they require any subject, <i>I leave him to enjoy
+his opinion, as a man who denies first principles, and is not fit to be
+reasoned with</i>.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. i. p. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_736_736" id="Footnote_736_736"></a><a href="#FNanchor_736_736"><span class="label">[736]</span></a> &lsquo;No other account can be given of the constitution of
+things, but the will of Him that made them.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. i. p.
+115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_737_737" id="Footnote_737_737"></a><a href="#FNanchor_737_737"><span class="label">[737]</span></a> <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. i. pp. 36, 37, 340, 343, vol. ii.
+p. 245.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_738_738" id="Footnote_738_738"></a><a href="#FNanchor_738_738"><span class="label">[738]</span></a> <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. i. pp. 115, 116, 288&ndash;299, vol. ii.
+p. 251.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_739_739" id="Footnote_739_739"></a><a href="#FNanchor_739_739"><span class="label">[739]</span></a> Or, as he expresses it, &lsquo;our belief of the continuance of
+the laws of nature.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Inquiry</i>, pp. 426&ndash;435; also his <i>Essays</i>,
+vol. i. p. 305, vol. ii. p. 268.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_740_740" id="Footnote_740_740"></a><a href="#FNanchor_740_740"><span class="label">[740]</span></a> <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. ii. p. 259.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_741_741" id="Footnote_741_741"></a><a href="#FNanchor_741_741"><span class="label">[741]</span></a> <i>Reid's Inquiry</i>, p. 422; and his <i>Essays</i>, vol. ii. p.
+266.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_742_742" id="Footnote_742_742"></a><a href="#FNanchor_742_742"><span class="label">[742]</span></a> &lsquo;Another first principle is, &ldquo;That the natural faculties
+by which we distinguish truth from error are not fallacious.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Reid's
+Essays</i>, vol. ii. p. 256.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_743_743" id="Footnote_743_743"></a><a href="#FNanchor_743_743"><span class="label">[743]</span></a> &lsquo;Another first principle I take to be, &ldquo;That certain
+features of the countenance, sounds of the voice, and gestures of the
+body, indicate certain thoughts and dispositions of mind.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Reid's
+Essays</i>, vol. ii. p. 261. Compare his <i>Inquiry</i>, p. 416.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_744_744" id="Footnote_744_744"></a><a href="#FNanchor_744_744"><span class="label">[744]</span></a> &lsquo;We have taken notice of several original principles of
+belief in the course of this inquiry; and when other faculties of the
+mind are examined, we shall find more, which have not occurred in the
+examination of the five senses.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Inquiry</i>, p. 471.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_745_745" id="Footnote_745_745"></a><a href="#FNanchor_745_745"><span class="label">[745]</span></a> &lsquo;And if no philosopher had attempted to define and
+explain belief, some paradoxes in philosophy, more incredible than ever
+were brought forth by the most abject superstition, or the most frantic
+enthusiasm, had never seen the light.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Inquiry</i>, p. 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_746_746" id="Footnote_746_746"></a><a href="#FNanchor_746_746"><span class="label">[746]</span></a> <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. i. p. 329, 334, vol. ii. p. 247.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_747_747" id="Footnote_747_747"></a><a href="#FNanchor_747_747"><span class="label">[747]</span></a> <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. i. pp. 9, 71, 303, 304.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_748_748" id="Footnote_748_748"></a><a href="#FNanchor_748_748"><span class="label">[748]</span></a> <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. ii. p. 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_749_749" id="Footnote_749_749"></a><a href="#FNanchor_749_749"><span class="label">[749]</span></a> &lsquo;I see no reason to think, that we shall ever be able to
+assign the physical cause, either of instinct, or of the power of habit.
+Both seem to be parts of our original constitution. Their end and use is
+evident; but we can assign no cause of them, but the will of Him who
+made us.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. iii. p. 119.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_750_750" id="Footnote_750_750"></a><a href="#FNanchor_750_750"><span class="label">[750]</span></a> &lsquo;I know of no ideas or notions that have a better claim
+to be accounted simple and original, than those of space and time.&rsquo;
+<i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. i. p. 354.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_751_751" id="Footnote_751_751"></a><a href="#FNanchor_751_751"><span class="label">[751]</span></a> &lsquo;I do not at all affirm that those I have mentioned are
+all the first principles from which we may reason concerning contingent
+truths. Such enumerations, even when made after much reflection, are
+seldom perfect.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Essays</i>, vol. ii. p. 270.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_752_752" id="Footnote_752_752"></a><a href="#FNanchor_752_752"><span class="label">[752]</span></a> &lsquo;Why sensation should compel our belief of the present
+existence of the thing, memory a belief of its past existence, and
+imagination no belief at all, <i>I believe no philosopher can give a
+shadow of reason</i>, but that such is the nature of these operations. They
+are all simple and original, and <i>therefore inexplicable</i> acts of the
+mind.&rsquo; <i>Reid's Inquiry</i>, p. 40. &lsquo;We can <i>give no reason</i> why the retina
+is, of all parts of the body, the only one on which pictures made by the
+rays of light cause vision; and <i>therefore we must resolve this solely
+into a law of our constitution</i>&rsquo; p. 258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_753_753" id="Footnote_753_753"></a><a href="#FNanchor_753_753"><span class="label">[753]</span></a> In a recent work of distinguished merit, an instance is
+given of the loose manner in which he took for granted that certain
+phenomena were ultimate, in order that, instead of analyzing them, he
+might reason from them. &lsquo;Dr. Reid has no hesitation in classing the
+voluntary command of our organs, that is, the sequence of feeling and
+action implied in all acts of will, among instincts. The power of
+lifting a morsel of food to the mouth, is, according to him, an
+instinctive or pre-established conjunction of the wish and the deed;
+that is to say, the emotional state of hunger, coupled with the sight of
+a piece of bread, is associated, through a primitive link of the mental
+constitution, with the several movements of the hand, arm, and mouth,
+concerned in the act of eating. <i>This assertion of Dr. Reid's may be
+simply met by appealing to the facts.</i> It is not true that human beings
+possess, at birth, any voluntary command of their limbs whatsoever. A
+babe of two months old cannot use its hands in obedience to its desires.
+The infant can grasp nothing, hold nothing, can scarcely fix its eyes on
+anything.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;If the more perfect command of our voluntary movements
+implied in every art be an acquisition, so is the less perfect command
+of these movements that grows upon a child during the first year of
+life.&rsquo; <i>Bain on the Senses and the Intellect</i>, London, 1855, pp. 292,
+293.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_754_754" id="Footnote_754_754"></a><a href="#FNanchor_754_754"><span class="label">[754]</span></a> See <i>Reid's Inquiry</i>, pp. 436, 446, as well as other
+parts of his works: see also an extract from one of his letters to Dr.
+Gregory, in <i>Stewart's Biographical Memoirs</i>, p. 432.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_755_755" id="Footnote_755_755"></a><a href="#FNanchor_755_755"><span class="label">[755]</span></a> &lsquo;The idea of prosecuting the study of the human mind on a
+plan analogous to that which had been so successfully adopted in physics
+by the followers of Lord Bacon, if not first conceived by Dr. Reid, was,
+at least, first carried successfully into execution in his writings.&rsquo;
+<i>Stewart's Biographical Memoirs</i>, p. 419. &lsquo;The influence of the general
+views opened in the <i>Novum Organon</i>, may be traced in almost every page
+of his writings; and, indeed, the circumstance by which they are so
+strongly and characteristically distinguished, is that they exhibit the
+first systematical attempt to exemplify, in the study of human nature,
+the same plan of investigation which conducted Newton to the properties
+of light, and to the law of gravitation.&rsquo; p. 421. From this passage one
+might hazard a supposition that Dugald Stewart did not understand Bacon
+much better than he did Aristotle or Kant. Of the two last most profound
+thinkers, he certainly knew little or nothing, except what he gathered
+secondhand. Consequently, he underrates them.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_756_756" id="Footnote_756_756"></a><a href="#FNanchor_756_756"><span class="label">[756]</span></a> The theory of the indestructibility of force has been
+applied to the law of gravitation by Professor Faraday, in his
+<i>Discourse on the Conservation of Force</i>, 1857; an essay full of thought
+and power, and which should be carefully studied by every one who wishes
+to understand the direction which the highest speculations of physical
+science are now taking. I will quote only one passage from the opening,
+to give the reader an idea of its general scope, irrespective of the
+more special question of gravitation. &lsquo;The progress of the strict
+science of modern times has tended more and more to produce the
+conviction that force can neither be created nor destroyed; and to
+render daily more manifest the value of the knowledge of that truth in
+experimental research.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Agreeing with those who admit the
+conservation of force to be a principle in physics, as large and sure as
+that of the indestructibility of matter, or the invariability of
+gravity, I think that no particular idea of force has a right to
+unlimited or unqualified acceptance, that does not include assent to
+it.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_757_757" id="Footnote_757_757"></a><a href="#FNanchor_757_757"><span class="label">[757]</span></a> As an illustration of this doctrine, I cannot do better
+than quote the following passage from one of the most suggestive and
+clearly reasoned books which has been written in this century by an
+English physicist: &lsquo;Wave your hand; the motion which has apparently
+ceased, is taken up by the air, from the air by the walls of the room,
+&amp;c., and so by direct and reacting waves, continually comminuted, but
+never destroyed. It is true that, at a certain point, we lose all means
+of detecting the motion, from its minute subdivision, which defies our
+most delicate means of appreciation, but we can indefinitely extend our
+power of detecting it accordingly as we confine its direction, or
+increase the delicacy of our examination. Thus, if the hand be moved in
+unconfined air, the motion of the air would not be sensible to a person
+at a few feet distant; but if a piston of the same extent of surface as
+the hand be moved with the same rapidity in a tube, the blast of air may
+be distinctly felt at several yards' distance. There is no greater
+absolute amount of motion in the air in the second than in the first
+case, but its direction is restrained, so as to make its means of
+detection more facile. By carrying on this restraint, as in the air-gun,
+we get a power of detecting the motion, and of moving other bodies at
+far greater distances. The puff of air which would in the air-gun
+project a bullet a quarter of a mile, if allowed to escape without its
+direction being restrained, as by the bursting of a bladder, would not
+be perceptible at a yard's distance, though the same absolute amount of
+motion be impressed on the surrounding air.&rsquo; <i>Grove's Correlation of
+Physical Forces</i>, London, 1855, pp. 24, 25. In a work now issuing from
+the press, and still unfinished, it is suggested, with considerable
+plausibility, that Persistence of Force would be a more accurate
+expression than Conservation of Force. See Mr. Herbert Spencer's <i>First
+Principles</i>, London, 1861, p. 251. The title of this book gives an
+inadequate notion of the importance of the subjects with which it deals,
+and of the reach and subtlety of thought which characterize it. Though
+some of the generalizations appear to me rather premature, no
+well-instructed and disciplined intellect can consider them without
+admiration of the remarkable powers displayed by their author.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_758_758" id="Footnote_758_758"></a><a href="#FNanchor_758_758"><span class="label">[758]</span></a> He was appointed professor in 1756; and &lsquo;it was during
+his residence in Glasgow, between the years 1759 and 1763, that he
+brought to maturity those speculations concerning the combination of
+heat with matter, which had frequently occupied a portion of his
+thoughts.&rsquo; <i>Thomson's History of Chemistry</i>, vol. i. pp. 319, 320.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_759_759" id="Footnote_759_759"></a><a href="#FNanchor_759_759"><span class="label">[759]</span></a> <i>Black's Lectures on Chemistry</i>, vol. i. pp. 116, 117;
+and in various places. Dr. Robison, the editor of these Lectures, says,
+p. 513, &lsquo;Nothing could be more simple than his doctrines of latent heat.
+The experience of more than a century had made us consider the
+thermometer as a sure and accurate indicator of heat, and of all its
+variations. We had learned to distrust all others. Yet, in the
+liquefaction and vaporization of bodies, we had proofs uncontrovertible
+of the entrance of heat into the bodies. And we could, by suitable
+processes, get it out of them again. Dr. Black said that it was
+concealed in them,&mdash;<i>latent</i>,&mdash;it was as much
+concealed as carbonic acid is in marble, or water in zeolite,&mdash;it was
+concealed till Dr. Black detected it. He called it Latent Heat. He did
+not mean by this term that it was a different kind of heat from the heat
+which expanded bodies, but merely that it was concealed from our sense
+of heat, and from the thermometer.&rsquo; See also p. xxxvii.: &lsquo;Philosophers
+had long been accustomed to consider the thermometer as the surest means
+for detecting the presence of heat or fire in bodies, and they
+distrusted all others.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_760_760" id="Footnote_760_760"></a><a href="#FNanchor_760_760"><span class="label">[760]</span></a> &lsquo;Fluidity is the consequence of a certain combination of
+calorific matter with the substance of solid bodies,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Black's
+Lectures</i>, vol. i. p. 133. Compare p. 192, and the remarks in <i>Turner's
+Chemistry</i>, 1847, vol. i. p. 31, on Black's views of the &lsquo;chemical
+combination&rsquo; of heat. Among the backward chemists, we still find traces
+of the idea of heat obeying chemical laws.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_761_761" id="Footnote_761_761"></a><a href="#FNanchor_761_761"><span class="label">[761]</span></a> &lsquo;So much was he convinced of this, that he taught the
+doctrine in his lectures in 1761, before he had made a single experiment
+on the subject.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The requisite experiments were first attempted by
+Dr. Black in 1764.&rsquo; <i>Thomson's History of Chemistry</i>, vol. i. p. 324.
+See also pp. 319, 320; and on the history of the idea in Black's mind as
+early as the year 1754, see the interesting extracts from his note-books
+in Robison's appendix to <i>Black's Lectures</i>, vol. i pp. 525, 526.</p>
+
+<p>The statement of Dr. Thomson refers to the completion, or last stage, of
+the discovery, namely the vaporific combination of heat. But from a
+letter which Black wrote to Watt in 1780 (<i>Muirhead's Life of Watt</i>,
+London, 1859, p. 303), it appears that Thomson has even understated the
+question, and that Black, instead of first teaching his theory in 1761,
+taught it three years earlier, that is, <i>six</i> years before the decisive
+experiments were made. &lsquo;I began,&rsquo; writes Black, &lsquo;to give the doctrine of
+latent heat in my lectures at Glasgow in the winter 1757&ndash;58, which, I
+believe, was the first winter of my lecturing there; or if I did not
+give it that winter, I certainly gave it in the 1758&ndash;59; and I have
+delivered it every year since that time in my winter lectures, which I
+continued to give at Glasgow until winter 1766&ndash;67, when I began to
+lecture in Edinburgh.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_762_762" id="Footnote_762_762"></a><a href="#FNanchor_762_762"><span class="label">[762]</span></a> And he distinctly states that, even in other matters,
+when he did make experiments, their object was to confirm theory, and
+not to suggest it. Thus, to give one of many instances, in his
+<i>Lectures</i>, vol. i. p. 354, he says, respecting salts, &lsquo;When we examine
+the solidity of this reasoning by an experiment, <i>we have the pleasure
+to find facts agree exactly with the theory</i>.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_763_763" id="Footnote_763_763"></a><a href="#FNanchor_763_763"><span class="label">[763]</span></a> See a good summary of this idea in <i>Black's Lectures on
+Chemistry</i>, vol. i. p. 118. Contrasting his theory of heat with that
+previously received, he says, &lsquo;But, were the ice and snow to melt as
+suddenly as they must necessarily do, were the former opinion of the
+action of heat in melting them well founded, the torrents and
+inundations would be incomparably more irresistible and dreadful. They
+would tear up and sweep away every thing, and that so suddenly, that
+mankind should have great difficulty to escape from their ravages.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_764_764" id="Footnote_764_764"></a><a href="#FNanchor_764_764"><span class="label">[764]</span></a> &lsquo;Dr. Black quickly perceived the vast importance of this
+discovery; and took a pleasure in laying before his students a view of
+the extensive and beneficial effects of this habitude of heat in the
+economy of nature. He made them remark how, by this means, there was
+accumulated, during the summer season, a vast magazine of heat, which,
+by gradually emerging, during congelation, from the water which covers
+the face of the earth, serves to temper the deadly cold of winter. Were
+it not for this quantity of heat, amounting to 145 degrees, which
+emerges from every particle of water as it freezes, and which diffuses
+itself through the atmosphere, the sun would no sooner go a few degrees
+to the south of the equator, than we should feel all the horrors of
+winter.&rsquo; <i>Robison's Preface to Black's Lectures</i>, vol. i. p. xxxviii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_765_765" id="Footnote_765_765"></a><a href="#FNanchor_765_765"><span class="label">[765]</span></a> As I am writing an account of Black's views, and not a
+criticism of them, I shall give them, without comment, in his own words,
+and in the words of one of his pupils. &lsquo;Here we can also trace another
+magnificent train of changes, which are nicely accommodated to the wants
+of the inhabitants of this globe. In the equatorial regions, the
+oppressive heat of the sun is prevented from a destructive accumulation
+by copious evaporation. The waters, stored with their vaporific heat,
+are thus carried aloft into the atmosphere, till the rarest of the
+vapour reaches the very cold regions of the air, which immediately forms
+a small portion of it into a fleecy cloud. This also further tempers the
+scorching heat by its opacity, performing the acceptable office of a
+screen. From thence the clouds are carried to the inland countries, to
+form the sources in the mountains, which are to supply the numberless
+streams that water the fields. And, by the steady operation of causes,
+which are tolerably uniform, the greater part of the vapours pass on to
+the circumpolar regions, there to descend in rains and dews; and in this
+beneficent conversion into rain, by the cold of those regions, each
+particle of steam gives up the 700 or 800 degrees of heat which were
+latent in it. These are immediately diffused, and soften the rigour of
+those less comfortable climates.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;I am persuaded that the heat
+absorbed in spontaneous evaporation greatly contributes to enable
+animals to bear the heat of the tropical climates, where the thermometer
+frequently continues to show the temperature of the human body. Such
+heats, indeed, are barely supportable, and enervate the animal, making
+it lazy and indolent, indulging in the most relaxed postures, and
+avoiding every exertion of body or mind. The inhabitants are induced to
+drink large draughts of diluting liquors, which transude through their
+pores most copiously, carrying off with them a vast deal of this
+troublesome and exhausting heat. There is in the body itself a continual
+laboratory, or manufacture of heat, and, were the surrounding air of
+such a temperature as not to carry it off, it would soon accumulate so
+as to destroy life. The excessive perspiration, supplied by diluting
+draughts, performs the same office as the cold air without the tropics,
+in guarding us from this fatal accumulation.&rsquo; <i>Black's Lectures</i>, vol.
+i. pp. xlvi. 214.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_766_766" id="Footnote_766_766"></a><a href="#FNanchor_766_766"><span class="label">[766]</span></a> See his strong protest against the notion that heat is
+ever destroyed, in his <i>Lectures</i>, vol. i. pp. 125, 126, 164, 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_767_767" id="Footnote_767_767"></a><a href="#FNanchor_767_767"><span class="label">[767]</span></a> They were published after his death from such scanty
+materials, that their editor, Dr. Robison, says (<i>Preface to Black's
+Lectures</i>, vol. i. p. x.): &lsquo;When I then entered seriously on the task, I
+found that the notes were (with the exception of perhaps a score of
+lectures) in the same imperfect condition that they had been in from the
+beginning, consisting entirely of single leaves of paper, in octavo,
+full of erasions, interlinings, and alterations of every kind; so that,
+in many places, it was not very certain which of several notes was to be
+chosen.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_768_768" id="Footnote_768_768"></a><a href="#FNanchor_768_768"><span class="label">[768]</span></a> &lsquo;On the other hand, were the heat which at present
+cherishes and enlivens this globe, allowed to increase beyond the bounds
+at present prescribed to it; beside the destruction of all animal and
+vegetable life, which would be the immediate and inevitable consequence,
+the water would lose its present form, and assume that of an elastic
+vapour like air; the solid parts of the globe would be melted and
+confounded together, or mixed with the air and water in smoke and
+vapour; and nature would return to the original chaos.&rsquo; <i>Black's
+Lectures</i>, vol. i. pp. 246, 247.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_769_769" id="Footnote_769_769"></a><a href="#FNanchor_769_769"><span class="label">[769]</span></a> Mr. Napier, in his <i>Memoirs of Leslie</i>, pp. 16, 17
+(prefixed to <i>Leslie's Treatises on Philosophy</i>, Edinb. 1838), says,
+that he &lsquo;composed the bulk of his celebrated work on Heat in the years
+1801 and 1802;&rsquo; but that, in 1793, he propounded &lsquo;some of its
+theoretical opinions, as well as the germs of its discoveries.&rsquo; It
+appears, however, from his own statement, that he was making experiments
+on heat, at all events, as early as 1791. See <i>Leslie's Experimental
+Inquiry into the Nature and Propagation of Heat</i>, London, 1804, p. 409.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_770_770" id="Footnote_770_770"></a><a href="#FNanchor_770_770"><span class="label">[770]</span></a> For specimens of some of his most indefensible
+speculations, see <i>Leslie's Treatises on Philosophy</i>, pp. 38, 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_771_771" id="Footnote_771_771"></a><a href="#FNanchor_771_771"><span class="label">[771]</span></a> Though he clearly distinguishes between the two. &lsquo;It is
+almost superfluous to remark, that the term heat is of ambiguous import,
+denoting either a certain sensation, or the external cause which excites
+it.&rsquo; <i>Leslie on Heat</i>, p. 137.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_772_772" id="Footnote_772_772"></a><a href="#FNanchor_772_772"><span class="label">[772]</span></a> &lsquo;Heat is an elastic fluid extremely subtle and active.&rsquo;
+<i>Leslie on Heat</i>, p. 150. At p. 31, &lsquo;calorific and frigorific fluid.&rsquo;
+See also pp. 143, 144; and the attempt to measure its elasticity, in pp.
+177, 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_773_773" id="Footnote_773_773"></a><a href="#FNanchor_773_773"><span class="label">[773]</span></a> &lsquo;Heat is only light in the state of combination.&rsquo; <i>Leslie
+on Heat</i>, p. 162. &lsquo;Heat in the state of emission constitutes light.&rsquo; p.
+174. &lsquo;It is, therefore, the same subtle matter, that, according to its
+different modes of existence, constitutes either heat or light.
+Projected with rapid celerity, it forms light; in the state of
+combination with bodies it acts as heat.&rsquo; p. 188. See also p. 403,
+&lsquo;different states of the same identical substance.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_774_774" id="Footnote_774_774"></a><a href="#FNanchor_774_774"><span class="label">[774]</span></a> In 1814, that is ten years after his great work was
+published, and about twenty years after it was begun, he writes from
+Paris: &lsquo;My book on heat is better known&rsquo; here &lsquo;than in England. I was
+even reminded of some passages in it which in England were considered as
+fanciful, but which the recent discoveries on the polarity of light have
+confirmed.&rsquo; <i>Napier's Memoirs of Leslie</i>, p. 28, prefixed to <i>Leslie's
+Philosophical Treatises</i>, edit. Edinb. 1838. Leslie died in 1832 (p.
+40); and the decisive experiments of Forbes and Melloni were made
+between 1834 and 1836.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_775_775" id="Footnote_775_775"></a><a href="#FNanchor_775_775"><span class="label">[775]</span></a> &lsquo;The easiest mode of conceiving the subject, is to
+consider the heat that permeates all bodies, and unites with them in
+various proportions, as merely the subtle fluid of light in a state of
+combination. When forcibly discharged, or suddenly elicited from any
+substance, it again resumes its radiant splendour.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The same notion
+was embraced by the poets, and gives sublimity to their finest odes.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;Those poetical images which have descended to our own times, were hence
+founded on a close observation of nature. Modern philosophy need not
+disdain to adopt them, and has only to expand and reduce to precision
+the original conceptions.&rsquo; <i>Leslie's Treatises on Philosophy</i>, pp. 308,
+309. Again, at p. 416: &lsquo;This is not the first occasion in which we have
+to admire, through the veil of poetical imagery, the sagacity and
+penetration of those early sages. It would be weakness to expect nice
+conclusions in the infancy of science; but it is arrogant presumption to
+regard all the efforts of unaided genius with disdain.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_776_776" id="Footnote_776_776"></a><a href="#FNanchor_776_776"><span class="label">[776]</span></a> &lsquo;We should recollect that, in all her productions, Nature
+exhibits a chain of perpetual gradation, and that the systematic
+divisions and limitations are entirely artificial, and designed merely
+to assist the memory and facilitate our conceptions.&rsquo; <i>Leslie on Heat</i>,
+p. 506.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_777_777" id="Footnote_777_777"></a><a href="#FNanchor_777_777"><span class="label">[777]</span></a> &lsquo;All forces are radically of the same kind, and the
+distinction of them into <i>living</i> and <i>dead</i> is not grounded on just
+principles.&rsquo; <i>Leslie on Heat</i>, p. 133. Compare p. 299: &lsquo;We shall perhaps
+find, that this prejudice, like many others, has some semblance of
+truth; and that even dead or inorganic substances must, in their
+recondite arrangements, exert such varying energies, and <i>so like
+sensation itself</i>, as if fully unveiled to our eyes, could not fail to
+strike us with wonder and surprise.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_778_778" id="Footnote_778_778"></a><a href="#FNanchor_778_778"><span class="label">[778]</span></a> Mr. Napier, in his <i>Life of Leslie</i>, p. 17, says of it,
+very gravely, &lsquo;Its hypotheses are not warranted by
+the sober maxims of inductive logic.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_779_779" id="Footnote_779_779"></a><a href="#FNanchor_779_779"><span class="label">[779]</span></a> &lsquo;Notwithstanding the contrary testimony, explicitly
+recorded by the founders of the English experimental school, he denied
+all merit and influence to the immortal delineator of the inductive
+logic.&rsquo; <i>Napier's Life of Leslie</i>, p. 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_780_780" id="Footnote_780_780"></a><a href="#FNanchor_780_780"><span class="label">[780]</span></a> The supposition, that volcanic agencies were formerly
+more potent than they are now, is by no means inconsistent with the
+scientific doctrine of uniformity, though it is generally considered to
+be so. It is one thing to assert the uniformity of natural laws; it is
+quite another thing to assert the uniformity of natural causes. Heat may
+once have produced far greater effects than it can do at present, and
+yet the laws of nature be unchanged, and the order and sequence of
+events unbroken. What I would venture to suggest to geologists is, that
+they have not taken sufficiently into account the theory of the
+interchange of forces, which seems to offer a solution of at least part
+of the problem. For, by that theory, a large portion of the heat which
+formerly existed may have been metamorphosed into other forces, such as
+light, chemical affinity, and gravitation. The increase of these forces
+consequent on the diminution of heat, would have facilitated the
+consolidation of matter; and until such forces possessed a certain
+energy, water, which afterwards became so prominent, could not have been
+formed. If the power of chemical affinity, for instance, were much
+weaker than it is, water would assuredly resolve itself into its
+component gases. Without wishing to lay too much stress on this
+speculation, I submit it to the consideration of competent judges,
+because I am convinced that any hypothesis, not absolutely inconsistent
+with the known laws of nature, is preferable to that dogma of
+interference, which what may be called the miraculous school of
+geologists wish to foist upon us, in utter ignorance of its
+incompatibility with the conclusions of the most advanced minds in other
+departments of thought.</p>
+
+<p>The remarks in Sir Roderick Murchison's great work (<i>Siluria</i>, London,
+1854, pp. 475, 476) on the &lsquo;grander intensity of former causation,&rsquo; and
+on the difficulty this opposes to the &lsquo;uniformitarians,&rsquo; apply merely to
+those who take for granted that <i>each</i> force has always been equally
+powerful: they do not affect those who suppose that it is only the
+<i>aggregate</i> of force which remains unimpaired. Though the distribution
+of forces may be altered, their gross amount is not susceptible of
+change, so far as the highest conceptions of our actual science extend.
+Consequently, there is no need for us to believe that, in different
+periods, the intensity of causation varies; though we may believe that
+some one agent, such as heat, had at one time more energy than it has
+ever had since.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_781_781" id="Footnote_781_781"></a><a href="#FNanchor_781_781"><span class="label">[781]</span></a> &lsquo;The great agents of change in the inorganic world may be
+divided into two principal classes, the aqueous and the igneous. To the
+aqueous belong rain, rivers, torrents, springs, currents, and tides; to
+the igneous, volcanos and earthquakes. Both these classes are
+instruments of decay as well as of reproduction; but they may also be
+regarded as antagonist forces. For the aqueous agents are incessantly
+labouring to reduce the inequalities of the earth's surface to a level;
+while the igneous are equally active in restoring the unevenness of the
+external crust, partly by heaping up new matter in certain localities,
+and partly by depressing one portion, and forcing out another, of the
+earth's envelope.&rsquo; <i>Lyell's Principles of Geology</i>, 9th edit., London,
+1853, p. 198.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_782_782" id="Footnote_782_782"></a><a href="#FNanchor_782_782"><span class="label">[782]</span></a> Dr. Whewell, comparing him with his great German
+contemporary, Werner, says, &lsquo;In the German, considering him as a
+geologist, the ideal element predominated.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Of a very different
+temper and character was William Smith. No literary cultivation of his
+youth awoke in him the <i>speculative love of symmetry and system</i>; but a
+singular clearness and precision of the classifying power, which he
+possessed as a native talent, was exercised and developed by exactly
+those geological facts among which his philosophical task lay.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;We
+see great vividness of thought and activity of mind, <i>unfolding itself
+exactly in proportion to the facts with which it had to deal</i>.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;He
+dates his attempts to discriminate and connect strata from the year
+1790.&rsquo; <i>Whewell's History of the Inductive Sciences</i>, London, 1847, vol.
+iii. pp. 562&ndash;564.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_783_783" id="Footnote_783_783"></a><a href="#FNanchor_783_783"><span class="label">[783]</span></a> &lsquo;The execution of his map was completed in 1815, and
+remains a lasting monument of original talent and extraordinary
+perseverance; for he had explored the whole country on foot without the
+guidance of previous observers, or the aid of fellow-labourers, and had
+succeeded in throwing into natural divisions the whole complicated
+series of British rocks.&rsquo; <i>Lyell's Principles of Geology</i>, p. 58.
+Geological maps of parts of England had, however, been published before
+1815. See <i>Conybeare on Geology</i>, in <i>Second Report of the
+British Association</i>, p. 373.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_784_784" id="Footnote_784_784"></a><a href="#FNanchor_784_784"><span class="label">[784]</span></a> &lsquo;A great body of new data were required; and the
+Geological Society of London, founded in 1807, conduced greatly to the
+attainment of this desirable end. To multiply and record observations,
+and patiently to await the result at some future period, was the object
+proposed by them; and it was their favourite maxim, that the time was
+not yet come for a general system of geology, but that all must be
+content for many years to be exclusively engaged in furnishing materials
+for future generalizations.&rsquo; <i>Lyell's Principles of Geology</i>, p. 59.
+Compare <i>Richardson's Geology</i>, 1851, p. 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_785_785" id="Footnote_785_785"></a><a href="#FNanchor_785_785"><span class="label">[785]</span></a> Cuvier, in his Life of Werner, says (<i>Biographie
+Universelle</i>, vol. i. pp. 376, 377), &lsquo;La connaissance des positions
+respectives des minéraux dans la croûte du globe, et ce que l'on peut en
+conclure relativement aux époques de leur origine, forment une autre
+branche de la science qu'il appelle Géognosie. Il en présenta les
+premières bases en 1787, dans un petit écrit intitulé &ldquo;Classification et
+description des Montagnes.&rdquo;&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_786_786" id="Footnote_786_786"></a><a href="#FNanchor_786_786"><span class="label">[786]</span></a> <i>Whewell's History of the Inductive Sciences</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 567.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_787_787" id="Footnote_787_787"></a><a href="#FNanchor_787_787"><span class="label">[787]</span></a> &lsquo;Une mer universelle et tranquille dépose en grandes
+masses les roches primitives, roches nettement cristallisées, où domine
+d'abord la silice. Le granit fait la base de tout; au granit succède le
+gneiss, qui n'est qu'un granit commençant à se feuilleter.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Des
+agitations intestines du liquide détruisent une partie de ces premiers
+dépôts; de nouvelles roches se forment de leurs débris réunis par des
+cimens. C'est parmi ces tempêtes que naît la vie.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Les eaux, de
+nouveau tranquillisées, mais dont le contenu a changé, déposent des
+couches moins épaisses et plus variées, où les débris des corps vivans
+s'accumulent successivement dans un ordre non moins fixe que celui des
+roches qui les contiennent. Enfin, la dernière retraite des eaux répand
+sur le continent d'immenses alluvions de matières meubles, premiers
+sièges de la végétation, de la culture et de la sociabilité.&rsquo; <i>Eloge de
+Werner</i>, in <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Recueil des Elogés Historiques</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+321&ndash;323.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_788_788" id="Footnote_788_788"></a><a href="#FNanchor_788_788"><span class="label">[788]</span></a> &lsquo;If it be true that delivery be the first, second, and
+third requisite in a popular orator, it is no less certain that to
+travel is of first, second, and third importance to those who desire to
+originate just and comprehensive views concerning the structure of our
+globe. Now, Werner had not travelled to distant countries: he had merely
+explored a small portion of Germany, and conceived, and persuaded others
+to believe, that the whole surface of our planet, and all the mountain
+chains in the world, were made after the model of his own province.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;It now appears that he had misinterpreted many of the most important
+appearances even in the immediate neighbourhood of Freyberg. Thus, for
+example, within a day's journey of his school, the porphyry, called by
+him primitive, has been found not only to send forth veins, or dykes,
+through strata of the coal formation, but to overlie them in mass.&rsquo;
+<i>Lyell's Principles of Geology</i>, p. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_789_789" id="Footnote_789_789"></a><a href="#FNanchor_789_789"><span class="label">[789]</span></a> Though Hutton's <i>Theory of the Earth</i> was first published
+in 1788, the edition of 1795, which is the one I have used, contains a
+great number of additional illustrations of his views, and was evidently
+re-written. But the main features are the same; and we learn from his
+friend, Playfair, that &lsquo;the great outline of his system&rsquo; was completed
+&lsquo;several years&rsquo; before 1788. <i>Life of Hutton</i>, in <i>Playfair's Works</i>,
+vol. iv. p. 50, Edinburgh, 1822.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_790_790" id="Footnote_790_790"></a><a href="#FNanchor_790_790"><span class="label">[790]</span></a> Kirwan appears to have been the first who called Hutton's
+theory &lsquo;the Plutonic System.&rsquo; See <i>Illustrations of the Huttonian
+Theory</i>, in <i>Playfair's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 145. On the distinction
+between Neptunists and Plutonists, see the same work, pp. 504, 505.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_791_791" id="Footnote_791_791"></a><a href="#FNanchor_791_791"><span class="label">[791]</span></a> &lsquo;Has not only supplanted that of Werner, but has formed
+the foundation of the researches and writings of our most enlightened
+observers, and is justly regarded as the basis of all sound geology at
+the present day.&rsquo; <i>Richardson's Geology</i>, London, 1851, p. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_792_792" id="Footnote_792_792"></a><a href="#FNanchor_792_792"><span class="label">[792]</span></a> <i>Hutton's Theory of the Earth</i>, Edinb. 1795, vol. i. pp.
+34, 41, 192, 290, 291, 593, vol. ii. pp. 236, 369, 378, 555.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_793_793" id="Footnote_793_793"></a><a href="#FNanchor_793_793"><span class="label">[793]</span></a> &lsquo;In his writings, and in those of his illustrator,
+Playfair, we find the germ of the metamorphic theory.&rsquo; <i>Lyell's Manual
+of Geology</i>, London, 1851, p. 92.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_794_794" id="Footnote_794_794"></a><a href="#FNanchor_794_794"><span class="label">[794]</span></a> The shortest summary of this view is in his <i>Theory of
+the Earth</i>, Edin. 1795, vol. ii. pp. 556. &lsquo;The doctrine, therefore, of
+our Theory is briefly this; that whatever may have been the operation of
+dissolving water, and the chemical action of it upon the materials
+accumulated at the bottom of the sea, the general solidity of that mass
+of earth, and the placing of it in the atmosphere above the surface of
+the sea, has been the immediate operation of fire or heat melting and
+expanding bodies.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_795_795" id="Footnote_795_795"></a><a href="#FNanchor_795_795"><span class="label">[795]</span></a> &lsquo;Although Hutton had never explored any region of active
+volcanos, he had convinced himself that basalt and many other trap rocks
+were of igneous origin.&rsquo; <i>Lyell's Principles of Geology</i>, London, 1853,
+p. 51. To this I may add, that he wrote his work without having examined
+granite. He says (<i>Theory of the Earth</i>, vol. i. p. 214), &lsquo;It is true, I
+met with it on my return by the east coast, when I just saw it, and no
+more, at Peterhead and Aberdeen; but that was all the granite I had ever
+seen when I wrote my <i>Theory of the Earth</i>. I have, since that time,
+seen it in different places; because I went on purpose to examine it, as
+I shall have occasion to describe in the course of this work.&rsquo; Hutton's
+theory of granite is noticed in <i>Bakewell's Geology</i>, London, 1838, p.
+101: but Mr. Bakewell does not seem to be
+aware that the theory was formed before the observations were made.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_796_796" id="Footnote_796_796"></a><a href="#FNanchor_796_796"><span class="label">[796]</span></a> <i>Huttonian Theory</i>, in <i>Playfair</i>, vol. i. pp. 38&ndash;40,
+509, 510. Compare <i>Playfair's Life of Hutton</i>, p. 61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_797_797" id="Footnote_797_797"></a><a href="#FNanchor_797_797"><span class="label">[797]</span></a> Hence, the objections of Kirwan were invalid; because his
+argument against Hutton was &lsquo;grounded on experiments, where that very
+separation of the volatile and fixed parts takes place, which it
+excluded in that hypothesis of subterraneous heat.&rsquo; <span class="smcap">Huttonian Theory</span>, in
+<i>Playfair</i>, vol. i. p. 193, Edinb. 1822.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_798_798" id="Footnote_798_798"></a><a href="#FNanchor_798_798"><span class="label">[798]</span></a> Hutton says (<i>Theory of the Earth</i>, Edinb. 1795, vol. i.
+p. 94), &lsquo;The place of mineral operations is not on the surface of the
+earth; and we are not to limit nature with our imbecility, or estimate
+the powers of nature by the measure of our own.&rsquo; See also p. 159,
+&lsquo;mineral operations proper to the lower regions of the earth.&rsquo; And p.
+527, &lsquo;The mineral operations of nature lie in a part of the globe which
+is necessarily inaccessible to man, and where the powers of nature act
+under very different conditions from those which we find take place in
+the only situation where we can live.&rsquo; Again, in vol. ii. p. 97, &lsquo;The
+present Theory of the Earth holds for principle that the strata are
+consolidated in the mineral regions far beyond the reach of human
+observation.&rsquo; Similarly, vol. ii. p. 484, &lsquo;we judge not of the progress
+of things from the actual operations of the surface.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_799_799" id="Footnote_799_799"></a><a href="#FNanchor_799_799"><span class="label">[799]</span></a> Hutton, however, did not believe that this could be done.
+&lsquo;In the Theory of the Earth which was published, I was anxious to warn
+the reader against the notion that subterraneous heat and fusion could
+be compared with that which we induce by our chemical operations on
+mineral substances here upon the surface of the earth.&rsquo; <i>Hutton's Theory
+of the Earth</i>, vol. i. p. 251.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_800_800" id="Footnote_800_800"></a><a href="#FNanchor_800_800"><span class="label">[800]</span></a> See, in the <i>Life of Hutton</i>, in <i>Playfair's Works</i>, vol.
+iv. p. 62 note, a curious remark on his indifference to experimental
+verification. Innumerable passages in his work indicate this tendency,
+and show his desire to reason immediately from general principles. Thus,
+in vol. i. p. 17, &lsquo;Let us strictly examine our principles in order to
+avoid fallacy in our reasoning.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;We are now, in reasoning from
+principles, come to a point decisive of the question.&rsquo; vol. i. p. 177.
+&lsquo;Let us now reason from our principles.&rsquo; vol. ii. p. 308. Hence, his
+constantly expressed contempt for experience; as in vol. ii. p. 367,
+where he says that we must &lsquo;overcome those prejudices which contracted
+views of nature and <i>magnified opinions of the experience of man</i> may
+have begotten.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_801_801" id="Footnote_801_801"></a><a href="#FNanchor_801_801"><span class="label">[801]</span></a> Playfair (<i>Life of Hutton</i>, p. 64) says that it drew
+&lsquo;their attention&rsquo; (<i>i.e.</i> the attention of &lsquo;men of science&rsquo;), &lsquo;very
+slowly, so that several years elapsed before any one showed himself
+publicly concerned about it, either as an enemy or a friend.&rsquo; He adds,
+as one of the reasons of this, that it contained &lsquo;too little detail of
+facts for a system which involved so much that was new, and opposite to
+the opinions generally received.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_802_802" id="Footnote_802_802"></a><a href="#FNanchor_802_802"><span class="label">[802]</span></a> The account of these experiments was read before the
+Royal Society of Edinburgh in 1805, and is printed in their
+<i>Transactions</i>, vol. vi. pp. 71&ndash;185, Edinb. 1812, 4to. The general
+result was (pp. 148, 149), &lsquo;That a pressure of 52 atmospheres, or 1700
+feet of sea, is capable of forming a limestone in a proper heat; That
+under 86 atmospheres, answering nearly to 3000 feet, or about half a
+mile, a complete marble may be formed; and lastly, That, with a pressure
+of 173 atmospheres, or 5700 feet, that is little more than one mile of
+sea, the carbonate of lime is made to undergo complete fusion, and to
+act powerfully on other earths.&rsquo; See also p. 160: &lsquo;The carbonic acid of
+limestone cannot be constrained in heat by a pressure less than that of
+1708 feet of sea.&rsquo; There is a short, and not very accurate, notice of
+these instructive experiments in <i>Bakewell's Geology</i>, London, 1838, pp.
+249, 250.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_803_803" id="Footnote_803_803"></a><a href="#FNanchor_803_803"><span class="label">[803]</span></a> As Sir James Hall says, &lsquo;The truth of the most doubtful
+principle which Dr. Hutton has assumed, has thus been established by
+direct experiment.&rsquo; <i>Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh</i>,
+vol. vi. p. 175.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_804_804" id="Footnote_804_804"></a><a href="#FNanchor_804_804"><span class="label">[804]</span></a> See the remarks of Sir James Hall, in <i>Transactions</i>,
+vol. vi. pp. 74, 75. He observes that Hutton's &lsquo;system, however,
+involves so many suppositions, apparently in contradiction to common
+experience, which meet us on the very threshold, that most men have
+hitherto been deterred from an investigation of its principles, and only
+a few individuals have justly appreciated its merits.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;I conceived
+that the chemical effects ascribed by him to compression, ought, in the
+first place, to be investigated.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;It occurred to me that this
+principle was susceptible of being established in a direct manner by
+experiment, and <i>I urged him to make the attempt; but he always rejected
+this proposal</i>, on account of the immensity of the natural agents, whose
+operation he supposed to lie far beyond the reach of our imitation; and
+he seemed to imagine that any such attempt must undoubtedly fail, and
+thus <i>throw discredit on opinions, already sufficiently established, as
+he conceived, on other principles</i>.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_805_805" id="Footnote_805_805"></a><a href="#FNanchor_805_805"><span class="label">[805]</span></a> It may be traced back, certainly to the beginning of the
+seventeenth century, and probably still higher. Yet the popular opinion
+seems to be correct, that Watt was its real inventor; though, of course,
+he could not have done what he did, without his predecessors. This,
+however, may be said of all the most eminent and successful men, as well
+as of the most ordinary men.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_806_806" id="Footnote_806_806"></a><a href="#FNanchor_806_806"><span class="label">[806]</span></a> On the obligations of Watt to Black, compare <i>Brougham's
+Life of Watt</i> (<i>Brougham's Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 25, 36&ndash;38, edit. Glasgow,
+1855), with <i>Muirhead's Life of Watt</i>, second edit. London, 1859, pp.
+66, 83. At p. 301, Mr. Muirhead says of Watt, that &lsquo;his principal
+inventions connected with the steam-engine, with all their prodigious
+results, were founded, as we have seen, on the attentive observation of
+great philosophical truths; and the economy of fuel, increase of
+productive power, and saving of animal labour, which gradually ensued,
+all originated in the sagacious and careful thought with which he
+investigated the nature and properties of heat.&rsquo; But whatever
+investigations Watt made into heat, he discovered no new law respecting
+it, or, at all events, no new law which is large enough to be noted in
+the history of thermotics, considered purely as a science, and apart
+from practical application. Mr. Muirhead, in his interesting work which
+I have just quoted, has published (pp. 484&ndash;486) some remarks made on the
+subject by Watt, several years after the death of Black, which, though
+perfectly fair and candid, show that Watt had a rather confused notion
+of the real difference between an invention and a discovery.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_807_807" id="Footnote_807_807"></a><a href="#FNanchor_807_807"><span class="label">[807]</span></a> Mr. Muirhead, in his <i>Life of Watt</i>, pp. 301&ndash;370, seems
+to have put the priority of Watt beyond further doubt; though he is
+somewhat hard upon Cavendish, who, there can be little question, made
+the discovery for himself.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_808_808" id="Footnote_808_808"></a><a href="#FNanchor_808_808"><span class="label">[808]</span></a> I would not wish to diminish one jot of the veneration in
+which the great name of Watt is justly held. But when I find the opinion
+of Dr. Withering, the botanist, quoted, to the effect that his
+&lsquo;abilities and acquirements placed him next, if not superior, to
+Newton.&rsquo; (<i>Muirhead's Life of Watt</i>, p. 302), I cannot but protest against
+such indiscriminate eulogy, which would rank Watt in the same class as
+one of those godlike intellects of which the whole world has not
+produced a score, and which are entitled to be termed inspired, if ever
+human being was so. Another instance of this injudicious panegyric will
+be found in the same otherwise excellent work (<i>Muirhead</i>, pp. 324,
+325), where we read that Watt's discovery that water consists of oxygen
+and hydrogen, was &lsquo;the commencement of a new era, the dawn of a new day
+in physical inquiry, the real foundation of the new system of chemistry;
+nay, even a discovery &ldquo;perhaps of greater importance than any single
+fact which human ingenuity has ascertained either before or since.&rdquo;&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_809_809" id="Footnote_809_809"></a><a href="#FNanchor_809_809"><span class="label">[809]</span></a> That there was no plagiarism on the part of Watt, we know
+from positive evidence; that there was none on the part of Cavendish,
+may be fairly presumed, both from the character of the man, and also
+from the fact that in the then state of chemical knowledge the discovery
+was imminent, and could not have been long delayed. It was antecedently
+probable that the composition of water would be ascertained by different
+persons at the same time, as we have seen in many other discoveries
+which have been simultaneously made, when the human mind, in that
+particular department of inquiry, had reached a certain point. We are
+too apt to suspect philosophers of stealing from each other, what their
+own abilities are sufficient to work out for themselves. It is, however,
+certain that Watt thought himself ill-treated by Cavendish. See <i>Watt's
+Correspondence on the Composition of Water</i>, London, 1846, pp. 48, 61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_810_810" id="Footnote_810_810"></a><a href="#FNanchor_810_810"><span class="label">[810]</span></a> On 26th November 1783, he writes: &lsquo;For many years I have
+entertained an opinion that air was a modification of water; which was
+originally founded on the facts, that in most cases where air was
+actually made, which should be distinguished from those wherein it is
+only extricated from substances containing it in their pores, or
+otherwise united to them in the state of air, the substances were such
+as were known to contain water as one of their constituent parts, yet no
+water was obtained in the processes, except what was known to be only
+loosely connected with them, such as the water of the crystallization of
+salts. <i>This opinion arose from a discovery that the latent heat
+contained in steam diminished, in proportion as the sensible heat of the
+water from which it was produced, increased</i>; or, in other words, that
+the latent heat of steam was less when it was produced under a greater
+pressure, or in a more dense state, and greater when it was produced
+under a less pressure, or in a less dense state; which led me to
+conclude, that when a very great degree of heat was necessary for the
+production of the steam, the latent heat would be wholly changed into
+sensible heat; and that, in such cases, the steam itself might suffer
+some remarkable change. I now abandon this opinion, in so far as relates
+to the change of water into air, as I think that may be accounted for on
+better principles.&rsquo; See this remarkable passage, which is quite decisive
+as to the real history of Watt's discovery, in <i>Correspondence of James
+Watt on the Composition of Water</i>, London, 1846, pp. 84, 85. Compare p.
+cxxiv. and p. 248 note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_811_811" id="Footnote_811_811"></a><a href="#FNanchor_811_811"><span class="label">[811]</span></a> In the paper which he communicated to the Royal Society,
+announcing his discovery, he, well knowing the empirical character of
+the English mind, apologizes for this; and says, &lsquo;I feel much reluctance
+to lay my thoughts on these subjects before the public in their present
+indigested state, and <i>without having been able to bring them to the
+test of such experiments as would confirm or refute them</i>.&rsquo; <i>Watt's
+Correspondence on the Discovery of the Composition of Water</i>, pp. 77,
+78. Eleven months earlier, that is in December 1782, he writes (<i>Ibid.</i>
+p. 4): &lsquo;Dr. Priestley has made a most surprising discovery, which <i>seems
+to confirm my theory</i> of water's undergoing some very remarkable change
+at the point where all its latent heat would be changed into sensible
+heat.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_812_812" id="Footnote_812_812"></a><a href="#FNanchor_812_812"><span class="label">[812]</span></a> &lsquo;He&rsquo; (<i>i.e.</i> Cavendish) &lsquo;here omits entirely the
+consideration of latent heat; an omission which he even attempts to
+justify, in one of the passages interpolated by Blagden. But it is well
+known to every one acquainted with the first principles of chemical
+science, even as it was taught in the days of Black, and it was
+indisputably familiar to Mr. Watt, that no aëriform fluid can be
+converted into a liquid, nor any liquid into a solid, without tho
+evolution of heat, previously latent. This essential part of the
+process, Mr. Cavendish's theory does not embrace; but without it, no
+theory on the subject can be complete; and it will presently be seen,
+that Mr. Watt took it fully into account.&rsquo; <i>Muirhead's Life of Watt</i>, p.
+315.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_813_813" id="Footnote_813_813"></a><a href="#FNanchor_813_813"><span class="label">[813]</span></a> &lsquo;Cavendish and Watt both discovered the composition of
+water. Cavendish established the facts; Watt the idea.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;<i>The
+attaching too high a value to the mere facts, is often a sign of a want
+of ideas.</i>&rsquo; <i>Liebig's Letters on Chemistry</i>, London, 1851, p. 48. The
+last sentence of this illustrious philosopher, which I have put in
+italics, should be well pondered in England. If I had my way, it should
+be engraved in letters of gold over the portals of the Royal Society and
+of the Royal Institution.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_814_814" id="Footnote_814_814"></a><a href="#FNanchor_814_814"><span class="label">[814]</span></a> &lsquo;Organic substances, whether directly derived from the
+vegetable or animal kingdom, or produced by the subsequent modification
+of bodies which thus originate, are remarkable as a class for a degree
+of complexity of constitution far exceeding that observed in any of the
+compounds yet described.&rsquo; <i>Fownes' Chemistry</i>, 3rd edit., London, 1850,
+p. 353. I quote this, as the first authority at hand, for a doctrine
+which is universally admitted by chemists, and which is indubitably
+true, <i>so far as our experiments have at present extended</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_815_815" id="Footnote_815_815"></a><a href="#FNanchor_815_815"><span class="label">[815]</span></a> &lsquo;As the organic world is characterized by the
+predominance, in quantity, of carbon, so the mineral or inorganic world
+is marked by a similar predominance of silicon.&rsquo; <i>Turner's Chemistry</i>,
+edited by Liebig and Gregory, vol. ii. p. 678, London, 1847.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_816_816" id="Footnote_816_816"></a><a href="#FNanchor_816_816"><span class="label">[816]</span></a> I mean, of course, to apply this remark only to the globe
+we inhabit, and not to extra-terrestrial phenomena. Respecting the
+organization or non-organization of what exists out of this earth, we
+have no evidence, and can hardly expect to have any for centuries.
+Inferences have, indeed, been drawn from telescopic observations; and
+attempts are now being made, abroad, to determine, by a still more
+refined process, the physical composition of some of the heavenly
+bodies. But without venturing, in this note, to enter into such
+discussions, or even to state their purport, I may say, that the
+difficulty of <i>verification</i> will long prove an insuperable barrier to
+our knowledge of the truth or falsehood of any results which may be
+obtained.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_817_817" id="Footnote_817_817"></a><a href="#FNanchor_817_817"><span class="label">[817]</span></a> Mr. Simon, in his thoughtful and suggestive Lectures,
+says, &lsquo;We may describe Pathology to consist in the Science of Life under
+other conditions than those of ideal perfection.&rsquo; <i>Simon's Lectures on
+Pathology</i>, London, 1850, p. 14. This is by far the best description I
+have met with; though, as it involves a negative, it cannot be accepted
+as a definition. Indeed, the context shows that Mr. Simon does not
+suppose it to be one.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_818_818" id="Footnote_818_818"></a><a href="#FNanchor_818_818"><span class="label">[818]</span></a> I formerly adopted the commonly received division of
+organic statics, and organic dynamics; the statics being anatomy, and
+the dynamics being physiology. But, I now think that our knowledge is
+not sufficiently advanced to make this so convenient as the division
+into physiological and pathological, or into normal and abnormal,
+provided we remember that in reality nothing is abnormal. The
+practically useful, but eminently unscientific, doctrine, that there can
+be alteration of function without alteration of structure, has effaced
+some of the most essential distinctions between anatomy and physiology,
+and especially between morbid anatomy and morbid physiology. Until those
+distinctions are recognized, the scientific conceptions of professional
+writers must be confused, however valuable their practical suggestions
+may be. While men are capable of believing that it is <i>possible</i> for
+variations of function to proceed from any cause except variations of
+structure, the philosophic importance of anatomy will be imperfectly
+appreciated, and its true relation to physiology will remain undefined.
+Inasmuch, however, as, with our actual resources, the most careful
+dissection is often unable to detect (in insanity, for instance) those
+changes of structure which produce changes of function, superficial
+thinkers are placed under a strong temptation to deny their invariable
+connexion; and while the microscope is so imperfect, and chemistry so
+backward, it is impossible that experiments should always convince them
+of their mistake. Hence, I believe that until our means of empirical
+research are greatly improved, all such investigations, notwithstanding
+their immense value in other respects, will tend to lead mere inductive
+minds into error, by making them rely too much on what they call the
+facts of the case, to the prejudice of the reason. This is what I mean
+by saying, that our knowledge is not sufficiently advanced to make it
+advisable to divide the sciences of organic bodies into physiological
+and anatomical. At present, and probably for some time yet, the humbler
+division into physiological and pathological, may be deemed safer, and
+more likely to produce solid results.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_819_819" id="Footnote_819_819"></a><a href="#FNanchor_819_819"><span class="label">[819]</span></a> Hunter, as we shall presently see, did take an
+extraordinarily comprehensive view of pathology, including the whole of
+the organic world and even the aberrations of form in the inorganic.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_820_820" id="Footnote_820_820"></a><a href="#FNanchor_820_820"><span class="label">[820]</span></a> <i>Thomson's Life of Cullen</i>, vol. i. p. 70, Edinburgh,
+1832.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_821_821" id="Footnote_821_821"></a><a href="#FNanchor_821_821"><span class="label">[821]</span></a> <i>Thomson's Life of Cullen</i>, vol. i. p. 96. Bower states
+that Cullen &lsquo;was appointed to the chair in 1755.&rsquo; <i>Bower's History of
+the University of Edinburgh</i>, vol. ii. p. 216, Edinburgh, 1817.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_822_822" id="Footnote_822_822"></a><a href="#FNanchor_822_822"><span class="label">[822]</span></a> &lsquo;It seems impossible to peruse the passages I have quoted
+from Dr. Cullen's manuscript lectures and papers, and from his Essay on
+Evaporation, without perceiving that his investigations with regard to
+the heat and cold occasioned by the combination, liquefaction, and
+evaporation of bodies, must not only have assisted to direct the
+attention of his pupil Dr. Black to similar inquiries, but must also
+have furnished him with several of the data from which his simple and
+comprehensive theory of Latent Heat was afterwards so philosophically
+deduced.&rsquo; <i>Thomson's Life of Cullen</i>, vol. i. p. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_823_823" id="Footnote_823_823"></a><a href="#FNanchor_823_823"><span class="label">[823]</span></a> &lsquo;It is allowed by the admirers of this great man, that he
+was perhaps too fond of theory.&rsquo; <i>Bower's History of the University of
+Edinburgh</i>, vol. iii. p. 273</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_824_824" id="Footnote_824_824"></a><a href="#FNanchor_824_824"><span class="label">[824]</span></a> In 1759, he wrote to Dr. Balfour Russell, one of his
+favourite pupils: &lsquo;You will not find it possible to separate practice
+from theory altogether; and therefore, if you have a mind to begin with
+the theory, I have no objection.&rsquo; <i>Thomson's Life of Cullen</i>, vol. i. p.
+130. Compare his <i>Introductory Lectures to the Practice of Physic</i>,
+where, asserting truly, &lsquo;that reasoning in physic is unavoidable&rsquo;
+(<i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 417), he boldly infers, &lsquo;that to render it
+safe, it is <i>necessary to cultivate theory in its full extent</i>.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_825_825" id="Footnote_825_825"></a><a href="#FNanchor_825_825"><span class="label">[825]</span></a> Even Cullen himself says, rather roughly, &lsquo;The great
+horde of physicians are always servile imitators, who can neither
+perceive nor correct the faults of their system, and are always ready to
+growl at, and even to worry, the ingenious person that could attempt it.
+Thus was the system of Galen secured in the possession of the schools of
+physic, till soon after the irruption of the Goths and Vandals destroyed
+every vestige of literature in the western parts of Europe, and drove
+all that remained of it to seek a feeble protection at Constantinople.&rsquo;
+<i>Lectures Introductory to the Practice of Physic</i>, in <i>Cullen's Works</i>,
+vol. i. p. 386, Edinburgh, 1827.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_826_826" id="Footnote_826_826"></a><a href="#FNanchor_826_826"><span class="label">[826]</span></a> This idea runs through the whole of his writings. In the
+following passage, it is more succinctly stated than in any other: &lsquo;In
+pathology, and in the prognosis of particular diseases, it is absolutely
+necessary to enter into the distinction of these causes. I call the one
+<i>direct</i> causes, those which act upon the nervous system directly; and
+the other <i>indirect</i> causes, those which produce the same effect, but by
+destroying those organs which are necessary to the support of the
+excitement, viz. the whole system of circulation.&rsquo; <i>Cullen's Works</i>,
+vol. i. p. 135. Even this passage, clear as it seems, can only be
+rightly interpreted by taking the context into consideration.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_827_827" id="Footnote_827_827"></a><a href="#FNanchor_827_827"><span class="label">[827]</span></a> For, as is truly observed by probably the greatest
+pathologist of our time, &lsquo;Humoral pathology is simply a requirement of
+common practical sense; and it has always held a place in medical
+science, although the limits of its domain have, no doubt, been
+variously circumscribed or interpreted at different times. Of late
+years, it has met with a new basis and support in morbid anatomy, which,
+in the inadequacy of its discoveries in the solids to account for
+disease and death, has been compelled to seek for an extension of its
+boundary through a direct examination of the blood itself.&rsquo;
+<i>Rokitansky's Pathological Anatomy</i>, vol. i. p. 362, London, 1854.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_828_828" id="Footnote_828_828"></a><a href="#FNanchor_828_828"><span class="label">[828]</span></a> Unless, as is the case in geometry, the premisses, which
+are suppressed, are so slight as to be scarcely perceptible.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_829_829" id="Footnote_829_829"></a><a href="#FNanchor_829_829"><span class="label">[829]</span></a> He was so indignant at the bare idea of a humoral
+pathology, that even Hoffmann, who before himself was the most eminent
+advocate of solidism, fell under his displeasure for allowing some
+little weight to the humoral doctrines. He says that Hoffmann &lsquo;has not
+applied his fundamental doctrine so extensively as he might have done;
+and he has everywhere intermixed an humoral pathology, as incorrect and
+hypothetical as any other.&rsquo; <i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 410. At p. 470,
+&lsquo;I have, therefore, assumed the general principles of Hoffmann. And, if
+I have rendered them more correct, and more extensive in their
+application, and, <i>more particularly, if I have avoided introducing the
+many hypothetical doctrines of the Humoral Pathology which disfigured
+both his and all the other systems that have hitherto prevailed</i>, I hope
+I shall be excused for attempting a system, which, upon the whole, may
+appear new.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_830_830" id="Footnote_830_830"></a><a href="#FNanchor_830_830"><span class="label">[830]</span></a> &lsquo;The solid parts of the body seem to be of two kinds: one
+whose properties are the same in the dead as in the living, and the same
+in the animate as in many inanimate bodies; the other, whose properties
+appear only in living bodies. In the last, a peculiar organization, or
+addition, is supposed to take place; in opposition to which the first
+are called the simple solids. Of these only, we shall treat here; and of
+the others, which may be called vital solids, being the fundamental part
+of the nervous system, we shall treat under that title in the following
+section.&rsquo; <i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_831_831" id="Footnote_831_831"></a><a href="#FNanchor_831_831"><span class="label">[831]</span></a> These diseases are laxity, flaccidity, &amp;c. See the
+enumeration of &lsquo;the diseases of the simple solids,&rsquo; in <i>Cullen's Works</i>,
+vol. i. p. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_832_832" id="Footnote_832_832"></a><a href="#FNanchor_832_832"><span class="label">[832]</span></a> <i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 65, 600, vol. ii. p. 364.
+Dr. Thomson, who had access to papers and lectures of Cullen's, which
+have never been published, says (<i>Life of Cullen</i>, vol. i. p. 265), &lsquo;His
+speculations with regard to the different functions of the nervous
+system, but more particularly with regard to that of the Animal Power or
+Energy of the brain, were incorporated with every opinion which he
+taught concerning the phenomena of the animal economy, the causes of
+diseases, and the operation of medicines; and they may be said to
+constitute a most important part, if not the sole basis, of that system
+of the Practice of Physic, which he made the subject of prelection, as
+well as of study, for a period of nearly forty years, before he ventured
+to give it to the public.&rsquo; I should mention, that Cullen, under the term
+&lsquo;brain,&rsquo; included the contents of the vertebral column as well as of the
+cranium.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_833_833" id="Footnote_833_833"></a><a href="#FNanchor_833_833"><span class="label">[833]</span></a> <i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 40, 546, 558, 648, vol. ii.
+p. 321.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_834_834" id="Footnote_834_834"></a><a href="#FNanchor_834_834"><span class="label">[834]</span></a> <i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 86, 91, 100, 101, 108, 115,
+116, 553, 592, vol. ii. pp. 35, 366. Compare the summary of causes in
+<i>Thomson's Life of Cullen</i>, vol. i. p. 289.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_835_835" id="Footnote_835_835"></a><a href="#FNanchor_835_835"><span class="label">[835]</span></a> He says (<i>Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 31, 32), &lsquo;Whoever has the
+smallest tincture of metaphysics will know the distinction pointed at
+here between the qualities of bodies as primary and secondary.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;<i>Whether these distinctions be well or ill founded, it is not my
+business to inquire.</i>&rsquo; But though he did not deem it his business to
+inquire into the accuracy of these and similar distinctions, he thought
+himself justified in assuming them, and reasoning from them as if they
+could explain the working of those sensations, whose perversion formed
+the point of contact between metaphysics and pathology. See, for
+instance, in his <i>Works</i>, vol. i. p. 46, the long series of unproved and
+improvable assertions respecting the combination and comparison of
+sensations giving rise to memory, imagination, and the like.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_836_836" id="Footnote_836_836"></a><a href="#FNanchor_836_836"><span class="label">[836]</span></a> Cullen, with that admirable candour which was one of the
+most attractive peculiarities of his fine intellect, confesses his want
+of acquaintance with the microscope: &lsquo;It leaves me, who am not
+conversant in such observations, altogether uncertain with respect to
+the precise nature of this part of the blood.&rsquo; <i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i.
+p. 195. A pathologist without a microscope is an unarmed man, indeed. In
+regard to his animal chemistry, one passage may be quoted as a specimen
+of the manner in which he arrived at conclusions speculatively, instead
+of subjecting the phenomena to experimental investigation. &lsquo;We may
+remark it to be highly probable, that all animal matter is originally
+formed of vegetable; because all animals either feed directly and
+entirely on vegetables, or upon other animals that do so. From hence it
+is probable, that all animal substances may be traced to a vegetable
+origin; and <i>therefore</i>, if we would inquire into the production of
+animal matter, we <i>must first inquire</i> in what manner vegetable matter
+may be converted into animal?&rsquo; <i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 177, 178.
+The <i>therefore</i> and the <i>must</i>, resulting merely from an antecedent
+probability, are characteristic of that over-boldness, into which
+deduction is apt to degenerate, and which is strongly contrasted with
+the opposite vice of over-timidity, by which inductive reasoners are
+tainted.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_837_837" id="Footnote_837_837"></a><a href="#FNanchor_837_837"><span class="label">[837]</span></a> Dr. Watson (<i>Principles and Practice of Physic</i>, 4th
+edit. London, 1857, vol. i. p. 41) says of the humoral pathology, that,
+&lsquo;the absurdity of the hypothesis, and <i>still more the dangerous practice
+which this doctrine generated</i>, began to be manifest, and led to its
+total abandonment.&rsquo; But, with every respect for this eminent authority,
+I venture to observe, that this supposition of Dr. Watson's is
+contradicted by the whole history of the human mind. There is no
+well-attested case on record of any theory having been abandoned,
+because it produced dangerous results. As long as a theory is believed,
+men will ascribe its evil consequences to any cause except the right
+one. And a theory which is once established, will always be believed,
+until there is some change in knowledge which shakes its foundation.
+Every practical change may, by careful analysis, be shown to depend, in
+the first instance, on some change of speculative opinions. Even at the
+present day, many doctrines are generally held in the most civilized
+countries, which are producing dangerous practical consequences, and
+have produced those consequences for centuries. But the mischief which
+the doctrine engenders does not weaken the doctrine itself. Nothing can
+do that, but the general progress of knowledge, which, by altering
+former opinions, modifies future conduct.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_838_838" id="Footnote_838_838"></a><a href="#FNanchor_838_838"><span class="label">[838]</span></a> Some writers, who have taken notice of Cullen, have been
+deceived in this respect by his occasional use of the expression
+&lsquo;nervous fluid,&rsquo; as if he were willing to let in the idea of humorism.
+But, in one place, he distinctly guards himself against such
+misconstruction. &lsquo;Now, to avoid determining any thing with regard to
+these opinions, I have used the term of <i>nervous power</i>; but as this is
+a little ambiguous, I choose to express it by <i>nervous fluid</i>; not that
+I suppose, with Dr. Boerhaave, that the brain is an excretory, and that
+a fluid is secreted from it: <i>I mean nothing more than that there is a
+condition of the nerves which fits them for the communication of
+motion</i>. But I defer the consideration of these opinions for the
+present, and perhaps <i>ad Græcas calendas</i>; but nothing shall be rested
+upon the nervous fluid, it shall be considered merely as <i>a power</i>
+fitted for communicating motions.&rsquo; <i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 17.
+Without this passage, his remarks on &lsquo;the nervous fluid in the brain&rsquo;
+(<i>Works</i>, vol. i. p. 129), might easily be misunderstood.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_839_839" id="Footnote_839_839"></a><a href="#FNanchor_839_839"><span class="label">[839]</span></a> &lsquo;Together with this, the languor, inactivity, and
+debility of the animal motions, the imperfect sensations, the feeling of
+cold, while the body is truly warm, and some other symptoms, all show
+that the energy of the brain is, on this occasion, greatly weakened; and
+I presume that, as the weakness of the action of the heart can hardly be
+imputed to any other cause, this weakness also is a proof of the
+diminished energy of the brain. So I conclude, that a debility of the
+nervous power forms the beginning of the cold fit, and lays the
+foundation of all the other phenomena.&rsquo; <i>Practice of Physic</i>, in
+<i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 492.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_840_840" id="Footnote_840_840"></a><a href="#FNanchor_840_840"><span class="label">[840]</span></a> &lsquo;To render our doctrine of fever consistent and complete,
+it is necessary to add here, that these remote causes of fever, human
+and marsh effluvia, seem to be of a debilitating or sedative
+quality.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Though we have endeavoured to show that fevers generally
+arise from marsh or human effluvia, we cannot, with any certainty,
+exclude some other remote causes, which are commonly supposed to have at
+least a share in producing those diseases. And I proceed, therefore, to
+inquire concerning these causes; the first of which that merits
+attention, is the power of cold applied to the human body.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Besides
+cold, there are other powers that seem to be remote causes of fever;
+such as fear, intemperance in drinking, excess in venery, and other
+circumstances, which evidently weaken the system. But whether any of
+these sedative powers be alone the remote cause of fever, or if they
+only operate either as concurring with the operation of marsh or human
+effluvia, or as giving an opportunity to the operation of cold, are
+questions not to be positively answered.&rsquo; <i>Practice of Physic</i>, in
+<i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 546, 552. One part of this view has been
+corroborated, since the time of Cullen. &lsquo;The experiments of Chossat and
+others clearly prove cold to be a direct sedative.&rsquo; <i>Williams'
+Principles of Medicine</i>, 2nd edit. London, 1848, p. 11. Compare
+<i>Watson's Principles and Practice of Physic</i>, 4th edit. London, 1857,
+vol. i. pp. 87&ndash;92, 249. Hence, perhaps, the &lsquo;irresistible tendency to
+sleep caused by exposure to severe or long-continued cold.&rsquo; <i>Erichsen's
+Surgery</i>, 2nd edit. London, 1857, p. 336; but as to this, Dr. Watson
+(<i>Principles of Physic</i>, vol. i. p. 89) is sceptical, and thinks that,
+in those cases which are recorded, the drowsiness ascribed to cold, is,
+in a great measure, the result of fatigue.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_841_841" id="Footnote_841_841"></a><a href="#FNanchor_841_841"><span class="label">[841]</span></a> <i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 493. Compare, respecting his
+general theory of spasm, p. 84, and vol. ii. p. 400.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_842_842" id="Footnote_842_842"></a><a href="#FNanchor_842_842"><span class="label">[842]</span></a> &lsquo;The idea of fever, then, may be, that a spasm of the
+extreme vessels, however induced, proves an irritation to the heart and
+arteries; and that this continues till the spasm is relaxed or
+overcome.&rsquo; <i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 494.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_843_843" id="Footnote_843_843"></a><a href="#FNanchor_843_843"><span class="label">[843]</span></a> &lsquo;Such, however, is, at the same time, the nature of the
+animal economy, that this debility proves an indirect stimulus to the
+sanguiferous system; whence, by the intervention of the cold stage and
+spasm connected with it, the action of the heart and larger arteries is
+increased, and continues so till it has had the effect of restoring the
+energy of the brain, of extending this energy to the extreme vessels, of
+restoring, therefore, their action, and thereby especially overcoming
+the spasm affecting them; upon the removing of which, the excretion of
+sweat, and other marks of the relaxation of excretories, take place.&rsquo;
+<i>Practice of Physic</i>, in <i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 501, 502. See
+also p. 636, § cciii. Or, as he elsewhere expresses himself (vol. i. p.
+561): &lsquo;With regard to the event of fevers, this is the fundamental
+principle: <i>in fevers, nature cures the disease</i>; that is, certain
+motions tending to death continue the disease, but, in consequence of
+the laws of the animal economy, other motions are excited by these which
+have a tendency to remove it.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_844_844" id="Footnote_844_844"></a><a href="#FNanchor_844_844"><span class="label">[844]</span></a> &lsquo;If we may trust to our conclusions with respect to the
+proximate cause, it follows, most naturally, from the view there given,
+that the continued fever is always owing to an excess of spasm, or to an
+excess of debility: as the one or other of these prevails, it will give
+one or other of the two forms, either the Synocha or inflammatory fever,
+or the Typhus or nervous fever.&rsquo; <i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 518.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_845_845" id="Footnote_845_845"></a><a href="#FNanchor_845_845"><span class="label">[845]</span></a> &lsquo;Cullen's most esteemed work is his <i>Nosology</i>.&rsquo;
+<i>Hamilton's History of Medicine</i>, London, 1831, vol. ii. p. 279. &lsquo;His
+<i>Nosology</i> will probably survive all his other works; it is indisputably
+the best system which has yet appeared.&rsquo; <i>Lives of British Physicians</i>,
+London, 1830, p. 213. &lsquo;Celle de Cullen, qui parut en 1772, et qui
+constitue un véritable progrès.&rsquo; <i>Renouard</i>, <i>Histoire de la Médecine</i>,
+Paris, 1846, vol. ii. p. 231. See also <i>Hooper's Medical Dictionary</i>,
+edited by Dr. Grant, London, 1848, p. 937. But, in the most celebrated
+medical works which have appeared in England during the last twelve or
+fifteen years, I doubt if there is any instance of the adoption of
+Cullen's nosological arrangement. Abroad, and particularly in
+Italy, it is more valued.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_846_846" id="Footnote_846_846"></a><a href="#FNanchor_846_846"><span class="label">[846]</span></a> &lsquo;I had rather not be cramped and hampered by attempting
+what abler heads than mine have failed to achieve, and what, in truth, I
+believe, in the present state of our science, to be impossible, a
+complete methodical system of nosology.&rsquo; <i>Watson's Principles and
+Practice of Physic</i>, London, 1857, vol. i. p. 9. This is the wisdom of a
+powerful understanding.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_847_847" id="Footnote_847_847"></a><a href="#FNanchor_847_847"><span class="label">[847]</span></a> &lsquo;Now, when the diseases of Cullen's nosology have been
+almost doubled, and the facts relating to them have been more than
+doubled.&rsquo; <i>Williams' Principles of Medicine</i>, London, 1848, p. 522.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_848_848" id="Footnote_848_848"></a><a href="#FNanchor_848_848"><span class="label">[848]</span></a> I had intended giving some account of the once celebrated
+Brunonian system, which was founded by Dr. John Brown, who was first the
+pupil of Cullen, and afterwards his rival. But a careful perusal of his
+works has convinced me that the real basis of his doctrine, or the point
+from which he started, was not pathology, but therapeutics. His hasty
+division of all diseases into sthenic and asthenic, has no claim to be
+deemed a scientific generalization, but was a mere artificial
+arrangement, resulting from a desire to substitute a stimulating
+treatment in the place of the old lowering one. He, no doubt, went to
+the opposite extreme; but that being a purely practical subject, this
+Introduction has no concern with it. For the same reason, I omit all
+mention of Currie, who, though an eminent therapeutician, was a
+commonplace pathologist. That so poor and thinly-peopled a country as
+Scotland, should, in so short a period, have produced so many remarkable
+men, is extremely curious.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_849_849" id="Footnote_849_849"></a><a href="#FNanchor_849_849"><span class="label">[849]</span></a> Mr. Ottley (<i>Life of Hunter</i>, p. 186) says, &lsquo;In his
+writings we occasionally find an obscurity in the expression of his
+thoughts, a want of logical accuracy in his reasonings, and an
+incorrectness in his language, resulting from a deficient education.&rsquo;
+But, a deficient education will never make a man obscure. Neither will a
+good education make him lucid. The only cause of clearness of expression
+is clearness of thought; and clearness of thought is a natural gift,
+which the most finished and systematic culture can but slightly improve.
+Uneducated men, without a thousandth part of John Hunter's intellect,
+are often clear enough. On the other hand, it as frequently happens that
+men, who have received an excellent education, cannot speak or write ten
+consecutive sentences which do not contain some troublesome ambiguity.
+In Hunter's works such ambiguities are abundant; and this is probably
+one of the reasons why no one has yet given a connected view of his
+philosophy. On his obscurity, compare <i>Cooper's Life of Sir Astley
+Cooper</i>, London, 1843, vol. i. pp. 151, 152; <i>Paget's Lectures on
+Surgical Pathology</i>, London, 1853, vol. i. p. 419; and the remarks of
+his enemy, Foot, in <i>Foot's Life of Hunter</i>, London, 1794, p. 59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_850_850" id="Footnote_850_850"></a><a href="#FNanchor_850_850"><span class="label">[850]</span></a> He was born in 1728, and came to London in 1748. <i>Adams'
+Life of John Hunter</i>, 2nd edit. London, 1818, pp. 20, 203. According to
+Adams (pp. 30&ndash;35), he was abroad as surgeon in the English army from
+1761 to 1763; though, in <i>Foot's Life of Hunter</i>, London, 1794, p. 78,
+he is said to have returned to England in 1762. Mr. Ottley says that he
+returned in 1763. <i>Ottley's Life of Hunter</i>, p. 22, in vol. i. of
+<i>Hunter's Works</i>, edited by Palmer, London, 1835.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_851_851" id="Footnote_851_851"></a><a href="#FNanchor_851_851"><span class="label">[851]</span></a> See <i>Buckle's History of Civilization</i>, vol. ii. pp. 374,
+375.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_852_852" id="Footnote_852_852"></a><a href="#FNanchor_852_852"><span class="label">[852]</span></a> &lsquo;He followed his natural inclination. He preferred the
+more delusive, apparently the more direct, road, which has seduced so
+many philosophers. He sought to arrive at the general laws of nature at
+once by conjecture: rather than, by a close and detailed study of her
+inferior operations, to ascend, step by step, through a slow and gradual
+induction to those laws which govern her general procedure.&rsquo; Babington's
+Preface to Hunter's <i>Treatise on the Venereal Disease</i>, in <i>Hunter's
+Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 129. Compare the narrow and carping criticism in
+<i>Foot's Life of Hunter</i>, p. 163.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_853_853" id="Footnote_853_853"></a><a href="#FNanchor_853_853"><span class="label">[853]</span></a> That I may not be suspected of exaggeration, I will quote
+what by far the greatest of all the historians of medicine has said upon
+this subject. &lsquo;La majorité des médecins qui prétendaient s'être formés
+d'après Bâcon, n'avaient hérité de lui qu'une répugnance invincible pour
+les hypothèses et les systèmes, une grande vénération pour l'expérience,
+et un désir extrême de multiplier le nombre des observations. Ce fut
+chez les Anglais que la méthode empirique en médecine trouva le plus de
+partisans, et c'est principalement aussi chez eux qu'elle s'est répandue
+jusqu'aux temps les plus rapprochés de nous. Sa propagation y fut
+favorisée, non-seulement par le profond respect que les Anglais
+continuent toujours de porter à l'immortel chancelier, mais encore par
+la haute importance que la nation entière attache au sens commun,
+<i>common sense</i>, et elle y demeura l'ennemie irréconciliable de tous les
+systèmes que ne reposent pas sur l'observation.&rsquo; <i>Sprengel, Histoire de
+la Médecine</i>, vol. v. p. 411, Paris, 1815.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_854_854" id="Footnote_854_854"></a><a href="#FNanchor_854_854"><span class="label">[854]</span></a> Clive says, &lsquo;Much as Mr. Hunter did, he thought still
+more. He has often told me, his delight was, to think.&rsquo; <i>Abernethy's
+Hunterian Oration</i>, London, 1819, p. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_855_855" id="Footnote_855_855"></a><a href="#FNanchor_855_855"><span class="label">[855]</span></a> Mr. Owen, in his interesting Preface to the fourth volume
+of <i>Hunter's Works</i>, says (p. vii.), &lsquo;There is proof that Hunter
+anatomized at least five hundred different species of animals, exclusive
+of repeated dissections of different individuals of the same species,
+besides the dissections of plants to a considerable amount.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_856_856" id="Footnote_856_856"></a><a href="#FNanchor_856_856"><span class="label">[856]</span></a> &lsquo;Some idea may be formed of Hunter's extraordinary
+diligence, by the fact, that his museum contained, at the time of his
+death, upwards of 10,000 preparations, illustrative of human and
+comparative anatomy, physiology, and pathology, and natural history.&rsquo;
+<i>Weld's History of the Royal Society</i>, London, 1848, vol. ii. p. 92.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_857_857" id="Footnote_857_857"></a><a href="#FNanchor_857_857"><span class="label">[857]</span></a> &lsquo;I have tested the conflicting evidence of these
+observers by dissection of the heart in the lobster; and you will
+perceive by this preparation that it is more complicated than even the
+Danish naturalist supposed, and fully bears out the opinion of Hunter in
+regard to the mixed nature of the circulation in the crustacea.&rsquo; <i>Owen's
+Lectures on the Comparative Anatomy and Physiology of the Invertebrate
+Animals</i>, 2nd edit. London, 1855, p. 318. &lsquo;Cuvier, misled by the
+anomalous diffused condition of the venous system, supposed that there
+was no circulation of the blood in insects; yet the dorsal vessel was
+too conspicuous a structure to be overlooked. Such, however, was the
+authority of the great anatomist, that the nature of the heart began to
+be doubted, and the strangest functions to be attributed to it. Hunter,
+however, who was prepared to appreciate the true state of the
+circulating system in insects, by his discovery of the approximately
+diffused and irregular structure of the veins in the crustacea, has
+described, in his work on the blood, all the leading characters of the
+circulation in insects as it is recognized by comparative physiologists
+of the present day.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> p. 383. Compare <i>Hunter's Essays and
+Observations on Natural History</i>, London, 1861, vol. i. p. 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_858_858" id="Footnote_858_858"></a><a href="#FNanchor_858_858"><span class="label">[858]</span></a> &lsquo;The class called Sepia has the organ of hearing, though
+somewhat differently constructed from what it is in fishes.&rsquo; <i>An Account
+of the Organ of Hearing in Fishes</i>, in <i>Hunter&lsquo;s Works</i>, vol. iv. p.
+294. At the bottom of the page Mr. Owen observes, in a note, &lsquo;This is
+the first announcement of the existence of an organ of hearing in the
+Cephalopoda.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_859_859" id="Footnote_859_859"></a><a href="#FNanchor_859_859"><span class="label">[859]</span></a> &lsquo;Hunter discovered that the molluscous inhabitant of a
+shell had the power of absorbing part of its dwelling.&rsquo; <i>Owen's Lectures
+on the Comparative Anatomy and Physiology of the Invertebrate Animals</i>,
+London, 1855, p. 544. &lsquo;Every shell-fish has the power of removing a part
+of its shell, so as to adapt the new and the old together, which is not
+done by any mechanical power, but by absorption.&rsquo; <i>Anatomical Remarks on
+a New Marine Animal</i>, in <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 469, edit.
+Palmer. In a note to this passage, it is said, that &lsquo;the doctrine of the
+absorption of shell has been lately&rsquo; (<i>i.e.</i> in 1833) &lsquo;adduced as a new
+discovery.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_860_860" id="Footnote_860_860"></a><a href="#FNanchor_860_860"><span class="label">[860]</span></a> &lsquo;His keen observation did not fail to detect several
+errors which preceding naturalists had fallen into, especially with
+regard to the formation of the wax, which he proved to be secreted, not
+collected, by the animal.&rsquo; <i>Ottley's Life of Hunter</i>, p. 122. &lsquo;The wax
+is formed by the bees themselves; it may be called an external secretion
+of oil, and I have found that it is formed between each scale of the
+under side of the belly.&rsquo; <i>Observations on Bees</i>, in <i>Hunter's Works</i>,
+vol. iv. p. 433.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_861_861" id="Footnote_861_861"></a><a href="#FNanchor_861_861"><span class="label">[861]</span></a> &lsquo;In the terminating part there are a number of
+perforations into the cochlea, and one into the semicircular canals,
+which afford a passage to the different divisions of the auditory
+nerve.&rsquo; <i>Observations on the Structure and &#338;conomy of Whales</i>, in
+<i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. iv. pp. 383, 384. &lsquo;The semicircular canals of the
+cetacea, described by Hunter in the paper on Whales, a structure which
+Cuvier rightly states that Camper overlooked, but incorrectly claims the
+discovery as his own.&rsquo; Preface to vol. iv. of <i>Hunter's Works</i>, p. xxi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_862_862" id="Footnote_862_862"></a><a href="#FNanchor_862_862"><span class="label">[862]</span></a> Dr. Adams, in his somewhat hasty <i>Life of Hunter</i>, says
+(pp. 27, 28), &lsquo;Mr. Hewson always claimed the discovery of lymphatics in
+birds.&rsquo; But the truth is, that Hewson never claimed it. He says, &lsquo;It may
+be necessary to mention here, that the dispute between Dr. Monro and me
+is, who first discovered the lacteals of birds? for as to the lymphatics
+in their necks (mentioned in this gentleman's note), these we both allow
+were discovered by Mr. John Hunter, about ten years ago.&rsquo; And, again,
+&lsquo;These lymphatics in the necks of fowls were first discovered by Mr.
+John Hunter.&rsquo; <i>Hewson's Works</i>, edit. Gulliver (Sydenham Soc.), pp. 102,
+145.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_863_863" id="Footnote_863_863"></a><a href="#FNanchor_863_863"><span class="label">[863]</span></a> <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. iv. pp. xxi. 176.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_864_864" id="Footnote_864_864"></a><a href="#FNanchor_864_864"><span class="label">[864]</span></a> &lsquo;See Nos. 3731, 3734, 3735, in the Physiological series
+of the Hunterian Museum, in which there are evidences that Mr. Hunter
+had anticipated most of the anatomical discoveries which have
+subsequently been made upon the embryo of the Kangaroo.&rsquo; <i>Rymer Jones'
+Organization of the Animal Kingdom</i>, London, 1855, pp. 829, 830.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_865_865" id="Footnote_865_865"></a><a href="#FNanchor_865_865"><span class="label">[865]</span></a> &lsquo;The muscularity of arteries, of which John Hunter made
+physiological proof, is now a matter of eyesight.&rsquo; <i>Simon's Pathology</i>,
+London, 1850, p. 69. &lsquo;To prove the muscularity of an artery, it is only
+necessary to compare its action with that of elastic substances.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;When the various uses of arteries are considered, such as their forming
+different parts of the body out of the blood, their performing the
+different secretions, their allowing at one time the blood to pass
+readily into the smaller branches, as in blushing, and at another,
+preventing it altogether, as in paleness from fear: and if to these we
+add the power of producing a diseased increase of any or every part of
+the body, we cannot but conclude that they are possessed of muscular
+powers.&rsquo; <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. iii. p. 157. See also vol. iv. p. 254.
+Mr. Gulliver, in his edition of <i>Hewson's Works</i>, London, 1846, says (p.
+125), that Hunter's &lsquo;experiments on the functions of the arteries are
+supported by the latest and best observations on their structure.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_866_866" id="Footnote_866_866"></a><a href="#FNanchor_866_866"><span class="label">[866]</span></a> &lsquo;The fact of the muscularity of the iris, which is here
+presumed from analogy by Mr. Hunter, has been since directly proved by
+the observations of Bauer and Jacob (<i>Phil. Trans.</i> 1822), and
+indirectly by Berzelius, who found that the iris possesses all the
+chemical properties of muscle.&rsquo; Palmer's note in <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 146, London, 1837.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_867_867" id="Footnote_867_867"></a><a href="#FNanchor_867_867"><span class="label">[867]</span></a> <i>Adams' Life of Hunter</i>, pp. 59, 60, 245. <i>Hunter's
+Works</i>, vol. i. p. 43, vol. iv. pp. 116&ndash;121. <i>Watson's Principles of
+Physic</i>, vol. ii. p. 440.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_868_868" id="Footnote_868_868"></a><a href="#FNanchor_868_868"><span class="label">[868]</span></a> &lsquo;Hunter subjects the blood to both mechanical and
+chemical analysis, and endeavours to determine the characteristic
+properties of its different constituents.&rsquo; Owen's Preface to vol. iv. of
+<i>Hunter's Works</i>, p. xii. But this gives, perhaps, rather too high an
+idea of his animal chemistry; for such was then the miserable state of
+this extremely important branch of knowledge, that he arrived at the
+conclusion that &lsquo;blood gives no analysis excepting that of common animal
+matter.&rsquo; <i>Principles of Surgery</i>, chap. iii. in <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol.
+i. p. 229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_869_869" id="Footnote_869_869"></a><a href="#FNanchor_869_869"><span class="label">[869]</span></a> &lsquo;In seeking to determine the respective importance of the
+different constituents of the blood, by the philosophical and most
+difficult inquiry into their respective periods of formation in the
+development of the embryo, Hunter made the interesting discovery that
+the vessels of the embryo of a red-blooded animal circulated in the
+first instance colourless blood, as in the invertebrate animals. &lsquo;The
+red globules,&rsquo; he observes, &lsquo;seemed to be formed later in life than the
+other two constituents, for we see while the chick is in the egg the
+heart beating, and it then contains a transparent fluid before any red
+globules are formed, which fluid we may suppose to be the serum and the
+lymph.&rsquo; I well remember the feelings of surprise with which I listened,
+while at Paris in 1832, to a memoir read before the Academy of Science,
+by MM. Delpech and Coste, the object of which was the announcement of
+the same fact as a novel and important discovery. The statement of the
+French observers was received with all the consideration which its
+importance justly merited, without its being suspected that our great
+physiologist had, half a century before, embraced it, with all its
+legitimate deductions, in the extended circle of his investigations.&rsquo;
+Owen's Preface to vol. iv. of <i>Hunter's Works</i>, p. xiii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_870_870" id="Footnote_870_870"></a><a href="#FNanchor_870_870"><span class="label">[870]</span></a> Indeed, if we may rely on the references recently given
+by Mr. Gulliver, which, from his great general accuracy, there seems no
+reason to question, the fact that the pale blood precedes the red, was
+known even in the time of Glisson. See Gulliver's learned edition of
+<i>Hewson's Works</i>, London, 1846, p. 222. But, to the contemporaries of
+Glisson, such a fact was isolated, and consequently useless. Nothing is
+valuable while it appears to stand alone.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_871_871" id="Footnote_871_871"></a><a href="#FNanchor_871_871"><span class="label">[871]</span></a> &lsquo;From the above account, it appears that whatever may be
+their utility in the machine, the red globules certainly are not of such
+universal use as the coagulating lymph, since they are not to be found
+in all animals, <i>nor so early in those that have them</i>; nor are they
+pushed into the extreme arteries, where we must suppose the coagulating
+lymph reaches; neither do they appear to be so readily formed. This
+being the case, <i>we must conclude them not to be the important part of
+the blood in contributing to growth, repair, &amp;c. Their use would seem to
+be connected with strength.</i>&rsquo; <i>A Treatise on the Blood, Inflammation,
+and Gunshot Wounds</i>, in <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. iii. p. 68. In another
+remarkable passage, he touches on the possibility of an increase in the
+amount of red globules being connected with an increase in the amount of
+heat. &lsquo;I will not pretend to determine how far this may assist in
+keeping up the animal heat.&rsquo; <i>Observations on the Structure and
+&#338;conomy of Whales</i>, in <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 364.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_872_872" id="Footnote_872_872"></a><a href="#FNanchor_872_872"><span class="label">[872]</span></a> The evidence of this is collected in the notes to
+<i>Buckle's History of Civilization</i>, vol. i. pp. 58&ndash;61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_873_873" id="Footnote_873_873"></a><a href="#FNanchor_873_873"><span class="label">[873]</span></a> &lsquo;According to Lecanu, temperament has an influence upon
+the composition of the blood. He infers from his analyses that the blood
+of lymphatic persons is poorer in solid constituents, and especially in
+blood corpuscules, than that of persons of sanguineous temperament,
+while the quantity of albumen is much the same in both.&rsquo; <i>Simon's Animal
+Chemistry with reference to the Physiology and Pathology of Man</i>,
+London, 1845, vol. i. p. 236. Compare <i>Thomson's Chemistry of Animal
+Bodies</i>, Edinburgh, 1843, p. 370.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_874_874" id="Footnote_874_874"></a><a href="#FNanchor_874_874"><span class="label">[874]</span></a> <i>Simon's Animal Chemistry</i>, vol. i. pp. 234, 235.
+Subsequent experiments have confirmed this. &lsquo;The proportion of red
+globules <i>dried</i> to 1000 parts of blood, is in healthy males estimated
+at 127 parts by Andral and Gavarret; lower and higher figures have been
+given by other analysts, but this probably is the result of somewhat
+different modes of proceeding. <i>In females the proportion of globules is
+lower.</i> Becquerel and Rodier make the difference to be about 15 parts
+per 1000.&rsquo; <i>Jones and Sieveking's Pathological Anatomy</i>, London, 1854,
+p. 23. Hence, the greater specific gravity of male blood. See the
+interesting results of Dr. Davy's experiments in <i>Davy's Physiological
+and Anatomical Researches</i>, London, 1839, vol. ii. p. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_875_875" id="Footnote_875_875"></a><a href="#FNanchor_875_875"><span class="label">[875]</span></a> Hunter died in 1793. The researches of Lecanu were
+published in 1831.</p>
+
+<p>Another, and still more remarkable proof of the extent to which Hunter
+outstripped his own age, appears in the following passage, which has
+just been published in his posthumous works, and in which he anticipates
+the grandest and most suggestive of all the ideas belonging to the
+physiology of the nineteenth century. &lsquo;If we were capable of following
+the progress of increase of the number of the parts of the most perfect
+animal, as they first formed in succession, from the very first to its
+state of full perfection, we should probably be able to compare it with
+some one of the incomplete animals themselves, of every order of animals
+in the Creation, being at no stage different from some of the inferior
+orders. Or, in other words, if we were to take a series of animals, from
+the more imperfect to the perfect, we should probably find an imperfect
+animal, corresponding with some stage of the most perfect.&rsquo; <i>Essays and
+Observations by John Hunter, being his Posthumous Papers</i>, London, 1861,
+vol. i. p. 203.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_876_876" id="Footnote_876_876"></a><a href="#FNanchor_876_876"><span class="label">[876]</span></a> &lsquo;The natural salutary actions, arising from stimuli, take
+place both in animals and vegetables, and may be divided into three
+kinds. The first kind of action, or self-motion, is employed simply in
+the economical operations, by which means the immediate functions are
+carried on, and the necessary operations performed, with the materials
+the animal or vegetable is in possession of, such as growth, support,
+secretion, &amp;c. The blood is disposed of by the actions of the vessels,
+according to their specific stimulus, producing all the above effects.
+The juices of a plant are disposed of according to the different actions
+of the sap-vessels, arising also from their specific stimulus, which is
+different from that of blood-vessels, but equally produces growth; but a
+vine will grow twenty feet in one summer, while a whale, probably, does
+not grow so much in as many years.&rsquo; <i>Croonian Lectures on Muscular
+Motion</i>, in <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 199.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_877_877" id="Footnote_877_877"></a><a href="#FNanchor_877_877"><span class="label">[877]</span></a> &lsquo;The second kind of action is in pursuit of external
+influence, and arises from a compound of internal and external stimulus;
+it is excited by the state of the animal or vegetable, which gives the
+stimulus of want, and being completed by external stimulus, produces the
+proper supplies of nourishment. It produces motions of whole parts: thus
+we see the <i>Hedysarum gyrans</i> moving its lesser foliola. This is an
+action apparently similar to breathing in animals, though, perhaps, it
+does not answer the same purpose; yet there is an alternate motion in
+both.&rsquo; <i>Croonian Lectures</i>, in <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 200.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_878_878" id="Footnote_878_878"></a><a href="#FNanchor_878_878"><span class="label">[878]</span></a> &lsquo;The third kind of motion is from external stimulus, and
+consists principally of the motion of whole parts, which is not
+inconsiderable in vegetables, as in the <i>Dionæa muscipula</i> and <i>Mimosa
+pudica</i> is very evident.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;These actions are similar to what arise in
+many animals from external stimulus.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> vol. iv. p. 201.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_879_879" id="Footnote_879_879"></a><a href="#FNanchor_879_879"><span class="label">[879]</span></a> &lsquo;I make a material difference between the power and the
+quantity of action. Some motions may be very small, yet act with great
+force; while others are of considerable extent, although very weak.&rsquo;
+<i>Ibid.</i> vol. iv. p. 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_880_880" id="Footnote_880_880"></a><a href="#FNanchor_880_880"><span class="label">[880]</span></a> &lsquo;The immediate cause of motion in all vegetables is most
+probably the same, and it is probably the same in all animals; but how
+far they are the same in both classes, has not yet been determined. But
+I think it will appear, in the investigation of this subject, that
+vegetables and animals have actions evidently common to both, and that
+the causes of these actions are apparently the same in both; and most
+probably there is not an action in the vegetable, which does not
+correspond or belong to the animal, although the mode of action in the
+parts may not be the same, or muscular, in both.&rsquo; <i>Croonian Lectures</i>,
+in <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 196. Compare the section &lsquo;Of Motion in
+Vegetables,&rsquo; in <i>Hunter's Essays</i>, London, 1861, vol. i. p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_881_881" id="Footnote_881_881"></a><a href="#FNanchor_881_881"><span class="label">[881]</span></a> &lsquo;The variety of motions is greater in animals, and more
+purposes are answered by them.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The first kind of action appears to
+be stronger in its power, although less in quantity, in vegetables than
+in animals; for a small vine was capable of sustaining, and even of
+raising, a column of sap 43 feet high, while a horse's heart was only
+capable of supporting a column of blood 8 feet 9 inches high; both of
+which columns must have been supported by the action of the internal
+parts, for we must suppose the heart equal, or nearly so, to the
+strength or action of the other parts of the vascular system; and when
+we consider that the sap of the tallest tree must be supported, and even
+raised from the root to the most distant branches, it must appear that
+the power of such vegetables far exceeds the power of any animal, and,
+indeed, it is such as the texture of a vegetable only can support. The
+power of supporting a leaf erect for a whole day is as great an effort
+of action as that of the elevator palpebrarum muscle of the eye of an
+animal.&rsquo; <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. iv. pp. 203, 204. See also <i>Hunter's
+Essays</i>, vol. i. p. 342: &lsquo;It is probable that the vegetable which can
+the least bear a suspension of its actions, can do so more than the
+animal which can bear it longest.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_882_882" id="Footnote_882_882"></a><a href="#FNanchor_882_882"><span class="label">[882]</span></a> <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 255.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_883_883" id="Footnote_883_883"></a><a href="#FNanchor_883_883"><span class="label">[883]</span></a> In his <i>Principles of Surgery</i>, he says (<i>Hunter's
+Works</i>, vol. i. p. 220), &lsquo;The human body is what I mean chiefly to treat
+of; but I shall often find it necessary to illustrate some of the
+propositions which I shall lay down from animals of an inferior order,
+in whom the principles may be more distinct and less blended with
+others, or where the parts are differently constructed, in order to
+show, from many varieties of structure, and from many different
+considerations, what are the uses of the same parts in man; or, at
+least, to show that they are not for the uses which have been commonly
+assigned to them; and, as man is the most complicated part of the whole
+animal creation, it will be proper, in the first place, to point out
+general principles, common to all this species of matter, that I may be
+better understood when I come to the more complicated machine, namely,
+the human.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_884_884" id="Footnote_884_884"></a><a href="#FNanchor_884_884"><span class="label">[884]</span></a> &lsquo;Before we endeavour to give an idea of an animal, it is
+necessary to understand the properties of that matter of which an animal
+is composed; but the better to understand animal matter, it is necessary
+to understand the properties of common matter; else we shall be often
+applying our ideas of common matter, which are familiar to us, to animal
+matter, an error hitherto too common, but which we should carefully
+avoid.&rsquo; <i>Principles of Surgery</i>, in <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 211.
+&lsquo;In the natural history of vegetables and animals, therefore, it will be
+necessary to go back to the first or common matter of this globe, and
+give its general properties; then see how far these properties are
+introduced into the vegetable and animal operations; or rather, perhaps,
+how far they are of use or subservient to their actions.&rsquo; <i>Hunter's
+Essays</i>, vol. i. p. 4. &lsquo;Every property in man is similar to some
+property, either in another animal, or probably in a vegetable, or even
+in inanimate matter. Thereby (man) becomes classible with those in some
+of his parts.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_885_885" id="Footnote_885_885"></a><a href="#FNanchor_885_885"><span class="label">[885]</span></a> He made &lsquo;a valuable collection of crystallizations, both
+of regular and irregular forms, which he was accustomed to use in his
+lectures to exemplify the difference between the laws which regulate the
+growth of organic and the increase of inorganic bodies.&rsquo; <i>Ottley's Life
+of Hunter</i>, p. 138.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_886_886" id="Footnote_886_886"></a><a href="#FNanchor_886_886"><span class="label">[886]</span></a> &lsquo;Nature is always uniform in her operations, and when she
+deviates is still regular in her deviations.&rsquo; <i>Principles of Surgery</i>,
+in <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 485; see also vol. iv. pp. 44, 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_887_887" id="Footnote_887_887"></a><a href="#FNanchor_887_887"><span class="label">[887]</span></a> &lsquo;It certainly may be laid down, as one of the principles
+or laws of nature, to deviate under certain circumstances.&rsquo; <i>Hunter's
+Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 278.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_888_888" id="Footnote_888_888"></a><a href="#FNanchor_888_888"><span class="label">[888]</span></a> Dr. Adams, who knew him personally, says that he studied
+&lsquo;physiology, more particularly as connected with pathology.&rsquo; <i>Adams'
+Life of Hunter</i>, p. 77.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_889_889" id="Footnote_889_889"></a><a href="#FNanchor_889_889"><span class="label">[889]</span></a> His <i>Principles of Surgery</i> contain some curious evidence
+of his desire to establish a connexion between animal and vegetable
+pathology. See, for instance, his remarks on &lsquo;local diseases&rsquo; (<i>Works</i>,
+vol. i. p. 341); on the influence of the seasons in producing diseases
+(vol. i. pp. 345, 346); and on the theory of inflammation exhibited in
+an oak-leaf (vol. i. p. 391). But even now, too little is known of the
+diseases of the vegetable world to enable their study to be incorporated
+with the science of the diseases of the animal world; and, in the time
+of Hunter, the attempt was still less promising. Still, the effort shows
+the grandeur and range of the man's mind; and though little was
+effected, the method was right. So, too, in one of his essays on the
+<i>Power of Producing Heat</i>, he says, &lsquo;In the course of a variety of
+experiments on animals and vegetables, I have frequently observed that
+the result of experiments in the one has explained the economy of the
+other, and pointed out some principle common to both.&rsquo; <i>Hunter's Works</i>,
+vol. iv. p. 136.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_890_890" id="Footnote_890_890"></a><a href="#FNanchor_890_890"><span class="label">[890]</span></a> &lsquo;Nature being pretty constant in the kind and number of
+the different parts peculiar to each species of animal, as also in the
+situation, formation, and construction of such parts, we call every
+thing that deviates from that uniformity a &ldquo;monster,&rdquo; whether (it occur
+in) crystallization, vegetation, or animalization. There must be some
+principle for those deviations from the regular course of nature, in the
+economy of such species as they occur in. In the present inquiry it is
+the animal creation I mean to consider. Yet, as there may be in some
+degree an analogy between all the three (kingdoms of nature), I shall
+consider the other two, so far as this analogy seems to take place.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;Monsters are not peculiar to animals: they are less so in them,
+perhaps, than in any species of matter. The vegetable (kingdom) abounds
+with monsters; and perhaps the uncommon formation of many crystals may
+be brought within the same species of production, and accounted for upon
+the same principle, viz. some influence interfering with the established
+law of regular formation. Monsters in crystals may arise from the same
+cause, as mentioned in the &ldquo;Introduction;&rdquo; viz. either a wrong
+arrangement of the parts of which the crystal is to be composed, or a
+defect in the formation, from the first setting out being wrong, and
+(the formation) going on in the same (wrong) line. The principle of
+crystallization is in the solution; yet it requires more to set it
+agoing, or into action, such, <i>e.g.</i>, as a solid surface. The
+deficiency in the production of a true crystal may be in the solution
+itself; or, I can conceive, that a very slight circumstance might alter
+the form of a crystal, and even give the disposition for one (crystal)
+to form upon another. Quickness in the progress of crystallization
+produces irregularity and diminution in size.&rsquo; <i>Hunter's Essays</i>,
+London, 1861, vol. i. pp. 239&ndash;241. The reader must remember, that, when
+these remarks were written, the phenomena of crystallization had not
+been subjected to that exact mathematical treatment which subsequently
+revealed so many of their laws. Indeed, the goniometer was then so
+coarse an instrument, that it was impossible to measure the angles of
+crystals with accuracy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_891_891" id="Footnote_891_891"></a><a href="#FNanchor_891_891"><span class="label">[891]</span></a> Abernethy says, &lsquo;He appears to me as a new character in
+our profession; and, briefly to express his peculiar merit, I may call
+him the first and great physionosologist, or expositor of the nature of
+disease.&rsquo; <i>Abernethy's Hunterian Oration</i>, p. 29, London, 1819. &lsquo;He may
+be regarded as the first who applied the great truths of anatomical and
+physiological science to these most important subjects, by tracing the
+processes which nature employs in the construction of organic changes,
+in building up new formations, and in repairing the effects of injury or
+disease.&rsquo; <i>Hodgson's Hunterian Oration</i>, 1855, p. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_892_892" id="Footnote_892_892"></a><a href="#FNanchor_892_892"><span class="label">[892]</span></a> &lsquo;The specific qualities in diseases also tend more
+rapidly to the skin than to the deeper-seated parts, except the cancer;
+although, even in this disease, the progress towards the superficies is
+more quick than its progress towards the centre.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;In short, this is
+a law of nature, and it probably is upon the same principle by which
+vegetables always approach the surface of the earth.&rsquo; <i>A Treatise on the
+Blood, Inflammation, and Gunshot Wounds</i>, in <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 285. &lsquo;Granulations always tend to the skin, which is exactly
+similar to vegetation, for plants always grow from the centre of the
+earth towards the surface; and this principle was taken notice of when
+we were treating of abscesses coming towards the skin.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> pp. 489,
+490.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_893_893" id="Footnote_893_893"></a><a href="#FNanchor_893_893"><span class="label">[893]</span></a> &lsquo;It may be admitted as an axiom, that two processes
+cannot go on at the same time in the same part of any substance.&rsquo;
+<i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 96. Compare <i>Hunter's Essays</i>, vol. ii. p.
+333: &lsquo;As it appears, in general, that Nature can hardly make one part
+perform two actions with advantage.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_894_894" id="Footnote_894_894"></a><a href="#FNanchor_894_894"><span class="label">[894]</span></a> &lsquo;Thus, we hear of pocky itch and of scurvy and the
+venereal disease combined; but this supposition appears to me to be
+founded in error. I have never seen any such cases, <i>nor do they seem to
+be consistent with the principles of morbid action</i> in the animal
+economy. It appears to me beyond a doubt that no two actions can take
+place in the same constitution, or in the same part, at one and the same
+time.&rsquo; <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 132. &lsquo;As I reckon every operation
+in the body an action, whether universal or partial, <i>it appears to me
+beyond a doubt</i> that no two actions can take place in the same
+constitution, nor in the same part, at one and the same time; the
+operations of the body are similar in this respect to actions or motions
+in common matter. <i>It naturally results from this principle</i>, that no
+two different fevers can exist in the same constitution, nor two local
+diseases in the same part, at the same time. There are many local
+diseases which have dispositions totally different, but having very
+similar appearances, have been supposed by some to be one sort of
+disease, by others to be a different kind, and by others again a
+compound of two diseases.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;These, therefore, are often supposed to
+be mixed, and to exist in the same part. Thus we hear of a pocky-scurvy,
+a pocky-itch, rheumatic-gout, &amp;c. &amp;c., which names, <i>according to my
+principle</i>, imply a union that cannot possibly exist.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> vol. iii.
+pp. 3, 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_895_895" id="Footnote_895_895"></a><a href="#FNanchor_895_895"><span class="label">[895]</span></a> Dr. Robert Williams (<i>Encyclopædia of the Medical
+Sciences</i>, London, 1847, 4to, p. 688) says, &lsquo;The diagnosis between gout
+and rheumatism is often exceedingly difficult, so much so that
+nosologists have given a mixed class, or rheumatic gout. Mr. Hunter
+warmly opposed this compound appellation, for, in his opinion, no two
+distinct diseases, or even distinct diatheses, can co-exist in the same
+constitution; a law, it must be admitted, to have many exceptions.&rsquo;
+Compare <i>Watson's Principles and Practice of Physic</i>, London, 1857, vol.
+i. p. 312; &lsquo;acting upon the aphorism of John Hunter (an aphorism,
+however, which requires some qualification), that two diseases or
+actions cannot go on in a part at the same time.&rsquo; According to another
+authority, &lsquo;There can be little doubt that two or more zymotic processes
+do often go on simultaneously in the blood and body; a fact of profound
+interest to the pathologist, and worthy of attentive investigation.&rsquo;
+<i>Report on the Public Health for 1847</i>, in <i>Journal of the Statistical
+Society</i>, vol. xi. p. 168, London, 1848. See also, on the co-existence
+of specific poisons, <i>Erichsen's Surgery</i>, 2nd edit., London, 1857, p.
+430. Mr. Paget, in his striking and eminently suggestive <i>Lectures on
+Pathology</i>, London, 1853, vol. ii. pp. 537, 538, has made some
+interesting remarks on one part of the theory of co-existence; and his
+observations, so far as they go, tend to corroborate Hunter's view. He
+has put very forcibly the antagonism between cancer and other specific
+diseases; and especially between the cancerous diathesis and the
+tuberculous.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_896_896" id="Footnote_896_896"></a><a href="#FNanchor_896_896"><span class="label">[896]</span></a> &lsquo;The most simple sympathy is perhaps to be found in
+vegetables, these being much more simple than the most simple animal.&rsquo;
+<i>Principles of Surgery</i>, in <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 327.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_897_897" id="Footnote_897_897"></a><a href="#FNanchor_897_897"><span class="label">[897]</span></a> &lsquo;This principle of action, called sympathy,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Ibid.</i>
+vol. i. p. 318.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_898_898" id="Footnote_898_898"></a><a href="#FNanchor_898_898"><span class="label">[898]</span></a> &lsquo;Sympathy may be divided into two kinds, the natural and
+the diseased.&rsquo; <i>Principles of Surgery</i>, in <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. i. p.
+320; see also <i>A Treatise on the Blood, Inflammation, &amp;c.</i>, in <i>Works</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_899_899" id="Footnote_899_899"></a><a href="#FNanchor_899_899"><span class="label">[899]</span></a> <i>Croonian Lectures on Muscular Motion</i>, in <i>Hunter's
+Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 207; and exactly the same words in his <i>Phytology</i>,
+in <i>Hunter's Essays</i>, London, 1861, vol. i. p. 361.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_900_900" id="Footnote_900_900"></a><a href="#FNanchor_900_900"><span class="label">[900]</span></a> &lsquo;Local or partial sympathy is found more in old than in
+young; whereas universal sympathy is more in young than in old. Sympathy
+is less determined in young persons, every part being then ready to
+sympathize with other parts under disease.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;As the child advances,
+the power of sympathy becomes partial, there not being now, in the
+constitution, that universal consent of parts, but some part, which has
+greater sympathy than the rest, falls into the whole irritation;
+therefore the whole disposition to sympathy is directed to some
+particular part. The different organs acquire more and more of their own
+independent actions as the child grows older.&rsquo; <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 322, 323.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_901_901" id="Footnote_901_901"></a><a href="#FNanchor_901_901"><span class="label">[901]</span></a> &lsquo;Susceptibilities for dispositions and actions appear to
+me to be the same with what are usually understood by temperament.
+Temperament is the state of the body fitting it for the disposition or
+action it is then in.&rsquo; <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 307.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_902_902" id="Footnote_902_902"></a><a href="#FNanchor_902_902"><span class="label">[902]</span></a> <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. iii. p. 393.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_903_903" id="Footnote_903_903"></a><a href="#FNanchor_903_903"><span class="label">[903]</span></a> &lsquo;As every natural action of the body depends, for its
+perfection, on a number of circumstances, we are led to conclude, that
+all the various combining actions are established while the body is in
+health, and well disposed; but this does not take place in diseased
+actions, for disease, on the contrary, consists in the want of this very
+combination.&rsquo; <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. iii. p. 10. Compare vol. i. p. 310:
+&lsquo;I have explained that a disease is a disposition for a wrong action,
+and that the action is the immediate effect of the disposition, and that
+either the actions or the effects of those actions, <i>produce the
+symptoms which are generally called the disease</i>; such as sensations,
+which are commonly pain of all kinds, sickness, alteration visible or
+invisible in the structure of the part or parts that act, and
+sympathy.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_904_904" id="Footnote_904_904"></a><a href="#FNanchor_904_904"><span class="label">[904]</span></a> &lsquo;There is no such thing, strictly speaking, as a
+predisposing cause. What is commonly understood by a predisposing cause
+is an increased susceptibility to form disposition to action. When I say
+I am predisposed for such and such actions, it is only that I am very
+susceptible of such and such impressions.&rsquo; <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. i. p.
+303. See also p. 301: &lsquo;The most simple idea I can form of an animal
+being capable of disease is, that every animal is endued with a power of
+action, and a susceptibility of impression, which impression forms a
+disposition, which disposition may produce action, which action becomes
+the immediate sign of the disease; all of which will be according to the
+nature of the impression and of the part impressed.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_905_905" id="Footnote_905_905"></a><a href="#FNanchor_905_905"><span class="label">[905]</span></a> Hunter died in 1793. In 1835, Mr. Palmer writes: &lsquo;Those
+who have traced the progress of modern surgery to its true source, will
+not fail to have discerned, in the principles which Hunter established,
+the germs of almost all the improvements which have been since
+introduced.&rsquo; <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. i. p. vii. Eighteen years later, Mr.
+Paget says of Hunter's views respecting the healing of injuries: &lsquo;In
+these sentences, Mr. Hunter has embodied the principle on which is
+founded the whole practice of subcutaneous surgery; a principle of
+which, indeed, it seems hardly possible to exaggerate the importance.&rsquo;
+<i>Paget's Lectures on Surgical Pathology</i>, London, 1853, vol. i. p. 170.
+At pp. 197, 198: &lsquo;After what I have said respecting the process of
+immediate union, it may appear that Mr. Hunter was more nearly right
+than his successors.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_906_906" id="Footnote_906_906"></a><a href="#FNanchor_906_906"><span class="label">[906]</span></a> &lsquo;Inflammation of the veins, originally studied by Hunter,
+has of late years attracted the attention of many distinguished
+Continental and British pathologists.&rsquo; <i>Erichsen's Surgery</i>, London,
+1857, p. 475. &lsquo;No subject more amply illustrates the essential services
+which the science and art of medicine have derived from pathological
+anatomy than that of phlebitis. By this study many a dark point in the
+phenomena of disease has been either thoroughly elucidated, or, at all
+events, rendered more comprehensible. We need only refer to the
+so-termed malignant intermittents, consequent upon wounds and surgical
+operations,&mdash;to certain typhoid conditions, puerperal diseases, and the
+like, John Hunter, the elder Meckel, and Peter Frank, were the first to
+commence the investigation.&rsquo; <i>Hasse's Anatomical Description of the
+Diseases of the Organs of Circulation and Respiration</i>, London, 1846, p.
+10. &lsquo;Hunter was the first to open the way, and since that period the
+scalpel has shown that many previously unintelligible malignant
+conditions are attributable to phlebitis.&rsquo; <i>Jones and Sieveking's
+Pathological Anatomy</i>, London, 1854, p. 362. On the application of this
+discovery to the theory of inflammation of the spleen, see <i>Rokitansky's
+Pathological Anatomy</i>, vol. ii. p. 173, London, 1849; compare vol. iv.
+p. 335.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_907_907" id="Footnote_907_907"></a><a href="#FNanchor_907_907"><span class="label">[907]</span></a> Sir Benjamin Brodie says: &lsquo;It is true that the essential
+parts of John Hunter's doctrines as to inflammation and its consequences
+are now so incorporated with what is taught in the schools, that to be
+acquainted with them you need not seek them in his works; but I
+recommend you, nevertheless, to make these your especial study, for the
+sake of the other valuable information which they contain, and the
+important views in physiology and pathology which, in almost every page,
+are offered to your contemplation.&rsquo; <i>Brodie's Lectures on Pathology and
+Surgery</i>, London, 1846, p. 25. &lsquo;John Hunter, whose treatise on
+Inflammation is a mine in which all succeeding writers have dug.&rsquo;
+<i>Watson's Principles and Practice of Physic</i>, London, 1857, vol. i. p.
+146. &lsquo;The appeal to philosophical principles in Hunter's works was,
+indeed, the cause of their being a closed volume to his less enlightened
+contemporaries; but, though the principles implied or expressed,
+subjected them to the scorn and neglect of those less imbued with the
+spirit of philosophy, the results of those principles, verified as they
+were by facts, have gradually and insensibly forced themselves on the
+conviction of the profession; and though adopted silently, and without
+acknowledgment, as if the authors themselves had forgotten or were
+ignorant from whence they were derived, they now form the very
+groundwork of all books, treatises, and lectures on professional
+subjects.&rsquo; <i>Green's Vital Dynamics</i>, London, 1840, p. 81. Finally, I
+will quote the very recent testimony of Mr. Simon, who, in his masterly,
+and singularly beautiful, essay on Inflammation, has not only brought
+together nearly every thing which is known on that interesting subject,
+but has shown himself to be possessed of powers of generalization rare
+in the medical profession, or, indeed, in any other profession. &lsquo;Without
+undue partiality, an Englishman may be glad to say that the special
+study of Inflammation dates from the labours of John Hunter. An
+indefatigable observer of nature, untrammelled by educational forms, and
+thoroughly a sceptic in his method of study, this large-minded surgeon
+of ours went to work at inflammation with a full estimate of the
+physiological vastness of his subject. He saw that, in order to
+understand inflammation, he must regard it, not as one solitary fact of
+disease, but in connexion with kindred phenomena&mdash;some of them truly
+morbid in their nature, but many of them within the limits of health. He
+saw that, for any one who would explain inflammation, all inequalities
+of blood supply, all periodicities of growth, all actions of sympathy,
+were part of the problem to be solved.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;He cannot be understood
+without more reflection than average readers will give; and only they
+who are content to struggle through a veil of obscure language, up to
+the very reality of his intent, can learn with how great a master they
+are communing.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Doubtless, he was a great discoverer. But it is for
+the spirit of his labours, even more than for the establishment of new
+doctrine, that English surgery is for ever indebted to him. Of facts in
+pathology, he may, perhaps, be no permanent teacher; but to the student
+of medicine he must always be a noble pattern. Emphatically, it may be
+said of him, that he was the physiological surgeon. Others, before him
+(Galen, for instance, eminently), had been at once physiologists and
+practitioners; but science, in
+their case, had come little into contact with practice. Never had
+physiology been so incorporated with surgery, never been so applied to
+the investigation of disease and the suggestion of treatment, as it was
+by this master-workman of ours. And to him, so far as such obligations
+can be personal, we assuredly owe it that, for the last half-century,
+the foundations of English surgery have, at least professedly, been
+changing from a basis of empiricism to a basis of science.&rsquo; <i>Simon on
+Inflammation</i>, in <i>A System of Surgery</i>, edited by T. Holmes, London,
+1860, vol. i. pp. 134&ndash;136.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_908_908" id="Footnote_908_908"></a><a href="#FNanchor_908_908"><span class="label">[908]</span></a> Mr. Bowman, in his <i>Principles of Surgery</i> (<i>Encyclopædia
+of the Medical Sciences</i>, London, 4to, 1847) says (p. 831): &lsquo;Before the
+time of Hunter, the operation was performed by cutting into the sac of
+the aneurism, and tying the vessel above and below. So formidable was
+this proceeding in its consequences, that amputation of the limb was
+frequently preferred, as a less dangerous and fatal measure. The genius
+of Hunter led him to tie the femoral artery, in a case of popliteal
+aneurism, leaving the tumour untouched. The safety and efficacy of this
+mode of operating have now been fully established, and the principle has
+been extended to all operations for the cure of this formidable
+disease.&rsquo; See also p. 873; <i>Paget's Surgical Pathology</i>, vol. i. pp. 36,
+37; and <i>Erichsen's Surgery</i>, pp. 141, 142, 508, 509.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_909_909" id="Footnote_909_909"></a><a href="#FNanchor_909_909"><span class="label">[909]</span></a> &lsquo;The majority of Hunter's contemporaries considered his
+pursuits to have little connexion with practice, charged him with
+attending to physiology more than surgery, and looked on him as little
+better than an innovator and an enthusiast.&rsquo; <i>Ottley's Life of Hunter</i>,
+p. 126. In a work, which was written by a surgeon only the year after
+Hunter died, the reader is told, in regard to his remarkable inquiries
+respecting animal heat, that &lsquo;his experiments, if they be true, carry
+with them no manner of information:&mdash;if they be true, no effect for the
+benefit of man can possibly be derived from them.&rsquo; <i>Foot's Life of
+Hunter</i>, London, 1794, p. 116. At p. 225, the same practitioner
+reproaches the great philosopher with propounding &lsquo;purely a piece of
+theory, without any practical purpose whatever.&rsquo; Foot, indeed, wrote
+under the influence of personal feelings, but he rightly judged that
+these were the sort of charges which would be most likely to prejudice
+the English public against Hunter. It never occurred to Foot, any more
+than it would occur to his readers, that the quest of truth, as truth,
+is a magnificent object, even if its practical benefit is imperceptible.
+One other testimony is worth quoting. Sir Astley Cooper writes of Cline:
+&lsquo;His high opinion of Mr. Hunter shows his judgment; for almost all
+others of Mr. Hunter's contemporaries, although they praise him now,
+abused him while he lived.&rsquo; <i>The Life of Sir Astley Cooper, by Bransby
+Blake Cooper</i>, London, 1843, vol. ii. p. 337.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_910_910" id="Footnote_910_910"></a><a href="#FNanchor_910_910"><span class="label">[910]</span></a> &lsquo;Those who far precede others, must necessarily remain
+alone; and their actions often appear unaccountable, nay, even
+extravagant, to their distant followers, who know not the causes that
+give rise to them, nor the effects which they are designed to produce.
+In such a situation stood Mr. Hunter, with relation to his
+contemporaries. It was a comfortless precedence, for it deprived him of
+sympathy and social co-operation.&rsquo; <i>Abernathy's Hunterian Oration</i>, p.
+49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_911_911" id="Footnote_911_911"></a><a href="#FNanchor_911_911"><span class="label">[911]</span></a> &lsquo;These he continued for several years; but so far were
+his talents, and his enlightened views, from exciting the attention they
+merited, that his hearers never amounted to twenty,&rsquo; <i>Ottley's Life of
+Hunter</i>, p. 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_912_912" id="Footnote_912_912"></a><a href="#FNanchor_912_912"><span class="label">[912]</span></a> &lsquo;The members were of opinion,&rsquo; writes the Moderator,
+&lsquo;The that it was likely, in the circumstances, that a
+national fast would be appointed on royal authority. For this reason,
+they delayed making an appointment for this locality, and directed me,
+in the meantime, respectfully to request that you would be pleased to
+say&mdash;if you feel yourself at liberty to do so&mdash;whether the appointment
+of a national fast by the Queen is in contemplation. The Presbytery hope
+to be excused for the liberty they use in preferring this request.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_913_913" id="Footnote_913_913"></a><a href="#FNanchor_913_913"><span class="label">[913]</span></a> &lsquo;The weal or woe of mankind depends upon the observance
+or neglect of those laws.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_914_914" id="Footnote_914_914"></a><a href="#FNanchor_914_914"><span class="label">[914]</span></a> &lsquo;Lord Palmerston would, therefore, suggest that the best
+course which the people of this country can pursue to deserve that the
+further progress of the cholera should be stayed, will be to employ the
+interval that will elapse between the present time and the beginning of
+next spring in planning and executing measures by which those portions
+of their towns and cities which are inhabited by the poorest classes,
+and which, from the nature of things, must most need purification and
+improvement, may be freed from those causes and sources of contagion
+which, if allowed to remain, will infallibly breed pestilence, and be
+fruitful in death, in spite of all the prayers and fastings of a united,
+but inactive nation.&rsquo;</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">[483]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>INDEX.</h2>
+
+<ul>
+<li>Aberdeen, burnt by the Highlanders, iii. <a href="#Page_22">22</a>. Population of, in the
+sixteenth century, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>. Linen manufacturers of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>. The first county bank
+in Scotland established in, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>. Tyranny of the Kirk session of, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></li>
+<li>Abyssinians, their superstition as to the hyæna, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_126">126</a> <i>note</i>. Causes of
+the corruptions of the Christianity of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_265">265</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Academies, why favoured in France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_127">127</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Achenwall, considered to be the first writer on systematic statistics, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>33 <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Acoustics, creation of the science of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_190">190</a></li>
+<li>Adam of Bremen, cause of his error as to Turks in Finland, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_299">299</a>. His
+authority in Northern geography, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_299">299</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Adanson, his botanical discoveries, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_397">397</a></li>
+<li>Addison, Joseph, his establishment of the easy and democratic style of
+writing, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_437">437</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Advocates, Faculty of, great part of the, expelled from Edinburgh, iii.
+145</li>
+<li>Africa, condition of, in the desert of Sahara, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_48">48</a>. Causes of its
+stationary condition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_49">49</a></li>
+<li>Agassiz, his classification of fossil ichthyology, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_384">384</a></li>
+<li>Ages, the Dark, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_108">108</a>. Supremacy of the clergy at this period, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_108">108</a></li>
+<li>Agricola, Roman invasion of Scotland under, iii. <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li>
+<li>Agriculture, system of, of the Arabs of Spain, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_497">497</a></li>
+<li>Agriculturists, causes of the superstitions of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_379">379</a></li>
+<li>Air, Boyle's discovery of the law of the elasticity of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_368">368</a>.
+Marriott's confirmation of this law, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_368">368</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Albany, Regent of Scotland, his vigorous measures against the nobles,
+iii. <a href="#Page_45">45</a>. Leaves Scotland, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></li>
+<li>Alberoni, his services to Spain, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_522">522</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_523">523</a></li>
+<li>Alexander IV., Pope, his the first formal call to the secular power to
+punish heretics, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_109">109</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Alexandrian doctrine of development in religion, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_21">21</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Alfred of Beverley, his abridgment of the history of Geoffrey of
+Monmouth, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_324">324</a></li>
+<li>Alfred, King, causes of our admiration of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_249">249</a> <i>note</i>. The
+institutions popularly ascribed to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_249">249</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Alison, Sir A., his eulogy of William III., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_403">403</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Almansa, battle of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_516">516</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">[484]</a></span></li>
+<li>Alva, number of persons put to death by, in the Netherlands, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_451">451</a></li>
+<li>Amazon river, extent of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_97">97</a> <i>note</i>. Area drained by the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_97">97</a>
+<i>note</i>. Origin of the name, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_299">299</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Amazons, origin in the North of Europe of the fable of the nation of, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_299">299</a></li>
+<li>Amboise, conspiracy of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in
+the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_10">10</a></li>
+<li>Ambrose, St., his statement of the doctrine of predestination, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>America, policy of the Spaniards in, in the eighteenth century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_557">557</a></li>
+<li>America, Central, ancient civilization of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_93">93</a>. Ruins and statues
+extant in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_93">93</a> <i>note</i>. Evidences of the unequal distribution of wealth in,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>. Question as to the races which formerly inhabited it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>. Character
+of the national religion of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_147">147</a></li>
+<li>America, North, rivers of importance to be found almost wholly on the
+eastern side of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_97">97</a>. Causes of this, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_97">97</a> <i>note</i>. Extent of the Amazon
+alone, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_97">97</a> <i>note</i>. Area drained by the Mississippi, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_97">97</a>. The Oregon the
+boundary of the Californian flora, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_97">97</a> <i>note</i>. One of the main causes of
+the fertility of America, heat, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_98">98</a>. Difference between the heat of the
+eastern and western coasts, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_98">98</a>. Early state of the North American tribes,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_99">99</a> <i>note</i>. Intercourse between the north-east of Asia and the north-west
+of America, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_99">99</a> <i>note</i>. Another main cause of fertility of, irrigation,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_97">97</a>. Calvinism the popular creed of the republics of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_339">339</a></li>
+<li>America, South, no great river on the western side of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_98">98</a>.
+Difference between the heat and moisture of the eastern and western
+coasts of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_100">100</a>. Way in which the trade-wind is connected with the
+civilization of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_103">103</a>. Physical condition of Brazil, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_103">103&ndash;107</a>. And of Peru,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_107">107</a> <i>et seq.</i> Exuberance of the maize plant in Mexico and Peru, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_109">109</a>. And
+of the banana, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>. The Mexican and Peruvian kingdoms, and the effect of
+the physical laws under which they existed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_113">113&ndash;117</a></li>
+<li>America, United States of. See <a href="#United_States">United States</a></li>
+<li>Anabaptists, number of, put to death in Holland, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_189">189</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Anatomy, experiments of Descartes in, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>. State of the study of, in
+the reign of Louis XIV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_197">197</a> <i>note</i>. Daubenton's union of comparative
+anatomy with geology, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_371">371</a>. Cuvier's system, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_377">377</a>. Bichat's labours,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_378">378</a>. Results of the study of the tissues, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_383">383</a>. Value of the examination
+of the teeth of animals, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_384">384</a></li>
+<li>Andrews, St., burnt by the English, iii. <a href="#Page_14">14</a>. The University of, founded,
+<a href="#Page_40">40</a>40 <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Aneurism, Hunter's improvement in the practice of, iii. <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li>
+<li>Anglo-Saxons, free men of the, all trained to the use of arms, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_203">203</a>
+<i>note</i>. War and religion the absorbing subjects among the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_204">204</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Animal life, examination of Bichat's work on, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_390">390</a></li>
+<li>Anne, Queen, effects of her love for the clergy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_419">419</a>. Her want of
+abilities, as shown in her letters, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_419">419</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Antichrist, Audigier's statement respecting, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_281">281</a></li>
+<li>Antinomianism, principles of Calvin leading to, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_338">338</a></li>
+<li>Antiquities, study of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_2">2</a></li>
+<li>Antiquity, harm worked by veneration of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_134">134</a>. Marvellous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">[485]</a></span>
+feats of the ancients as recorded in Sanscrit works, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_135">135</a>. The Hindu
+poets' statements as to the duration of life in the early age of the
+world, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_135">135</a>. Undue reverence for antiquity, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>. Voltaire's attack on
+the admiration entertained for old writers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_306">306</a></li>
+<li>Antonio, Spanish bibliographer, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_480">480</a></li>
+<li>Apostates, number of, produced by religious persecution, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_189">189</a></li>
+<li>Aquinas, Thomas, on the doctrine of providential interference, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_19">19</a></li>
+<li>Arabs, causes of their permanent barbarism in Arabia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_45">45</a>. Their
+foundation of empires in Europe and Asia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>. Their cultivation of
+astronomy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_47">47</a> <i>note</i>. Their conquests in Spain, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_439">439</a>. The struggles
+which ensued between the Spaniards and Arabians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_439">439</a>. Re-establishment of
+the Spanish Christian monarchy, and extinction of the Arab power, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_440">440</a>.
+Their expulsion from Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_485">485</a> <i>et seq.</i> Number expelled, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_494">494</a>. Their
+manufactures and system of husbandry, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_497">497</a></li>
+<li>Aranda, his attacks on the Inquisition, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_547">547</a></li>
+<li>Archery, attempts to revive, in the reign of Elizabeth, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_205">205</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Architecture, condition of, in the reign of Louis XIV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_209">209</a></li>
+<li>Argensola, Spanish poet, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_480">480</a></li>
+<li>Arian controversy, the, at the beginning of the last century, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_427">427</a></li>
+<li>Arianism established in Spain by the Visigoths, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_434">434</a></li>
+<li><a name="Aristocracy" id="Aristocracy">Aristocracy</a>, commencement of hereditary, in Europe, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_112">112</a>. Reason why
+the aristocracy possessed more power in France than in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_113">113</a>.
+Policy of William the Conqueror and of Henry II. in reducing the power of
+the nobles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_114">114</a> and <i>note</i>. Right of the nobles in France to wage private
+war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_115">115</a>. But in England they were glad to ally themselves with the
+people against the Crown, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_116">116</a>. Instances of the power of the French
+nobles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_128">128</a>. Effect of the Wars of the Roses upon the English nobles,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>. Aversion of the aristocracy to innovation, and reverence for
+antiquity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>. Causes of the alliance between the nobles and clergy,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_140">140</a>. The noble class weakened in the reign of Elizabeth, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_145">145</a>.
+Aristocratic characters of the rebellion of 1569, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_144">144</a>. Abeyance of the
+ducal order, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_146">146</a>. Attempts made by James I. and Charles I. to revive the
+power of the nobles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_147">147</a>. Conduct of the nobles in the Great English
+Rebellion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>. Determination of the rebels as to the nobles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_153">153</a>. The
+House of Peers abolished, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_153">153</a>. Vanity and imbecility of the French
+nobles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_162">162</a>. Instances of this, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_164">164</a> <i>et seq.</i> Arminianism always
+connected with aristocracy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_339">339</a>. Reasons for this, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_341">341</a>. Causes of the
+power of the nobles of Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_19">19</a>. Coalition of the Crown and
+clergy in Scotland against the nobles,<a href="#Page_34">34</a>. Ignorance of the Scotch
+nobles, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>. Causes of the decline of the power of the Scotch nobles,
+<a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li>
+<li>Aristotle, authority of, overthrown by Descartes, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_92">92</a></li>
+<li>Ark, the, of Auriol, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_331">331</a></li>
+<li>Armada, the Spanish, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_453">453</a></li>
+<li>Armies, origin of standing, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_397">397</a>. And of the custom of
+employing mercenaries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_207">207</a>. Computation of the proportion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">[486]</a></span>
+of soldiers to civilians which a country can bear, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_208">208</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Arminianism, connexion of free will with, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>. Its feud with Calvinism,
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_338">338</a>. Arminianism always aristocratic, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_339">339</a>. Arminianism the popular
+creed in England at the beginning of the seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_340">340</a>.
+This doctrine one for the rich, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_340">340</a>. Causes of this, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_342">342</a>.
+Arminianism more favourable to the arts than to the sciences, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_342">342</a></li>
+<li>Armorial bearings, origin of, in Europe, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_112">112</a></li>
+<li>Arran, Earl of, regent of Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_70">70</a></li>
+<li>Art, condition of, in the reign of Louis XIV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_206">206&ndash;208</a></li>
+<li>Arthur, King, history of, according to Geoffrey of Monmouth, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_321">321</a></li>
+<li>Aselli, his discovery of the lacteals, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_81">81</a></li>
+<li>Asia, region of, in which wealth and progress can alone exist, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_45">45</a>.
+The birthplace of almost all the cruel diseases now prevalent in Europe,
+130</li>
+<li>Asser, question of the genuineness of his Life of Alfred, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_249">249</a></li>
+<li>Astronomy, the only branch of knowledge raised to a science by the Arabs,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_47">47</a> <i>note</i>. Success with which it was cultivated by the ancient
+Mexicans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_112">112</a>. Encouraged by Louis XIV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>. His eminent astronomers
+not French but foreigners, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>. Newton's discoveries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>. Practical
+astronomy unknown in Scotland in the seventeenth century, iii. <a href="#Page_285">285</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Atomic theory, importance of the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_364">364</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Atheism, rise and progress of, in France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_351">351</a>. Publication of the
+&lsquo;Encyclopædia,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_351">351</a>. The &lsquo;System of Nature,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_351">351</a>. French atheists in
+1623, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_95">95</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Atmosphere, consequences resulting from the weight of the, pointed out by
+Descartes, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_78">78</a></li>
+<li>Atomic doctrine, the natural precursor of Platonism, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_10">10</a>. The doctrine
+of Chance of the atomists, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_10">10</a></li>
+<li>Atterbury, Bishop, his remarks on the condition of the Church in the time
+of Anne and George I., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_442">442</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Audigier, examination of his &lsquo;Origin of the French,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_279">279</a></li>
+<li>Audra, his &lsquo;Abridgment of General History,&rsquo; suppressed, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a>. His
+death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_239">239</a></li>
+<li>Augustin, St., the doctrine of predestination first systematically
+methodized by, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_13">13</a></li>
+<li>Aurelius, Marcus, the Emperor, causes of his violent persecution of the
+Christians, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_186">186</a></li>
+<li>Averages, doctrine of, its importance, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_23">23</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Avocats-généraux, of the eighteenth century, their functions, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_245">245</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Bacon, Lord, effect of his secular philosophy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>. Translation of his
+works into French, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_218">218</a></li>
+<li>Baikal, dangers of the Lake of, and their effect on the Baikal sailors,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_376">376</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Baillou, his advancement of pathology, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_195">195</a></li>
+<li>Bali, Javanese traditions preserved in the island of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_306">306</a></li>
+<li>Ballads the form and groundwork of early history, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>. National bards,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_292">292</a> <i>note</i>. Antiquity of rhyme, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_293">293</a> <i>note</i>. General accuracy of the early
+ballads, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_295">295</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Balls forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_70">70</a></li>
+<li>Banana, extraordinary reproductive powers of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>. Its nutritive
+powers as compared<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">[487]</a></span>
+with those of potatoes and wheat, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_111">111</a></li>
+<li>Bangorian controversy, effect of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_427">427</a></li>
+<li>Bank, the first County, in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li>
+<li>Bannockburn, battle of, iii. <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>
+<li>Bards known in almost all nations, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_293">293</a>. Those of Gaul, Scotland,
+and Ireland, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_292">292</a> <i>note</i>. Cause of the extinction of the class of bards,
+296</li>
+<li>Bargeton, suppression of the &lsquo;Letters&rsquo; of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Bark, its discredit in France as a &lsquo;remède anglais,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_214">214</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Baron, different meanings attached to the word, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_114">114</a></li>
+<li>Barrow, Isaac, his virtues and abilities, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_393">393</a>. Neglect with which he
+was treated by Charles II., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_393">393</a></li>
+<li>Barter, misconception of the true nature of barter in early times,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_210">210&ndash;212</a></li>
+<li>Bartholomew, St., massacre of, predominance of the theological spirit
+shown in the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_11">11</a></li>
+<li>Basilides, his views of predestination, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_13">13</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Baxter, Richard, persecution of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_398">398</a></li>
+<li>Beaton, Archbishop of St. Andrew's, compelled to resign his office of
+Chancellor, iii. <a href="#Page_57">57</a>. His conspiracy, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li>
+<li>Beaton, Cardinal, his persecution of the Protestants, iii. <a href="#Page_63">63</a>. Arrested,
+<a href="#Page_70">70</a>. Conspiracy to assassinate him, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li>
+<li>Beaumarchais, his &lsquo;Memoirs&rsquo; burned, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Beauvais, Bishop of, his proposal to the Dutch, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_38">38</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Bedford, Earl of, joins the Parliamentary forces, but deserts them, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_152">152</a></li>
+<li>Being, obscurities of our, solved by the doctrines of free will and
+predestination, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_12">12</a></li>
+<li>Benares, cases of suicide by drowning at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_26">26</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Bentham, Jeremy, his demolition of the usury laws, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_214">214</a> <i>note</i>. His
+method of investigating speculative jurisprudence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_426">426</a></li>
+<li>Bentley, Richard, his corrupt English style, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_307">307</a></li>
+<li>Berkeley, Bishop, his erroneous notions of trade, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_212">212</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Berthault, his method of writing history, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_270">270</a></li>
+<li>Berwick, Duke of, appointed Generalissimo of the Spanish army, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_515">515</a>.
+Gains the battle of Almansa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_516">516</a></li>
+<li>Berwick destroyed by the English, iii. <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li>
+<li>Berwick, treaty of, iii. <a href="#Page_81">81</a></li>
+<li>Berzelius, his attempts to reduce mineralogical phenomena, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_399">399</a></li>
+<li>Bichat, impetus given to the study of zoology by, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_376">376</a>. Sketch of his
+method of investigation of the human frame, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_379">379</a>. His views respecting the
+tissues, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_379">379</a>. Publication of his great work, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_380">380</a>. Connexion between his
+views and subsequent discoveries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_380">380&ndash;388</a>. Immense importance of his
+method of investigation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_388">388</a>. Examination of his work on life, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_390">390</a></li>
+<li>Birmingham, establishment of the first circulating library in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_431">431</a>
+<i>note</i>. Not a bookseller in the town in the reign of Anne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_422">422</a> <i>note</i>.
+First printing office in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_432">432</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Bishops, precarious tenure with which they hold their seats in the House
+of Lords, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_418">418</a></li>
+<li>Black, David, his violent sermon against James VI., iii. <a href="#Page_107">107</a>. Thrown into
+prison, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li>
+<li>Black, Joseph, examination of his theory of latent heat, iii. <a href="#Page_367">367</a>. And of
+his method of physical philosophy, <a href="#Page_368">368</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">[488]</a></span></li>
+<li>Blackburne on &lsquo;The Confessional&rsquo; ferment caused by, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_428">428</a></li>
+<li>Blackstone, Sir W., his &lsquo;Commentaries&rsquo; translated into French, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_219">219</a></li>
+<li>Blanca, Florida, prime minister of Spain, his reforms, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_548">548</a>. Concludes
+a treaty with Turkey, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_549">549</a></li>
+<li>Blood, discovery of the circulation of the, by Harvey, neglected by his
+contemporaries, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>. But recognized by Descartes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_81">81</a>. Hunter's
+discovery as to the red globules of the, iii. <a href="#Page_436">436</a>. Corroboration of his
+views after his death, <a href="#Page_438">438</a></li>
+<li>Bodin, John, his character as a historian, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_326">326</a></li>
+<li>Boileau, pensioned to write a History of France for Louis XIV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_277">277</a></li>
+<li>Bombs, invention of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_206">206</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Boncerf, his treatise on &lsquo;Feudal Law&rsquo; burned, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Book Clubs and Book Societies, establishment of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_433">433</a></li>
+<li>Books, only use of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_267">267</a></li>
+<li>Boots, the torture of the, iii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li>
+<li>Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux, character of his &lsquo;Universal History,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>.
+Connexion between his opinions and the despotism of Louis XIV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>.
+Character of his writings, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_290">290</a>. His singular arrogance, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_290">290</a>. His works
+compared with those of Voltaire, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_291">291</a></li>
+<li>Botany, importance of the study of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_198">198</a>. First steps in the
+study of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_198">198</a>. Discoveries of the seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_199">199</a>. Nothing done
+in France in botanical discovery during the reign of Louis XIV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_200">200</a>.
+Labours of the French in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_395">395</a>. Göthe's discoveries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_396">396</a>. Number of known
+species, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_396">396</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Botany. The natural method superseding the artificial one of Linnæus,
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_397">397</a>. Jussieu's generalizations, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_398">398</a>. Phyllotaxis, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_399">399</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Boucquet, suppression of the &lsquo;Letters&rsquo; of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_208">208</a></li>
+<li>Boyle, Robert, his doubts as to the theological and scientific theories
+of diseases, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_128">128</a> <i>note</i>. Influence of the spirit of opposition to
+unsupported authority on, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_367">367</a>. His great discoveries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_368">368</a>. His view of
+the importance of individual experiments, and disregard of ancient
+authority, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_369">369</a>. His doubts and caution as shown in his works, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_370">370</a></li>
+<li>Brahmanism, remote period of its establishment in India, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_301">301</a>.
+Introduction of a form of, into China, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_302">302</a></li>
+<li>Brain, amount of phosphorus in the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_57">57</a> <i>note</i>. Excretion of the
+phosphorus under certain circumstances, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_57">57</a> <i>note</i>. Doctrines of the
+improvement of the human brain by transmission, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_176">176</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Brazil, causes of the gorgeousness of the fauna and flora of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_103">103</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_104">104</a> <i>note</i>. Description of the rainy season of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_103">103</a> <i>note</i>. Inveterate barbarism
+of the natives of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_105">105</a> <i>note</i>. Smallness of the population of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_107">107</a></li>
+<li>Brissot, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_225">225</a>.
+His admiration for the English Constitution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_229">229</a></li>
+<li>Bristol, Earl of, his notions of political economy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_212">212</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Brougham, Lord, his life of Robert Simson, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_248">248</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Browne, Sir Thomas, influence of the spirit of opposition to unsupported
+authority on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_365">365</a>. His &lsquo;Vulgar and Common Errors&rsquo; and &lsquo;Religio
+Medici,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_365">365</a>. His love of botany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_200">200</a></li>
+<li>Brunfels, his investigations in the vegetable kingdom, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_198">198</a> <i>note</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">[489]</a></span></li>
+<li>Buchanan, George, character of his works, iii. <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li>
+<li>Buffier, the only Jesuit whose name has a place in abstract philosophy,
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_342">342</a></li>
+<li>Buffon, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>.
+His translations of Newton and Hales, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>. Compelled to publish a
+recantation of some of his views on geology, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>. His geological theory,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_368">368</a></li>
+<li>Burgos, decay of, in the seventeenth century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_503">503</a></li>
+<li>Burke's, Edmund, his remarks on the decline of the abilities of official
+men under George III., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_449">449</a>. His great ability and accomplishments,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_456">456</a>. His practical political principles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_458">458</a>. His view of the true
+end of legislation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_459">459</a> <i>note</i>. Effect which his profound views produced
+in the House of Commons, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_460">460</a> <i>note</i>. His attack on the delusions of his
+time, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_461">461</a>. His opposition to the views of George III., and consequent
+neglect, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_461">461</a>. His anticipation and defence of most of the great measures
+of the present generation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_463">463</a>. His subsequent hallucinations and
+violence, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_467">467</a>. His rupture with Fox, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_469">469</a>. His hostility to Condorcet and
+La Fayette, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_470">470</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_471">471</a>. Favoured in his degeneracy by George III., <a href="#Page_476">476</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a></li>
+<li>Burnet, Bishop, offer to him of a pension for a history of France, ii.
+<a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Caithness seized by the Norwegians, iii. <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li>
+<li>Calderon, his fanaticism for the Inquisition, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_481">481</a></li>
+<li>Californian flora, the Oregon or Columbia river the boundary of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_97">97</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Calonne, M., his attack on the church property, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_333">333</a></li>
+<li>Calvin, John, his doctrine of predestination, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_13">13</a></li>
+<li>Calvinism, its feud with Arminianism, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_338">338</a>. Calvinism always
+democratic, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_339">339</a>. This doctrine one for the poor, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_340">340</a>. Animosity of the
+Church of Rome against it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_341">341</a>. Reasons why it is the doctrine of the
+poor, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_342">342</a>. More favourable to the sciences than to the arts, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_342">342</a>.
+Reasons why the professors of this religion are likely to acquire habits
+of independent thinking, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_343">343</a>. The doctrine of necessity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_343">343</a>.
+Alliance of Jansenism with Calvinism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_343">343</a></li>
+<li>Campbell, Lord, character of his &lsquo;Lives of the Chancellors,&rsquo; i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_441">441</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Camus, his Jansenism, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a></li>
+<li>Cannibalism in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
+<li>Canons, invention of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_206">206</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Capital, Adam Smith's views as to, iii. <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li>
+<li>Carbon, in food, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_55">55</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>
+<li>Carolan, the last Irish bard, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_292">292</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Carra, his familiarity with the English language and literature, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_224">224</a></li>
+<li>Carrillo, Martin, Spanish jurisconsult and historian, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_480">480</a></li>
+<li>Cartaud, suppression of his &lsquo;Essay on Taste,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Cartwright, Dr., the nonjuring bishop, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_412">412</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Cashmere, rent paid by the cultivator to the sovereign in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_76">76</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Casualties, diminution of, one cause of the increased duration of life,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_153">153</a></li>
+<li>Catholics, Roman, their doctrines compared with those of Protestants, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>. Importance of the Toleration Act to them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_402">402</a> <i>note</i>. Causes which
+led to the feeling in favour of Catholic Emancipation,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">[490]</a></span>
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_426">426</a>. Burke's advocacy of Roman Catholic claims, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_462">462</a>. Importance of the
+Emancipation Bill, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_502">502</a>. Obligations Europe is under to the Catholic
+clergy, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_5">5</a> <i>note</i>. Intolerance of Roman Catholics compared with that
+of Protestants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>. Pliancy of the Roman Church against morals, and its
+inflexibility in regard to dogmas, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_52">52</a> <i>note</i>. Theory of indulgences, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_339">339</a>.
+Animosity of the Church of Rome against Calvinism, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_341">341</a></li>
+<li>Causes, final, the study of, abandoned by Descartes, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_91">91</a>. And by Bacon
+and Auguste Comte, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_91">91</a> <i>note</i>. Authorities for the injury it has wrought,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_91">91</a>91 <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Caussin, &lsquo;le petit père,&rsquo; exiled by Richelieu, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_30">30</a></li>
+<li>Cavaliers, the name and the English civil war, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_149">149</a></li>
+<li>Cavendish, Henry, method employed by him in the discovery of the
+composition of water, iii. <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li>
+<li>Celibacy of the clergy, opposed by the principle of hereditary rank, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_113">113</a>. Period of the first general and decisive movement in its favour, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_113">113</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Centralization, in France, the natural successor of feudality, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>.
+Its baneful effects, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>. How the system actually works, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_123">123</a> <i>note</i>. Its
+results in France compared with the freedom of England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_127">127</a></li>
+<li>Certainty contrasted with precision in writing history, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_325">325</a></li>
+<li>Cervantes, becomes a monk, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_479">479</a>. His joy at the expulsion of the Moors
+from Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_496">496</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Chance, doctrine of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_8">8</a>. Causes of its displacement by the doctrine of
+Necessary Connection, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_9">9</a>. The doctrine of Chance of the atomists, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_10">10</a></li>
+<li>Chancery, Court of, early exertion of its powers against persecution, i.
+345 <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Chantilly, the actress, story of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_243">243</a></li>
+<li>Character, knowledge of, a key to results and action, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_19">19</a></li>
+<li>Charlemagne. His droves of pigs, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_314">314</a> <i>note</i>. His history as related by
+Archbishop Turpin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_318">318</a></li>
+<li>Charles I., character of the opposition to ecclesiastical authority in
+the reign of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_359">359</a>. This king's attempts to revive the power of the
+aristocracy, and adopt the superannuated theories of protection, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_147">147</a>.
+How treated by his Scottish subjects, iii. <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>. Sold by the Scotch to
+the English, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>. His execution, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>. Character of the war against him in
+England compared with that of the Scotch, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li>
+<li>Charles II., frivolous form of the opposition to ecclesiastical authority
+in the reign of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_362">362</a>. His deism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_362">362</a> <i>note</i>. His last refuge in
+superstition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_362">362</a> <i>note</i>. Antagonism in his reign between the physical
+sciences and the theological spirit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_372">372</a>. Legislative improvements of
+this reign in spite of political degradation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_381">381</a>. Character of Charles
+II., and condition of the kingdom in his reign, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_382">382</a>. Aid given by
+his vices to the comprehensive reforms of his reign, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_388">388</a>. And by his
+dislike of the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_389">389</a>. Character of this king's ecclesiastical
+appointments, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_391">391</a>. His inability to do permanent harm to English
+institutions, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_466">466</a>. Compelled by the Scotch to sign a public
+declaration, iii. <a href="#Page_136">136</a>. His oppressions of the Scotch, <a href="#Page_137">137&ndash;139</a>. His
+attempted despotism baffled by the Scotch, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></li>
+<li>Charles II. of Spain, his character,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">[491]</a></span>
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_468">468&ndash;470</a>. Misery of Spain during his reign, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_501">501&ndash;510</a>. His
+death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_513">513</a></li>
+<li>Charles III. of Spain, vigour and success of his rule, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_552">552</a> <i>et seq.</i>
+His death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_571">571</a></li>
+<li>Charles IV. of Spain, his accession, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_571">571</a>. Reaction begun by him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_571">571</a></li>
+<li>Charles V. the Emperor, his domestic and foreign policy, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_446">446</a>. His
+humiliation of the Protestant princes in Germany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_446">446</a>. His repulse of the
+Turks before Vienna, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_446">446</a>. Number of heretics put to death in the
+Netherlands during his reign, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_447">447</a>. His codicil to his will as to dealing
+with heretics, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_448">448</a>. Causes of his barbarous policy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_449">449</a></li>
+<li>Charles IX., his massacre of St. Bartholomew, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_13">13</a></li>
+<li>&lsquo;Charles XII., History of,&rsquo; Voltaire's, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_292">292</a>. Charles's only merits,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_293">293</a>. Voltaire's admiration of him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_293">293</a>. His murder of Patkul, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_293">293</a></li>
+<li>Charles the Bald, initiates a hereditary aristocracy in Europe, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_112">112</a></li>
+<li>Charron, Pierre, reputation of his &lsquo;De la Sagesse,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>. Its purity
+and systematic completeness, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>. Analysis of the work, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_21">21</a></li>
+<li>Charta, Magna, peculiar beauty of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_117">117</a></li>
+<li>Chateaubriand, his method, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_389">389</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Chatillon, Marshal, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_43">43</a></li>
+<li>Chauvelin, his Jansenism, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a></li>
+<li>Chemistry, the law of definite proportions in as laid down by Turner, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_59">59</a> <i>note</i>. Boyle's discoveries in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_369">369</a>. His &lsquo;Sceptical Chemist,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_370">370</a>.
+Study of, forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_69">69</a>. State of the
+science of, in the reign of Louis XIV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_197">197</a>. Causes of its great progress
+in modern times, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_365">365</a>. The existence of chemistry as a science due to
+France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_366">366</a>. Discoveries of Lavoisier, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_367">367</a>. Formation of a chemical
+nomenclature, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_368">368</a>. Inability of chemistry to reduce mineralogical
+phenomena, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>. Popularity of Fourcroy's lectures, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_407">407</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Childebert, King of the Franks, attacks the Arian Visigoths, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_435">435</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Chillingworth, William, his &lsquo;Religion of Protestants,&rsquo; i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_347">347</a>. His
+connexion and correspondence with Laud, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_347">347</a>. His work compared with those
+of Hooker and Jewel, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_348">348</a>. The right of private judgment held sacred by
+him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_352">352</a>. Popularity of his work, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_352">352</a> <i>note</i>. His scepticism
+compared with that of Hooker, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_86">86</a></li>
+<li>China, gunpowder said to have been used at an early period in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_203">203</a>
+<i>note</i>. Causes of the trustworthiness of the early annals of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>.
+Antiquity of the history of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_302">302</a> <i>note</i>. Early knowledge of printing in,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_302">302</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Chivalry, origin of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_131">131</a>. Influence of, on the nobles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>. Results
+of the institution of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>. Origin of the orders of chivalry, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_133">133</a>. Merits
+ascribed to chivalry, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_133">133</a> <i>note</i>. Small influence of chivalry in England,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_134">134</a>134. The ballad of the &lsquo;Turnament of Tottenham,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_136">136</a> <i>note</i>. Extinct in
+England in the fifteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_135">135</a>. Relation between chivalry and
+duelling, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_136">136</a></li>
+<li>Choiseul, De, his anti-ecclesiastical policy, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_333">333</a>. Openly protects
+the Jansenists, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a></li>
+<li>Cholera, attempts made to revive the theological theory of disease on the
+first outbreak of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_128">128</a> <i>note</i>. And again in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_473">473</a></li>
+<li>Christianity, influence of religion on the progress of society<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">[492]</a></span>
+illustrated by the early history of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_258">258</a>. And by the history of
+Catholicism and Protestantism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>. Baneful effects of the interference
+of governments with the opinions of the people, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_262">262</a>. Causes of the
+corruptions of the Christianity of the Abyssinians and of the Oguiché
+Indians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_265">265</a> <i>note</i>. The crusade against Christianity one of the
+antecedents of the French Revolution, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_247">247&ndash;257</a>. Causes of the Roman
+persecutions, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_185">185</a></li>
+<li>Church property, Vattel's opinions respecting, quoted, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_31">31</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Church, the revenues of the, seized and appropriated by the contracting
+parties to the peace of Westphalia, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_41">41</a></li>
+<li>Church of England. See <a href="#Clergy_English">Clergy, English</a></li>
+<li>Chyle, discovery of the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_194">194</a></li>
+<li>Circular progression, doctrine of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_377">377</a></li>
+<li>Clanship, in Scotland, causes of the abolition of, iii. <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li>
+<li>Clarke, Adam, the last scholar of European repute amongst the Dissenters,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_422">422</a></li>
+<li>Classes, the two, in France, before the Revolution, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_128">128</a> <i>et seq.</i> The
+Great Rebellion of England a war of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_150">150</a>. Opposite character of the
+Fronde in France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_150">150</a></li>
+<li>Classical scholars and commentators, Locke and Voltaire's attacks on, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_306">306&ndash;308</a></li>
+<li>Clergy, the influence of the, the cause of the corruption of early
+history, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_307">307</a>. Their meddling, inquisitive, and vexatious spirit, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_72">72</a>. Supremacy of the clergy in the Dark Ages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_108">108</a>. Period when the spirit
+of inquiry began to weaken the church, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_109">109</a>. And when the clergy
+began to punish men for thinking for themselves, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_109">109</a>. The first
+constitution addressed &lsquo;inquisitoribus hæreticæ pravitatis,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_109">109</a> <i>note</i>.
+Connection between the feudal system and the ecclesiastical spirit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_110">110</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>. Causes of the alliance between the clergy and the nobles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_140">140</a>. The
+clergy weakened in the reign of Elizabeth, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_143">143</a></li>
+<li><a name="Clergy_English" id="Clergy_English">Clergy_English</a>, attempts of the, in the reign of Charles II. to oppose
+the spread of physical science, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_372">372</a>. Reasons for their hostility, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_373">373</a>.
+Destruction of the privileges of the clergy to burn heretics and tax
+themselves, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_383">383</a>. The tender of the ex-officio oath prevented by law, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_384">384</a>.
+Dislike of Charles II. of the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_389">389</a>. Causes of this dislike, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_389">389</a>.
+Character of his ecclesiastical appointments, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_391">391</a>. Efforts of the clergy
+in this reign to revive the doctrines of passive obedience and divine
+right, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_394">394</a>. Good churchmen always bad citizens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_395">395</a> <i>note</i>. Alliance
+between the Protestant clergy and the Roman Catholic king James II., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_395">395</a>.
+Dissolution of this compact, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_397">397</a>. And union of the clergy with the
+Dissenters, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>. Which union produces the Revolution of 1688, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_400">400</a>. Sudden
+repentance of the clergy of their own act, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_403">403</a>. Hostility between them
+and William III., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_405">405</a>. Their growing unpopularity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_409">409</a>. King William's
+deprivation of six of the prelates, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_410">410</a>. The consequent schism in the
+church, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_411">411</a>. Origin of the term &lsquo;high church&rsquo; and &lsquo;low church&rsquo; parties,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_412">412</a> <i>note</i>. Adoption of the theory of the sovereign <i>de facto</i> and <i>de
+jure</i>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_413">413</a>. Encouragement which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">[493]</a></span>
+the clergy thus give to scepticism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_414">414</a>. The church avoided by the ablest
+men, who prefer secular professions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_416">416</a>. The most honourable and
+lucrative posts formerly occupied by ecclesiastics, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_416">416</a>. Loss of the
+clergy of all offices out of the church, and diminution of their number
+in both Houses of Parliament, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_417">417</a>. The last ecclesiastic who held
+any of the high offices of state, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_417">417</a> <i>note</i>. Final expulsion of the
+clergy from the House of Commons, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_418">418</a>. Temporary rally of the church in
+the reign of Anne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_419">419</a>. The clergy weakened by the Dissenters, headed by
+Wesley and Whitefield, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_419">419&ndash;424</a>. Effects of the separation of
+theology from morals and from politics, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_424">424&ndash;427</a>. Rapid succession
+of sceptical controversies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_427">427</a>. Diffusion of knowledge, and the popular
+form taken by it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_430">430</a>. Opposition of the clergy to the establishment of
+Sunday schools, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_431">431</a>. Their factious and disloyal conduct during the reign
+of the first two Georges, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_442">442</a>. Joy of the clergy at the attachment of
+George III. to the church, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_445">445</a>. Their support of the policy of George
+III. against, and bitterness towards, the Americans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_479">479</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Clergy, the French, greater power possessed by them than by the English
+clergy, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_4">4</a>. Their endeavours to suppress the progress of secular
+enquiry, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_22">22</a>. Their alarm at the protection given to the Protestants by
+Henry IV., Catherine de Medici, and Louis XIII., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_26">26</a>. Richelieu's
+treatment of the Clergy, and of the Protestants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_28">28&ndash;31</a>. Animosity between
+the clergy and the secular tribunals, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_32">32</a>. Archbishop Sourdis
+ignominiously beaten, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_32">32</a>. Reasons why French literary men attacked the
+Church and not the Government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_247">247</a>. And therefore to assail Christianity,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_247">247</a>. Personal character of the hierarchy during the reign of Louis XIV.,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>. And during the reign of his successor, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>. Attack of the Government
+on the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_332">332</a>. Machault's edict against mortmain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_332">332</a>.
+Anti-ecclesiastical policy of Machault's successors, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_333">333</a>. Machault hated
+by the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_333">333</a> <i>note</i>. The power of the clergy weakened by the two
+hostile parties among themselves, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_335">335</a>. Decline of the respect entertained
+for the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_348">348</a>. Reasons why their fall was averted for a time, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_349">349</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_350">350</a>350</li>
+<li>Clergy, Scottish, causes of the union of the Crown and the, iii. <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.
+Causes of the flourishing state of the clergy in the fourteenth and
+fifteenth centuries, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>. And of their great influence, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>. The Church
+favoured by James I., <a href="#Page_46">46</a>. Struggle between the Crown and clergy on one
+side and the nobles on the other, <a href="#Page_55">55</a> <i>et seq.</i> Destruction of the Church,
+and supremacy of the nobles, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>. Abolition of episcopacy, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>. Struggle
+between the upper classes and the clergy as to episcopacy, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>. Violence
+of the clergy, <a href="#Page_105">105</a> <i>et seq.</i> Boons conferred by them upon their country,
+112<a href="#Page_112">112</a>. Attempts of the King to subjugate the clergy, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>. His cruel
+treatment of them, <a href="#Page_117">117&ndash;123</a>. Tyrannical conduct of the bishops, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>. The
+bishops overthrown, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>. But again forced upon the people, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>. Alliance
+between the Crown and the clergy, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">[494]</a></span>
+its consequences, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>. The struggle of the clergy with Cromwell, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>. And
+with Charles I., <a href="#Page_197">197</a>. Causes which produced the Solemn League and
+Covenant, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>. Character of the sermons and zeal of the people in hearing
+them in the seventeenth century, <a href="#Page_203">203</a> <i>et seq.</i> The consequent extension
+and consolidation of the authority of the clergy, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>. Their great engine
+of power, the Kirk-session, and its tyranny, <a href="#Page_206">206&ndash;210</a>. Cases in
+which it was believed that their pretensions were upheld and vindicated
+by miracles, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>. Their consequent arrogance, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>. Effect of their
+advocacy of horrible notions concerning evil spirits and future
+punishments, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>. And concerning the Deity, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>. Harmless and
+praiseworthy actions declared to be sinful, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>. Specimens of the sins
+invented by them, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>. Their arbitrary regulations for punishing
+disobedience, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>. Their deductive method in philosophy, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li>
+<li>Clergy, Spanish, rise of the influence of the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_436">436&ndash;444</a>. Proofs of
+their power, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_438">438</a>. Consequences of the reverence for them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_461">461</a> <i>et
+seq.</i> Causes of their increasing influence, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_472">472</a>. Hold of the Church over
+all, high or low, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_478">478&ndash;481</a>. Use made by the clergy of their power in
+obtaining the expulsion of the whole of the Spanish Moors, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_483">483</a>. Forced to
+contribute to the support of the state, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_522">522</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_523">523</a>. Deprived of their
+wealth by Mendizabal, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_590">590</a>. But re-endowed soon after, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_591">591</a>. The Concordat
+of 1851, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_591">591</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_592">592</a></li>
+<li>Climate, its influence on the condition of the human race, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>. Its
+effect on the regularity and energy with which labour is conducted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>. Tartary, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_45">45</a>. Arabia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_45">45</a>. The civilization of Europe governed by
+climate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>. Influence of climate on the kind of food necessary for man,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_56">56</a>. And on his ease or difficulty in procuring it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>. Modes in which the
+average temperature of a country affects its civilization, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_95">95</a>. Difference
+between the eastern and western coasts of North America, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_97">97</a>. Character of
+the climate of Spain, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_427">427</a></li>
+<li>Clotaire, his attacks of the Visigoth Arians, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_435">435</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Clovis, King of the Franks, his attack of the Visigoths, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_435">435</a></li>
+<li>Clubs, establishment of, in France, at the end of the last century, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_414">414</a></li>
+<li>Cobbett, William, his racy and idiomatic English, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_307">307</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Codification, causes of the French love of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_127">127</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Coffee, its discredit in France as an English drink, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_214">214</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Colours, Boyle's experiments in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_368">368</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Comedies of Racine, character of the period in which they appeared, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_208">208</a></li>
+<li>Comets, feelings of terror inspired by the presence of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_377">377</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Comines, Philip de, credulity shown in his history, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_327">327</a>; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_265">265</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Commerce. See <a href="#Trade">Trade</a></li>
+<li>Commerce; Rise of trading interests in Scotland in the eighteenth
+century, iii. <a href="#Page_171">171</a>. See <a href="#Trade">Trade</a>; <a href="#Trade_Free">Trade, Free</a></li>
+<li>Commission, High Court of, established in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_125">125</a>. Cruelty of
+the, <a href="#Page_142">142</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Commons, House of, origin of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">[495]</a></span>
+the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_117">117</a>. Causes of the increase of the authority of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_121">121</a></li>
+<li>Comte, M., remarks on his &lsquo;Philosophie Positive,&rsquo; i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_5">5</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Condillac, his metaphysical work, the &lsquo;Traité des Sensations,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_357">357</a>.
+Essential positions upon which the work is based, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_358">358</a></li>
+<li>Condorcet, his character and abilities, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_470">470</a>. Burke's remarks on, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_471">471</a>.
+His proposal of English criminal jurisprudence as a model for France, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_226">226</a>226. His professed atheism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_352">352</a></li>
+<li>Conjurors, tricks of, forbidden to be seen by the French Protestants, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_70">70</a></li>
+<li>Conquest, Norman, Sir F. Palgrave on the results produced by the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_116">116</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Consciousness, faculty or state of the mind so called, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>. Different
+opinions respecting, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_14">14</a> <i>note</i>. Its fallibility, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>. Authorities as to
+the preservation of consciousness in dreams and in insanity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_17">17</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Constant, M., his adoption of a remark of Voltaire, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_303">303</a></li>
+<li>Converts, fickleness of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_256">256</a></li>
+<li>Convocation, falls into general contempt, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_414">414</a>. Final prorogation of,
+by an act of the Crown, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_415">415</a>. Permitted recently to re-assemble, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_415">415</a></li>
+<li>Copyhold rights in England, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>. Not recognised by the French laws,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_120">120</a></li>
+<li>Coquereau, suppression of his &lsquo;Memoirs of Terrai,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Corn, free trade in, proposed by Stafford in 1581, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_213">213</a> <i>note</i>. The
+real cause of the abolition of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>. Merits of the Anti-Corn-Law
+League, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_274">274</a>. Importance of the repeal of the Corn-laws, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_502">502</a></li>
+<li>Corneille, period in which his tragedies appeared, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_209">209</a></li>
+<li>Cornwall, hardly a bookseller in, in 1780, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_432">432</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Corporation Act, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_396">396</a>. Suspended by James II., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_397">397</a></li>
+<li>Corvée, the, in France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_129">129</a>. Authorities respecting the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_129">129</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Coulumb, his experiments on electrical phenomena, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_362">362</a></li>
+<li>Councils, authority of, despised by Chillingworth, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_349">349</a></li>
+<li>Courrayeur, suppression of the &lsquo;Dissertations&rsquo; of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Cousin, M., on free will, quoted, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_14">14</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Covenant, Solemn League and, framed, iii. <a href="#Page_132">132</a>. Causes which produced the,
+<a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>
+<li>Coyer, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_219">219</a></li>
+<li>Credulity of Asiatics as compared with that of Europeans, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_134">134</a>.
+Instances of the credulity of the sixteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_330">330</a>. This credulity
+the natural result of the state of the age, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_333">333</a></li>
+<li>Crime, uniform reproduction of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_31">31</a> <i>notes</i>. Crime the result
+of the state of society into which the criminal is thrown, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_29">29</a>. Rawson on
+the possibility of arriving at certain constants with regard to crime,
+quoted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_31">31</a> <i>note</i>. Mode of preventing crime in France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_125">125</a></li>
+<li>Criminals, mode of examining, in France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_124">124</a></li>
+<li>Cromwell, Oliver, his alliance with Cardinal Mazarin, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_98">98</a>. Irritation
+of the orthodox with their union, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_98">98</a>. His hostility to the Church not
+theological, but political, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_361">361</a> <i>note</i>. His plebeian origin, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>.
+Capacity of his lieutenants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_157">157</a>. His chain of fortresses in
+Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_194">194</a>. His treatment of the Scotch people, <a href="#Page_195">195</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Crusades, theological feeling of the English as to the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_6">6</a> <i>note</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">[496]</a></span></li>
+<li>Crystallography, discoveries of De Lisle and Haüy in, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_401">401</a>. Power
+of crystals, in common with animals, of repairing their own injuries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_403">403</a>
+<i>note</i>. Hunter's inquiries into the malformation of crystals, iii. <a href="#Page_443">443</a></li>
+<li>Cudworth, comparison of the method employed by Hume in his &lsquo;Natural
+History of Religion&rsquo; compared with that of Cudworth's &lsquo;Intellectual
+System,&rsquo; iii. <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li>
+<li>Cullen, William, account of his generalizations respecting pathology,
+iii. <a href="#Page_413">413</a>. His love of theory, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>. His method of studying pathology
+compared with that of Adam Smith, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>. His theory of the solids, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>.
+Character of his premisses and conclusions, <a href="#Page_414">418&ndash;421</a>. His theory of fever,
+<a href="#Page_424">424</a>. His nosology, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
+<li>Culloden, results of the battle of, to the Highland Chieftains, iii. <a href="#Page_168">168</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Cumberland, Dr., Bishop of Peterborough, his system of morals without the
+aid of theology, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_425">425</a>. Relation between Hume and Cumberland, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_426">426</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Cuvier, Baron, his labours in geology, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_369">369</a>. Impetus given by him to
+the study of zoology, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_376">376</a>. His overthrow of the Linnæan system, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_377">377</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>D'Alembert, his professed atheism, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_352">352</a></li>
+<li>D'Alibard, his experiments on electricity, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_362">362</a></li>
+<li>Damiens, his attempted assassination of Louis XV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a></li>
+<li>Dancing forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_70">70</a>. And by the
+Scotch clergy, iii. <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li>
+<li>Darigrand, suppression of his work on &lsquo;Finance,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Dates, effect of the cheapness and abundance of, in Egypt, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_83">83</a></li>
+<li>David IV. of Scotland, his imprisonment by the English, iii. <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>
+<li>Daubenton, his application of the principles of comparative anatomy to
+the study of fossil bones, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_371">371</a></li>
+<li>Dead, adoration of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_145">145</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Death, influence of the fear of, on the imagination, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_127">127</a></li>
+<li>Debating clubs, establishment of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_433">433</a>. Authorities as to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_433">433</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Deccan, bards of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_292">292</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Dedications, servility of the, in books of the sixteenth and seventeenth
+centuries, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_438">438</a>. Abolition of mean and crouching, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_438">438</a></li>
+<li>Defender of the Faith, title of the, conferred on James V. of Scotland,
+iii. <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li>
+<li>De Grana, entrusted by the King of Spain with the defence of the
+Netherlands, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_515">515</a></li>
+<li>De Lisles, Romé, his studies in crystallography, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_400">400</a></li>
+<li>Deluge, the predicted, of St&oelig;ffler, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_330">330</a></li>
+<li>De Maistre, his method, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_389">389</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Democracy, Calvinism always connected with, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_339">339</a>. Physical science
+essentially democratic, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_409">409</a>. Democratic tendency, observable in France in
+the change of dress just before the Revolution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_410">410</a>. And in the
+establishment of clubs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_412">412</a></li>
+<li>Denmark, Mallet's &lsquo;History&rsquo; of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_299">299</a></li>
+<li>Desaguliers, Dr., his success in popularizing physical truths, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_432">432</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Descartes, Réné, his military genius and learning, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_200">200</a>. Effect of his
+secular philosophy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">[497]</a></span>
+His profundity, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>. His physical discoveries and speculations, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_78">78</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>. Recognizes Harvey's discovery of the circulation of the blood and
+Aselli's discovery of the lacteals, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_81">81</a>. His origination of the modern
+method of philosophy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_82">82</a>. Reasons why he deserves the gratitude of
+posterity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_82">82</a>. Account of his philosophy as showing its analogy with the
+anti-theological policy of Richelieu, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>. His words of wisdom
+addressed to his countrymen, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>. Compared with Montaigne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>. Eminent
+characteristic of his philosophy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_87">87</a>. Analysis of his principles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_89">89</a>.
+Mischief done by his principles to the old theology, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_90">90</a>. And to the
+inordinate respect with which antiquity was regarded, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_91">91</a>. Period in which
+he flourished, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_189">189</a></li>
+<li>Desfontaines, his botanical discoveries, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_397">397</a></li>
+<li>Desforges, imprisoned for his work respecting the Pretender, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Desmarest, his geological labours, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_368">368</a></li>
+<li>Desmoulins, Camille, his knowledge of the English language and
+literature, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_224">224</a></li>
+<li>De Thou, raised to the presidency of parliament in France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_26">26</a>. His
+great French historical work, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_266">266</a></li>
+<li>Devil, horrible notions of the Scotch clergy concerning, iii. <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li>
+<li>Dhourra of Upper Egypt, its cheapness and abundance, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_86">86</a></li>
+<li>Diderot, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>.
+His talents, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_240">240</a>. His imprisonment in Vincennes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_242">242</a>. His professed
+atheism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_352">352</a></li>
+<li>Diogenes Laertius, on the physical which preceded metaphysical inquiries,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_10">10</a> <i>note</i>. On the preservation of consciousness in dreams and in
+insanity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_17">17</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Diplomacy, commencement of a purely secular era in the history of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_41">41</a></li>
+<li>Disease, theological theory of, in the middle ages and in our own times,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_128">128</a> <i>note</i>. Authorities as to the nature and treatment of a
+disease and the belief that such disease is caused by supernatural power,
+and is to be cured by it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_129">129</a> <i>note</i>. The origin of almost all the cruel
+diseases of Europe to be found in Asia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_130">130</a>. Hunter's theories of
+diseases, iii. <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li>
+<li><a name="Dissenters" id="Dissenters">Dissenters</a>, persecution of the, in England, in the reign of James II., i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_397">397</a>. Union of the clergy and dissenters and its result, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_400">400</a>.
+Authorities for the cruelties inflicted upon them in the reign of Charles
+II. and James II., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_419">419</a>. Principles avowed by the clergy in justification
+of the persecution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_419">419</a> <i>note</i>. Persecutions in the reign of Anne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_419">419</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_420">420</a>. Repeal of the laws against them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_420">420</a>. The Toleration Act regarded by
+the Dissenters as their Magna Charta, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_402">402</a> <i>note</i>. Favour shown to them by
+William III., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_406">406</a>. Their struggle with the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_420">420</a>. Wesley and
+Whitefield, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_421">421</a>. Loss of their intellectual vigour, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_422">422</a>. Causes of their
+recent mental penury, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_422">422</a>. Nonconformist statistics, from the reign of
+William III. to the present time, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_423">423</a> <i>note</i>. Treatment which the
+Wesleyans received from the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_423">423</a> <i>note</i>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_424">424</a> <i>note</i>. Combination
+of the Dissenters with the Government against the clergy and the
+Pretender, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_443">443</a> <i>note</i>. Passing of the Schism Bill, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_452">452</a>. Burke's support
+of measures for the relief of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_463">463</a></li>
+<li>Divine right of Kings, results of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">[498]</a></span>
+the abandonment of the theological fiction of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_182">182</a></li>
+<li>Dolben, John, his character as Archbishop of York, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_392">392</a></li>
+<li>Dolomieu, his geological labours, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_368">368</a></li>
+<li>&lsquo;Domat, Life of,&rsquo; by Prévost de la Jannes, suppressed, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Douglas, Earls of, treacherously murdered by James II., iii. <a href="#Page_49">49&ndash;52</a>.
+Subsequent power of the family, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>. Driven into exile, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>. Harboured by
+Henry VIII. in England, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>. Return home, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li>
+<li>Dramas, French, of the seventeenth century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_208">208</a></li>
+<li>Dreams, Plato's conclusion as to the truth or falsehood of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_16">16</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Dress, interference of the French Protestants with, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_71">71</a>. Dress of
+the French during the reign of Louis XIV., Louis XV., and just before the
+Revolution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_411">411</a></li>
+<li>Droughts, frequency of, in Spain, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_427">427</a></li>
+<li>Dryburgh Abbey, burnt by the English, iii. <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>
+<li>Dryden, John, little effect of the intellect of France on his works, i.
+<a href="#Page_235">235</a>. His satires, <a href="#Page_235">235</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Duclos, his &lsquo;History of Louis XI.&rsquo; suppressed, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a>. His method of
+writing history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_300">300</a></li>
+<li>Duellings, causes of the greater popularity of, in France than in
+England, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_136">136</a>. Relation between chivalry and duelling, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_137">137</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Duhamel de Monceau, his botanical discoveries, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_397">397</a></li>
+<li>Dukes, the order of, in abeyance in England for fifty years, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_146">146</a></li>
+<li>Dumouriez, his familiarity with the English language and literature, ii.
+224</li>
+<li>Dunbar, town of, iii. <a href="#Page_32">32</a> <i>note</i>. Scotch presbyterian view of the battle
+of, <a href="#Page_201">201</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Dundee burnt by the English, iii. <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li>
+<li>Dunfermline burnt by the English, iii. <a href="#Page_16">16</a>. Scanty population of the town
+up to the seventeenth century, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li>
+<li>Dupleix, Scipio, his new method of writing history, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_268">268</a>. His system
+of philosophy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_269">269</a></li>
+<li>Dury, John, opposes episcopacy in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_95">95</a>. Banished from
+Edinburgh, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>. Brought back in triumph, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>. Preaches in favour of the
+Ruthven conspiracy, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li>
+<li>Duvernet, his punishment for having written a history of the Sorbonnes,
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Earthquakes, tendency of the fear of, to inflame the imagination, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>.
+Effect of the atmospherical changes preceding earthquakes upon the
+nervous system of man, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>. Physiological effects of the fear of
+earthquakes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>. Effect of earthquakes in encouraging superstition,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>. The great earthquake at Sumbawa in 1815, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_126">126</a> <i>note</i>. Frequency of
+earthquakes in Spain, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_428">428</a></li>
+<li>Eclipses, feelings with which our fathers regarded, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_376">376</a>. Authorities
+as to the superstition excited by, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_377">377</a></li>
+<li>Edda, compilation of the elder and younger, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_301">301</a></li>
+<li>Edinburgh burnt by Richard II., iii. <a href="#Page_16">16</a>. Population of, in the sixteenth
+century, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>. Houses of the poorer classes at this time, <a href="#Page_31">31</a> <i>note</i>. Riot
+of 1637, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>. Foundation of the &lsquo;Edinburgh Society&rsquo; for the improvement
+of manufactures, <a href="#Page_181">181</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Edward I. of England, his invasion of Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li>
+<li>Edward III. of England, his attacks<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">[499]</a></span>
+on Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_16">16</a>. His cruelty there, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li>
+<li>Egypt, causes of its wealth and civilization, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>. Area of the
+cultivable land of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_49">49</a> <i>note</i>. Science unknown to the Egyptians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>.
+Causes of their civilization as compared with the condition of the other
+races in Africa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_82">82</a>. Fertility of the soil, and abundance of the national
+food, dates, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_83">83&ndash;86</a>. Cheapness of the dhourra of Upper Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>. Lotos
+bread, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_87">87</a>. The &#954;&#8017;&#945;&#956;&#959;&#962; of Herodotus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_87">87</a> <i>note</i>. Encouragement
+given to the increase of Egyptian population by the fertility of the
+Nile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_87">87</a> <i>note</i>. Evidence of Diodorus Siculus and Herodotus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_89">89</a>.
+Testimony of the condition of the people afforded by the existing costly
+and stupendous ruins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>. The two ranks of society in Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_91">91</a>.
+Tenacity with which old manners and customs were adhered to by them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_116">116</a>.
+Forms of the incarnation of the Deity presented by their artists, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_143">143</a>
+<i>note</i>. Fifty-three cities of Egypt bearing the same name, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_298">298</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Election, doctrine of. See <a href="#Predestination">Predestination</a></li>
+<li>Electricity, experiments of &#338;pinus, D'Alibard, and Coulumb, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_362">362</a>.
+Popularity of electricity in France at the latter part of the last
+century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_407">407</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Elizabeth, Queen, feelings of the nobility in the reign of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>. Her
+conduct towards the nobility and clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_143">143</a>. Character of her
+government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_146">146</a></li>
+<li>Emilius, Paulus, his &lsquo;Actions of the French,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_264">264</a></li>
+<li>&lsquo;Encylopædia,&rsquo; publication of the, in France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_351">351</a></li>
+<li>Encylopædias, invention of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_433">433</a>. Harris's &lsquo;Dictionary&rsquo; the first, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_433">433</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>England, rent paid by the cultivator in proportion to the gross produce
+in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_75">75</a>. Causes of the extinction of the love of war in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_198">198</a>. The
+military classes in the twelfth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_205">205</a> <i>note</i>. And in the sixteenth
+and seventeenth centuries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_205">205</a> <i>note</i>. Reasons why the present history is
+confined to that of England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_231">231</a>. Characteristics of the history of
+England compared with those of France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_232">232&ndash;236</a>. With those of Germany,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>. And with those of America, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_240">240</a>. Reasons why the history of England
+is more valuable than any other to the philosopher, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>. England
+less interfered with by Government, and therefore more prosperous than
+other nations, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_286">286</a>. Popular belief in the Trojan descent of the English
+Kings, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_309">309</a> <i>note</i>. Secular philosophy of the seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>.
+Legislative improvements in the reign of Charles II. in spite of the
+political degradation of the age, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_381">381&ndash;386</a>. These improvements due to the
+sceptical and inquiring spirit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_388">388</a>. And to the vices and prejudices of
+Charles II., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_389">389</a>. Proximate causes of the Revolution of 1688, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_400">400</a>. Importance of this Revolution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_402">402</a>. War between England and the
+American Colonies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_477">477&ndash;481</a>. Importance of the success of the Americans to
+the preservation of the liberties of England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_482">482</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_483">483</a>. The unjust war
+against France in 1793, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_486">486</a>. And its effect in England in producing
+arbitrary laws, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_487">487</a>. Obligations England is under to the Roman Catholic
+clergy, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_5">5</a> <i>note</i>. Feeling of the English people as to theological
+disputes in the twelfth as compared with the sixteenth centuries <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_7">7</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">[500]</a></span>
+Secular character of the civil wars in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_7">7</a>. Indifference of the
+people to the rapid changes in the national faith under Henry VIII.,
+Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_7">7</a>. Contempt into which excommunication
+fell in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_59">59</a> <i>note</i>. Importance of the press in England in the
+middle of the seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_99">99</a>. Analogy between the great Civil
+war and the war of the Fronde, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_100">100</a>. Summary of the progress of
+toleration in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_102">102</a>. Point at which a marked divergence between
+England and France begins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_105">105</a>. Causes of this difference, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_106">106</a>.
+Comparison of the protective spirit in France and England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_108">108</a> <i>et seq.</i>
+The first instance in England of the execution of an apostate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_110">110</a>
+<i>note</i>. Reasons why the aristocracy in France were more powerful than in
+England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_113">113</a>. Period of the union of Normans and Saxons, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_116">116</a>. Union of
+the nobles and people in forcing the Crown to concede popular privileges,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_117">117</a>. Origin of the House of Commons, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_117">117</a>. Sources whence the people
+imbibed their tone of independence, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_118">118</a>. Consequences of the social
+divergence between France and England in the fourteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>. The
+three most important guarantees for the liberties of England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_120">120</a>.
+The state of France under centralization contrasted with that of England
+under municipal government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>. Extinction of villenage in England,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_128">128</a>. Illustration of the early and radical difference between France and
+England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_131">131</a>. Feeble influence of chivalry in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_134">134</a>. The
+Reformation encouraged by the pride of Englishmen, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_137">137</a>. Effect of the
+Wars of the Roses upon the nobles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>. The clergy and nobles both
+weakened by Elizabeth, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_143">143</a>. Aristocratic character of the rebellion of
+1569, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_144">144</a>. Character of the reign of Elizabeth, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_146">146</a>. Attempts of James I.
+and Charles I. to revive the power of the nobles and the old protective
+spirit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_147">147</a>. Difference between the great English Rebellion and the
+Fronde, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_150">150</a>. Abolition of the house of Peers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_153">153</a>. The self-denying
+ordinance, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_153">153</a>. The leaders of the Rebellion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_159">159</a>. Barbarism and
+ferocity of the English people of the seventeenth century, according to
+the French writers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>. The results of the suppression of religious
+scepticism in England and France compared, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_257">257</a>. Prejudice existing in
+England against Voltaire, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_313">313</a>. Arminianism the popular creed at the
+beginning of the seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_340">340</a>. But it gives way to Calvinism
+at the death of Charles I., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_340">340</a>. Singular dearth of great thinkers in
+England during the eighteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_374">374</a>. Progress of England,
+notwithstanding the unskilfulness of her rulers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_466">466</a>. Amazement of
+Frenchmen at the liberty enjoyed by Englishmen at the beginning of the
+eighteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Enlistment for life, Burke's opposition to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_463">463</a>. Enlistment for a term
+of years first authorized, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_463">463</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Ensenada, his endeavours to improve the state of Spain, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_535">535</a></li>
+<li>Episcopacy, abolition of, in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_94">94</a> <i>et seq.</i> Andrew Melville
+called &#7953;&#960;&#953;&#963;&#954;&#959;&#960;&#959;&#956;&#945;&#963;&#964;&#953;&#958;, <a href="#Page_97">97</a> <i>note</i>. Struggle between the upper
+classes and clergy as to episcopacy, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a></li>
+<li>Erskine, Lord, his idiomatic English, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_307">307</a> <i>note</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">[501]</a></span></li>
+<li>Essex, Earl of, joins the parliamentary forces, but suspected by the
+democrats, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_152">152</a></li>
+<li>Europe, the civilization of, governed by climates, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>. Social and
+political consequences of the high rate of wages in Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_65">65</a>. Influence
+of physical causes in accelerating the progress of man in Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_82">82</a>.
+Differences between the civilizations in and out of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>. The energies of
+nature tamed by man in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_154">154</a>. The country outstripped by the populations
+of the towns in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>. Mental laws more important than physical for the
+history of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>. Contrast between ancient and modern military genius in,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_199">199&ndash;202</a></li>
+<li>Europe, remarks on the origin of the ecclesiastical establishments of,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_259">259&ndash;263</a>. Benefits conferred by literature on, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>. Condition of the mind
+of, from the sixth to the tenth centuries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_269">269</a></li>
+<li>Excommunication, a French Protestant, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_59">59</a>. Notions of theologians
+respecting, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_59">59</a> <i>note</i>. Contempt into which excommunication fell in
+England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_59">59</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Expediency, doctrine of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_426">426</a>. Its gradual diffusion amongst us,
+426 <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Eye, discoveries of Descartes respecting the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_78">78</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Fables, Voltaire's demolition of the belief in national, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_312">312</a></li>
+<li>Falkirk, first printing office in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_432">432</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Famines, impossibility of the return of, in Europe, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_155">155</a>. List of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_155">155</a>
+<i>note</i>. Frequency of, in Spain, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_427">427</a></li>
+<li>Fathers, authority of the, according to Jewel and Hooker, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_340">340</a>.
+Chillingworth's contempt for their authority, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_349">349</a>. Exposure of the gross
+absurdities of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_428">428</a></li>
+<li>Favart, Madame, story of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_243">243</a></li>
+<li>Fear, special tendency of, to inflame the imagination, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_120">120</a></li>
+<li>Fenacute, story of the giant, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_320">320</a></li>
+<li>Fénelon, treatment of, by Louis XIV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_276">276</a>. His &lsquo;Telemachus,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_276">276</a></li>
+<li>Ferdousi, his &lsquo;Shah Nameh,&rsquo; and its authority in Persian history, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_303">303</a></li>
+<li>Fermat, his services to geometry, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_190">190</a></li>
+<li>Fernel, his eminence in medicine, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_195">195</a></li>
+<li>Ferrier, excommunicated by the French Protestants, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>. Result of this
+measure, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_60">60</a></li>
+<li>Fetichism, the predecessor of monotheism, according to Comte, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_251">251</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Feud, feudum, first use of the words, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_110">110</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Feudal incidents, destruction of, in England, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_386">386</a></li>
+<li>Feudal system, origin of the, in Europe, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_110">110</a>. Connexion between it
+and the ecclesiastical spirit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>. Does not destroy the spirit of
+protection, but only compels it to assume a new form, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>. Commencement
+of the European hereditary aristocracy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_112">112</a>. The power of the English and
+French aristocracy compared, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_113">113</a> <i>et seq.</i> Sub-infeudation in France and
+in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>. Boncerf's treatise on feudal law, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>. Voltaire's, the
+first historical endeavour to explain the origin of feudality, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_302">302</a></li>
+<li>Fever, Cullen's theory of, iii. <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li>
+<li>Finance, suppression of the works of Darigrand and Le Trosne on, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a>.
+Sudden eagerness in France in the eighteenth century for inquiries
+relating to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">[502]</a></span>
+Necker's celebrated Report, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>. Burke's the first financial reforms, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_464">464</a></li>
+<li>Fire-arms, invention of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_206">206</a></li>
+<li>Flanders, exports from, into Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li>
+<li>Food, effect of the supply of, among wandering and agricultural tribes,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_8">8</a>. Moral consequences of diminishing the precariousness of food, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_9">9</a>.
+Influence of food on the human race, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>. The two effects of food
+necessary to existence, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_55">55</a>. Influence of climate on the necessary kind of
+food, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_60">60</a>. Connexion between food and the laws of population, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_66">66</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_88">88</a>. Carbon and oxygen in food, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_60">60&ndash;62</a>. Amount of carbon required in food
+in summer and in winter, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>. The potato, the principal food of the
+labouring class in Ireland, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_65">65</a>. Countries asserted to be more populous
+when the ordinary food is vegetable than when it is animal, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_68">68</a> <i>note</i>.
+Character of the general food of the people of India, rice, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_70">70</a>. And of
+that of Egypt, dates, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_83">83</a>. Extraordinary fecundity of the maize and banana
+plants in America, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_109">109&ndash;111</a>. Instances from the animal kingdom, proving
+the connexion between carbonized food and the respiratory functions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_148">148</a>.
+French and German discoveries as to the functions of food, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_367">367</a></li>
+<li>Forbes, James, the Presbyterian preacher, iii. <a href="#Page_203">203</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Force, indestructibility of, iii. <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li>
+<li>Forces, theory of the parallelogram of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_30">30</a></li>
+<li>Forestalling and regrating, Burke's attack of the laws against, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_462">462</a></li>
+<li>Forgetfulness, laws regulating, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_32">32</a></li>
+<li>Fornication made a felony by the English Commonwealth, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_361">361</a> <i>note</i>.
+Repeal of the law by Charles II., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_362">362</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Fossils, Daubenton's labours respecting fossil bones, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_371">371</a>. Previous
+opinions as to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_371">371</a> <i>note</i>. Researches of Agassiz in fossil ichthyology,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_383">383</a></li>
+<li>Fourcroy, popularity of his lectures on chemistry, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_407">407</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Fourier, his views as to the laws of the conduction of heat, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_362">362</a>. His
+mathematical theory, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_362">362</a></li>
+<li>Fox, Charles James, his remark on good churchmen, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_395">395</a> <i>note</i>. His
+declaration in the House of Commons against the arbitrary laws proposed
+for extinguishing the liberties of the country, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_493">493</a></li>
+<li>Fox, Henry his eminent statesmanship, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_450">450</a>. Causes of George III.'s
+dislike of him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_450">450</a>. Burke's character of Fox, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_450">450</a> <i>note</i>. Burke's
+rupture with him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_469">469</a></li>
+<li>France, rent paid by the cultivator, in proportion to the gross produce
+of the land, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_75">75</a>. French notions of the English people previous to the
+application of steam to purposes of travelling, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>. The history of
+England compared with that of France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_234">234</a>. Debt which French owes to
+English civilization, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>. Effects of the interference of the government
+with the people, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>. The results of the suppression of scepticism in
+France compared with the exercise of individual judgment in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_257">257</a>.
+How and when the political institutions of France might have been saved,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_258">258</a>. Condition of historical literature in France in the sixteenth and
+seventeenth centuries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_261">261&ndash;273</a>. Proximate causes of the French Revolution
+after the middle of the eighteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_325">325</a> <i>et seq.</i> The social
+changes of the French people immediately preceding the Revolution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_405">405</a>.
+Instances of this, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_406">406&ndash;412</a>. Tolerance and freedom<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">[503]</a></span>
+from superstition of the French, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_263">263</a>. Great numbers of smugglers in
+France in the last century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_279">279</a>. The bards of ancient Gaul, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_292">292</a> <i>note</i>.
+Corruption of Druidical traditions in Gaul by Christian priests, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_306">306</a>.
+Popular belief in the middle ages of the Trojan descent of the French
+kings, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>. Pork a common food in France in the time of Charlemagne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_314">314</a>
+<i>note</i>. Effects of the writings of Descartes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>. Detestation of George
+III. of the French people, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_448">448</a>. Burke's epithets applied to France and
+the French at the time of the Revolution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_472">472</a>. Effects produced by the
+French Revolution upon the policy of the English government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_484">484</a>. First
+step towards an open rupture between England and France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_485">485</a>. Effects of
+the execution of Louis XVI., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_485">485</a></li>
+<li>France, Causes which gave rise to the civil wars of the seventeenth
+century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_56">56</a> <i>et seq.</i> Condé's rebellion in 1615, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>. Rebellion of the
+Protestants in Béarn, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_62">62</a>. And at La Rochelle, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_63">63&ndash;66</a>. Results which
+would have happened if the Protestants had gained the upper hand, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_67">67&ndash;72</a>.
+Breaking out of the war of the Fronde, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_99">99</a>. Importance of the press in the
+middle of the seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_95">95</a>. Analogy between the great civil
+war of England and the war of the Fronde, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_100">100</a>. Summary of the
+progress of toleration in France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_102">102</a>. Point at which a marked divergence
+between England and France begins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_105">105</a>. Causes of this difference, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_106">106</a>.
+Comparison of the protective spirit in France and England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_108">108</a> <i>et seq.</i>
+Reasons why the feudal aristocracy were more powerful in France than in
+England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_113">113&ndash;118</a>. In France every man either a tyrant or a slave, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>.
+System of subinfeudation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>. Consequences of the early social
+divergence between England and France in the fourteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_119">119&ndash;121</a>.
+Futility of French municipal institutions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_121">121</a>. Feebleness of the
+States-General, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_121">121</a>. Beginning of the tendency to centralization in
+France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>. Its baneful effects, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>. Machinery by which it is
+worked, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>. Number of civil functionaries in the country, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_123">123</a> <i>note</i>.
+Mode of examining criminals in France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_124">124</a>. And of preventing crime, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_125">125</a>.
+The education of the people controlled by the government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_125">125</a>. The worst
+kind of monopoly established by the government, and its effects on the
+people, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>. The great power and tyranny of the nobles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_128">128</a>. Slavery in
+France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_129">129</a>. The inequality of taxation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_129">129</a>. Privileges reserved to
+themselves by the nobles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_130">130</a>. Illustration of the early and radical
+difference between France and England, from the history of chivalry,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_131">131&ndash;134</a>. From the vanity of the French, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_136">136</a>. And from the practice of
+duelling, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_136">136</a>. Difference between the Fronde and the great English
+rebellion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_149">149</a>. Objects of the Fronde, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_150">150</a>. Causes why a war of
+classes was impossible, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_150">150</a>. Results of the energy of the protective
+spirit and power of the nobles on the issue of the Fronde, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_160">160</a>. Vanity
+and imbecility of the French nobles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_163">163</a>. Examination of the
+consequences of the protective spirit being carried into literature by
+Louis XIV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>. Servility of the people at this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">[504]</a></span>
+period, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_177">177</a>. Revocation of the Edict of Nantes by Louis XIV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_178">178</a>. The
+subsequent dragonnades, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>. And their disastrous effects on the
+prosperity of France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_181">181</a>. Universal decline of France during the latter
+part of the reign of Louis XIV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_210">210</a>. Joy of the people at his death,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_213">213</a>. Indignities to which French literary men were subject in the
+eighteenth century, one of the precursors of the revolution,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_230">230&ndash;242</a>. Outrages committed by the upper classes in the same
+period, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_243">243</a>. Stringent cruelty of the French laws, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_244">244</a>. Proposal of the
+French avocat-general in 1780 respecting new books, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_245">245</a>. The crusade
+against Christianity in the last century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_247">247</a>. Causes of the excessive
+loyalty of the French people, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_249">249</a>. War of opinion between France and
+Spain in the fifth and sixth centuries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_435">435</a></li>
+<li>Francis I. of France, his zeal against heresy, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_12">12</a></li>
+<li>Franks, their conversion to Christianity and attack of their Visigoth
+neighbours, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_435">435</a></li>
+<li>Frauds and Perjuries, security to private property effected by the
+Statute of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_385">385</a></li>
+<li>Frederick the Great, contrast between his warlike and domestic policy, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_201">201</a>201</li>
+<li><a name="Trade_Free" id="Trade_Free">Free Trade</a>. See <a href="#Trade">Trade</a>.</li>
+<li>Free will, probable origin of the dogma of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_9">9</a>. Foundation of the
+theory of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>. Connexion of free will with Arminianism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_14">14</a></li>
+<li>Féret, causes of his imprisonment in the Bastille, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_235">235</a></li>
+<li>Fresnel, his researches into the laws of light, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_362">362</a></li>
+<li>Frewen, Dr., Archbishop of York, his character, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_392">392</a></li>
+<li>Froissart, his the earliest instance in the Middle Ages of an improvement
+in writing history, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_325">325</a></li>
+<li>Fronde, war of the, analogy between it and the civil war in England, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_99">99</a>. Difference between the Fronde and the great English Rebellion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_149">149</a>.
+Character and position of the leaders of the Fronde, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_160">160</a>. And consequent
+failure of the rebellion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_168">168&ndash;173</a></li>
+<li>Fruit, amount of carbon in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_61">61</a></li>
+<li>Fuch's, his investigations in the vegetable kingdom, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_198">198</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Gaimar, his translation into Anglo-Norman of Geoffrey Monmouth's history,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_325">325</a></li>
+<li>Garlon, suppression of the &lsquo;Therapeutics&rsquo; of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Garrows, cause of their superstitions respecting the tiger, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_125">125</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Gascoigne, his invention of the micrometer, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_192">192</a></li>
+<li>Gassion, raised to the dignity of French marshal, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_98">98</a>. Authorities
+respecting him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_98">98</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Gaul, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the Middle
+Ages, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_311">311</a></li>
+<li>Génard, suppression of his &lsquo;School of Man,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Geoffrey, Archdeacon of Monmouth, his history of King Arthur, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_321">321</a>.
+Translations of the work, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_325">325</a></li>
+<li>Geography, physical, study of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_2">2</a></li>
+<li>Geology, first exhibition of the sceptical character of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_429">429</a> <i>note</i>.
+Views of Dr. Arnold and Mr. Baden Powell, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_430">430</a> <i>note</i>. Buffon's
+recantation of some of his views on, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>. Causes of its great
+progress in modern times, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_365">365</a>. Labours of French geologists at the latter
+part of the last century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_368">368</a>. Cuvier's foundation of palæontological
+science, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_369">369</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">[505]</a></span>
+<i>note</i>. Remains of organic and inorganic life in the
+secondary and tertiary strata, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_370">370</a>. The doctrine of universal changes,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_371">371</a>. Daubenton's union of comparative anatomy with geology, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_371">371</a>.
+Character of Hutton's geological speculations, iii. <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>. Causes
+which have altered and are still altering the crust of the earth, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.
+The deductive and inductive methods of studying geology, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>. William
+Smith's foundation of English geology, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>. Werner's foundation of the
+German school, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>. Hall's verification of Hutton's views, <a href="#Page_401">401</a></li>
+<li>Geometry, algebra first successfully applied to, by Descartes, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>.
+Who is regarded as the first geometrician of the age, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>. Ages of
+Descartes and Fermat, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>. Hypothetical arguments as exhibited by,
+iii. <a href="#Page_306">306</a></li>
+<li>George I., his utter ignorance of the English language, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_441">441</a></li>
+<li>George II., his indifferent knowledge of the English language, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_441">441</a>.
+His ignorance of English politics, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_442">442</a>. His highest ambition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_442">442</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>George III., fortunate circumstances which surrounded his accession, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_444">444</a>.
+Revival of the doctrine of divine right, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_445">445</a>. The king's respect for
+church ceremonies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_445">445</a> <i>note</i>. Alliance between the Crown and the clergy,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_445">445</a>. The king's ignorance, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_446">446</a>. And hatred of great statesmen, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_447">447</a>.
+Favour with which he regarded slavery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_447">447</a>. His hatred of the French,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_448">448</a>. The &lsquo;King's Friends,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_449">449</a>. Notorious incapacity of his
+ministers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_449">449</a>. His hatred of the elder Pitt and of Fox, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_450">450</a>. Mode
+in which he brought the House of Lords into disrepute, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_453">453</a>. His hatred of
+the Americans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_466">466</a>. Favours Burke in his violent old age, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_476">476</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_477">477</a>477. His
+policy respecting the American colonies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_479">479</a>. Reaction of this
+policy upon England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_482">482</a>. His policy towards the French republic,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_484">484</a> <i>et seq.</i> His monstrous principles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_466">466</a>. His inability however, to do
+harm to English institutions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_466">466</a></li>
+<li>George IV., his character, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_466">466</a></li>
+<li>Germany, Comparison of the history of England and, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>. Interference
+of the German governments with the people, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>. Origin of German
+literature, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>. Character of German intellect among the highest and
+lowest minds, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_239">239</a>. Process through which the esoteric literature of
+Germany is passing at the present time, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>. Cultivation of metaphysics
+in Germany in the latter part of the last century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_373">373</a></li>
+<li>Gervaise, suppression of the &lsquo;Letters&rsquo; of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Gibbon, Edward, fame of his &lsquo;Decline and Fall,&rsquo; i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_429">429</a> <i>note</i>. His
+fifteenth and sixteenth chapters, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_429">429</a></li>
+<li>Gipsies, origin of the, according to the writers of the middle ages, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_312">312</a></li>
+<li>Glasgow in the fifteenth century, iii. <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>. Rise and progress of, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.
+The first bank at, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li>
+<li>Gloves, Spanish manufacture of, in the sixteenth and seventeenth
+centuries, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_502">502</a></li>
+<li>Goblets, game of, forbidden to be seen by French Protestants, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_70">70</a></li>
+<li>God, Cartesian method of the ultimate proof of the existence of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_89">89</a>.
+Horrible notions of the Scotch clergy respecting, iii. <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li>
+<li>Gomberville, his refutation of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506">[506]</a></span>
+idle stories as to the extreme antiquity of the French, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_270">270</a></li>
+<li>Gongora, the Spanish poet, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_480">480</a></li>
+<li>Göthe, his obligations to Mallet's &lsquo;History of Denmark,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_299">299</a></li>
+<li>Gordon, Dr., the nonjuring bishop, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_412">412</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li><a name="Government" id="Government">Government</a>, inquiry into the influence of, on the progress of society, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_272">272</a>. Illustrated by the abolition of the corn laws, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>. The most
+important measures of modern British legislation the result of pressure
+from without, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>. The best legislation the result of the abrogation of
+former legislation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>. Injuries caused to trade by the interference of
+politicians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_276">276</a>. Smuggling, with all its attendant crimes, caused by
+legislation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>. Baneful effects of legislative attempts to encourage
+religious truth, and discourage religious error, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_281">281</a>. Consequent increase
+of hypocrisy and perjury, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>. And of usury by the laws against
+usury, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_283">283</a>. Effects of legislation in hindering the advance of knowledge,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_284">284</a>. England less interfered with by government than other nations, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_286">286</a>.
+True duties of legislators, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_287">287</a>. Attempts to make politics a mere branch
+of theology, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_326">326&ndash;328</a>. Legislative improvements in the reign of Charles
+II. in spite of political degradation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_381">381</a></li>
+<li>Gowrie conspiracy, the, iii. <a href="#Page_110">110</a></li>
+<li>Gracian, the Spanish Jesuit and prose writer, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_480">480</a></li>
+<li>Granada, capture of, from the Arabs, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_440">440</a></li>
+<li>Gravitation, Newton's discovery of the law of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>. Tardy reception
+of the law in France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_192">192</a></li>
+<li>Greece, condition of, contrasted with that of India, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>. Its area,
+138. Its material phenomena, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>. Comparison of the Greek and Hindu
+divinities, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_140">140</a>. The hero-worship of the Greeks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_144">144</a>. Statesmen, orators,
+and authors of ancient, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_199">199</a>. Reason of the evanescence of the
+civilization of ancient Greece, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_267">267</a></li>
+<li>Greek language forbidden by the French Protestants to be taught, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_69">69</a></li>
+<li>Greek Church, cause of the small amount of authority possessed by the
+head of the, compared with that of the Latin Church, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_303">303</a></li>
+<li>Greenock, state of, in the seventeenth century, iii. <a href="#Page_28">28</a>. Rise and
+progress of, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>
+<li>Grenobles, insolence of the Protestant assembly of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_60">60</a></li>
+<li>Grew, Dr. Nathaniel, his botanical discoveries, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_200">200</a></li>
+<li>Grey, Mr. (afterwards Earl), his remarks in the House on the subservient
+conduct of Pitt, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_447">447</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Grimaldi, prime minister of Spain, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_545">545</a></li>
+<li>Grosley, his admiration for England, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>. Suppression of his &lsquo;Memoirs
+on Troyes,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Grotius, his principles of foreign policy compared with those of Vattel,
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_40">40</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Guibert, suppression of his work on &lsquo;Military Tactics,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Guise, the murder of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in
+the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_11">11</a></li>
+<li>Guises, their influence in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li>
+<li>Guizot, his republication of Mably's &lsquo;Observations,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_236">236</a></li>
+<li>Gunpowder, invention of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_203">203</a>. And of fire-arms, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_204">204</a>. Gunpowder first
+used in mining towns, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_206">206</a> <i>note</i>. Influence of the invention of, in
+lessening the warlike spirit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_206">206&ndash;209</a></li>
+<li>Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_507" id="Page_507">[507]</a></span>
+his domestic and warlike policy contrasted, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_200">200</a></li>
+<li>Guthrie, the Scotch preacher, iii. <a href="#Page_202">202</a> <i>note</i>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Habeas Corpus Act, passing of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_385">385</a>. Effect of the suspension of
+the, in 1794, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_496">496</a></li>
+<li>Haco, his invasion of Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li>
+<li>Haillan, Du, his the first history of France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_264">264</a>. Character of his
+work, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_265">265</a></li>
+<li>Hajin tribe, cause of their worship of the tiger, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_125">125</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Hall, Chief Baron, his charge to the jury in a case of witchcraft in
+1665, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_363">363</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Hall, Sir James, his verification of the geological speculations of
+Hutton, iii. <a href="#Page_401">401</a></li>
+<li>Hardwicke, Lord, his notions of political economy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_211">211</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Harris, his account of the extinction of feudalism, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_386">386</a></li>
+<li>Harriss's &lsquo;Dictionary of Arts and Sciences,&rsquo; the origin of Encyclopædias,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_433">433</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Harvey, his discovery of the circulation of the blood, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>. Denies the
+existence of the lacteals, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_81">81</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Haüy, his studies in crystallography, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_401">401</a></li>
+<li>Heat, together with moisture, the causes which regulate the fertility of
+every country, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_96">96</a>. Difference between the heat of the eastern and
+western coasts of North America, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_98">98</a>; and of South America, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_100">100</a>. French
+researches on the phenomena of heat in the last century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_361">361</a>. The
+laws of heat, iii. <a href="#Page_362">362</a>. The indestructibility of force and interchange of
+forces, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>. Black's theory of latent heat, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>. Leslie's philosophy, <a href="#Page_383">383</a></li>
+<li>Heat, animal food necessary for keeping up the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>. The
+blood-corpuscles and animal heat, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_58">58</a> <i>note</i>. Heat disengaged by the union
+of carbon and oxygen, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_59">59</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Heavenly witnesses, controversy on the text of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_429">429</a></li>
+<li>Helvétius, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>.
+His admiration for England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_229">229</a>. Persecuted by the government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>. His
+professed atheism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_352">352</a>. Analysis of his essay &lsquo;On the Mind,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_353">353</a></li>
+<li>Hénault, his method of writing history, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_300">300</a></li>
+<li>Henrion, his views as to fossil bones, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_371">371</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Henry II. of England, his destruction of the baronial castles, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_114">114</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Henry II. of France, his zeal against heresy, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_12">12</a></li>
+<li>Henry III. of England, his inability to do permanent harm to English
+institutions, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_466">466</a></li>
+<li>Henry III. of France, murder of, predominance of the theological spirit
+shown in the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_11">11</a>. His zeal against heresy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>. His affection for
+monks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_29">29</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Henry IV. of France, his accession, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_12">12</a>. His character as a ruler, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_12">12</a>.
+His apostasies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>. Publishes the Edict of Nantes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>. Refuses to
+accede to the pope's request to punish the Protestants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_23">23</a>. His
+measures for their protection, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>. His death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>. Henry the first
+French sovereign stained with the imputation of heresy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_267">267</a></li>
+<li>Henry IV. of England, his invasion of Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_18">18</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Henry VII. of England, his establishment of the Yeomen of the Guard, ii.
+7 <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Henry VIII. of England, indifference of the people to his arrangement of
+the formularies of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_508" id="Page_508">[508]</a></span>
+the Church, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_7">7</a>. His bodyguard, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_7">7</a> <i>note</i>. Character of his reign, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_138">138</a></li>
+<li>Henshaw, his discoveries in the vegetable world, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_199">199</a></li>
+<li>Herculaes, origin of the story of the exploits of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_297">297</a></li>
+<li>Hereditary descent connected with the formation of character, question
+of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_176">176</a> <i>note</i>. Hereditary talents, vices, and virtues, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_177">177</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Heresies, the great religious, founded on previous philosophies, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_11">11</a>
+<i>note</i>. Destruction by the legislature of the writ &lsquo;De Hæretico
+Comburendo,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_383">383</a>. The first papal call on the secular power to punish,
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_109">109</a> <i>note</i>. Harshness of the early Spanish laws for the punishment of
+heresy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_438">438</a></li>
+<li>Hero-worship, ancient Greek, causes of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_144">144</a></li>
+<li>&lsquo;High-church&rsquo; and &lsquo;low-church,&rsquo; origin of the terms, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_412">412</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Highlanders, their ferocity, iii. <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>. Let loose upon the Lowlanders
+in 1678, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>. The only powerful friends of James II., <a href="#Page_151">151</a>. Their love of
+war and rapine, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>. Reasons which induced them to rebel in favour
+of the exiled Stuarts, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>. Their rebellions of 1715 and 1745 not the
+result of loyalty, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>. Their veneration for their chieftains, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>
+<i>note</i>. Their insignificance after 1745, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li>
+<li>Hill, Sir John, his the first publication of popular scientific works in
+numbers, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_432">432</a> <i>note</i>. His great success, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_432">432</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Hilton, Laird of, story of the, and the minister, iii. <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li>
+<li>Hindostan, Persian origin of the word, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_69">69</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>History, statement of the resources for investigating, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_1">1</a>. Confidence
+in the value of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_1">1</a>. Use made of the materials for investigating, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_3">3</a>.
+Instances of endeavours to remedy the backwardness of history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_4">4</a>. Present
+prospects of historical literature, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_5">5</a>. Inferiority of the most celebrated
+historians to the most successful cultivators of physical science, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_7">7</a>.
+Materials from which a philosophic history can alone be composed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>.
+Reasons why historians have not yet collected materials for writing
+history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_229">229</a>. Reasons why the present history is restricted to that of
+England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_242">242</a>. Hume's method of treating history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_251">251</a> <i>note</i>. Why the
+history of England is eminently valuable, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>. Origin of history, and
+state of historical literature during the Middle Ages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>. Value of
+historical inquiries in throwing light on the changes in society, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_290">290</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>. The ballad form of the earliest histories, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>. Error in history
+caused by the invention of writing, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_296">296</a>. Corruptions in early history
+caused by changes in religion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_300">300</a>. Illustration of this from
+Scandinavian history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_301">301</a>. Trustworthiness of histories where there has
+been no change in religion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_301">301&ndash;304</a>. The influence of the clergy the most
+active cause of the corruption of early history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_307">307</a>. Absurdities
+believed in consequence, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_309">309&ndash;325</a>. Beginning of the first improvement in
+writing modern history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>. Prevalence of credulity in the time of
+Comines, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_327">327</a>. Character of Bodin's historical work, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>.
+Intellectual regeneration of the seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>. Instances of
+the credulity of the sixteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_330">330</a>. This absurd way of writing
+history the natural result of the spirit of the age,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_333">333</a>. The history of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_509" id="Page_509">[509]</a></span>
+every civilized country the history of its intellectual development, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_387">387</a>.
+Importance to history of the question whether normal phenomena should or
+should not precede the study of abnormal ones, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_2">2</a> <i>note</i>. Condition
+of historical literature in France before the end of the sixteenth
+century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>. The Middle Age historians of France merely annalists, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_263">263</a>.
+Du Haillan's the first French history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_264">264</a>. De Thou's work, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_266">266</a>. Sully's
+history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_266">266</a>. Serres' view of the importance of correct dates in history,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>267. Dupleix's &lsquo;History of France,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_268">268</a>. La Popelinière's &lsquo;History of
+Histories,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>. Improvement in the method of writing history in the
+seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_270">270</a>. De Rubis's work, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_270">270</a>. Gomberville's, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_270">270</a>.
+Berthault's, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_270">270</a>. Mezeray's great work, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_271">271</a>. The retrograde movement
+under Louis XIV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>. As illustrated in the works of Audigier and
+Bossuet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_279">279</a>. Reasons why history is superior to theology, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>. Bossuet's
+method of writing history compared with that of Voltaire, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>. Other
+historians by whom Voltaire's views were adopted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_299">299</a> <i>et seq.</i> His
+opinions as to feudality, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>. As to free trade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>. As to political
+economy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>. His demolition of the admiration entertained for classical
+works, and for the fables of early history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_306">306&ndash;312</a>. Value of
+Montesquieu's method, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_315">315</a>. History separated from biography by him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_316">316</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_317">317</a>. Turgot's views of the duties of a historian, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_321">321</a>. Difference between
+certainty and precision in writing history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>. The first and most
+essential quality of an historian, iii. <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li>
+<li>Hobbes, Thomas, his works, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_390">390</a>. Animosity of the clergy against him,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_390">390</a>. Encouraged by Charles II., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_391">391</a>. Popularity of his works at this
+time, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_391">391</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Hogg, Thomas, story of, and the &lsquo;factour,&rsquo; iii. <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li>
+<li>Holbach, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_219">219</a></li>
+<li>Holcus arundinaceus, use of, as food by the Egyptians, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_87">87</a></li>
+<li>Holland, rescued by man from the grasp of the sea, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_154">154</a>. Number of
+Anabaptists put to death in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_186">186</a> <i>note</i>. The Dutch fleet in the Thames
+and Medway, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_382">382</a>. Proposal of the Bishop of Beauvais, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_38">38</a> <i>note</i>.
+Calvinism the popular creed of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_339">339</a>. The war carried on by Philip II.
+against the Dutch Protestants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_451">451</a>. Number of heretics put to death by
+Alva, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_451">451</a></li>
+<li>Holyrood robbed by the English, iii. <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>
+<li>Homer, his investigations of the human mind, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_23">23</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Hooke, his discoveries in the vegetable world, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_199">199</a></li>
+<li>Hooker, Richard, his &lsquo;Ecclesiastical Polity&rsquo; compared with Jewel's
+&lsquo;Apology for the Church of England,&rsquo; i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_340">340</a>. And with
+Chillingworth's &lsquo;Religion of Protestants,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_348">348</a>. Connexion between the
+Reformation and the views advocated by Hooker, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_351">351</a>. Locke's opinion of
+his philosophy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_351">351</a>. Compared with Chillingworth, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>. His scepticism,
+86</li>
+<li>Horst, Dr., his work on the Golden tooth, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_332">332</a></li>
+<li>Howe, John, his exile, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_398">398</a></li>
+<li>Huguenots. See <a href="#Protestants_French">Protestants, French</a></li>
+<li>Humber, origin of the name of the, according to the historians of the
+Middle Ages, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_311">311</a></li>
+<li>Hume, David, his method of metaphysical<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_510" id="Page_510">[510]</a></span>
+investigation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_426">426</a> <i>note</i>. His &lsquo;Natural History of
+Religion&rsquo; and &lsquo;History of England,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_251">251</a>. His views as
+to monotheism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_251">251</a> <i>note</i>. His &lsquo;Political Discourses&rsquo;
+translated into French by Le Blanc, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>. Examination of his
+philosophy, iii. <a href="#Page_331">331</a>. His want of imagination, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>. Importance and
+novelty of his doctrines, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>. His disregard of facts, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>. His method,
+<a href="#Page_338">338</a>. His injustice to Bacon, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>. His &lsquo;Natural History of
+Religion,&rsquo; <a href="#Page_343">343</a>. Comparison between his method and that employed by
+Cudworth, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li>
+<li>Humidity, together with heat, the causes which regulate fertility, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_96">96</a>.
+Difference between the humidity of the eastern and western coasts of
+North America, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_98">98</a>. And of South America, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_100">100</a>. Relation between the amount
+of rain and the extent of coast, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_99">99</a>. The heavy rains of Brazil, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_103">103</a></li>
+<li>Hungary, disease in, from eating pork, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_314">314</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Hunter, John, account of his generalizations, iii. <a href="#Page_428">428</a>. His grandeur and
+obscurity of language, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>. Conflict of the methods employed by him, and
+the consequent result, <a href="#Page_429">429&ndash;432</a>. His industry in collecting facts, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>.
+His discovery as to the red globules of the blood, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>. His inquiries as
+to the movements of animals and vegetables, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>. His idea of uniting all
+the physical sciences, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>. His inquiry into the malformation of
+crystals, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>. His physiological and pathological inquiries, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>. His
+pathological speculations respecting the principles of action and the
+principles of sympathy, <a href="#Page_450">450</a> <i>et seq.</i> Causes of the little influence
+which he exercised over his English contemporaries, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li>
+<li>Hutcheson, Francis, his method of metaphysical investigation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_248">248</a>.
+Remarks of Sir J. Mackintosh and M. Cousin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_248">248</a> <i>note</i>. Notice of him,
+iii. <a href="#Page_292">292</a>. Examination of his philosophy, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>. Its results, tendency, and
+method, <a href="#Page_295">295&ndash;300</a></li>
+<li>Hutton, James, his attempts to explain the former changes of the earth's
+crust by reference solely to natural causes, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_429">429</a> <i>note</i>. Establishes
+the first library in Birmingham, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_431">431</a> <i>note</i>. Character of his geological
+speculations, iii. <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>. Verification of his views, <a href="#Page_401">401</a></li>
+<li>Hyænas regarded by the Abyssinians as enchanters, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_126">126</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Hydrostatics, Boyle's discoveries in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_368">368</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Hypocrisy, cause of the increase of, due to evil legislation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_281">281</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Idolatry, the natural fruit of ignorance, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_258">258</a></li>
+<li>Ichthyology, fossil, researches of Agassiz in, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_383">383</a></li>
+<li>Ignorance and idolatry, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_258">258</a>. The &lsquo;learned ignorance&rsquo; for which many
+men are remarkable, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_269">269</a></li>
+<li>Imagination, special tendency of fear to inflame the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_120">120</a>. Triumph of
+the imagination in the tropics, from this cause, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_121">121</a>. Instances in the
+case of earthquakes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>. And in disease, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>. Imaginative character of
+the literature of ancient India, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>. The imagination controlled by the
+understanding in Greece <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_138">138&ndash;146</a></li>
+<li>Imbert, his French translation of Clarke's &lsquo;Letters on Spain&rsquo; suppressed,
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_234">234</a></li>
+<li>Impeachments, general effect of the abolition of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_386">386</a></li>
+<li>Independence, personal, idea of, takes root, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_436">436</a>. First occurrence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_511" id="Page_511">[511]</a></span>
+of the word &lsquo;independence,&rsquo; in the modern acceptation of the
+word, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_436">436</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>India, fertility and civilization of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_69">69</a>. Character of the food of the
+people of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_71">71</a>. Causes of the unequal distribution of wealth in India
+in all ages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_72">72</a>. Amount of rent paid by the cultivator in India in
+proportion to the gross produce of the land, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>. Testimony of Bishop
+Heber to the poverty of the labouring classes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_77">77</a> <i>note</i>. Provisions of
+the native laws respecting the caste of the Sudras, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_78">78</a>. And of the
+Brahmins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>. Character of the ancient Indian literature, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>. And of
+the religion and art of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_137">137</a>. Contrasted with Greece in these conditions,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_137">137</a>. Absence of harbours in India, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>. Antiquity of the worship of Siva
+in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>. The bards of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_292">292</a> <i>note</i>. Causes of trustworthiness in the early
+history of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_301">301</a> <i>note</i>. Antiquity of the history of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_302">302</a> <i>note</i>. Cause of
+the existence of this history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_303">303</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>&lsquo;Individualisme,&rsquo; De Tocqueville on the word, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_436">436</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Indulgence, Declaration of, of James II., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_397">397</a>. Refusal of the clergy
+to read it in their churches, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_399">399</a></li>
+<li>Indulgences, theory of, of the Church of Rome, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_339">339</a></li>
+<li>Innovation, aversion of the aristocracy for, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_139">139</a></li>
+<li>Inquisition in Spain, character of the founders of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_187">187</a>.
+Establishment of the, in Spain, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_446">446</a>. The different punishments for
+heresy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_448">448</a>. Attacked by Aranda, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_547">547</a>. The last heretic burned by the
+Inquisition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_548">548</a></li>
+<li>&lsquo;Inquisitoribus hæreticæ pravitatis,&rsquo; the first constitution addressed,
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_109">109</a></li>
+<li>Insanity, former notions respecting, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_404">404</a>. Pinel's views of the
+aberrations of the human mind, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_404">404</a></li>
+<li>Insects, incredible number of, in Brazil, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_106">106</a></li>
+<li>Insolvents, Burke's opposition to the cruel laws against, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_463">463</a></li>
+<li><a name="Intellect" id="Intellect">Intellect</a>, English; English literature unknown in France in the reign of
+Louis XIV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_213">213</a>. Causes of the junction of English and French intellects
+after this king's death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>. Essential difference between the
+civilization of England and Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_465">465</a>. Outline of the history of the
+English intellect from the middle of the sixteenth to the end of the
+eighteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_333">333</a>. Origin of religious toleration in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_337">337</a>.
+Hooker contrasted with Jewel, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_340">340</a>. Theology and persecution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_344">344</a>.
+Scepticism and the spirit of inquiry on other subjects, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_340">340</a>.
+Chillingworth's &lsquo;Religion of Protestants,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_347">347</a>. The rapid increase of
+heresy in the middle of the seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_347">347</a> <i>note</i>. Increasing
+indifference to theological matters, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_350">350</a>. The work of Chillingworth a
+vindication of religious dissent, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_352">352</a>. Political character of the
+opposition to ecclesiastical authority in the reigns of James I. and
+Charles I., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_359">359</a>. Its frivolous form in the reign of Charles II., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_362">362</a>.
+Progress of the English intellect in the seventeenth century towards
+shaking off ancient superstitions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_363">363</a>. Destruction of the old notions as
+to witchcraft, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_363">363</a> <i>note</i>. Sir Thomas Browne's works, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_365">365</a>. Boyle's
+discoveries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_368">368</a>. Foundation of the Royal Society, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_371">371</a>. Ecclesiastical
+opposition to physical science in the reign of Charles II., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_372">372</a>. Popular
+belief in supernatural<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_512" id="Page_512">[512]</a></span>
+causation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_373">373</a>. Improvements in legislation in the
+reign of Charles II., and the causes which produced them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_389">389</a>.
+Hobbists, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_390">390</a>. Effects of the alliance of the clergy with James II., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_395">395</a>.
+Dissolution of this alliance, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_396">396</a>. Union of the clergy and dissenters,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>. Causes which produced the revolution of 1688, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_400">400</a>. Effects of the
+expulsion of the Stuarts on English civilization, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_402">402</a>. Struggle between
+William III. and the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_405">405</a>. Loss of the clergy of all power out of
+the Church, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_416">416&ndash;418</a>. The clergy weakened by the founders of Wesleyanism,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_419">419&ndash;424</a>. Loss of the intellectual vigour of the dissenters, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_422">422</a>. But
+increase in their numbers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_423">423</a> <i>note</i>. Final separation of theology from
+morals and politics, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_424">424&ndash;427</a>. Discoveries of geologists, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_429">429</a>. Diffusion
+of knowledge among the people, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_430">430</a>. Sunday schools, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_430">430</a>. Sunday
+newspapers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_431">431</a>. Country printing offices, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_431">431</a>. Popular works on physical
+truth first published, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_432">432</a>. Invention of encyclopædias, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_433">433</a>. Literary
+periodical reviews, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_433">433</a>. Reading clubs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_433">433</a>. Debating societies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_433">433</a>.
+Right of public meeting, and publication of parliamentary debates, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_434">434</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_435">435</a>. Doctrine of personal representation and of personal independence,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_436">436</a>. Change in the style of authors, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_436">436</a>. Review of the reactionary and
+retrogressive period of English history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_441">441</a>. Political degeneracy of
+England during the reign of George III., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_446">446&ndash;455</a>. Sketch of the career of
+Edmund Burke, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_455">455</a> <i>et seq.</i> Arbitrary laws of George III. against the
+liberties of his country, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_487">487</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_488">488</a>. Gloomy prospects of the people late
+in the eighteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_494">494</a>. Secret imprisonment of opponents of the
+government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_494">494</a>. Effect of the suspension of the habeas corpus act in
+1794, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_496">496</a>. Preparation for a counter reaction, owing to the progress of
+knowledge, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_498">498</a>. To which, and to the power of public opinion, England
+owes her reforms of the present century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_498">498</a>. The Scotch and English
+methods of philosophy contrasted, iii. <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li>
+<li>Intellect, French, outline of the history of the, from the middle of the
+sixteenth century to the accession to power of Louis XIV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_1">1</a>. Greater
+power of the Church in France than in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_4">4</a>. As shown by the
+successful efforts of the clergy to withstand the Reformation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_4">4</a>. This
+influence greater in France than in England during the sixteenth century,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_6">6</a>. Hence the impossibility of toleration in France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_8">8</a>. The civil wars
+in France conducted in the name of Christianity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_8">8</a>. Internal condition of
+the country before the accession of Henry IV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_11">11</a>. Beginning of
+toleration by the publication of the Edict of Nantes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>. Appearance of
+scepticism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>. Rabelais and Montaigne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>. Charron, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>. The party of
+the &lsquo;Politiques&rsquo;, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_22">22</a> <i>note</i>. Decline of the ecclesiastical power in
+France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_26">26</a>. Richelieu's endeavours to humble the French nobles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_28">28</a>.
+Fails, but effectually humbles the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_29">29</a>. Favour shown by Richelieu
+to the Protestants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_37">37&ndash;39</a>. Causes of the religious feuds of the
+seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_55">55</a>. Character of the civil war raised by the
+Protestants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_63">63&ndash;66</a>. Efforts of the Protestants to suppress the thirst<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_513" id="Page_513">[513]</a></span>
+for knowledge, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_70">70</a>. And to hamper and vex the people, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_72">72</a>. The
+liberal policy of Richelieu only part of a much larger movement, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>.
+Illustration of this from the philosophy of Descartes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>. Who is
+regarded as one of the founders of French prose, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>. His origination of
+the modern method of philosophy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_82">82</a>. Progress of the French mind as
+shown in the very existence of the ideas of Descartes and Richelieu, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_93">93</a>.
+Spread of scepticism in France in the reign of Louis XIII. and during the
+minority of Louis XIV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_95">95</a>. The anti-ecclesiastical spirit exhibited by
+Mazarin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_96">96</a>. Injurious effects of the protective spirit carried by Louis
+XIV. into literature, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_176">176&ndash;188</a>. Proof that the literary splendour of
+his reign was not his work, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_188">188</a>. Effect of his protection in stopping the
+progress of science, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>. In mathematics, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>. And in astronomy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>.
+Newton's discoveries neglected for forty-five years, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>. Absence of mere
+practical ingenuity in the reign of Louis XIV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_192">192</a>. Few and
+insignificant improvements effected during this period in manufactures,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_193">193</a>. Decline at the same time in physiology, surgery, and medicine,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_194">194&ndash;196</a>. In zoology and chemistry, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_197">197</a>. And in botany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_197">197</a>. Results
+which followed the decline of the national intellect in the reign of
+Louis XIV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_203">203</a> <i>et seq.</i> Reaction against the protective spirit on the
+death of Louis XIV., and preparations for the French Revolution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_213">213</a>.
+Ignorance of the English language and literature at the end of the
+seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>. Causes of the junction of the French and
+English intellect after the death of Louis XIV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>. Voltaire and his
+works, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_216">216</a>. Other authors, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_216">216</a> <i>et seq.</i> Admiration for England expressed
+by Frenchmen, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>. Who disseminate liberal opinions which the government
+attempts to stifle, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_229">229</a>. Persecution of literary men, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_230">230&ndash;242</a>.
+The avocat-general's proposition as to the publication of new works, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_245">245</a>.
+Reasons why French literary men at first attacked the Church and not the
+government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_247">247&ndash;251</a>. Effects of the hostility of the French
+intellect against the state, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_258">258</a>. Rise and extent of scepticism in
+France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_261">261</a> <i>et seq.</i> The two epochs through which the French intellect
+passed during the eighteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_327">327</a>. Inquiries respecting political
+economy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_327">327&ndash;329</a>. Eagerness of the French for economical and
+financial inquiries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>. Influence of Rousseau, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_330">330&ndash;332</a>.
+Anti-ecclesiastical policy of Machault and his successors, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_332">332&ndash;334</a>.
+Concession of civil rights to Protestants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_335">335</a>. Revival of Jansenism, and
+consequent overthrow of the Jesuits, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a>. Destruction of the French
+Church, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_347">347</a>. Rise and progress of atheistical opinions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_351">351</a>. Tendency of
+the French intellect during the latter half of the eighteenth century to
+withdraw from the internal, and concentrate attention upon the external
+world, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_351">351&ndash;353</a>. Works of Helvetius and Condillac, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_353">353&ndash;360</a>.
+Researches as to the laws of heat, light, and electricity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_361">361&ndash;363</a>.
+And in chemistry and geology, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_364">364</a>. The study of physical phenomena in
+connexion with the French Revolution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_375">375</a>. Impetus given to zoology by
+Cuvier, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_375">375</a>. And by Bichat, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_376">376</a>. Reaction in France at the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_514" id="Page_514">[514]</a></span>
+commencement of the present century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_389">389</a>. Researches in botany and
+mineralogy at the end of the last century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_395">395</a>. And in the aberrations of
+the human mind, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_404">404</a></li>
+<li>Intellect, German. The Scotch method of philosophy compared with that of
+Germany, iii. <a href="#Page_289">289</a></li>
+<li>Intellect, human, sole source of the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_89">89</a></li>
+<li>Intellect, Scotch, examination of the, during the seventeenth century,
+iii. <a href="#Page_191">191&ndash;280</a>. And during the eighteenth century, <a href="#Page_281">281&ndash;482</a>. Barrenness of
+the Scotch mind in science in the seventeenth century, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>. Causes of
+this, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>. Results of the ignorance of the inductive or analytical
+method, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>. Scotland in this respect compared and contrasted with
+Germany and England, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>. Hutcheson, Adam Smith, Hume, and Reid, <a href="#Page_292">292&ndash;360</a>.
+Examination of Scotch physical philosophy, <a href="#Page_361">361</a> <i>et seq.</i> Difference
+between the results achieved by Scotchmen in the seventeenth and
+eighteenth centuries, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>. The deductive method supreme in both
+centuries, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>. Reasons why the Scotch literature of the eighteenth
+century affected the nation so little, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>. Superstition and illiberality
+still existing in Scotland, <a href="#Page_471">471</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>
+<li>Intellect, Spanish, outline of the history of the, from the fifth to the
+middle of the nineteenth century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_425">425</a> <i>et seq.</i> Influence of the
+clergy over the Spanish intellect, high and low, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_479">479</a></li>
+<li>Intellectual progress of man, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_174">174</a>. Progressive aspect of intellectual
+truths, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_181">181</a>. Mischievousness of ignorant men in proportion to their
+sincerity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_183">183</a></li>
+<li>Interest, in what it consists, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_52">52</a>. Rate of interest in India in 900
+<span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_74">74</a>. And in 1810 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_75">75</a></li>
+<li>Inverness burnt by the Highlanders, iii. <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li>
+<li>Ireland, the potato the principal food of the people of, for above two
+hundred years, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_65">65</a>. Period of its introduction into that country, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_65">65</a>
+<i>note</i>. Potato crops as compared with those of wheat, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_65">65</a>. Daily average
+consumption of potatoes in Ireland, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_66">66</a> <i>note</i>. Evil consequences of the
+cheapness and abundance of food, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_67">67</a>. Idleness of the Irish at home
+compared with their industry abroad, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_68">68</a> <i>note</i>. The bards of Ireland, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_292">292</a>
+<i>note</i>. Their contributions to the early history of their country, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_292">292</a>
+<i>note</i>. Injuries done to the traditions of the bards of, by clerical
+historians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_306">306</a>. Pork the chief food of the Irish in the twelfth century,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_314">314</a> <i>note</i>. Causes which have produced the present superstition of the
+Irish Catholics, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>. The Irish invasion of Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
+<li>Irritability, Glisson's anticipation of the truth respecting, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_196">196</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Isomorphism, Mitscherlich's discovery of, in minerals, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_400">400</a></li>
+<li>Italy, physical causes of the superstition existing in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>. Triumph
+of the imaginative and small proportion of scientific men in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_124">124</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Jacobites, extinction of the hopes of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_444">444</a></li>
+<li>James I., political character of the opposition to ecclesiastical
+authority in the reign of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_359">359</a>. His attempts to revive the power of
+the nobles, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_147">147</a>. His imprisonment in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_103">103</a>. Recovers his
+liberty, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>. Bearded by the ministers, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_515" id="Page_515">[515]</a></span>
+The Gowrie Conspiracy, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>. Ascends the throne of England, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>. Attempts
+to subjugate the Scotch Church, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>. His cruelties, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>. Forces
+episcopacy upon Scotland, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>. And sets up High Courts of Commission, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li>
+<li>James I. of Scotland, attacks the nobles, and favours the Church, iii.
+<a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>. Causes of his failure, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>. Put to death by his aristocracy,
+<a href="#Page_49">49</a></li>
+<li>James II. of England, his accession, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_395">395</a>. Attempts of Archbishop Sancroft
+to convert him to Protestantism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_395">395</a> <i>note</i>. Services rendered to him by
+the Protestant clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_396">396</a>. Alliance between the Roman Catholic King and
+the Protestant clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_396">396</a>. Causes of the dissolution of this alliance,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_397">397</a>. His declaration of indulgence, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_397">397</a>. Establishes the first standing
+army in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_397">397</a> <i>note</i>. Persecutions in his reign, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_398">398</a>. Union
+of the Churchmen and Dissenters, and production of the revolution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_400">400</a>.
+His character, iii. <a href="#Page_147">147</a>. His fiendish cruelty, <a href="#Page_147">147&ndash;149</a>. His ignominious
+flight, <a href="#Page_151">151</a></li>
+<li>James II. of Scotland, his treachery, iii. <a href="#Page_49">49&ndash;52</a></li>
+<li>James IV. of Scotland, his policy, iii. <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li>
+<li>James V. of Scotland, seized by the Douglases, iii. <a href="#Page_57">57</a>. His escape, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>,
+<a href="#Page_59">59</a>. Favours the Church, and punishes the nobles, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>. Who bring about
+the Reformation, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>. Accepts the title of &lsquo;Defender of the Faith,&rsquo; <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.
+His marriage with Mary of Guise, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>. Cause of his death, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li>
+<li>Jamin's &lsquo;Thoughts,&rsquo; suppression of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Jansenism, tenets of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_343">343</a>. Its introduction into France, previous to
+the time of Louis XIV., but suppression by him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_344">344</a>. Its revival in the
+eighteenth century, and its effect on the democratic movement, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_344">344</a>. Its
+overthrow of the Jesuits, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a></li>
+<li>Java, early civilization of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_305">305</a>. Causes of the loss of the historical
+traditions of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_305">305</a>. Establishment of Mohammedanism in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_305">305</a> <i>note</i>. Period
+of the Indian colonization of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_305">305</a> <i>note</i>. Traditions of Java preserved
+in the island of Bali, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_306">306</a></li>
+<li>Jefferson, Thomas, his part in the French Revolution, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_418">418</a></li>
+<li>Jeffreys, Lord, his cruelty, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_397">397</a></li>
+<li>Jehangueir, the emperor, his extraordinary wealth, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_77">77</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Jerusalem, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the
+Middle Ages, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_311">311</a></li>
+<li>Jesuits, the, banished from France by Henry IV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_23">23</a>. Recalled, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>
+<i>note</i>. Services of the early Jesuits to civilization, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_336">336</a>. Their system
+of education, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_336">336</a>. Their incompatibility with the opinions of the
+eighteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_337">337</a>. Buffier the only Jesuit name in the history of
+abstract philosophy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_342">342</a> <i>note</i>. The order overthrown in France in the
+last century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_346">346</a>. Regarded as the instigators of Damiens' attempted
+assassination of Louis XV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a>. Expelled from Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_546">546</a></li>
+<li>Jewel, Bishop, his &lsquo;Apology for the Church of England&rsquo; compared with
+Hooker's &lsquo;Ecclesiastical Polity,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_340">340</a>. And with Chillingworth's &lsquo;Religion
+of Protestants,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_348">348</a></li>
+<li>Jews, influence of religion on the progress of society illustrated by the
+history of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_258">258</a>. Importance of the history of the, according
+to Bossuet, ii.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_516" id="Page_516">[516]</a></span>
+285. Harshness of the early Spanish laws against them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_438">438</a>. Decree of
+expulsion of Ferdinand and Isabella, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_445">445</a>. Number of Jews expelled from
+Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_446">446</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Johnson, Dr., on free will, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_14">14</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Joubert, his eminence in medicine, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_195">195</a></li>
+<li>Jousse, suppression of his &lsquo;Treatise on Presidial jurisdiction,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Joyce, Cornet, his origin, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_155">155</a></li>
+<li>Judas, history of, according to Matthew of Westminster, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_316">316</a></li>
+<li>Judges in France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_124">124</a>. Period when judges were first knighted in
+England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_135">135</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Julian, the emperor, causes of his persecution of the Christians, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_186">186</a></li>
+<li>Jurisdictions, hereditary, abolition of, in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li>
+<li>Jury, origin of trial by, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_117">117</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Jussieu, his botanical generalizations, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_397">397</a></li>
+<li>Justice, permanent improvement in the administration of, in England, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_402">402</a></li>
+<li>Juxon, William, his character as archbishop of Canterbury, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_391">391</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Kamtschatkans, religious regard they pay to some animals, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_126">126</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Kant, his views as to the scientific conception of the understanding, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_18">18</a> <i>note</i>; quoted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_35">35&ndash;38</a></li>
+<li>Ken, Bishop, deprived, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_410">410</a>. Refuses to admit in the secular power
+the right of deprivation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_410">410</a></li>
+<li>Kennedy, Bishop of St. Andrew's, his power in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_53">53</a>. His
+counsel to the king, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li>
+<li>Kilmarnock, state of, in the seventeenth century, iii. <a href="#Page_28">28</a>. Rise of the
+manufactures of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>
+<li>&lsquo;King's Friends,&rsquo; the party so called, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_448">448</a></li>
+<li>Kings, causes of the diminution of the respect formerly felt for, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_182">182</a>. Reasons why their information is inaccurate, and their prejudices
+numerous, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>. Their nonsensical or blasphemous titles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_183">183</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Kirke, Colonel, his cruelty, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_397">397</a></li>
+<li>Kirk-sessions in Scotland, in the seventeenth century, iii. <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.
+Their tyranny, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li>
+<li>Knights Templars, discourse of St. Bernard on the, quoted, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_133">133</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Knighthood, bane of the order of, in France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_134">134</a>. Little respect
+paid to it in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_135">135</a>. Compulsory knighthood in that country, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_135">135</a></li>
+<li><a name="Knowledge" id="Knowledge">Knowledge</a>, influence of the progress of, in diminishing religious
+persecution, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>. And in diminishing war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>. The three ways in which
+the progress of knowledge has lessened the warlike spirit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_203">203&ndash;223</a>. The
+totality of human actions governed by the totality of human knowledge,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_229">229</a>. Remarkable diffusion of knowledge in the United States, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_243">243</a>. Books
+the storehouse of knowledge, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>. In what the knowledge in which all
+civilization consists is based, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_268">268</a>. The &lsquo;learned ignorance&rsquo; for which
+many men are remarkable, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>. Condition and results of the literature of
+Europe from the sixth to the tenth centuries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>. Endeavours of
+governments to hinder the advance of knowledge, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_284">284</a>. Craving of the
+people after knowledge, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_430">430</a>. Popular form taken by the diffusion of
+knowledge, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_431">431</a>. Simplicity of the style of the authors of the last
+century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_437">437</a>. The increase and diffusion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_517" id="Page_517">[517]</a></span>
+of knowledge in England at the latter part of the eighteenth century
+antagonistic to the political events of the same period, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_498">498</a>. Efforts of
+the French Protestant clergy to suppress the pursuit of knowledge, ii.
+70. Sudden craving after knowledge in France at the latter part of the
+last century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_407">407</a></li>
+<li>Knox, John, commencement of his career, iii. <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>. His influence in
+promoting the Reformation, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>. His part in the murder of Beaton, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>. Goes
+to Geneva, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>. Returns, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>. His petition to Parliament as to the Church
+revenues, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>. His death, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li>
+<li>Konigseg, his services to Spain, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_519">519</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>La Bletterie, cause of his expulsion from the French Academy, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_235">235</a></li>
+<li>Labour, effect of climate on the energy and regularity with which it is
+conducted, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>. See <a href="#Wages">Wages</a></li>
+<li>Labourers and employers, their wages and profits, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_52">52</a>. Effect of the
+supply of food on the labouring classes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>. Native laws respecting the
+Sudras or labourers of India, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_80">80</a></li>
+<li>La Bruyère, his &lsquo;Charactères,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_209">209</a></li>
+<li>Lacteals, Aselli's discovery of the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_81">81</a>. Recognized by Descartes, but
+denied by Harvey, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_81">81</a> and <i>note</i></li>
+<li>La Fayette, character and abilities of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_470">470</a>. Burke's hostility to,
+471. His familiarity with English language and literature, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_224">224</a>. His
+introduction of democratic opinions into France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_417">417</a></li>
+<li>La Fontaine, &lsquo;Fables&rsquo; of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_209">209</a></li>
+<li>La Force, Marshal, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_43">43</a></li>
+<li>La Harpe, his &lsquo;Éloge sur Fénelon&rsquo; suppressed, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Laing, Mr., his remarks on the German literary class, quoted, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_239">239</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Laland, his advocacy of atheism, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_352">352</a></li>
+<li>Lamplugh, translated from Exeter to the see of York, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_404">404</a></li>
+<li>Lanjuinais, his work on Joseph II. ordered to be burned, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_236">236</a></li>
+<li>Lanthenás, his familiarity with the English language and literature, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_224">224</a></li>
+<li>Laplace, his professed atheism, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_352">352</a></li>
+<li>La Popelinière, his French historical works, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_269">269</a></li>
+<li>Lateran, Matthew of Westminster's etymology of the name, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_317">317</a></li>
+<li>Latin, a vernacular dialect in the Middle Ages, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_271">271</a>. Results of Latin
+being colloquially employed by the monks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_271">271</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Laverdy, openly protects the Jansenists, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a></li>
+<li>Lavoisier, his discoveries in chemistry, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_367">367</a></li>
+<li>Law courts, first publication of the proceedings in the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_434">434</a></li>
+<li>Layamon, his translation into English of the history of Geoffrey of
+Monmouth, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_324">324</a></li>
+<li>Le Blanc, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>.
+His admiration for England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_228">228</a></li>
+<li>Le Brun, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_225">225</a></li>
+<li>Legat, one of the last English martyrs to religious opinions, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_345">345</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Legislation, main object of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_23">23</a>. Burke's views as to the true end of,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_459">459</a>. The safest course for a legislator to pursue, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_504">504</a>. See <a href="#Government">Government</a></li>
+<li>Leicester, Earl of, the founder of the House of Commons, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_117">117</a></li>
+<li>Lenglet du Fresnoy, his imprisonment in the Bastille, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_235">235</a></li>
+<li>Lens, the crystalline, discoveries of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_518" id="Page_518">[518]</a></span>
+Descartes respecting the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_78">78</a></li>
+<li>Leprosy, superstitions respecting, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>. The leprosy of the Middle Ages
+extirpated from modern Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_155">155</a></li>
+<li>Lerma, Duque de, prime minister of Spain, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_474">474</a>. His alliance with
+the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_474">474</a>. And its consequences, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_475">475&ndash;477</a>. His part in the expulsion
+of the Moriscoes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_493">493</a></li>
+<li>Lesdiguières, Marshal, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>. His apostacy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_48">48</a></li>
+<li>Leslie, his philosophy of heat, iii. <a href="#Page_383">383</a>. Aid which he derived from
+poetry, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>. His injustice to Bacon, <a href="#Page_388">388</a></li>
+<li>Le Trosne, suppression of his work on &lsquo;Finance,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Lettes, their fondness for pork, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_314">314</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Le Vassor, his &lsquo;Histoire de Louis XIII.,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_30">30</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>L'Hopital, his recommendation of religious toleration, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_10">10</a>. His
+failure to effect any of his noble schemes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_10">10</a></li>
+<li>Libel, Burke's attack of the power exercised by judges in trials for, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_464">464</a></li>
+<li>Libraries, circulating, first establishment of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_431">431</a>. Licences required
+by Act of Parliament for keeping reading-rooms or circulating libraries,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_490">490</a></li>
+<li>Lichfield, first printing office in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_432">432</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Life, statements of Hindu poets as to the ancient duration of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_135">135</a>.
+Active causes of the increased duration of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_153">153</a>. Examination of Bichat's
+work on Life, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_390">390</a></li>
+<li>Light, French researches as to the phenomena of, in the eighteenth
+century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_362">362</a></li>
+<li>Lindsey, Mr. his establishment of Sunday schools, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_430">430</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Linen, manufacture, rise of in Glasgow, iii. <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>. And in other parts
+of Scotland, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>
+<li>Linguet, his works suppressed and their author imprisoned, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Linnæus, his artificial botanical system superseded by the French natural
+method, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_397">397</a></li>
+<li>Literature, American, characteristics of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_241">241</a></li>
+<li>Literature, influence of on the progress of society, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_266">266</a>. Result which
+is sure to happen to a literature above the level of its age, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>.
+Illustrations from Greece, Rome, and Germany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>. In what real knowledge
+consists, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_268">268</a>. Men and countries where erudition merely ministers to
+ignorance, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>. Condition and effects of the literature of Europe from
+the sixth to the tenth centuries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_270">270</a>. Effect of the monopoly of
+literature by the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_307">307</a>. Character of the literature of India, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>.
+And of ancient Greece, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_137">137</a></li>
+<li>Literature, English&mdash;characteristics of, in the reign of Charles II., i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_234">234</a>. Influence of the intellect of France on Dryden's plays, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_235">235</a> <i>note</i>.
+Causes which have maintained the independence, and increased the value of
+English literature, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_235">235</a> <i>note</i>. Change in the form and make of English
+literature in the last century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_436">436</a>. Coleridge's lamentations of this
+change, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_437">437</a> <i>note</i>. Addison's establishment of the easy and democratic
+style, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_437">437</a>. Failure of an attempt to revive the pedantic style, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_437">437</a>
+<i>note</i>. Abolition of servile dedications, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_438">438</a>. Introduction of the plan
+of publishing books by subscription, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_439">439</a>. First instance of a popular
+writer attacking public men by name, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_439">439</a>. English literature unknown to
+the French<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519">[519]</a></span>
+at the end of the seventeenth century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_214">214</a> <i>note</i>. But
+begun to be studied after the death of Louis XIV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>. Its services to
+French, and thence to European liberty, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_227">227</a></li>
+<li>Literature, French, effect of, on English writings, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_235">235</a>.
+Characteristics of French literature at the time of Descartes and
+Richelieu, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>. The protective spirit carried by Louis XIV. into
+literature, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>. Result in an alliance between literature and government,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_177">177</a>. Servility of men of letters at this time, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_177">177</a>. Injurious
+effects of the protective system of Louis XIV. upon literature, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_182">182</a>. And
+of pensions to literary men, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_187">187</a>. The literary splendour of the
+reign of Louis XIV. not of his creation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>. Causes of its decay in
+his reign, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_208">208</a>. Causes of the junction of English and French intellects
+after the death of Louis XIV. Systematic and prolonged persecution to
+which literature was exposed in the eighteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_230">230&ndash;242</a>. Proposal
+of the avocat-general as to the publication of new works, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_245">245</a>. Why the
+Church, and not the government, was first attacked by literary men, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_247">247</a>.
+State of French historical literature from the end of the sixteenth to
+the end of the eighteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_261">261</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>
+<li>Literature, German, since the middle of the eighteenth century, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>.
+Origin of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>. Remarks on Mr. Kay's picture of German education, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_238">238</a>
+<i>note</i>. Mr. Laing's observations on the German literary class, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_239">239</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Literature, Scotch, poverty of, down to the commencement of the
+eighteenth century, iii. <a href="#Page_183">183</a>. Buchanan and Napier, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>. Character of the
+Scotch philosophical literature of the eighteenth century, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>. Reasons
+why the Scotch literature of the eighteenth century was unable to affect
+the nation, iii. <a href="#Page_465">465</a></li>
+<li>Literature, Spanish, causes which gave it its adventurous and romantic
+tone, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_434">434</a>. Hold retained by the Spanish Church over the highest
+and lowest intellects, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_479">479</a></li>
+<li>Liver, business of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_148">148</a>. The liver and lungs always compensatory,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_148">148</a>. Size of the f&oelig;tal liver, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_149">149</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Locke, John, his views as to the use of money in trade, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_212">212</a> <i>note</i>.
+Causes of his Socinian views, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_363">363</a>. His death, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_374">374</a></li>
+<li>Locomotion, effect of improved means of, in weakening the love of war, i.
+221&ndash;223</li>
+<li>Logarithms, discovery of, iii. <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li>
+<li>Logos, influence of the Platonism of Alexandria in developing the idea of
+the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_286">286</a></li>
+<li>London, the Great Plague and Fire of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_387">387</a></li>
+<li>Lords, House of, abandons its pretensions to an original jurisdiction in
+civil suits, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_384">384</a>. Origin of the disrepute into which the, fell in the
+reign of George III., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_451">451&ndash;453</a>. Abolished, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_153">153</a></li>
+<li>Lotos bread of Egypt, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_87">87</a>. Herodotus on the lotos, quoted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_87">87</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Loudun, insolence of the Protestant assembly of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_61">61</a></li>
+<li>Louis, Saint, of France, his etymology of the word Tartar, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_313">313</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Louis, suppression of his thesis on &lsquo;Generation,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Louis IX. of France, recognizes the right of the nobles to wage private
+war, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_116">116</a></li>
+<li>Louis XIII., his protection of the French protestants, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_25">25</a>. Le<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_520" id="Page_520">[520]</a></span>
+Vassor's &lsquo;Histoire de Louis XIII.,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_30">30</a> <i>note</i>. Heretics not only
+protected during his reign, but openly rewarded, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>. Illtreated by the
+Protestants whom he had protected, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_60">60</a></li>
+<li>Louis XIV., his accession, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_96">96</a>. The protective spirit carried into
+literature during his reign, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>. Character of the King's private life
+and public career, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_178">178</a>. His revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and the
+results, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_178">178&ndash;181</a>. His reign notwithstanding held up by some to
+admiration, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_181">181</a>. Gratitude of men of letters to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_181">181</a>. Injurious
+effect of his system of protection upon literature, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_182">182&ndash;187</a>. The literary
+glory of his reign not his work, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_188">188</a>. Scarcely anything added during his
+reign to the sum of human knowledge, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_189">189&ndash;202</a>. Causes of this intellectual
+decay, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_202">202</a>. Universal decline of France in every department during the
+latter part of his reign, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_210">210&ndash;212</a>. His death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_213">213</a>. The retrograde
+movement in historical literature in the reign of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>. Causes of this,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>. His treatment of literary men, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_274">274&ndash;277</a>. His thirst for glory, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>.
+Voltaire's &lsquo;Age of Louis XIV.,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_296">296</a>. His disposition to favour the King,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_297">297</a></li>
+<li>Louis XVI., rupture between England and France caused by the execution
+of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_485">485</a>. His edict granting civil rights to the Huguenots, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_335">335</a></li>
+<li>Loyalty, causes which weakened, in the reign of Charles II., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_388">388</a>.
+Origin of the deep feelings of loyalty among the French people, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_249">249</a>.
+And among the Spaniards, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_249">249</a> <i>note</i>. The loyalty of the English and
+French compared, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_251">251</a>. Causes of the loyalty of the Spaniards, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_455">455</a>
+<i>et seq.</i> Connexion between loyalty and superstition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_455">455</a>. Old
+punishments for disloyalty in Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_458">458</a>. The loyalty of Spain contrasted
+with that of Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>
+<li>Lulli, the French musician, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_207">207</a></li>
+<li>Lungs, connexion between carbonized food and the respiratory functions,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_148">148</a>. The lungs and liver always compensatory, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_148">148</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Mably, his admiration for England, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_229">229</a>. Suppression of his
+&lsquo;Observations on the History of France,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>. Guizot's edition of this
+work, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>. Character of his &lsquo;History of France,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_300">300</a></li>
+<li>Macaulay, Mr., character of his &lsquo;History of England,&rsquo; i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_394">394</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Macchiavelli, his views as to the real history of Rome, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_314">314</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Machault, controller-general of France, his edict against mortmain, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_332">332</a>. Dislike of the clergy for him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_333">333</a>. Favour with which he regarded
+the Jansenists, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_344">344</a></li>
+<li>Madden, Sir F., his edition of Wace's &lsquo;Brut,&rsquo; i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_325">325</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Madrid, decline in the population of, in the seventeenth century, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_501">501</a>. Starving condition of the people of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_505">505</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_509">509</a>. Scenes of robbery and
+murder in consequence, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_509">509&ndash;511</a>. No public library in, in 1679, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_527">527</a>.
+Beautified by Charles III., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_561">561</a></li>
+<li>Magendie, his division of food into azotized and non-azotized, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_55">55</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Maize, its extraordinary fecundity in Mexico and Peru, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_109">109</a>. Most
+probably peculiar to the American continent, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_109">109</a></li>
+<li>Malaga captured from the Arabs, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_440">440</a></li>
+<li>Malayo-Polynesian race, causes of the corruption of the early histories<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_521" id="Page_521">[521]</a></span>
+of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_305">305</a>. Eastern and western limits of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_305">305</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Malebranches, his &lsquo;Inquiry respecting Truth,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_209">209</a></li>
+<li>Malesherbes, M., his attack on church property in France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_333">333</a></li>
+<li>Mallet, character of his &lsquo;History of Denmark,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_299">299</a></li>
+<li>Malus, his researches into the laws of light, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_362">362</a></li>
+<li>Malthus, principle of his work anticipated by Voltaire, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_304">304</a></li>
+<li><a name="Man" id="Man">Man</a> modified by nature and nature modified by man, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_20">20</a>. Inquiry into
+the laws of this double modification, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_20">20</a>. Inferences respecting human
+actions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_21">21</a>. Two classes of actions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_22">22</a>. The powers of man unlimited, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>.
+Modes in which his energies are checked by the energies of nature, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>.
+Laws of the process by which the mind of man is influenced by the aspects
+of nature, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>. Effects of the force and majesty of nature in the
+tropics, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_120">120</a>. Causes which give birth to superstition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>. Fictions
+in Sanscrit literature as to the longevity of the human race at an early
+period of the world, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_135">135</a>. Moral and intellectual progress of man, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_174">174</a>. No
+evidence of the improvement of the natural faculties of man, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>.
+Dependence of his progress on an improvement of the circumstances under
+which his faculties come into play, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_178">178</a>. The standard of action having
+varied in every age, the causes of action must be variable, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>.
+Stationary character of moral principles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_180">180</a>. Progressive aspect of
+intellectual truths, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_181">181</a>. Ignorant men always mischievous in proportion
+to their sincerity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>. Religious persecutions in Rome and Spain,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_185">185&ndash;188</a>. More virtue than vice in every country, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_221">221</a>. Inferences to be
+drawn as to the causes of social progress, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_224">224</a>. The totality of human
+actions governed by the totality of human knowledge, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_229">229</a></li>
+<li>Manchester, Earl of, joins the Parliamentary forces, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_151">151</a></li>
+<li>Manichæans, their doctrine of predestination, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_13">13</a></li>
+<li>Manrent, in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_65">65</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Mansfield, Lord, his speech on the Theological Society, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_436">436</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Manufactures, few and insignificant improvements made in, in France
+during the reign of Louis XIV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_193">193</a>. Sudden rise of the manufactures
+in Scotland, in 1707, iii. <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a></li>
+<li>Marat, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_224">224</a></li>
+<li>Marchand, Prosper, his &lsquo;Dictionnaire Historique,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_267">267</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Margat, suppression of his &lsquo;History of Tamerlane,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_235">235</a></li>
+<li>Marlborough, Duke of, character of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_201">201</a></li>
+<li>Marmontel, how treated by a French noble, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_240">240</a></li>
+<li>Marriages, determined by uniformity of sequence, and not by the temper
+and wishes of individuals, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_32">32</a>. Effects of the price of food upon
+marriages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_32">32</a></li>
+<li>Marsy, his &lsquo;Analysis of Bayle&rsquo; suppressed, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_236">236</a></li>
+<li>Martin, bishop of Tours, Bossuet's estimate of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_287">287</a>. The
+Benedictines' life of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>. His miracles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_288">288</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Martyrs, adoration of, in the early ages of the Church, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_145">145</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Mary, Queen, restores England to Catholicism, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_7">7</a>. But fails to effect
+a restoration of church property, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_7">7</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Mary of Guise, her marriage with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_522" id="Page_522">[522]</a></span>
+James V. of Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_63">63</a>. Her attempt to establish a standing army,
+<a href="#Page_77">77</a>. Becomes regent, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>. Deposed, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li>
+<li>Masillon, the last of the great French pulpit orators, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_348">348</a></li>
+<li>Masquerades forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_70">70</a></li>
+<li>Mathematicians, their pretence to certainty in their own pursuits, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>. The study of mathematics in France in the seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_189">189</a></li>
+<li>Mathew of Westminster, his history of Judas, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_316">316</a>. His origin of the
+custom of kissing the Pope's toe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_317">317</a>. His etymology of the Lateran, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_317">317</a></li>
+<li>Maxwell, Lord, iii. <a href="#Page_71">71</a>. His venality, <a href="#Page_71">71</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Mazarin, Cardinal, his anti-ecclesiastical policy, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_96">96</a>. His
+toleration, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_97">97</a>. His alliance with Oliver Cromwell, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_98">98</a>. Signs the
+treaty of the Pyrenees, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_98">98</a></li>
+<li>Mechanics, why less superstitious than agriculturists, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_376">376&ndash;379</a></li>
+<li>Medici, Catherine de', her protection of the French Protestants, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_25">25</a>.
+Her foreign policy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_35">35</a></li>
+<li>Medicine, decline of the science of, in the reign of Louis XIV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_195">195</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_196">196</a></li>
+<li>Meetings, public political, establishment of the right of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_434">434</a>.
+Passing of an Act intended to stifle religious or political meetings, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_489">489</a></li>
+<li>Melrose Abbey robbed by the English, iii. <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>
+<li>Melville, Andrew, takes the lead of the Scotch reformed church, iii. <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.
+Begins a struggle with the State, which lasted for sixty years, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>. His
+name of &#949;&#960;&#953;&#963;&#954;&#959;&#960;&#959;&#956;&#945;&#963;&#964;&#953;&#958;, <a href="#Page_97">97</a> <i>note</i>. Appointed moderator at St.
+Andrew's in 1582, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>. His personal insult to the king, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>. Summoned by
+the king to England, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>. Imprisoned in the Tower, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li>
+<li>Memory, aberrations of, the laws respecting the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_32">32</a></li>
+<li>Mental laws, examination of the method employed by metaphysicians for
+discovering, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>. Failure of their two methods, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_164">164</a>. Mental laws
+either moral or intellectual, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_168">168</a>. Comparison between moral and
+intellectual laws, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_175">175</a>. Necessity of ascertaining the fundamental
+laws of intellectual progress, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_242">242</a>. Advantages to be gained in that
+respect from studying the histories of Germany, America, France, Spain,
+and Scotland, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_243">243</a></li>
+<li>&lsquo;Mence, Institutes of,&rsquo; authority of in India, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_75">75</a>. Vast antiquity of
+the, according to the Hindu writers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_137">137</a></li>
+<li>Menzies, John, the Aberdeen preacher, iii. <a href="#Page_203">203</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Mercenaries employed by William the Conqueror and his immediate
+successors, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_114">114</a></li>
+<li>Mercury, mine of, at Almaden, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_540">540</a></li>
+<li>Mescua, Mira de, the Spanish dramatist, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_479">479</a></li>
+<li><a name="Metaphysics" id="Metaphysics">Metaphysics</a>; metaphysical inquiry preceded and often controlled by the
+physical, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_10">10</a> <i>note</i>. The only successful mode of prosecuting the study
+of metaphysics, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_17">17</a>. Examination of the two metaphysical methods of
+generalizing mental laws, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>. Definition of the term metaphysics, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_164">164</a>
+<i>note</i>. The English inductive and the Scotch deductive methods, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_245">245</a> <i>et
+seq.</i> Robert Simson and Matthew Stewart, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_247">247</a>. Adam Smith, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_249">249</a>. David
+Hume, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_250">250</a>. Examination of the method employed by metaphysicians for
+discovering mental laws, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>. Failure of their two methods, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_164">164</a>.
+Descartes, the originator<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_523" id="Page_523">[523]</a></span>
+of the modern method of philosophy, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_82">82</a>. Analogy of his philosophy
+with the anti-theological policy of Richelieu, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_83">83</a>. The eminent
+characteristic of the philosophy of Descartes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_87">87</a>. Analysis of his
+principles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_89">89</a>. Services which metaphysicians formerly rendered to
+the Church, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_262">262</a>. Analysis of the works of Helvetius and Condillac,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_353">353&ndash;360</a>. Rise of the reactionary party in France at the beginning
+of the present century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_389">389</a>. See also <a href="#Philosophy">Philosophy</a></li>
+<li>Meteorology, causes which have retarded the progress of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_377">377</a> <i>note</i>.
+Supernatural causes attributed by ignorance to changes in the weather,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_378">378</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Method, importance of the philosophy of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_387">387</a></li>
+<li>Mey, suppression of his treatise on &lsquo;French Law,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Mexico, authentic existing materials for forming an opinion on the
+ancient state of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_95">95</a>. Characteristics of the climate of, and reasons
+for its early civilization, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_99">99</a>. Exuberance of the maize plant in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_109">109</a>.
+The potato introduced by the Spaniards into, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>. Extraordinary
+fecundity of the banana in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>. Success with which astronomy was
+cultivated in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_112">112</a>. Condition of the upper and lower classes of the
+inhabitants of, when discovered by the Europeans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_114">114</a>. Custom of caste in
+Mexico, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_115">115</a>. Frivolous waste of labour of the Mexicans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_116">116</a>. Their
+immense buildings, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_117">117</a></li>
+<li>Mezeray, character of his &lsquo;History of France,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_271">271</a>. How treated
+by Louis XIV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>. His &lsquo;Abrégé Chronologique,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_275">275</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Michael, St., foundation of the order of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_313">313</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Micrometer, discovery of the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_192">192</a></li>
+<li>Microscope, invention of the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_199">199</a></li>
+<li>Middle Ages, the childish admiration of the, dispelled by Voltaire, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_305">305</a></li>
+<li>Middleton, Dr., ferment caused by his &lsquo;Free Inquiry,&rsquo; i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_428">428</a></li>
+<li>Mill, James, his method of investigating speculative jurisprudence, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_426">426</a>426</li>
+<li>Mill, John, his inquiry into the method of investigation which political
+economists ought to follow, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_250">250</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Millet, use of, as food in India, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_71">71</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Millington, Sir Thomas, his botanical discoveries, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_200">200</a>. Causes of his
+opposition to ecclesiastical authority, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_363">363</a></li>
+<li>Milton, John, parts of his works translated into French by Mirabeau, ii.
+225</li>
+<li>Minana, Spanish historian, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_480">480</a></li>
+<li>Mineralogy, French researches in, at the end of the eighteenth century,
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>. Doubts as to the true method of investigating, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>. The
+discovery of isomorphism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_400">400</a></li>
+<li>Mines, military employment of gunpowder in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_206">206</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Mirabeau, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_225">225</a>.
+His professed atheism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_352">352</a></li>
+<li>Miracles, the celebrated dispute respecting, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_428">428</a></li>
+<li>Missionaries, influence of religion on the progress of society
+illustrated by the efforts of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_255">255</a></li>
+<li>Mississippi, area drained by the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_97">97</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Mohammed, cause of his death, according to Mathew Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_315">315</a>. And
+cause of his becoming a heretic, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_316">316</a>. How regarded by Bossuet, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_286">286</a></li>
+<li>Mohammedanism, area of the countries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_524" id="Page_524">[524]</a></span>
+in which it is professed, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_286">286</a>. Lofty ideas of the Mohammedan writers
+on the oneness of God, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_287">287</a> <i>note</i>. The Mohammedans in Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_439">439</a></li>
+<li>Molina, Tirso de, the Spanish dramatist, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_480">480</a></li>
+<li>Monboddo, Lord, his lamentation over the extinction of pedantry in
+English literature, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_437">437</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>&lsquo;Monconys, Voyages de,&rsquo; i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_371">371</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Money, notions of the use of, in trade, in the seventeenth and eighteenth
+centuries, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_210">210&ndash;212</a>. Right of coining allowed to the aristocracy of
+France, but never in England, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_115">115</a></li>
+<li>Monks, results of Latin being colloquially employed by the, of the Middle
+Ages, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_271">271</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Monotheism, forms of religion preceding, according to Hume and Comte, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_250">250</a>250 <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Monsoons, causes of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_102">102</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Monstrosities, animal, discoveries respecting, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_396">396</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Montaigne, Michel de, first appearance of his essays, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>. Difference
+between him and Rabelais, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>. Regarded as the first French sceptic, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>.
+Opinions of Dugald Stewart and Rousseau of his writings, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_18">18</a> <i>note</i>.
+Immense influence of his works, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_18">18</a> <i>note</i>. Compared with Charron, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>. His
+scepticism compared with that of Descartes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>. His the first sceptical
+work published in France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_266">266</a></li>
+<li>Montalvan, Spanish dramatist, his office in the Inquisition, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_479">479</a></li>
+<li>Montbarey, Prince de, character of his censures of Louis XV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_406">406</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Montesquieu, his erroneous notions as to political economy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_212">212</a>
+<i>note</i>. His knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>.
+His admiration for England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>. His the first information concerning the
+real history of Rome, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_314">314</a>. Character of his &lsquo;Spirit of Laws,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_314">314</a>. His
+method, and its value, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_315">315</a></li>
+<li>Montgomery, Robert, appointed Archbishop of Glasgow, iii. <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.
+Excommunicated by the General Assembly, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>. Submits, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+<li>Montgon, suppression of the &lsquo;Letters&rsquo; of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Montlosier, his geological labours, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_368">368</a></li>
+<li>Moral truths, little changes which they have undergone, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_180">180</a>. Moral
+truths in the New Testament quoted from pagan authors, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_180">180</a> <i>note</i>.
+Influence of moral feelings on individuals, but not on society in the
+aggregate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>. Separation of theology from morals, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_424">424</a>. Consequences of
+this separation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_425">425&ndash;427</a></li>
+<li>Morals, Charron's, the first attempt to create a system of morals
+independent of theology, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_19">19</a></li>
+<li>Morellet, l'Abbé, his translation of the &lsquo;Wealth of Nations&rsquo; into French,
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_239">239</a>. His punishment in the Bastille, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_240">240</a></li>
+<li>Moriscoes, their expulsion from Spain, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_485">485</a> <i>et seq.</i> Number expelled,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_494">494</a></li>
+<li>Morris-dances forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_70">70</a></li>
+<li>Mortmain, Machault's edict against, in France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_332">332</a></li>
+<li>Morton, the Regent, his persecution of the reformed clergy of Scotland,
+iii. <a href="#Page_91">91</a></li>
+<li>Mosaic cosmogony first impugned, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_429">429</a></li>
+<li>Mounier, his familiarity with the English language and English
+institutions, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_225">225</a>. His proposal for the establishment of two Chambers
+in France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_225">225</a></li>
+<li>Muhlberg, results of the battle of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_446">446</a></li>
+<li>Municipal privileges in England,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_525" id="Page_525">[525]</a></span>
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>. Futility of, in France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_121">121</a></li>
+<li>Murder, uniform reproduction of the crime of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_25">25</a></li>
+<li>Muscular system, waste or decomposition of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_56">56</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Music forbidden by the Scotch clergy, iii. <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li>
+<li>Muskets, the, of the fifteenth century, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_206">206</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Names, origin of the habit of generalizing, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_297">297</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Nantes, edict of, confirmed by Catherine de' Medici, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_25">25</a>. By her son
+Louis XIII., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_25">25</a>. And by Mazarin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_96">96</a></li>
+<li>Napier, Sir William, his military genius and works, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_200">200</a></li>
+<li>Napier, John, his discovery of logarithms, iii. <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li>
+<li>Naples, foundation of the city of, according to the writers of the Middle
+Ages, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_313">313</a></li>
+<li>Napoleon I., compared with Richelieu, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_27">27</a></li>
+<li>Nasmyth, his researches into the structure of the teeth, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_385">385</a></li>
+<li>&lsquo;Nations, Morals, Manners, and Character of,&rsquo; Voltaire's, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_297">297</a></li>
+<li>Nature, laws of, origin of the perception of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_9">9</a>. Causes of the
+disturbances in the laws of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_30">30</a>. Influence and results of the general
+aspects of, on the human race in its infancy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_118">118</a>. Modes in which the
+energies of Nature hamper the energies of Man in South America, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_106">106</a>. Laws
+of the process by which the aspects of Nature influence the human mind,
+its natural movements, and natural progress, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>. Feelings inspired by
+the force and majesty of natural phenomena in tropical regions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_121">121</a>.
+Physiological effects of the fear of earthquakes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>. Comparison of
+the material phenomena of Greece and India, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_140">140</a>. Instance in the
+proportion of births of the sexes of the regularity of natural laws, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_168">168</a></li>
+<li>&lsquo;Nature, the System of,&rsquo; publication of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_351">351</a></li>
+<li>Necessity, doctrine of, its displacement of the doctrine of Chance, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_9">9</a>.
+Origin of the doctrine, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_343">343</a></li>
+<li>Necker, M., his Report on the Finances of France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>. Eagerness of
+the French to read it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>. Character of the work, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_330">330</a>. His
+anti-ecclesiastical policy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_333">333</a>. His Calvinist opinions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a>.</li>
+<li>Newspapers, first publication of, on Sundays, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_431">431</a>. Establishment of
+political ones, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_434">434</a>. And of the right to publish parliamentary debates,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_435">435</a>. Vast increase in the circulation of newspapers in the latter half of
+the last century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_439">439</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Newton, Sir Isaac, his imagination i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_124">124</a> <i>note</i>. His death, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_374">374</a></li>
+<li>Niebuhr, his arguments as to the early history of Rome anticipated by
+Voltaire, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_311">311</a>. The three principles fundamental to his history which
+it is impossible to refute, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_311">311</a></li>
+<li>Nile, effects of the overflow of the, on the civilization of Egypt, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>. Herodotus's expression &#948;&#8182;&#961;&#959;&#957; &#964;&#959;&#8166; &#960;&#959;&#964;&#945;&#956;&#959;&#8166;, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_49">49</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Nîmes, insolence of the Protestant assembly of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_60">60</a></li>
+<li>Nobles. See <a href="#Aristocracy">Aristocracy</a></li>
+<li>Nonconformists. See <a href="#Dissenters">Dissenters</a></li>
+<li>Nonjurors, the, amongst the bishops and inferior clergy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_408">408&ndash;412</a>. The
+last of the nonjuring bishops, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_412">412</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Norfolk, Duke of, concludes the treaty of Berwick, iii. <a href="#Page_81">81</a></li>
+<li>North, Lord, overpersuaded by George III. to engage in war with America,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_480">480</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Norwegians, their invasion of Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_10">10</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_526" id="Page_526">[526]</a></span></li>
+<li>Nosology, the, of Cullen, iii. <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
+<li>Nutrition, M. Chevreul's generalizations of the laws of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_198">198</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Oaths, causes which have given rise to, in England, of every kind and in
+every direction, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>. Amount of perjury in England caused by
+legislation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_282">282</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>&#338;pinus, his experiments on electricity, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_362">362</a></li>
+<li>Oils, amount of carbon in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_61">61</a></li>
+<li>Okey, the fifth-monarchy man, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_155">155</a></li>
+<li>Opinion, public, origin of the supremacy of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>. The real cause of
+the abolition of the corn-laws, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_273">273</a></li>
+<li>Optics, discoveries of Descartes in, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_78">78</a></li>
+<li>Orders of chivalry, origin of the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_133">133</a></li>
+<li>Ordinance, the Self-denying, passed, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_153">153</a></li>
+<li>Oregon or Columbia river, the only river of importance on the western
+coast of North America, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_97">97</a></li>
+<li>Orkney Isles, seized by the Norwegians, iii. <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
+<li>Orleans, Duke of, his residence in England, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_226">226</a></li>
+<li>Osteology, comparative, Ambrose Paré's contributions to, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_195">195</a></li>
+<li>Owen, Professor, his researches into the structure of the teeth, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_384">384</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_385">385</a>. His services to comparative anatomy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_386">386</a></li>
+<li>Oxford, effort of the clergy to instil their principles at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_442">442</a>
+<i>note</i>. Pitt's denunciation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_442">442</a> <i>note</i>. Execution of the first heretic
+at, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_109">109</a></li>
+<li>Oxygen in food, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_55">55</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Paganism, large amount of, existing in every Christian sect, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_260">260</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Paisley, population of, in 1700, iii. <a href="#Page_28">28</a>. Rise and progress of, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li>
+<li>Palæontology, Cuvier the founder of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_369">369</a>. Its importance to geology,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_369">369</a> <i>note</i>. Daubenton's labours, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_371">371</a>. Owen's, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_386">386</a></li>
+<li>Palatine, endeavours of Richelieu to save the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_38">38</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Paley, Dr., effect of his utilitarian moral system, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_426">426</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Palm-tree, the date, its importance in Africa, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_84">84</a></li>
+<li>Palm-wine, of Africa, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_84">84</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Paravicino, Spanish poet, his sermons, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_480">480</a></li>
+<li>Paré, Ambroise, his eminence in surgery, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_195">195</a>. One of the founders of
+comparative osteology, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_195">195</a></li>
+<li>Paris, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the Middle
+Ages, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_310">310</a>. State of the pulpit oratory of, in 1771, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_348">348</a></li>
+<li>Paris, Mathew, his statement as to the reason why Mohammedans refuse to
+eat pork, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_315">315</a>. Sismondi's eulogy of him as an historian, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_315">315</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Parliament, gradual diminution of the number of ecclesiastics in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_416">416</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_417">417</a>. Final expulsion of the clergy from the House of Commons, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_418">418</a>.
+Establishment of the right to publish the debates in Parliament, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_435">435</a>. And
+of the doctrine of personal representation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_435">435</a></li>
+<li>Parr, Dr., classical style of his English, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_307">307</a></li>
+<li>Pascal, Blaise, period in which he flourished, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>. His great works,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>. His &lsquo;Provincial Letters,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_209">209</a></li>
+<li>Pathology, characteristics of, iii. <a href="#Page_410">410</a>. Compared with Physiology, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>.
+Account of the generalizations of Cullen and of Hunter,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_527" id="Page_527">[527]</a></span>
+<a href="#Page_413">413</a>. Difference between the science of pathology and the art of
+therapeutics, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>. Cullen's theory of the solids and fluids, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>. His
+theory of fever, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>. His nosology, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>. His services to pathology, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>,
+<a href="#Page_447">447</a></li>
+<li>Patin, his opinion of the English of the seventeenth century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Patronage of literature. See <a href="#Protective_spirit">Protective spirit</a></li>
+<li>Pecquet, his discovery of the chyle, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_194">194</a></li>
+<li>Pedantry of ancient English authors, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_436">436</a>. Discarded for a lighter
+style, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_437">437</a></li>
+<li>Pelagius, his doctrines as to free will, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_338">338</a>. Absence of the
+speculative spirit in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_342">342</a>. His learning, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_342">342</a></li>
+<li>Penal code, increasing severity of the, in the reign of George III., i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_463">463</a></li>
+<li>Pensions, literary, injurious effect of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>&ndash;187</li>
+<li>Perjury, cause of the increase of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_281">281</a>. Amount of, in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Persecution of the Christians under the Roman Emperors, causes of, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_185">185</a>. And of those of Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_187">187</a>. Causes of the diminution of religious
+persecution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_188">188</a>. Number of persons put to death in Holland and Spain,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>. Old theological theory of the justification of persecution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_344">344</a></li>
+<li>Persia, Arab conquest of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>. Causes of the absence of authentic
+information respecting the early history of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_303">303</a>. The &lsquo;Shah Nameh&rsquo; of
+Ferdousi, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_303">303</a>. Antagonism between Mohammedanism and the old Persian
+history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_303">303</a>. Results anticipated from a decipherment of the Persian
+cuneiform inscriptions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_304">304</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Perth burnt by the English, iii. <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>. Population of, in the sixteenth
+century, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li>
+<li>Peru, physical condition of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_107">107</a>. Exuberance of maize of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_109">109</a>. And of
+the banana of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>. Condition of the upper and lower classes of the
+people of, when discovered by the Europeans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_113">113</a>. Rigid enforcement of
+caste in Peru, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_114">114</a> <i>note</i>. Frivolous waste of labour of the Peruvians,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_117">117</a>. Their immense buildings, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_117">117</a>. The effect of earthquakes in Peru in
+encouraging superstition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_123">123</a></li>
+<li>Pestilence, superstitions respecting, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>. Pestilences &lsquo;the harvests
+of the ministers of God,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_130">130</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Petit, Antoine, popularity of his lectures on anatomy, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_406">406</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Pharamond, authorities for the existence of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_265">265</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Philip Augustus, his policy in regard to the French aristocracy, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_115">115</a></li>
+<li>Philip II. of Spain, his fondness for bacon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_314">314</a> <i>note</i>. His hatred of
+the Calvinists, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_341">341</a>. His character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_450">450</a>. His war against the
+Dutch Protestants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_451">451</a>. Object of all his wars and negotiations, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_452">452</a>. His
+celebrated Armada, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_453">453</a>. Supported in everything by his loyal subjects,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_453">453</a>. Ascendancy retained by him over the ecclesiastical hierarchy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_473">473</a>
+<i>note</i>. His cruelty to the Moriscoes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_485">485</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_486">486</a>. His character as a ruler,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_468">468</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_473">473</a>. His part in the extension of the influence of the Church, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_475">475</a></li>
+<li>Philip III. of Spain, his cruelty to the Moriscoes, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_489">489</a></li>
+<li>Philip IV. of Spain, his character, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_468">468</a></li>
+<li>Philip V. of Spain, his accession, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_513">513</a>. His policy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_513">513</a>. Attacks the
+inquisition, but is unable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_528" id="Page_528">[528]</a></span>
+to abolish it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_521">521</a>. Opposed by his people in everything, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_522">522</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Philip the Fair, recognizes the right of the nobles to wage private war,
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_116">116</a></li>
+<li>Philippine Islands, pure form of the Polytheism of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_305">305</a>. Spanish
+conquest of the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_464">464</a></li>
+<li>Philology, study of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_2">2</a>. Buffier the only Jesuit whose name has a place
+in the history of abstract <a name="Philosophy" id="Philosophy">philosophy</a>, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_342">342</a> <i>note</i>. Examination of the
+Scotch philosophy of the eighteenth century, iii. <a href="#Page_281">281</a>. Causes of the
+success of the deductive and not of the inductive method in Scotland,
+<a href="#Page_282">282</a>. The Scotch method compared and contrasted with those of Germany and
+England, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>. Summary of the most important distinctions between
+deduction and induction, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>. Hutcheson's philosophy, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>. Adam Smith's,
+<a href="#Page_304">304</a>. Hume's, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>. Reid's, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>. See also <a href="#Metaphysics">Metaphysics</a></li>
+<li>Phlebitis first recognized by Hunter, iii. <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li>
+<li>Phosphorus, amount of, in the brain, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_57">57</a> <i>note</i>. First announced by
+Hensing, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_57">57</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Phrenologists, the principal obstacle in the way of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_176">176</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Phyllotaxis, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_397">397</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Physical science, present state of, compared with history, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_7">7</a>.
+Physical, the natural precursor of metaphysical inquiries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_10">10</a> <i>note</i>.
+Remarks on the influence exercised by physical laws over the organization
+of society and over the character of individuals, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_39">39</a>. Effects of food,
+climate, and soil, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_40">40</a> <i>et seq.</i> Democratic character of the physical
+sciences, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_409">409</a>. Popular works of Desaguliers and Hill on physical
+truth, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_432">432</a> <i>note</i>. Examination of the Scotch method employed in physical
+philosophy, iii. <a href="#Page_361">361</a>. The laws of heat, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>. Black's philosophy of latent
+heat, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>. Reasons why it is incumbent on physical philosophers to
+cultivate the imagination, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>. Leslie's philosophy of heat, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>.
+Geological speculations in Scotland, England, and Germany, <a href="#Page_388">388&ndash;393</a>388&ndash;393.
+Watt's invention of the steam-engine, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>. Methods employed by Watt and
+Cavendish in the discovery of the composition of water, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>. Nature of
+the supposed difference between the organic and inorganic world, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>.
+Life probably a property of all matter, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>. Division of organic science
+into physiology and pathology, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>. Theory in science, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>. Hunter's idea
+of uniting all the physical sciences, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>. The deductive method supreme
+in Scotland in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>. The two
+methods compared, <a href="#Page_462">462&ndash;464</a>. Science the ally of religion, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>. Attempts of
+the clergy of the reign of Charles II. to oppose the spread of physical
+science, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_372">372</a>. The term <i>natural</i> science, in contradistinction to
+<i>supernatural</i>, as used at this period, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_372">372</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Physiologists, view taken by, of the origin of the sexes, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_170">170</a>.
+Probable causes of the small contributions of physiologists towards the
+power of predicting events, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_171">171</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Physiology, decline of the science of, in the reign of Louis XIV., ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_194">194</a>. Glisson's services to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_196">196</a>. Characteristics of the science of, iii.
+<a href="#Page_410">410</a>. Compared with pathology, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>. John Hunter's generalizations, <a href="#Page_428">428</a> <i>et
+seq.</i></li>
+<li>Piracy of the Rochellois, in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_529" id="Page_529">[529]</a></span>
+seventeenth century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_63">63</a></li>
+<li>Pistols, invention of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_206">206</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Pitt, William, the elder, his reputation as a statesman, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_449">449</a>. Reason
+why he was hated by George III., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_450">450</a></li>
+<li>Pitt, William, his subserviency to George III., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_448">448</a>. His
+abandonment of liberal principles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_447">447</a>. Prosecutes and persecutes his
+brother reformers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_447">447</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Plague, the Great, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_387">387</a></li>
+<li>Plants, effects of heat and moisture on, the geographical distribution
+of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_96">96</a></li>
+<li>Plato, his conclusion as to the truth or falsehood of spectral phenomena
+or dreams, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_16">16</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Platonism, its natural precursor the atomic doctrine, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_10">10</a> <i>note</i>.
+Influence of the Platonism of Alexandria in developing the idea of the
+Logos, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_286">286</a></li>
+<li><a name="Poetry" id="Poetry">Poetry</a> cultivated solely by the ancient Sanscrit authors, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_133">133</a>.
+Indian metres, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_133">133</a>. Cause of the reverence felt for great poets, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_294">294</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Poisons, general theory of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_56">56</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Poissy, conference of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in
+the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_10">10</a></li>
+<li>Political economy, study of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_2">2</a>. Influence of the discoveries made in,
+in lessening the warlike spirit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>. Misconception of the true nature of
+barter in early times, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_210">210&ndash;212</a>. Movement of the eighteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_213">213</a>.
+Smith's &lsquo;Wealth of Nations,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>. His method of treating the laws of
+wealth, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_249">249</a>. Mr. John Mill's and Mr. Rae's inquiry into the proper method
+of investigation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_250">250</a> <i>note</i>. French translations of the &lsquo;Wealth of
+Nations&rsquo; in the eighteenth century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>. Voltaire's opinions
+respecting, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>. Rise of the French political economists in the middle of
+the eighteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_327">327</a>. The revolutionary tendency of this
+economical movement, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_327">327</a>. Schism effected between the nation and
+government by the economists, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_328">328</a>. Influence exercised shortly before the
+revolution by the economists, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>. Examination of Adam Smith's &lsquo;Wealth of
+Nations,&rsquo; iii. <a href="#Page_314">314</a>. Salutary effects of man's constant endeavours to
+better his condition, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>. Malthus's work on population, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>. Constant
+struggle between capital and labour, according to Adam Smith, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.
+Views of David Hume, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></li>
+<li>Politics, separation of theology from, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_424">424</a>. Consequences of this
+separation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_425">425&ndash;427</a>. Effect of the protective spirit carried into
+politics, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_107">107</a></li>
+<li>Polytheism, the predecessor of monotheism, according to Hume, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_251">251</a>
+<i>note</i>. Natural creed of the Romans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>. The religion of the
+Malayo-Polynesians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_305">305</a></li>
+<li>Pope, origin of kissing his toe, according to Mathew of Westminster, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_317">317</a>. Voltaire's Reasons for the unity and consolidation of the power of
+the popes as compared with that of the Greek patriarchs, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_303">303</a></li>
+<li>Population, connexion between food and the laws of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_57">57</a>. Case of the
+potato and Irish population, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_66">66</a>. A poor diet said to be more favourable
+to fecundity than a rich one, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_68">68</a> <i>note</i>. Voltaire's ideas respecting the
+ratios by which population and food increase, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>. Malthus's work on,
+iii. <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li>
+<li>Pork, in general use in Europe as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530">[530]</a></span>
+food, for centuries, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_314">314</a>. Cause of the refusal of the Mohammedans to
+eat pork, according to Mathew Paris, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_315">315</a>. Eaten in Asia and Africa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_315">315</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Porson, Richard, his letter on the texts of the Heavenly Witnesses, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_429">429</a>. His appreciation of the beauties of the English language, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_307">307</a></li>
+<li>Portugal, physical causes of the superstition existing in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>.
+Absence of science and triumph of the imagination in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_124">124</a></li>
+<li>Potato, the principal food of the labouring classes in Ireland, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_65">65</a>.
+Time of its introduction into that country, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_65">65</a> <i>note</i>. The potato crop
+compared with that of wheat, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_65">65</a>. Used as food by the ancient Peruvians,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_110">110</a>. Introduced into Mexico by the Spaniards, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>. The starch of the
+potato frozen into saccharine in Southern Peru, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_111">111</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Pouissin, his works of art, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_209">209</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Prathama-Raja, the Hindu poets' account of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_136">136</a></li>
+<li>Precision contrasted with certainty in writing history, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_325">325</a></li>
+<li><a name="Predestination" id="Predestination">Predestination</a>, probable origin of the dogma of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_9">9</a>. Foundation of the
+theory, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>. Calvin, Augustin, and the Manichæans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>. Ambrose, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_13">13</a> <i>note</i>.
+Writers on the absurdity of &lsquo;an omnipotent arbitrary deity,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_13">13</a> <i>note</i>.
+Barrenness of the hypothesis of predestination in a scientific
+investigation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>. The doctrine of providential interference bound up
+with that of predestination, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_19">19</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Preëmption, destruction of the prerogative of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_385">385</a></li>
+<li>Prerogative, royal limits set to the, after the expulsion of the Stuarts,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_402">402</a>. None of our sovereigns since Queen Anne allowed to be present at
+state deliberations, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_442">442</a> <i>note</i>. Reaction in favour of divine right, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_445">445</a></li>
+<li>Prescription, old customary French law of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_115">115</a></li>
+<li>&lsquo;Presidial Jurisdiction,&rsquo; by Jousse, suppressed, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Press, efforts made by governments to destroy the liberty of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_284">284</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_285">285</a>. Foundation of the public press in England, and its effect on English
+civilization, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_386">386</a>. Final abolition of the censorship over the, in
+England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_402">402</a>. Practice of the English clergy of censuring all books that
+encouraged free inquiry, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_414">414</a>. First publication of Sunday newspapers,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_431">431</a>. Speech of Danvers as to the power of the press in his time, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_484">484</a>
+<i>note</i>. War carried on in the reign of George III. against free
+discussion of the acts of the government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_491">491</a>. Vindictive
+prosecutions and persecutions of eminent men, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_488">488</a>. Importance of the
+press in England and France in the middle of the seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_99">99</a></li>
+<li>Preston-pans, battle of, iii. <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li>
+<li>Prévost de la Jannes, his &lsquo;Life of Domat&rsquo; suppressed, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Prévost, his views as to the laws of the radiation of heat, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_362">362</a></li>
+<li>Priapus, Voltaire's remarks on the worship of, quoted, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_303">303</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Pride compared with vanity, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_163">163</a></li>
+<li>Pride, Colonel, his origin, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_155">155</a></li>
+<li>Primi, the Abbé, his &lsquo;History of Louis XIV.,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_276">276</a>. Thrown into the
+Bastille, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_277">277</a></li>
+<li>Printing, early knowledge of, in China, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_302">302</a> <i>note</i>. Legislative
+restrictions in former times on, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_386">386</a> <i>note</i>. When first generally
+practised in country towns, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_432">432</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Probability, Romish doctrine of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_22">22</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Profits, in what they consist, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_52">52</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_531" id="Page_531">[531]</a></span>
+Always reduced by high wages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_74">74</a></li>
+<li>Progress, moral and intellectual, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_174">174</a>. Comparison of the moral with
+the intellectual element, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_175">175</a>. See <a href="#Knowledge">Knowledge</a>; <a href="#Intellect">Intellect</a>; <a href="#Man">Man</a></li>
+<li>Progress, social, inferences to be drawn as to the causes of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_224">224</a></li>
+<li>Proselytism, why opposed by Charron, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_20">20</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li><a name="Protective_spirit" id="Protective_spirit">Protective spirit</a>, effect of the prevalence of the, in France, in trade
+and in politics, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_107">107</a>. History of the protective spirit, and
+comparison of it in France and England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_108">108</a>. This spirit not destroyed by
+the feudal system, but only assumed a new shape, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>. New form of the
+protective spirit which continues in France to the present time, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>. The
+results compared in France and England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>. Activity of the protective
+spirit in France, as shown by the history of chivalry, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_131">131&ndash;134</a>. Effect of
+this spirit carried into religion at the period of the Reformation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_137">137</a>.
+Attempts of Charles I. to revive the old protective spirit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_147">147</a>. Results
+of the energy of the protective spirit on the issue of the Fronde,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_160">160&ndash;174</a>. The protective spirit carried by Louis XIV. into literature, and
+its result, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_176">176</a> <i>et seq.</i> Lamentable results of the system of patronage
+in the reign of Louis XIV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_202">202</a>. Reasons why government patronage should
+take a wrong course, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_203">203</a>. Illustrations of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_206">206</a>. Reaction against the
+protective spirit in France, and preparations for the French Revolution,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_226">226</a></li>
+<li>Protestantism, compared with Roman Catholicism, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>. Intolerance,
+bigotry, and persecution of the Protestantism of Sweden, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_264">264</a>. Intolerance
+of Protestants compared with that of the Catholics, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>. Policy of
+Mazarin as to the <a name="Protestants_French" id="Protestants_French">French Protestants</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_96">96</a> <i>et seq.</i> The war of Philip II.
+against the Dutch Protestants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_451">451</a>. Refusal of Henry IV. of France to
+punish them at the request of the pope, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_23">23</a>. The King's measures for
+their protection, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>. The Edict of Nantes confirmed by Catherine de
+Medici and by Louis XIII., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_25">25</a>. Richelieu's liberal treatment of the
+Protestants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_37">37&ndash;39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>. The Protestant Confederation of 1633, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_39">39</a>.
+Desertion of the Protestant leaders, and consequent fall of the
+Protestant party into the hands of the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_47">47&ndash;50</a>. De Rohan and his
+brother the only staunch Protestant leaders in 1621, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>. Causes of the
+intolerance of the French Protestants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>. Causes which produced
+their former superstition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_52">52&ndash;54</a>. Evidence of their intolerance, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_55">55</a>.
+Decisions of the assembly at Saumur, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_56">56</a>. And of other assemblies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_57">57</a>.
+Their interference in the functions of government and in other matters,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_60">60</a>. Bitterness of feeling exhibited in the works put forth by them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>.
+Join the rebellion under Condé, and are defeated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>. Their rebellion in
+Béarn, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_62">62</a>. Civil war raised by them, and its character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>. Their
+wealth, accumulated by industry and piracy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>. The General Assembly of
+La Rochelle and its decisions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_65">65</a>. The consequent civil war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_66">66</a>.
+Treaties of Montpelier and La Rochelle, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_66">66</a>. Interference of the
+Protestants in the commonest occurrences of life, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_68">68</a>. Results<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_532" id="Page_532">[532]</a></span>
+which would have happened to France if the Protestants had gained the
+upper hand, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_72">72</a>. The rebellion of the Protestants put down by
+Richelieu, who, however, refuses to persecute them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_73">73</a>. Siege of La
+Rochelle, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_74">74</a>. Civil rights conceded to Protestant by a royal edict, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_335">335</a></li>
+<li>Providential interference, doctrine of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_19">19</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Prussia, Extent of popular superstitions in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_238">238</a> <i>note</i>. Origin of the
+name of, according to the historians of the Middle Ages, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_311">311</a></li>
+<li>Punishments future, Charron's views as to the doctrine of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_22">22</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Punjab, Arab conquest of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li>
+<li>Puppet-shows forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_70">70</a></li>
+<li>Puritans, their government of England, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_360">360</a>. Their fanaticism, and
+little superstition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_361">361</a>. Instances of their ignorance of the real
+principles of government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_361">361</a></li>
+<li>Purveyance, destruction of the prerogative of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_385">385</a></li>
+<li>Pyramids of Egypt, a testimony of the degraded condition of the people,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>. Weight of the great pyramid, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_90">90</a> <i>note</i>. Hypotheses as to the
+purposes for which they were built, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_90">90</a> <i>note</i>. Estimate of the expense of
+building one of the pyramids, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_91">91</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Pyrenees, treaty of the, signed by Cardinal Mazarin, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_98">98</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Quæns, historical error to which their name gave rise, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_298">298</a></li>
+<li>Quid emptores, statute of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_119">119</a></li>
+<li>Quiché Indians, corrupt Christianity of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_265">265</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Quinault, the poet of French music, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_207">207</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Rabelais, not the first French sceptic, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>. His ridicule of the
+clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>. Difference between him and Montaigne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_16">16</a></li>
+<li>Racine, his works, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_208">208</a>. Pensioned to write a history of France for
+Louis XIV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_277">277</a></li>
+<li>Rae, Mr., his inquiry into the method of investigation which political
+economists ought to follow, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_250">250</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Ragi, use of the grain called, in the south of India, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_71">71</a></li>
+<li>Ragnar Lodbrok, confusion in Saxo-Grammaticus's life of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_298">298</a></li>
+<li>Raikes, Robert, his organization of Sunday schools, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_430">430</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Railways, effect of, in correcting national prejudices, and in diffusing
+desires for peace, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_221">221&ndash;223</a></li>
+<li>Rainbow, the causes of the, detected by Descartes, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>. Notions of the
+Hebrews and of other nations respecting the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_79">79</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Raleigh, Sir Walter, his military genius and works, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_200">200</a></li>
+<li>Ravaillac, murders Henry IV. of France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>. Accounts of him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Raynal, l'Abbé, suppression of his work on the Indies, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_236">236</a></li>
+<li>Reading clubs, formation of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_433">433</a></li>
+<li>Reaumur, appearance of his work on the natural history of animals, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_197">197</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Rebellion, the Great English, causes which gave rise to, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_147">147</a>.
+Characteristics of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_148">148</a>. Difference between it and the Fronde, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_149">149</a>.
+Conduct of the nobles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>. The true character of the Rebellion,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_154">154</a>. Plebeian origin of the leaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_155">155&ndash;159</a>. Causes of its success, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_174">174</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_175">175</a></li>
+<li>Reboulet, suppression of his &lsquo;History of Clement XI.,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Red Sea Canal, number of lives<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533">[533]</a></span>
+sacrificed in the construction of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_93">93</a></li>
+<li>Reform, the principle of, abandoned by William Pitt, i, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_447">447</a>. Mr. Grey's
+remarks on Pitt's conduct, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_447">447</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Reformation, connexion between the, and the views advocated by Richard
+Hooker, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_351">351</a> <i>note</i>. Immediate fall of the Church in England at the
+first assault of the Reformation, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_4">4</a>. Influence of the Reformation
+generally in increasing the power of the Catholic clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_5">5</a> <i>note</i>. The
+Reformation encouraged by the pride of Englishmen, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_137">137</a>. Analogy between
+the Reformation and the Revolutions of the seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_138">138&ndash;140</a>.
+Short existence of the Reformation in Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_450">450</a>. Causes which brought
+about the Reformation in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_62">62</a>. John Knox, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>. The
+Reformation established, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li>
+<li>Reform Bill, important effects of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_502">502</a></li>
+<li>Reid, Thomas, examination of his philosophy, iii. <a href="#Page_348">348</a>. Estimate of the
+value of what he effected, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>. Opposition between his method and that of
+Bacon, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li>
+<li>Religion; views of Hume and Comte respecting monotheism, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_251">251</a> <i>note</i>.
+Influence of religion on the progress of society, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_254">254</a>. Illustration from
+the efforts of the missionaries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>. From the history of the Jews, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_257">257</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_258">258</a>. From the early history of Christianity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_259">259</a>. And from Sweden and
+Scotland, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_263">263&ndash;266</a>. Baneful results of legislative attempts to encourage
+religious truth and discourage religious error, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_281">281&ndash;285</a>. Origin of
+religious toleration in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_337">337</a>. The last executions in England for
+heresy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_345">345</a>. The right of private judgment held sacred by Chillingworth,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_349">349</a>. Whose work formed a decisive vindication of religious dissent, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_352">352</a>.
+Passing of the Toleration Act, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_402">402</a>. Easy and rapid changes in the
+national faith under Henry VIII., Edward VI., Mary and Elizabeth, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_7">7</a>.
+Charron's the first instance in modern language of the doctrine of
+religious development, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_21">21</a>. An end put to religious wars by Richelieu, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>.
+Authorities respecting religious wars, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_40">40</a> <i>note</i>. Effect of the peace of
+Westphalia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>. Origin of the difference between religious theory and
+religious practice, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>. Eagerness of the clergy rather directed against
+error than against virtue, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_52">52</a> <i>note</i>. Causes of the energy and vitality
+of a religion not protected by the government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>. Descartes' remarks
+on the slaves to form in religion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>. Causes which lessen the
+disposition to form new creeds, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_263">263</a> <i>note</i>. Religious wars, massacres,
+and persecutions, the result of ignorance of the duties of governments,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_262">262</a></li>
+<li>Rent, theory of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_51">51</a> <i>note</i>. Considered as a division of wealth, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_53">53</a>
+<i>note</i>. Rent in England, Scotland, France, and the United States, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_75">75</a>. In
+India, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>. Mode of ascertaining the true theory of rent, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_250">250</a> <i>note</i>.
+Remarks on the theory of, iii. <a href="#Page_336">336</a></li>
+<li>Representation, personal establishment of the political doctrine of, i.
+435</li>
+<li>Reptiles, noxious, worship of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_126">126</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Respiration, theory of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_367">367</a></li>
+<li>Retz, Cardinal de, character of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_102">102</a>. Secular view taken by him of
+political affairs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_102">102</a></li>
+<li>Reviews, literary periodical, origin of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_433">433</a></li>
+<li>Revolution of 1688, proximate cause<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_534" id="Page_534">[534]</a></span>
+of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_400">400</a>. Importance of the, to England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_402">402</a>. Sudden
+repentance of the clergy in having promoted it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_403">403</a></li>
+<li>Revolution, the French, preparations for the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_213">213</a>. Precursors of the,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_247">247</a>. Causes of the hideous peculiarities of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_248">248</a>. Its proximate
+causes, after the middle of the eighteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_323">323</a>. The first epoch
+through which the French intellect passed in the eighteenth century,
+viz., the attack on the Church, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_323">323</a>. The second epoch, viz., the attack
+on the State, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_327">327</a>. Rise of the political economists, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_327">327</a>. Sudden increase
+of works relating to finance and other questions of government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_328">328</a>.
+Influence of Rousseau, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_331">331</a>. Attack of the government on the Church,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_332">332</a>. Machault's edict against mortmain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_332">332</a>. Excitement caused by the
+edict, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_333">333</a> <i>note</i>. The anti-ecclesiastical policy of Machault's
+successors, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_333">333</a>. Religious toleration of the government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_434">434</a>. Revival of
+Jansenism in France, and consequent overthrow of the Jesuits, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a>.
+After the fall of the Jesuits, the fall of the clergy inevitable, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_347">347</a>.
+Reasons for this, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_349">349</a>. Rise and progress of atheistical opinions in
+France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_351">351</a>. Study of physical phenomena in France in connexion with the
+Revolution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_375">375&ndash;404</a>. Effect of the American Rebellion in hastening the
+Revolution in France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_417">417</a>. Jefferson's part in the final blow dealt
+to the French government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_418">418</a>. Summary of the causes of the French
+Revolution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_418">418</a></li>
+<li>Revolution, the Scottish, of 1559, iii. <a href="#Page_81">81</a></li>
+<li>Rey, the first European philosophic chemist, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_197">197</a></li>
+<li>Rhyme, antiquity of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_293">293</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Rice, the general food of the people of India, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_70">70</a>. Nutritive qualities
+of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_71">71</a>. Immense yield of a rice-crop, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_71">71</a></li>
+<li>Richard I. of England, historical error as to his appellation of the
+Lion, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_299">299</a></li>
+<li>Richardson, admiration of Diderot for the works of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_218">218</a></li>
+<li>Richelieu, Cardinal, his character, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_29">29</a>. Compared with Napoleon,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_27">27</a>. Fails to diminish the power of the French nobility, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_28">28</a>. Effectually
+humbles the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_29">29&ndash;31</a>. His treatment of the clergy how regarded by
+them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>. Charges brought against him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_34">34</a>. Review of his career, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_35">35</a>.
+Supports the new secular scheme of government against the old
+ecclesiastical schemes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_36">36</a>. His liberal treatment of the Protestants,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_37">37&ndash;42</a>. His endeavours to save the Palatine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_38">38</a>. The peculiar glory of his
+administration, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_39">39</a>. Correspondence of his policy in regard to the French
+Protestant and Catholic Churches, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_42">42</a> <i>et seq.</i> Puts down the rebellion of
+the Protestants, but abstains from persecuting them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_73">73</a>. Confirms the
+Edict of Nantes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_74">74</a>. Determines on the siege of Rochelle, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_74">74</a>. Reasons why
+he put down the Protestant party, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>. His liberal policy part only of
+a much larger movement, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>. Analogy of the philosophy of Descartes with
+Richelieu's anti-theological policy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_92">92</a></li>
+<li>Rio de Janeiro, vigour and profusion of the vegetation near, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_103">103</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Rioja, Spanish poet, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_480">480</a></li>
+<li>Riolan, period in which he flourished, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_194">194</a></li>
+<li>Ripperda, his services to Spain, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_542">542</a></li>
+<li>Roads in Scotland in the seventeenth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535">[535]</a></span>
+and eighteenth centuries, iii. <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>
+<i>note</i>. Aversion of the Highlanders to roads, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Robertson, Dr., value of his &lsquo;History of Scotland,&rsquo; iii. <a href="#Page_19">19</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Robinson, John, Bishop of Bristol, the last ecclesiastic who held any of
+the high offices of state, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_417">417</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Rochelle, La, intolerance of the Protestants in the town of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_57">57</a>.
+Determinations of the general assembly of 1620, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_64">64</a>. The civil war
+and its character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_63">63&ndash;66</a>. Peace of La Rochelle, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_66">66</a>. The great siege of,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_74">74</a></li>
+<li>Rochester, first printing office in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_432">432</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Rohan, Duc de, employed by Richelieu, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_44">44</a>. De Rohan and his brother
+Soubise the only staunch Protestant leaders in 1621, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>. An amnesty
+granted to him by Richelieu, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_75">75</a></li>
+<li>Rohan, Chevalier de, his ill-treatment of Voltaire, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_231">231</a></li>
+<li>Roland, Madame, her knowledge of the English language and literature, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_226">226</a></li>
+<li>Rolle, his remark on the peers created by George III., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_454">454</a></li>
+<li>Romans, the, in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_7">7</a>. Character of their civilization in
+their best days, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>. Cause of their decline, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
+<li>Rome, causes of the persecutions of the Christians by the Emperors of, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_185">185</a>. Reason of the evanescence of the civilization of ancient, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>.
+Voltaire's services in purging the early history of Rome of its
+absurdities, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_310">310</a>. Niebuhr's arguments anticipated by Voltaire, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_310">310</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_311">311</a>. Montesquieu's the first account of the real history of Rome, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_314">314</a>.
+Machiavelli's views, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_314">314</a> <i>note</i>. Vico's opinions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_314">314</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Roses, wars of the, effect of the, upon the English nobles, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_138">138</a></li>
+<li>Ross, Western, seized by the Norwegians, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_11">11</a>. Annexed to the Crown of
+Scotland, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_46">46</a></li>
+<li>Ross, John, his violent sermon against James VI., iii. <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
+<li>Rouelle, his geological labours, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_368">368</a></li>
+<li>Roundheads, title first bestowed, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_149">149</a></li>
+<li>Rousseau, J. J., his opinion of the works of Montaigne, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_18">18</a> <i>note</i>.
+Persecuted by the Government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>. Influence of his works, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_330">330</a>.
+Enthusiasm of the nation in his favour, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_331">331</a> <i>note</i>. Immense demand for
+his works, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_331">331</a> <i>note</i>. Belongs to the Calvinistic sect, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a></li>
+<li>Royal Society, avowed object of the establishment of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_371">371</a></li>
+<li>Rubis, De, his work on the European monarchies, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_270">270</a></li>
+<li>Russia, cause of the war between Turkey and, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_195">195</a>. And of Russian
+predilection for war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_196">196</a></li>
+<li>Ruthven, Raid of, iii. <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Sabbath, the Scotch, iii. <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li>
+<li>Sahara desert, its extent, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>. Condition of its inhabitants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_48">48</a></li>
+<li>Sailors, causes of the superstitions of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_379">379</a></li>
+<li>Saint-Fargeau, Pelletier de, his Jansenism, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a></li>
+<li>Saint Lambert, his professed atheism, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_352">352</a></li>
+<li>Salamanca, reply of the University of, when urged to teach the physical
+sciences, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_125">125</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Sales, Delisle de, persecuted for his writings, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Sancroft, William, his character as archbishop of Canterbury, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_392">392</a>. Dr.
+Birch's opinion of him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_392">392</a> <i>note</i>. His attempts to convert James II. to
+Protestantism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_395">395</a> <i>note</i>. His open disloyalty, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_408">408</a></li>
+<li>Sandoval, Spanish historiographer,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_536" id="Page_536">[536]</a></span>
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_480">480</a></li>
+<li>Sanscrit, character of the works written in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_133">133</a>. And of the
+Sanscrit language, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_134">134</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Saracens, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the
+Middle Ages, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_312">312</a></li>
+<li>Saragossa besieged by Childebert and Clotaire, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_435">435</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Saumaise, his opinion of the English people of the seventeenth century,
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_214">214</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Saumur, decisions of the Protestant assembly at, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_56">56</a></li>
+<li>Saveur, considered as the inventor of acoustics, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_190">190</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Saxe, Maurice de, his treatment of the actress Chantilly, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_243">243</a></li>
+<li>Saxo Grammaticus, confusion in his life of Ragnar Lodbrok, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_298">298</a></li>
+<li>Scandinavia, causes of error in the early history of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_300">300</a>. The elder
+and younger Eddas, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_301">301</a>. Pork the chief food of the Scandinavians in early
+times, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_314">314</a> <i>note</i>. Scandinavian pirates in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li>
+<li>Scepticism; the spirit of doubt the necessary precursor of improvement,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_334">334</a>. Hence the immense importance of scepticism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_335">335</a>. First open
+appearance of scepticism in England and France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_336">336</a>. Authorities as to
+the increase of scepticism in England since the latter part of the
+eighteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_356">356</a> <i>note</i>. What the author means by the term
+scepticism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_357">357</a> <i>note</i>. Degree of suffering produced on some minds, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_357">357</a>.
+Legislative improvements of the reign of Charles II. caused by the
+sceptical and inquiring spirit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_388">388</a>. Encouragement given to scepticism by
+the conduct of the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_414">414</a>. Rapid succession of sceptical
+controversies early in the eighteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_427">427</a>. First appearance of
+scepticism in France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>. Rabelais, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>. Intimate connexion between
+scepticism and toleration in France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>. Montaigne, the first systematic
+sceptic in that country, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>. The first open declaration of scepticism in
+France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_18">18</a>. Reason why scepticism was favoured by Henry IV. of France,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_23">23</a>. Scepticism of Hooker and Chillingworth, and of Montaigne and
+Descartes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_87">87</a>. Spread of scepticism in France in the middle of the
+seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_95">95</a> <i>note</i>. Analogy between the progress of
+scepticism in England and France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_104">104</a>. Period when the spirit of
+inquiry began to weaken the church, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_109">109</a>. Commencement of the struggle
+between the advocates of inquiry and the advocates of belief, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_110">110</a>.
+Rise and extent of historical scepticism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>. The first sceptical book
+in the French language, by Montaigne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_266">266</a></li>
+<li>Schism Act, passing of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_452">452</a></li>
+<li>Scholastic prejudices overthrown by Descartes, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_92">92</a></li>
+<li>Science unknown to the Egyptians, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>. Relation between inventions,
+discoveries, and method, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_387">387</a></li>
+<li>Scotland, rent paid by the cultivator in proportion to the gross produce,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_75">75</a>. Character of the method of investigation of the great thinkers of,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_245">245</a>. Cause and effect of the divergence and hostility between the
+practical and speculative classes of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_246">246</a>. Robert Simson and Matthew
+Stewart, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_247">247</a>. Superstition, intolerance and bigotry of the clergy and
+people, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_265">265</a>. The bards of Scotland, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_292">292</a> <i>note</i>. Origin of the Scotch
+people, according to the writers of the Middle Ages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>. Abolition of
+episcopacy in Scotland, by William<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_537" id="Page_537">[537]</a></span>
+III., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_406">406</a>. Condition of Scotland to the end of the fourteenth century,
+iii. <a href="#Page_1">1</a> <i>et seq.</i> Scotland and Spain compared as to loyalty, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>. Similarity
+of the two countries as to superstition, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>. Investigation of the causes
+of Scotch liberality in politics united with illiberality in religion, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>
+<i>et seq.</i> Influence of the physical geography of the country on the
+course of events, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>. Scotch roads in the seventeenth century, <a href="#Page_5">5</a> <i>note</i>.
+The Roman invasion, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>. The Irish invasion, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>. The Norwegian invasion, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.
+Attacks of the English, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>. Immediate consequences of their struggle with
+the English in the Scottish character, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>. Agriculture stopped, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.
+Cannibalism, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>. Wars on the borders, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>. The growth of towns stopped by
+the wars, and the power of the nobles thereby increased, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.
+Circumstances favourable to the authority of the nobles, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>. Weakness of
+the Crown, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>. Ravages of the Highlanders, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>. Prevalence of
+barter, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>. Industry impossible, and the commonest arts unknown, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.
+Dirty habits of the people, <a href="#Page_25">25</a> <i>note</i>. Scanty population of the Scotch
+towns, <a href="#Page_26">26</a> <i>et seq.</i> Their utter feebleness, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>. Causes of the alliance of
+the Crown with the Church, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>. Superstition of Scotland, and its causes,
+<a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>. Witchcraft, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>. Ignorance of the upper and lower classes, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.
+Triumph of the aristocracy over the Church and Crown, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>. Their
+subsequent decline, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>. Condition of Scotland in the fifteenth and
+sixteenth centuries, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>. Vigorous measures of Albany against the nobles,
+<a href="#Page_45">45</a>. And of James I., <a href="#Page_46">46</a>. And of James II., <a href="#Page_49">49</a>. Clanship, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>. The Crown
+encouraged by the clergy against the nobles, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>. Struggle in consequence,
+<a href="#Page_55">55</a> <i>et seq.</i> The Reformation in Scotland the result of this struggle, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.
+Battle of Solway and death of James V., <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>. Murder of Cardinal
+Beaton, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>. Career of John Knox, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>. Influence of the Guises, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.
+Mary of Guise deposed from the Regency, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>. Treaty of Berwick, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.
+Supremacy of the nobles established, and destruction of the Church, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.
+Quarrel between the nobles and the preachers about the wealth of the
+Church, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>. Presentation of the First Book of Discipline, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>. The shares
+of the new and old clergy, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>. The nobles said to have been instigated by
+the devil, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>. Persecution of the new clergy by Morton, at the head of
+the nobles, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>. The consequent rupture between Church and State, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>. The
+struggle under the leader, ship of Andrew Melville, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>. Attack on the
+bishops, ending with the abolition of episcopacy, <a href="#Page_94">94</a> <i>et seq.</i> The Second
+Book of Discipline, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>. Struggle between the upper classes and clergy as
+to episcopacy, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>. Violent language used by the clergy, Melville's
+personal insult to the King, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>. The Gowrie conspiracy, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>. Boons
+conferred upon their country by the clergy, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>. Condition of Scotland
+during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, <a href="#Page_115">115</a> <i>et seq.</i> Attempts
+of James VI. (now James I. of England) to subjugate the clergy, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>. He
+forces episcopacy upon them, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>. And sets up High Courts of Commission,
+<a href="#Page_125">125</a>. Tyrannical conduct of the bishops, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>. The reaction, and its
+causes, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>. Framing of the National Covenant, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>. Overthrow of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_538" id="Page_538">[538]</a></span>
+Bishops, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>. Oppressions of Charles II., <a href="#Page_137">137&ndash;139</a>. His attempts to
+establish a permanent despotism baffled, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>. Episcopacy re-established,
+<a href="#Page_141">141</a>. Dragonnades in the west, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>. Cruelties of James II., <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.
+Consequences of the alliance between the Crown and the clergy, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>. The
+reaction of 1688, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>. Causes of the rebellion of the Highlanders in 1715
+and 1745 in favour of the Stuarts, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>. Insignificance into which the
+Highlanders sank after 1745, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>. Beginning of the trading spirit, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.
+Connexion between the rise of the trading spirit and the abolition of
+hereditary jurisdictions, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>. Armour ceased to be worn, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>. Causes
+of the decline of the power of the nobles, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>. Treatment which they
+received in London, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>. Rage in Scotland for speaking with an
+English accent, <a href="#Page_163">163</a> <i>note</i>. Causes of the abolition of clanship, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>,
+<a href="#Page_168">168</a>. Sudden rise of trading and manufacturing interests, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>. Their
+growth assisted by the union with England, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>. Facts illustrative of the
+history of Scotch industry down to the middle of the eighteenth century,
+<a href="#Page_178">178</a> <i>et seq.</i> The first banks in Scotland, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>. Rise of a new and
+splendid literature, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>. Which, however, fails to diminish the national
+superstition, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>. Recapitulation of the history of the struggle with
+episcopacy, <a href="#Page_191">191</a> <i>et seq.</i> Cromwell's chain of fortresses in Scotland,
+<a href="#Page_194">194</a>. Causes of the war of the people against Charles I., <a href="#Page_197">197</a>. Events
+which produced the solemn League and Covenant, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>. Effect and cause of
+Scotch superstition, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>. Zeal of the people to hear sermons of
+inordinate frequency and of terrible length, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>. Effect of the
+pretensions and arrogance of the clergy on the Scotch mind, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a> <i>et
+seq.</i> Examination of Scotch philosophical literature of the eighteenth
+century, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>. And of Scotch physical philosophy, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>. Superstition and
+illiberality in religion still existing in Scotland, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>. Notions
+countenanced there respecting the origin of epidemics, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>.
+Correspondence between the Presbytery of Edinburgh and Lord Palmerston on
+the origin of the cholera in 1853, <a href="#Page_473">473</a></li>
+<li>Sculpture, condition of, in the reign of Louis XIV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_209">209</a></li>
+<li>Segovia, appearance of, in 1659, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_503">503</a> <i>note</i>. Decline of the silk and
+wool manufactures of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_503">503</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Seiks, cause of their superstition respecting the wounds inflicted by the
+tiger, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_125">125</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Serpent, worship of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_126">126</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Serra, his views as to the exportation of the precious metals, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_212">212</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Serres, historiographer of France, importance attached by him to correct
+dates in history, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_267">267</a></li>
+<li>Severus, his expedition against Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li>
+<li>Sévigné, Madame, her name for Queen Mary, consort of William III., ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_214">214</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Seville, decline of, in the seventeenth century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_501">501</a></li>
+<li>Sewell, Mr., his remarks on the doctrines of passive obedience and divine
+right, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_394">394</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Sexes, proportion kept up by the law of Nature in the births of the, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_168">168</a>. Opinions respecting the origin of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_170">170</a> <i>note</i>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_173">173</a> <i>note</i>.
+Method by which the discovery of the proportion has been made, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_172">172</a></li>
+<li>Shaftesbury, Earl of, Lord Chancellor, his notions of political economy,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_211">211</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Shakspeare, his investigations of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_539" id="Page_539">[539]</a></span>
+human mind, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_23">23</a> <i>note</i>. His pure English, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_307">307</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Sharp, archbishop of St. Andrews, iii. <a href="#Page_141">141</a>. His cruelty and rapacity, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>
+<li>Sheldon, Gilbert, his character as archbishop of Canterbury, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_392">392</a></li>
+<li>Shetland Isles, seized by the Norwegians, iii. <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
+<li>&lsquo;Siam, History of,&rsquo; by Turpin, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Silk trade of Toledo, lost, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_502">502</a></li>
+<li>Sinclair, Sir John, his services to statistical science, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_33">33</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Sion College, the only public library in London at the end of the
+seventeenth century, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_431">431</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Sigfussen Sæmund, his compilation of the Elder Edda, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_301">301</a></li>
+<li>Silesia, origin of the name of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_312">312</a></li>
+<li>Simson, Professor Robert, his efforts to revive the pure Greek geometry,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_247">247</a>. Notice of him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_247">247</a> <i>note</i>. His reasons for recommending the old
+analysis, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_248">248</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Sines, law of the, pointed out by Descartes, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_278">278</a></li>
+<li>Sins, specimens of the, invented by the Scotch clergy, iii. <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li>
+<li>Siva, antiquity of the worship of, in India, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>. How represented by
+the Hindus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>. His wife Doorga or Kali, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_141">141</a></li>
+<li>Skye, Isle of, seized by the Norwegians, iii. <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li>
+<li>Slavery, favour with which it was regarded by George III., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_463">463</a>.
+Burke's attack on, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_463">463</a>. Extinction of slavery in England, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_128">128</a>. Its
+recent extinction in France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_129">129</a></li>
+<li>Small-pox, extra European origin of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_130">130</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Smith, Adam, publication of his &lsquo;Wealth of Nations,&rsquo; i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>. Its
+influence in a few years, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>. His views as to the usury laws, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>
+<i>note</i>. His services to mankind, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_216">216</a>. His method of metaphysical
+investigation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_249">249</a>. French translations of his &lsquo;Theory of the Moral
+Sentiments,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>. And of his &lsquo;Wealth of Nations,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>. Examination of
+his philosophy, as shown together in the &lsquo;Moral Sentiments&rsquo; and in the
+&lsquo;Wealth of Nations,&rsquo; iii. <a href="#Page_305">305</a>. His obliviousness and disregard of facts,
+<a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>. His method of studying pathology compared with that of Cullen,
+<a href="#Page_417">417</a></li>
+<li>Smith, William, character of his geological speculations, iii. <a href="#Page_391">391</a></li>
+<li>Smuggling, the only means of keeping up trade during the evil
+interference of legislation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>. Moral evils of smuggling, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_279">279</a></li>
+<li>Social laws, triumph of, over every obstacle, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_31">31</a>. Best method of
+arriving at social truth, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_1">1</a></li>
+<li>Socrates, effect produced by his method of dialectics upon some Greek
+minds, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_357">357</a></li>
+<li>Soil, influence of, on the human race, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>. The Great Sahara, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>. The
+valley of the Nile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>. Heat and moisture the causes which regulate
+the fertility of every country, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_96">96</a></li>
+<li>Soldiers, why less superstitious than sailors, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_379">379</a></li>
+<li>Solids, Cullen's theory of the, iii. <a href="#Page_418">418</a></li>
+<li>Solis, the Spanish historian, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_480">480</a></li>
+<li>Solway, battle of, iii. <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li>
+<li>Somers, Lord, prosecution instituted against him by the House of Commons,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_452">452</a>. Protected by the House of Lords, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_452">452</a></li>
+<li>Sorbonne, Duvernet's history of the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Sowrdis, Archbishop of Bordeaux, ignominiously beaten, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_32">32</a>. Flies to
+Carpentras, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_33">33</a></li>
+<li>Space, the idea of, of the metaphysicians, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_160">160</a>. Authorities on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_540" id="Page_540">[540]</a></span>
+the different theories of space, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_161">161</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Spain, Arab conquest of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>. Physical causes of the superstition
+existing in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>. Triumph of the imagination, and absence of science in,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_124">124</a>. Causes of the persecutions in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_187">187</a>. Numbers of persons put to death
+by the inquisition in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>. Pork, a common food in, in former ages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_314">314</a>
+<i>note</i>. Archbishop Turpin's account of Charlemagne's conquest of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_319">319</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_320">320</a>. Scepticism punished, and its promulgation prevented in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_336">336</a>.
+Influence of French literature in, in diffusing scepticism late in the
+last century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_336">336</a> <i>note</i>. Outline of the history of the intellect of,
+from the fifth to the middle of the nineteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_425">425</a>. Heat and
+dryness of the climate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_427">427</a>. And therefore droughts and famines frequent
+and serious, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_427">427</a>. Earthquakes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_428">428</a>. Causes of the prevalence of a
+pastoral life in Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_432">432</a>. Settlement of the Visigoths and
+establishment of their opinions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_434">434</a>. Attacks of the Franks upon their
+Arian neighbours, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_435">435</a>. Rise of the influence of the Spanish priesthood,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_436">436</a>. Character of Durham's &lsquo;History of Spain and Portugal,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_438">438</a> <i>note</i>.
+Proofs of the power of the Spanish clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_438">438</a>. Harsh character of
+the Spanish laws against heresy and the Jews, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_438">438</a>. The eight centuries of
+struggle between the Arabs and Spaniards, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_440">440</a>. Effect of the dangers
+of the Spaniards in exciting their superstitious feelings, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_441">441</a>. Their
+chest of relics in the Asturias, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_441">441</a>. Their miracles and dreams, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_442">442</a>. The
+three ways in which the Mohammedan invasion strengthened the devotional
+feelings of the Spanish people, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_444">444</a>. Capacity and honesty of Isabella in
+the war with the Arabs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_444">444</a>. Ferdinand and Isabella's decree against the
+Jews, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_445">445</a>. The number of Jews actually expelled from Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_446">446</a> <i>note</i>.
+Domestic and foreign policy of Charles V., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_446">446</a>. His obedience to the
+tendencies of his age, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_447">447&ndash;449</a>. Character of Philip II., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_450">450</a>. His
+war against the Dutch Protestants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_451">451</a>. Number of persons put to Death by
+Alva, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_451">451</a>. Object of all the wars and negotiations of Philip II., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_452">452</a>.
+The Armada prepared to humble England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_453">453</a>. Unshaken loyalty of Philip's
+subjects, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_455">455</a>. Causes of the spirit of loyalty which has
+distinguished the Spanish above every other European nation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_455">455</a>. The
+Arab invasion one of the causes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_456">456</a>. The old ballads, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_456">456</a>. The poem of
+&lsquo;The Cid,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_457">457</a>. Loyalty of the Spanish codes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_458">458</a>. Consequences of
+Spanish loyalty and superstition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_461">461</a> <i>et seq.</i> Rapid progress of Spain
+in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_463">463</a>. Her territories in America
+and in other parts of the world, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_464">464</a>. Her military superiority over her
+contemporaries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_464">464</a>. Her eminent literary men who were also soldiers,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_464">464</a>. Causes of her decline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_467">467</a>. Essential difference between
+English and Spanish civilization, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_466">466</a>. The decay of Spain in the
+seventeenth century due to the weakness of her people, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_470">470</a>. The declining
+energy of the government the cause of the increasing influence of the
+clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_472">472</a>. Davila's statement of the Spanish theory of government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_472">472</a>
+<i>note</i>. Flourishing state of the Church, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_475">475</a>. Her hold over the highest
+as well as the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_541" id="Page_541">[541]</a></span>
+lowest intellects, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_479">479</a>. Great numbers of works on Spanish
+ecclesiastical history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_483">483</a>. Expulsion of the Moors from Spain,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_483">483&ndash;485</a>. Cruelty with which they were treated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_485">485&ndash;494</a>.
+Effect of the expulsion of the Moors in impoverishing the country, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_497">497</a>.
+Steps which mark the decline of Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_500">500</a>. Loss of population and of
+manufactures, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_501">501&ndash;504</a>. Increase of poverty, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_504">504&ndash;506</a>.
+Destruction of the military reputation of Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_506">506</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_515">515</a>. The whole
+kingdom unprotected, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_509">509</a>. Gangs of robbers and murderers in the capital,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_510">510</a> <i>note</i>. The Austrian dynasty succeeded by the Bourbons, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_513">513</a>. Policy
+of the first Bourbon, Philip V., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_513">513</a>. The Dukes of Berwick and Vendôme,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_515">515&ndash;517</a>. The finances of Spain administered by Orry, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_518">518</a>. Alberoni
+Ripperda, and Konigseg, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_519">519</a>. Endeavours of foreigners to improve the
+country by weakening the Church, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_521">521</a>. The clergy forced to contribute to
+the taxes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_523">523</a>. Alliances formed between Spain and the Mohammedans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_525">525</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_549">549</a>. Inertness and ignorance of the people, high and low, at this period,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_529">529</a>. State of medical science in the seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_532">532</a>. Foreign
+aid called in to remedy native ignorance, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_536">536</a>. Expulsion of the Jesuits,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_546">546</a>. Attacks made on the Inquisition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_547">547</a>. Foreign policy of Spain under
+the influence of foreigners, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_549">549</a>. A prospect of the return of wealth
+opened up, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_550">550</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_551">551</a>. Effects of the vigour displayed by Charles III., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_552">552</a>
+<i>et seq.</i> Causes of his failure to produce permanent good, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_553">553</a>. Decline
+of Spain under Charles IV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_571">571</a>. Endeavours in the nineteenth century to
+improve the country, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_574">574</a>. Causes of their failure, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_575">575</a>. Immense natural
+advantages of Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_583">583</a>. Her great men, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_585">585</a>. Her progress prevented by
+national ignorance, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_589">589</a>. The essential vice of the Spanish people, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_592">592</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_593">593</a>. Causes which keep Spain in her miserable condition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_593">593</a> <i>et seq.</i>
+Scotland contrasted with Spain as to loyalty and superstition, iii. <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li>
+<li>Stafford, William, his work on the theory of politics, &lsquo;A Brief Conceipt
+of English Policy,&rsquo; i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_212">212</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Stanyan's &lsquo;History of Greece,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_218">218</a></li>
+<li>Starch, amount of oxygen in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_62">62</a></li>
+<li>Starvation, proximate causes of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_58">58</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>States-General of France, feebleness of the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_121">121</a></li>
+<li>Statesmen, why as a body they are always in the rear of their age, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_213">213</a></li>
+<li>Statistics, study of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_2">2</a>. Importance of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_23">23</a> <i>note</i>. Of murder and other
+crimes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_24">24&ndash;29</a>. Value of statistics in the light thrown upon the study of
+human nature, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>. Early writers on statistics, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_33">33</a> <i>note</i>. Dislike of Adam
+Smith and David Hume for statistics, iii. <a href="#Page_339">339</a>. Objections to them, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Steam, effect of the application of, to purposes of travelling, in
+weakening the love of war, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_219">219&ndash;221</a></li>
+<li>Steam-engine, Watt's invention of the, iii. <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li>
+<li>Stearn, Richard, his character as Archbishop of Canterbury, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_392">392</a></li>
+<li>Stepney, Mr., his notions of political economy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_211">211</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Stewart, Professor Matthew, his crusade against the algebraic or
+symbolical analysis, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_247">247</a></li>
+<li>St&oelig;ffler, John, his predictions as to the deluge of 1524, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_330">330</a></li>
+<li>Stoics, the, on the preservation of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_542" id="Page_542">[542]</a></span>
+consciousness in dreams and in insanity, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_17">17</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Stuart, Charles, the young Pretender, his stupidity and drunkenness, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_444">444</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Subinfeudation, effects of, in France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_119">119</a></li>
+<li>Suicide, the crime of, dependent upon the individual, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_26">26</a>. Futility of
+endeavours to diminish, by legislation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_26">26</a> <i>note</i>. Bentham on the perjury
+of English juries in cases of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_26">26</a> <i>note</i>. Regularity of the recurrence
+of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_28">28</a>. Causes of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_28">28</a>. Supposed effect of gloomy weather on the love of,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_220">220</a>220 <i>note</i>. Statistics of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_29">29</a></li>
+<li>Sully, Marshal, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>. His historical work, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_266">266</a></li>
+<li>Sumatra, superstitions of the people of, respecting tigers, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_126">126</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Sumbawa, the great earthquake and volcanic eruption of 1815 at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Sunday schools begun, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_430">430</a>. Opposition of the clergy to their
+establishment, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_431">431</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Superstition, physical causes which give birth to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>.
+Earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>. The worship of ferocious
+animals, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>. The fear of death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>. Pestilences, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>. Extent of
+popular superstition in Prussia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_238">238</a> <i>note</i>. Progress of the English
+intellect in the seventeenth century in shaking off ancient
+superstitions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_363">363</a>. Instance in Scotland of the popular belief in
+supernatural causation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_373">373</a>. Causes of the superstitions of sailors and
+agriculturists, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_375">375</a>. Terror inspired by comets and eclipses, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_376">376</a>. The
+study of final causes abandoned by Descartes, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_91">91</a>. Connexion between
+loyalty and superstition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_455">455</a>. Similarity between Scotland and Spain as
+to superstition, iii. <a href="#Page_4">4</a>. Scotland favourable to superstition, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>. Sources
+of superstition, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>. Cause and effect of Scotch superstition, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.
+Superstition of the Scotch still existing, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>. Superstitions every day
+becoming effaced as physical science advances, <a href="#Page_477">477</a></li>
+<li>Surgery, decline of the science of, in the reign of Louis XIV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_195">195</a></li>
+<li>Surnames, origin of, in Europe, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_112">112</a></li>
+<li>Sweden, intolerance, bigotry, and persecution of the Protestantism of, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_264">264</a>. Swedish heroes of antiquity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_298">298</a></li>
+<li>Switzerland, Calvinism the popular creed of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_339">339</a></li>
+<li>Sydenham, Thomas, his reformation in therapeutics, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_196">196</a></li>
+<li>Sympathy, examination of, iii. <a href="#Page_310">310</a>. Hunter's pathological speculations
+respecting the principles of, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Taille, the, in France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_129">129</a>. Authorities respecting the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_129">129</a> <i>note</i>.
+The diminution of the, proposed by the Fronde, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_150">150</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Talleyrand, M. de, his admiration for Charron's &lsquo;De la Sagesse,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>&lsquo;Tamerlane, History of,&rsquo; by Margat, suppressed, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Tarrega, the Spanish dramatist, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_479">479</a></li>
+<li>Tartars, origin of the, according to the writers of the Middle Ages, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_313">313</a>. And according to Whiston, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_313">313</a> <i>note</i>. Effects of the barrenness of
+the steppes of, in keeping the people uncivilized, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_45">45</a></li>
+<li>&lsquo;Taste, Essay on,&rsquo; by Cartaud, suppressed, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_237">237</a></li>
+<li>Taxation; settlement of the right of the people of England to be taxed
+entirely by their own representatives, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_384">384</a>. Disputes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_543" id="Page_543">[543]</a></span>
+between the two Houses of Parliament respecting taxation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_384">384</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Taylor, Jeremy, his abilities and virtues, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_393">393</a>. Marked neglect with
+which he was treated by Charles II., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_393">393</a>. His assertion of the doctrine
+of passive obedience, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_401">401</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Teeth of animals, researches of Nasmyth and Owen on the structure of, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_385">385</a></li>
+<li>Temperaments, the theory of, the principal stumbling-block of the
+phrenologists, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_176">176</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Teratology, formation of the science of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_397">397</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Terray, M., his attack on Church property in France, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_333">333</a>. His open
+protection of the Jansenists, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a></li>
+<li>Test Act, the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_396">396</a>. Suspended by James II., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_397">397</a>. Repealed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_426">426</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Theology, state of the, of Europe from the sixth to the tenth centuries,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_270">270</a>. Attempts to make politics a mere branch of theology, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_326">326&ndash;328</a>.
+Theological justification of persecution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_344">344</a>. Increasing indifference to
+theological matters in England in the seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_350">350</a>.
+Chillingworth's views, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_351">351</a>. Connexion between the Reformation and
+the dogma of an infallible church, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_351">351</a>. The authority of private
+judgment recognized, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_352">352</a>. Ecclesiastical power almost extinct in Europe,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_354">354</a> <i>note</i>. Decline in British theology at the present time, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_355">355</a> <i>note</i>.
+Efforts of the clergy to check the progress of scepticism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_356">356</a>. Political
+character of the opposition to ecclesiastical authority in the reigns of
+James I. and Charles I., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_359">359</a>. Antagonism in the reign of Charles II.
+between the physical sciences and the theological spirit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_372">372</a>. Reasons of
+the hostility of the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_373">373</a>. Separation of theology from morals and
+politics, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_424">424</a>. Effect of this separation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_425">425</a>. Attempts to put down the
+Theological Society, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_436">436</a> <i>note</i>. Theological influence greater in France
+in the sixteenth century than in England, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_6">6</a>. Charron's the first
+attempt made in a modern language to construct a system of morals without
+the aid of theology, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>. Preparation of the way for the separation of
+theology from politics, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_41">41</a>. Analogy of the anti-theological policy of
+Richelieu with the philosophy of Descartes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_83">83</a>. Mischief done to the old
+theology by Descartes' principles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_90">90</a>. Effect of the protective spirit
+carried into theology, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_107">107</a>. Former subservience of philosophy to
+theology, and universal interest which theological discussions once
+inspired, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_262">262</a>. Exactness of the knowledge of theologians on subjects on
+which nothing is known, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_284">284</a> <i>note</i>. Reasons why theology is inferior to
+history, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>. Voltaire's attack on mere theologians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>. The
+question of free will taken up by theologians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_338">338</a>. De Maistre's method
+of investigation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_389">389</a> <i>note</i>. Reasons why the theological or deductive
+method of philosophy was followed in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_284">284</a>. The deductive
+method of philosophy only applicable to theology, <a href="#Page_464">464</a></li>
+<li>Theory, necessity of, in science, but dangerous in practice, iii. <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
+<li>Thermotics, attention given to, in France, in the eighteenth century, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_362">362</a></li>
+<li>Therapeutics, Sydenham's reformations in, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_196">196</a>. Difference between<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_544" id="Page_544">[544]</a></span>
+the art of, and the science of, pathology, iii. <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li>
+<li>Thibet, bards of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_292">292</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Thomas, suppression of his &lsquo;Eloge on Marcus Aurelius,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>Thomson, Hugh, the Presbyterian preacher, iii. <a href="#Page_204">204</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Thread manufacture of Paisley, rise of the, iii. <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li>
+<li>Thumb-screw, torture of the, iii. <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li>
+<li>Tigers worshipped by the Hajin tribe, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_125">125</a> <i>note</i>. Superstitions of the
+Garrows and Seiks respecting them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_125">125</a> <i>note</i>. How regarded by the
+Malasir, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_125">125</a> <i>note</i>. And by the inhabitants of Sumatra, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_126">126</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Tissues, food necessary for repairing the waste of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>.
+Bichat's views respecting the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_379">379&ndash;382</a>. The degenerations of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_382">382</a>
+<i>note</i>. The study of, neglected by Cuvier, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_383">383</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Toledo, power of the clergy at, in the seventeenth century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_437">437</a>.
+Captured from the Arabs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_440">440</a>. Decline of, in the seventeenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_502">502</a></li>
+<li>Toleration, religious, origin of, in England, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_337">337</a>. Unusual amount of
+toleration in Holland two centuries back, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_337">337</a> <i>note</i>. State of the two
+hostile creeds in England in the reign of Elizabeth, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_338">338</a>. Hooker's
+&lsquo;Ecclesiastical Polity&rsquo; compared with Jewel's &lsquo;Apology for the Church of
+England,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_340">340</a>. Causes which always hasten the march of toleration, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_53">53</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>54. Summary of the progress of toleration in England and France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_102">102</a>. The
+religious toleration of the French government in the middle of the
+eighteenth, century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_334">334</a></li>
+<li>Toleration Act, passing of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_402">402</a></li>
+<li>Toolholos, or bards of Thibet, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_292">292</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Tooth, golden, work of Dr. Horst on the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_332">332</a></li>
+<li>Tories, the, re-established in power under George III., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_446">446</a></li>
+<li>Tournaments, origin of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_134">134</a>. Extinction of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_134">134</a></li>
+<li>Tournefort, his inferiority as a botanist, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_201">201</a></li>
+<li>Townsend, his views respecting political economy, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_304">304</a></li>
+<li>Tracheæ of plants, discovery of the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_199">199</a></li>
+<li>Trade-wind, tract north and south of the equator covered by the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_101">101</a>.
+Causes of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_192">192</a>. Way in which the trade-wind is connected with the
+civilization of South America, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_103">103</a></li>
+<li><a name="Trade" id="Trade">Trade</a>, absurd notions respecting, in the 17th and 18th centuries, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_213">213</a>.
+Number of laws passed by the English legislature respecting, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_213">213</a> <i>note</i>.
+Struggles of Parliament against the principles of free trade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>.
+Objects of early commercial treaties, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_216">216</a> <i>note</i>. Why the commercial
+spirit, formerly warlike, is now pacific, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>. Injuries inflicted upon
+trade by the interference of legislators, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_276">276</a>. Uncertainty of legislation
+the bane of commerce, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_278">278</a>. Burke's advocacy of free trade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_462">462</a>.
+Effect of the protective spirit carried into trade, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_107">107</a>. Voltaire the
+first historian to recommend free trade, iii. <a href="#Page_304">304</a>. The free trade of the
+American colonies in the eighteenth century, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li>
+<li>Tragedies of Corneille, period in which they appeared, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_209">209</a></li>
+<li>Transubstantiation, relation of the Cartesian philosophy to the doctrine
+of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_90">90</a>. Development of the doctrine of, by the metaphysicians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_262">262</a></li>
+<li>Travelling, advantages of, in producing contact and respect, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_545" id="Page_545">[545]</a></span>
+in weakening the love of war, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_219">219&ndash;221</a></li>
+<li>Travis, George, his letters on the text of the Heavenly Witnesses, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_429">429</a></li>
+<li>Trojan origin of different nations, believed in, in the Middle Ages, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_309">309</a></li>
+<li>Tuffnel, the fifth-monarchy man, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_155">155</a></li>
+<li>Turenne, created a marshal, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_98">98</a></li>
+<li>Turgot, M., his lectures and their influence, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_320">320</a>. Sir James
+Mackintosh's opinion of his writings, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_321">321</a>. Influence he exercised shortly
+before the Revolution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>. His anti-ecclesiastical policy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_333">333</a>. Said to
+have been a Jansenist, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a></li>
+<li>Turkey, causes of the war between Russia and, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_95">95</a></li>
+<li>Turks, their defeat before Vienna, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_447">447</a></li>
+<li>Turku, the ancient name of Abo, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_299">299</a></li>
+<li>Turner, Sir James, his cruelties in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Turpin, Archbishop of Rheims, his absurd history of Charlemagne, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_318">318</a></li>
+<li>Turpin, M., suppression of his &lsquo;History of Siam,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_238">238</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Understanding, Kant's views as to the scientific conception of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_18">18</a>
+<i>note</i>. Why controlled by the imagination in India, and paramount in
+Greece, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_138">138&ndash;146</a></li>
+<li><a name="United_States" id="United_States">United States</a> of North America, rent paid by the cultivator in, in
+proportion to the gross produce of the land, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_75">75</a>. Causes of low rent,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_76">76</a> <i>note</i>. Comparison of the history of England with that of the United
+States, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_240">240</a>. Characteristics of American literature, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_241">241</a>. Love of the
+people for the study of the law, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_241">241</a> <i>note</i>. Policy of George III.
+respecting, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_479">479</a>. His hatred of the Americans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_480">480</a> <i>note</i>. Effect of
+the Declaration of Independence in hastening the French Revolution, ii.
+416</li>
+<li>Usury-laws, Adam Smith's views as to the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_214">214</a> <i>note</i>. Jeremy Bentham's
+demolition of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_214">214</a> <i>note</i>. Increase of usury due to the attempts of
+legislators to keep it down, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_283">283</a>. Efforts of the Church to suppress it,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_283">283</a> <i>note</i>. Jeremy Bentham's treatment of the usury-laws referred to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_284">284</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Vanity compared with pride, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_163">163</a></li>
+<li>Vassy, massacre of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in the,
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_11">11</a></li>
+<li>Vattel, his views as to political economy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_212">212</a> <i>note</i>. His principles
+of foreign policy compared with those of Grotius, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_40">40</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Vega, Lope de, his offices in the Church and in the Inquisition, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_479">479</a>.
+His joy at the expulsion of the Moors from Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_496">496</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Velly, character of his &lsquo;History of France,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_300">300</a></li>
+<li>Vendôme, Duc de, his command of the Spanish army, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_517">517</a></li>
+<li>Veneration, origin of, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_171">171</a></li>
+<li>Venner, the fifth-monarchy man, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_155">155</a></li>
+<li>Vergil, Polydore, his attack of the popular belief in the Trojan descent
+of the English kings, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_309">309</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Verse, historical and scientific works written in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_294">294</a> <i>note</i>.
+See <a href="#Poetry">Poetry</a></li>
+<li>Vico, his opinions as to the real history of Rome, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_314">314</a></li>
+<li>Villaret, character of his &lsquo;History<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_546" id="Page_546">[546]</a></span>
+of France,&rsquo; ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_300">300</a></li>
+<li>Villaviciosa, Spanish poet, his office in the Inquisition, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_481">481</a></li>
+<li>Vienna, defeat of the Turks before, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_447">447</a></li>
+<li>Villenage, extinction of, in England, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_128">128</a></li>
+<li>Visigoths, their settlement in Spain, and establishment of their Arian
+opinions there, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_434">434</a>. Attacked by the orthodox Franks, under Clovis
+and his successors, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_435">435</a></li>
+<li>Voisins, Gilbert des, his Jansenism, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_345">345</a></li>
+<li>Volcanic eruption of 1815 at Sumbawa, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_126">126</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Voltaire, his visit to England and study of its language and literature,
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_216">216&ndash;218</a>. His admiration for England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>. Persecutions to which he
+was exposed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_231">231</a>. His method of writing history compared with that of
+Bossuet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>. As instanced in his &lsquo;History of Charles X.,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_292">292</a>. Turns his
+attention to physical and speculative science, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_295">295</a>. Returns to history,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_295">295</a>. His &lsquo;Age of Louis XIV.,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_296">296</a>. His &lsquo;Morals, Manners, and Character of
+Nations,&rsquo; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>. His intellect, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_301">301</a>. His habit of looking at epochs, and
+not at the character of the men by whom a country is governed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_301">301</a>. His
+tragedies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>. His endeavours to explain the origin of feudality, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>.
+His remark on licentious religious ceremonies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_303">303</a>. The first historian
+to recommend free trade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>. His anticipation of Malthus's principle,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>. His attack on the admiration entertained for the Middle Ages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_305">305</a>.
+And for the pedantic admirers of antiquity and classical models, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_306">306&ndash;308</a>.
+Ignorant prejudice against him in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_313">313</a>. His vast labours aided by
+Montesquieu, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_314">314</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Wace, his translation into Anglo-Norman of Geoffrey of Monmouth's
+history, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_325">325</a></li>
+<li><a name="Wages" id="Wages">Wages</a>, in what they consist, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_52">52</a>. And on what they depend, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_53">53</a>. Enquiry
+into the physical conditions which over supply the labour market and keep
+the average rate of wages at a low point, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_54">54</a> <i>et seq.</i> Effects of climate
+on wages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_62">62&ndash;64</a>. Social and political consequences of the high rate of
+wages in Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_65">65</a>. Highest, lowest, and average rates of wages in
+England during the last few years, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_66">66</a> <i>note</i>. Rates of wages in Ireland,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_67">67</a>. And in India, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_74">74</a>. Adam Smith's views as to the conflict between
+capital and, iii. <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li>
+<li>Wales, injuries done by clerical historians to the traditions of the
+bards of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_306">306</a></li>
+<li>Wall, his part in Spanish affairs, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_544">544</a></li>
+<li>Walpole, Sir Robert, endeavours of the House of Commons to hunt him to
+the death, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_452">452</a>. His refusal to tax the colonies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_478">478</a></li>
+<li>War, decline of the practice of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>. Causes of this, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_198">198</a>.
+Military spirit of Russia and Turkey, and its causes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_196">196</a>. Love of
+war extinct in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_198">198</a>. Contrast between the military genius of
+ancient and modern Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_199">199&ndash;202</a>. Causes of the decay of this genius in
+modern times, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_202">202&ndash;223</a>. The right of private war allowed to the French
+nobles, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_115">115</a>. Early extinction of private war in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_138">138</a></li>
+<li>Warburton, Dr., Bishop of Gloucester, his separation of theology from
+politics, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_425">425</a>. Effect of his opinions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_426">426</a></li>
+<li>Watches, superiority of the English in the seventeenth century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_193">193</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Water, methods employed by Watt<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_547" id="Page_547">[547]</a></span>
+and Cavendish in the discovery of, iii. <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li>
+<li>Watson's &lsquo;History of Philip II.,&rsquo; translated by Mirabeau, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_225">225</a></li>
+<li>Watt, James, his invention of the steam-engine, iii. <a href="#Page_402">402</a>. His discovery
+of the composition of water, and the method employed, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li>
+<li>Wealth, effects of climate, food, and soil on the accumulation of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_41">41</a>.
+Effects of wealth on the existence of an intellectual class, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>. Physical
+causes by which the creation of wealth is governed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_42">42</a> <i>et seq.</i> Laws of
+the distribution of wealth, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>. Interest, profits, and wages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_52">52</a>. Causes
+of the unequal distribution of wealth in India in all ages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_722">72&ndash;77</a></li>
+<li>Weather, alleged effect of gloomy, on the love of suicide, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_220">220</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Wellington, Duke of, his character as a warrior and statesman, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_201">201</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_202">202</a></li>
+<li>Welsh, John, story of, and the Popish mocker, iii. <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li>
+<li>Werner, A. G., character of his method of geological speculation, iii.
+<a href="#Page_393">393</a></li>
+<li>Wesley, John, his abilities as a theological statesman, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_421">421</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_422">422</a>.
+Calumnies and insults to which he and his followers were subjected by the
+clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_423">423</a>. His ambitious views as to his sect, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_424">424</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Westphalia, Congress of, purely secular policy of the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_41">41</a>. The
+revenues of the Church seized by the contracting parties, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_41">41</a>. Indignation
+of the pope at the treaty, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_41">41</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Whewell, Dr., his errors, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_401">401</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Whigs, their long monopoly of power, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_443">443</a>. Displaced by the Tories in
+the reign of George III., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_446">446</a></li>
+<li>Whitby, first printing office in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_432">432</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>White, Blanco, on free will, quoted, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_15">15</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Whitefield, George, his career, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_421">421</a> <i>note</i>. Character of his sermons,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_420">421</a> <i>note</i>. Excitement produced by him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_421">421</a> <i>note</i>. Opposition of the
+clergy to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_424">424</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Wightman, one of the last English martyrs to religious opinions, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_345">345</a>
+<i>note</i></li>
+<li>Will, free, controversies of the Calvinists and Arminians as to, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_338">338</a></li>
+<li>William the Conqueror, his modification of the feudal system in England,
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_114">114</a></li>
+<li>William III., main characteristics of the reign of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_403">403</a>. Eulogy
+of Sir A. Alison, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_403">403</a> <i>note</i>. Hostility between the King and the clergy,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_405">405</a>. His abolition of episcopacy in Scotland, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_406">406</a>. His deprivation of the
+Archbishop of Canterbury and six of his brethren, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_410">410</a></li>
+<li>Williams, John, Bishop of Lincoln, the last ecclesiastical lord keeper,
+i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_417">417</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Witchcraft, period of the destruction of the old notions respecting, i.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_363">363</a> <i>note</i>. Charge of Chief Baron Hale in 1665, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_363">363</a> <i>note</i>. The last
+witches executed in England and in Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_364">364</a> <i>note</i>. John Wesley's
+belief in the existence of witches, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_364">364</a> <i>note</i>. Repeal of the statutes
+against witchcraft, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_364">364</a> <i>note</i>. Witchcraft in Scotland, iii. <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li>
+<li>Woodrow, value of his &lsquo;Analecta,&rsquo; iii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Wool manufactures of Spain in the eighteenth century, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_542">542</a></li>
+<li>Writing, invention of, a cause of error in history, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_296">296</a>. Modes in
+which it effects this, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_297">297</a></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Yeomanry, rights of English,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_548" id="Page_548">[548]</a></span>
+ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>. Unknown in France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_120">120</a>. Decay of the Yeomanry in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_120">120</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>Yeomen of the Guard, establishment of the, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_7">7</a> <i>note</i></li>
+<li>&nbsp;</li>
+<li>Zamora, Spanish poet, ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_480">480</a></li>
+<li>Zoology, state of the science of, in France under Louis XIV., ii. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_197">197</a></li>
+<li>Zoology, generalizations in, of Frenchmen in the eighteenth century, ii.
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_375">375</a>. The statical and dynamical parts of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_375">375</a>. Impetus given to the
+science by Cuvier and Bichat, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44494/44494-h/44494-h.htm#Page_376">376&ndash;381</a></li>
+<li>Zurich, antiquity of, according to Swiss authorities, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44493/44493-h/44493-h.htm#Page_312">312</a></li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="title">THE END.</p>
+
+<hr class="hr65" />
+
+<p class="title">LONDON: PRINTED BY<br />
+SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE<br />
+AND PARLIAMENT STREET</p>
+
+<hr class="hr65" />
+
+<div class="note">
+Transcriber's Notes:
+
+The original spelling and minor inconsistencies in the spelling and
+formatting have been maintained.
+
+Inconsistent hyphenation and accents are as in the original if not marked
+as an misprint.
+
+Index entries out of sequence have not been corrected.
+
+<table summary="corrections">
+<tr><td><b>The table below lists all corrections applied to the original text.</b></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. xii: 361&ndash;sqq. &#8594; 361&ndash;seq.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. xiv: 420&ndash;sqq. &#8594; 420&ndash;seq.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 7: vol iv. p. 313: &#8594; p. 313;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 7: vol. xviii. p, 309 &#8594; p. 309</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 12: by the English. &#8594; by the English.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 13: Somerville's Memoire &#8594; Memorie</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 18: sovereignty over Scotland. &#8594; Scotland.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 18: Chalmer's Caledonia &#8594; Chalmers&rsquo; Caledonia</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 20: days of Robert the First, &#8594; First,&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 21: 18, 27, 375; vol. &#8594; 18, 27, 375, vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 21: 485; vol. x. p. 584; vol. &#8594; 485, vol. x. p. 584, vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 23: Extract from the &#8594; Extracts from the</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 24: mercery and haberdashery. &#8594; haberdashery.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 25: vol. i. p. 512 &#8594; 512.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 26: the bishop and chapter. &#8594; chapter.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 29: though it is is &#8594; though it is</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 30: Great Tay, through Perth, &#8594; &lsquo;Great</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 31: ces salles parées. &#8594; parées,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 37: the Spottiswoode &#8594; The Spottiswoode</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 41: could sign his own name.&rsquo; &#8594; name.&rdquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 46: justiciaries to assist. &#8594; assist.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 50: not the king himselue &#8594; himselfe</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 62: Calderwood's Historie &#8594; History</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 64: Henry VIII., &ldquo;in &#8594; &lsquo;in</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 65: Pitcairn's Criminal Trials of &#8594; in</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 66: favor ony heretike. &#8594; heretike.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 78: &lsquo;the secound of Maij. &#8594; &lsquo;the secound of Maij.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 80: he (the orator)&rsquo; &#8594; he (the orator)</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 86: on the extreame povertie &#8594; &lsquo;on</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 91: &ldquo;To requyre payment &#8594; &lsquo;To</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 94: <i>Church and State in Scotland</i> vol. &#8594; <i>Scotland</i>, vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 95: in this reformed Kirk. &#8594; Kirk.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 97: and ordaines, That &#8594; that</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 106: miscreants and bribers &#8594; bribers.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 107: salbe the worst.&rsquo; &#8594; worst.&rdquo;&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 111: Edinburgh, 1847. p. xxxix. &#8594; Edinburgh, 1847, p. xxxix.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 119: of Montrose, in 1600 &#8594; 1600.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 121: pp. 265, 266, 272; vol. &#8594; 272, vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 129: twentie thowsand pounds.&rdquo; &#8594; twentie thowsand pounds.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 137: The Diary of Mr. John Lamont, &#8594; Lamont</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 147: Duke of York's instigation. &#8594; instigation.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 147: instigation.&rsquo; <i>Shield's Hind let loose</i> &#8594; Shields&rsquo; Hind</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 147: See <i>Shield's Hind let loose</i> &#8594; Shields&rsquo; Hind</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 148: According to Burnet, the &#8594; &lsquo;the</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 149: with an exquisite torture; &#8594; torture;&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 152: greatest of his works &#8594; works.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 154: to about 4500 men; &#8594; men;&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 158: London, 4to, 1817, vol ii. p &#8594; vol. ii. p.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 162: Fountainhall's Notes on &#8594; Notes of</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 204: <i>Burnet's History of his own Time</i>, vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 211: whole counsel of God. &#8594; God.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 215: before he reached him!&rdquo;&rsquo; &#8594; him!&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 218: p. 43, in vol i. &#8594; vol. i.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 224: <i>Binning's Sermons</i>, vol. ii. p. 118; vol. &#8594; 118, vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 226: his people by Satan, &#8594; Satan,&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 228: and continoues sick.&rdquo; &#8594; sick.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 228: when this happened. &#8594; happened.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 250: Fleming's Fulfilling of &#8594; of the</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 250: Balfour's Annals &#8594; Annales</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 253: then when they are are &#8594; then when they are</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 254: and we should chose &#8594; choose</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 262: On the 22d October &#8594; On the 22nd October</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 264: The History &#8594; Historie</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 280: <i>Chalmers' Caledonia</i>, vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 287: <i>Gray's Precious Promises</i>, p. 139 &#8594; p. 139.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 288: <i>of Edinburgh</i>,, &#8594; <i>of Edinburgh</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 311: vol. ii. p. 23, seqq. &#8594; vol. ii. pp. 23 seq.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 312: united with biography, &#8594; biography.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 313: vol. ii. p: 206. &#8594; p. 206.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 328: the wages of labour. &#8594; labour.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 333: <i>Brougham's Works</i>, Glasgow, 1856. &#8594; 1856,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 336: to determine what Adam's &#8594; Adam</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 338: Moral Sentiment &#8594; Sentiments</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 349: of Smith, not &#8594; nor</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 352: murder by persons unknown?&rsquo; &#8594; unknown?</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 358: pp. 36, 37, 340, 343; vol. &#8594; 343, vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 358: pp. 115, 116, 288&ndash;299; vol. &#8594; 288&ndash;299, vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 358: vol. i. p. 305; vol. &#8594; 305, vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 359: vol. i. p. 329, 334; vol. &#8594; 334, vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 361: into execution in his writings. &#8594; writings.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 368: concealed in them,&mdash;<i>latet</i> &#8594; <i>latent</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 387: says of it, very grvaely &#8594; gravely</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 392: strata from the year 1790. &#8594; 1790.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 398: were of igneous origin. &#8594; origin.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 410: if not superior, to Newton. &#8594; Newton.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 436: <i>Hunter's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 43; vol. &#8594; 43, vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 473: &lsquo;The members were of opinion that it was &#8594; &lsquo;that it was</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 483: Geoffrey of Monmouth, i. 324. &#8594; i. 324</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 484: statement respecting, ii. 281. &#8594; ii. 281</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 488: one of Linnæus, &#8594; one of Linnæus, ii.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 490: civil war, ii, &#8594; ii.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 491: at an early period in, &#8594; at an early period in, i.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 492: peace of Westphalia, ii, &#8594; ii.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 494: they appeared, ii. 208. &#8594; 208</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 496: his secular philosophy, 329 &#8594; 329.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 497: with the clergy, 420, &#8594; 420.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 497: for the relief of the, 463. &#8594; 463</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 498: Dryburgh Abbey &#8594; Abbey,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 498: sixteenth century, iii. 30. &#8594; sixteenth century, 30.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 500: term of years first authorized. &#8594; authorized,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 501: establishments of, &#8594; establishments of, i.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 502: first financial reforms, i. &#8594; first financial reforms,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 502: Fossils; &#8594; Fossils,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 504: Francis 1. of France &#8594; Francis I. of France</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 505: surrounded his accession, &#8594; surrounded his accession, i.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 505: &lsquo;Letters&rsquo; of, ii, &#8594; ii.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 506: of political degradation. &#8594; degradation,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 506: admiration for England, ii, &#8594; ii.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 507: studies in crystallography &#8594; crystallography,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 508: causes of the, i. 144. &#8594; i. 144</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 510: French by Le Blanc, ii, &#8594; ii.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 511: in the reign of Louis XIV., &#8594; in the reign of Louis XIV., ii.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 512: of the government, 494, &#8594; 494.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 514: Ismorphism &#8594; Isomorphism</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 515: his accession, &#8594; his accession, i.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 515: &lsquo;Ecclesiastical Polity,&rsquo; &#8594; &lsquo;Ecclesiastical Polity,&rsquo; i.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 519: literary class, 239 <i>note</i>. &#8594; <i>note</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 520: to favour the King, 297. &#8594; 297</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 520: the Jansenists, ii. 344 &#8594; the Jansenists, 344</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 521: of human knowledge, 229. &#8594; 229</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 523: drained by the, 97 &#8594; drained by the, i. 97</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 524: literature, i. 437 <i>note</i>. &#8594; <i>note</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 525: Calvinist opinions, 345. &#8594; 345</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 530: Mathew Paris, i. 315. &#8594; Mathew Paris, 315.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 533: theory of rent, i. 250 &#8594; theory of rent, 250</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 534: Religious teleration &#8594; toleration</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 534: clergy inevitable, ii. 347. &#8594; clergy inevitable, 347.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 535: pointed out by Descartes, &#8594; pointed out by Descartes, ii.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 543: once inspired, ii. 262. &#8594; once inspired, 262.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 544: in the eighteenth century, 558 &#8594; 186</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 545: conception of the, 18 &#8594; conception of the, i. 18</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 546: aided by Montesquieu, 314. &#8594; 314</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 546: tax the colonies, 478 &#8594; 478</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 547: office in, i 432 &#8594; office in, i. 432</td></tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England,
+Vol. 3 of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
+
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England, Vol. 3
+of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: History of Civilization in England, Vol. 3 of 3
+
+Author: Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+Release Date: December 28, 2013 [EBook #44495]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND, III ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Clarke, Jens Nordmann and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                                HISTORY
+                                   OF
+                        CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
+
+
+                                   BY
+                          HENRY THOMAS BUCKLE.
+
+
+                           IN THREE VOLUMES.
+                                VOL. III.
+
+
+                             _NEW EDITION._
+
+
+                                TORONTO:
+                    ROSE-BELFORD PUBLISHING COMPANY,
+                            60 YORK STREET.
+                                 1878.
+
+
+
+
+                     ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER I.
+
+       CONDITION OF SCOTLAND TO THE END OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+                                                                     PAGE
+
+  Scotland and Spain are very dissimilar in regard to loyalty           1
+
+  But are very similar in regard to superstition                        4
+
+  The Scotch unite liberality in politics with illiberality in
+  religion. This is the largest and most important fact in their
+  history; and the rest of the Volume will be occupied in
+  investigating its causes                                              5
+
+  Influence of physical geography                                     5-7
+
+  Roman invasion of Scotland                                          7-9
+
+  Irish invasion of Scotland                                            9
+
+  Norwegian invasion of Scotland                                    11-12
+
+  English invasion of Scotland                                      12-17
+
+  The injury which these invasions inflicted upon Scotland
+  stopped the growth of towns, and thereby favoured the power of
+  the nobles                                                           18
+
+  The power of the nobles was still further favoured by the
+  physical structure of the country                                 19-20
+
+  And by the weakness of the Crown                                  20-21
+
+  Hence their authority had, before the close of the fourteenth
+  century, become enormous. The Crown, completely overshadowed
+  by them, could derive no aid from the citizens, because, owing
+  to the circumstances just mentioned, there were no cities         21-23
+
+  For, industry was impossible, and the commonest arts were
+  unknown                                                           23-26
+
+  Evidence of the scanty population of the Scotch towns             26-30
+
+  They were too feeble and insignificant to elect their own
+  magistrates                                                       32-33
+
+  The municipal element being thus imperfect, the only ally,
+  which the Crown could possibly find, was the Church               34-35
+
+  Hence, a coalition between the kings and the clergy against
+  the nobles                                                           34
+
+  The clergy were the only body who could withstand the nobles.
+  Causes of the great influence of the clergy                       35-44
+
+
+                               CHAPTER II.
+
+     CONDITION OF SCOTLAND IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES.
+
+  Early in the fifteenth century, the alliance between the Crown
+  and the Church against the nobles, became obvious                    45
+
+  James I. attacked the nobles, and favoured the Church; hoping
+  thereby to establish the supremacy of the throne                  46-47
+
+  But his policy failed, because it was opposed by the operation
+  of general causes                                                 47-48
+
+  Besides failing, it produced his own destruction                     49
+
+  Power of the Douglases, who were at the head of the southern
+  nobility                                                          49-50
+
+  James II. murdered the chiefs of that family                      51-52
+
+  The Crown, in its efforts against the nobles, was encouraged
+  by the clergy; and before the middle of the fifteenth century,
+  the Church and the aristocracy were completely estranged from
+  each other                                                        52-54
+
+  James III., like James II. and James I., allied himself with
+  the clergy against the nobles                                     55-56
+
+  Their power, however, was too deeply rooted to be shaken; and
+  in 1488, they put the king to death                                  55
+
+  Still, and notwithstanding these successive failures,
+  James IV. followed the same policy as his predecessors               56
+
+  So did James V. Consequently the nobles imprisoned him, and
+  ejected the clergy from all offices in the state                     57
+
+  In 1528, James V. escaped; the Crown and the Church regained
+  the ascendant, and the principal nobles were banished                58
+
+  From this moment, the nobles hated the Church more than ever.
+  Their hatred brought about the Reformation                        58-59
+
+  Active measures of the government against the nobles              60-61
+
+  The nobles revenged themselves by becoming Reformers                 62
+
+  James V., on the other hand, threw himself entirely into the
+  arms of the Church                                                62-63
+
+  As the nobles took the opposite side, and as the people had no
+  influence, the success or failure of the Reformation in
+  Scotland was simply a question of the success or failure of
+  the aristocratic power                                            65-68
+
+  In 1542, the nobles openly refused obedience to James V.; and
+  their treatment of him at this critical period of his life,
+  broke his heart                                                   68-69
+
+  Directly he died, they regained authority. The clergy were
+  displaced, and measures favourable to Protestantism were
+  adopted                                                           69-72
+
+  In 1546, Cardinal Beaton was assassinated, and Knox began
+  his career                                                        74-75
+
+  Subsequent proceedings of Knox                                    76-77
+
+  While Knox was abroad, the nobles established the Reformation        78
+
+  He returned to Scotland in 1559, by which time the struggle
+  was nearly over                                                      79
+
+  In 1559, the queen regent was deposed; the nobles became
+  supreme; and, in 1560, the Church was destroyed                   80-84
+
+  Immediately this revolution was completed, the nobles and the
+  preachers began to quarrel about the wealth of the Church            84
+
+  The nobles, thinking that they ought to have it, took it into
+  their own hands                                                   85-88
+
+  Thereupon, the Protestant preachers said that the nobles were
+  instigated by the devil                                           88-90
+
+  Morton, who was at the head of the nobility, became enraged at
+  the proceedings of the new clergy, and persecuted them            91-92
+
+  A complete rupture between the two classes                           93
+
+  The clergy, finding themselves despised by the governing
+  class, united themselves heartily with the people, and
+  advocated democratic principles                                      93
+
+  In 1574, Melville became their leader. Under his auspices, that
+  great struggle began, which never stopped until, sixty years
+  later, it produced the rebellion against Charles I.                  94
+
+  The first manifestations of this rebellious spirit was the
+  attack on the bishops                                                94
+
+  In 1575, the attack began. In 1580, episcopacy was abolished      96-97
+
+  But the nobles upheld that institution, because they loved
+  inequality for the same reasons which made the clergy love
+  equality                                                         97-100
+
+  Struggle between the upper classes and the clergy respecting
+  episcopacy                                                      100-103
+
+  In 1582, James VI. was imprisoned; and his captivity was
+  justified by the clergy, whose democratic principles were now
+  openly proclaimed                                               103-104
+
+  Violent language used by the clergy against the king and
+  against the nobles                                              104-109
+
+  Their leader, Melville, personally insulted the king, and they
+  were probably privy to the Gowrie conspiracy in 1600                110
+
+  Still, the clergy, notwithstanding the indecency of their
+  conduct, conferred the greatest of all boons upon Scotland, by
+  keeping alive and nurturing the spirit of liberty               111-114
+
+
+                              CHAPTER III.
+
+  CONDITION OF SCOTLAND DURING THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES.
+
+  In 1603, the King of Scotland became also King of England, and
+  determined to use his new resources in curbing and chastising
+  the Scotch clergy                                               115-122
+
+  His cruel treatment of them                                     122-124
+
+  In 1610, James, backed by the power of England, forced
+  episcopacy upon Scotland. Courts of High Commission were also
+  set up                                                          125-127
+
+  Tyrannical conduct of the bishops                               127-129
+
+  Meanwhile, a reaction was preparing                             129-132
+
+  In 1637, the reaction declared itself, and, in 1638, the
+  bishops were overthrown                                         132-133
+
+  The movement being essentially democratic, could not stop
+  there, but quickly spread from the Church to the State. In
+  1639, war was made upon Charles I. by the Scotch, who, having
+  defeated the king, sold him to the English, who executed him    134-136
+
+  The Scotch, before they would crown Charles II., compelled him
+  to humble himself, and to confess his own errors and the
+  errors of his family                                            136-137
+
+  But, after Charles II. mounted the throne of England, he
+  became powerful enough to triumph over the Scotch. He availed
+  himself of that power to oppress Scotland even more
+  grievously than his two predecessors had done                   137-140
+
+  Happily, however, the spirit of liberty was strong enough to
+  baffle his attempts to establish a permanent despotism              140
+
+  Still, the crisis was terrible, and the people and their
+  clergy were exposed to every sort of outrage                    141-146
+
+  Now, as before, the bishops aided the government in its
+  efforts to enslave Scotland. Being hated by the people, they
+  allied themselves with the Crown, and displayed the warmest
+  affection towards James II., during whose reign cruelties
+  were perpetrated worse than any previously known                147-150
+
+  In 1688, another reaction, in which the Scotch again freed
+  themselves from their oppressors                                    151
+
+  The only powerful friends of this bad government were the
+  Highlanders                                                         151
+
+  Reasons which induced the Highlanders to rebel in favour of
+  the Stuarts                                                     151-153
+
+  The Highland rebellions of 1715 and 1745 were not the result
+  of loyalty                                                      153-159
+
+  After 1745, the Highlanders sank into complete insignificance,
+  and the progress of Scotland was uninterrupted                      159
+
+  Beginning of the trading spirit                                 160-161
+
+  Connexion between the rising of the trading spirit and the
+  abolition, in 1748, of hereditary jurisdictions                 161-162
+
+  The abolition of these jurisdictions was a symptom of the
+  declining power of the Scotch nobles, but not a cause of it         161
+
+  One cause of the decline of their power was the union with
+  England, in 1707                                                162-167
+
+  Another cause was the failure of the Rebellion of 1745              167
+
+  The nobles being thus weakened, were, in 1748, easily deprived
+  of their right of jurisdiction. In this way, they lost the
+  last emblem of their old authority                              169-170
+
+  This great democratic and liberating movement was aided by the
+  growth of the mercantile and manufacturing classes              171-172
+
+  And their growth was itself assisted by the Union with England      172
+
+  Evidence of the rapid progress of the industrious classes in
+  the first half of the eighteenth century                        173-183
+
+  During the same period, a new and splendid literature arose in
+  Scotland                                                        183-184
+
+  But, unfortunately, this literature, notwithstanding its bold
+  and inquisitive spirit, was unable to diminish national
+  superstition                                                    184-186
+
+  It is the business of the historian to ascertain the causes of
+  its failure. If he cannot do this, he cannot understand the
+  history of Scotland                                                 186
+
+  The first and most essential quality of an historian, is a
+  clear perception of the great scientific doctrine of Law. But
+  whoever seeks to apply this doctrine to the whole course of
+  history, and to elucidate, by its aid, the march and theory of
+  affairs, is met by obstacles which no single mind can remove    186-190
+
+
+                               CHAPTER IV.
+
+  AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+  The rest of the Volume will be occupied with a still closer
+  investigation of the double paradox presented by the history
+  of Scotland; namely, 1st, that the same people should be
+  liberal in politics, and illiberal in religion; and, 2nd, that
+  the free and sceptical literature which they produced in the
+  eighteenth century, should have been unable to lessen their
+  religious illiberality                                              191
+
+  Their religious illiberality was the result of the immense
+  power possessed by their clergy in the seventeenth century.
+  The causes of that power will be examined in the present
+  chapter                                                             192
+
+  The failure of their literature in diminishing this
+  illiberality during the eighteenth century, was the result of
+  the peculiar method of the inquiry adopted by the Scotch
+  philosophers. The causes of the universal diffusion of that
+  method, the nature of the method, and the consequences of it,
+  will be examined in the next chapter, which will conclude the
+  Volume                                                          192-193
+
+  Circumstances in the seventeenth century favourable to the
+  influence of the Scotch clergy                                  193-197
+
+  While the English war against Charles I. was essentially
+  political, the Scotch war against him was essentially
+  religious                                                       197-200
+
+  Though this was the effect of Scotch superstition, it was also
+  a cause of its further progress                                 201-202
+
+  Hence, in the seventeenth century, secular interests were
+  neglected, and theological ones became supreme. Illustration
+  of this, from the zeal of the people to hear sermons of
+  inordinate frequency and of terrible length; so that they
+  passed the greater part of their lives in what were
+  erroneously termed religious exercises                          203-206
+
+  The clergy availed themselves of these habits to extend and
+  consolidate their own authority                                 205-206
+
+  Their great engine of power was the Kirk-Session. Tyranny of
+  the Kirk-Sessions                                               206-210
+
+  Monstrous pretensions of the clergy                             210-212
+
+  Cases in which it was believed that these pretensions were
+  upheld and vindicated by miracles                               212-220
+
+  The clergy, becoming elated, indulge in language of
+  extraordinary arrogance                                         221-227
+
+  They asserted that miracles were wrought in their behalf, and
+  often on their persons                                          228-229
+
+  Effect of these proceedings upon the Scotch mind                230-232
+
+  The clergy, to intimidate the people, and bring them
+  completely under control, advocated horrible notions
+  concerning evil spirits and future punishments                  232-243
+
+  With the same object they propounded notions more horrible
+  still, respecting the Deity, whom they represented as a cruel,
+  passionate, and sanguinary Being                                245-252
+
+  They moreover declared that harmless and even praiseworthy
+  actions were sinful, and would provoke the Divine wrath         251-262
+
+  To prevent such imaginary sins, the clergy made arbitrary
+  regulations, and punished those who disobeyed them, sometimes
+  by flogging, and sometimes by branding with hot irons, and
+  sometimes in other ways                                         262-263
+
+  Specimens of the sins which the clergy invented                 264-268
+
+  The result was, that all mirth, all innocent gaiety, all
+  demonstrations of happiness, and nearly all physical
+  enjoyments, were destroyed in Scotland                          268-269
+
+  Hence, the national character was mutilated. For, the
+  pleasures of the body are, in our actual condition, as
+  essential a part of the great scheme of life, and are as
+  necessary to human affairs, as are the pleasures of the mind    269-271
+
+  But the clergy, by denouncing these pleasures of the senses,
+  do what they can, in every country, to diminish the total
+  amount of happiness of which humanity is susceptible, and
+  which it has a right to enjoy                                   271-275
+
+  In no Protestant country have the clergy pushed these narrow
+  and unsocial tenets so far as in Scotland                       275-276
+
+  Indeed, in some respects, the Scotch clergy were more ascetic
+  than those of any branch of the Catholic Church, except the
+  Spanish; since they attempted to destroy the affections, and
+  to sever the holiest ties of domestic love                      276-279
+
+
+                               CHAPTER V.
+
+  AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+  The Scotch philosophical literature of the eighteenth century,
+  was a reaction against the theological spirit of the
+  seventeenth                                                         281
+
+  But the peculiarity of the philosophy which now arose, is
+  that, instead of being an inductive philosophy, it was a
+  deductive one                                                   281-282
+
+  This is well worthy of notice; because the inductive method
+  being essentially anti-theological, it might have been
+  expected that the opponents of the theological spirit would
+  have followed that method                                       282-284
+
+  The truth, however, was, that the theological spirit had taken
+  such hold of the Scotch mind, that it was impossible for the
+  inductive method to gain a hearing                              284-289
+
+  Hence, the secular philosophy of the eighteenth century,
+  though new in its results, was not new in the method by which
+  those results were obtained      289
+
+  In this respect, Scotland is similar to Germany, but
+  dissimilar to England                                           289-290
+
+  Summary of the most important distinctions between induction
+  and deduction                                                       291
+
+  The whole of the Scotch philosophy, physical as well as
+  metaphysical, is deductive                                          291
+
+  Hutcheson's philosophy                                          292-304
+
+  Its results and tendency                                        292-299
+
+  Its method                                                      299-304
+
+  Adam Smith's philosophy                                         304-330
+
+  His _Theory of Moral Sentiments_ and his _Wealth of
+  Nations_ are different parts of one subject. To understand
+  either, we must study both                                      304-305
+
+  His deductive method depended upon a suppression of premisses   304-309
+
+  Account of his _Theory of Moral Sentiments_                     309-314
+
+  Account of his _Wealth of Nations_                              314-330
+
+  Hume's philosophy                                               331-349
+
+  His want of imagination                                         331-332
+
+  Importance and novelty of his doctrines                         333-337
+
+  His method was eminently deductive; and he, like Adam Smith,
+  cared little for experience                                     337-341
+
+  Hence, his injustice to Bacon, whose method was diametrically
+  opposed to his own                                              338-339
+
+  His _Natural History of Religion_                               342-348
+
+  Comparison between the method of this work, and the method
+  employed by Cudworth                                                348
+
+  Reid's philosophy                                               349-361
+
+  His timidity made him look at the practical tendency of
+  speculative doctrines, instead of confining himself to the
+  question of their truth or falsehood                            349-354
+
+  But a philosopher should deem it his business to ascertain
+  new truths, without regard to their consequences                349-350
+
+  Reid attacked Hume's method, because he disliked the results
+  to which that method had led                                    354-355
+
+  And yet, in raising his own philosophy, he followed the very
+  same method himself                                             355-359
+
+  Estimate of the value of what Reid effected                     359-360
+
+  Opposition between the method of Reid and that of Bacon         360-361
+
+  In physical philosophy, the deductive method was equally
+  prevalent in Scotland                                          361-seq.
+
+  The laws of heat                                                    362
+
+  Indestructibility of force. Interchange of forces               362-365
+
+  Black's philosophy                                              367-377
+
+  His theory of latent heat prepared the way for subsequent
+  discoveries                                                     367-371
+
+  His method was deductive, and does not come under any of the
+  rules of the Baconian philosophy                                371-372
+
+  He reasoned from his principles speculatively, instead of
+  occupying himself with a long course of experiments             372-377
+
+  To do this was to indulge the imagination, which is deemed
+  dangerous by the inductive school of English physicists. But,
+  in the pursuit of truth, we need all our powers; and the
+  advance of physical science is retarded by our neglect of the
+  imaginative and emotional faculties                             377-382
+
+  Black, therefore, did immense service by giving free scope, to
+  the imagination. The same plan was pursued by his successor,
+  Leslie                                                              383
+
+  Leslie's philosophy of heat                                     383-388
+
+  He derived great aid from poetry                                    385
+
+  And was unjust to Bacon, whose inductive views he disliked          388
+
+  Hutton's geological philosophy                                  388-402
+
+  Fire and water are the two causes which have altered, and are
+  still altering, the crust of the earth. The supposition that
+  volcanic action was formerly more powerful than at present, is
+  quite consistent with the doctrines of an unbroken sequence of
+  events, and of the uniformity of natural laws                   388-390
+
+  The action of fire and water on the crust of the earth, may be
+  studied deductively, by computing separately the probable
+  operation of each. Or they maybe studied inductively, by
+  observing their united effects, and rising from the effects to
+  the causes; while the deductive plan is to descend from the
+  causes to the effects                                           390-391
+
+  Of these two methods, the English followed the inductive; the
+  Scotch and Germans followed the deductive                           391
+
+  English geology founded by William Smith                        391-393
+
+  German geology founded by Werner                                393-395
+
+  Scotch geology founded by Hutton                                    396
+
+  The English observed effects in order to ascertain causes. The
+  Germans, assuming water to be the cause, reasoned from it to
+  the effects. The Scotch, assuming heat to be the cause, made
+  its principles the first step in their argument                 391-396
+
+  Reasons which made the Scotch geologists argue from the
+  principles of heat, instead of, like the German geologists,
+  arguing from the principles of water                                396
+
+  Though Hutton founded the theory of metamorphic rocks, and
+  ascribed such immense importance to heat, he would not take
+  the trouble of examining a single region of active volcanos,
+  where he might have seen those very operations of nature,
+  respecting which he speculated                                      398
+
+  But, by a deductive application of the principles unfolded by
+  Black, he arrived at a conclusion concerning the consolidation
+  of strata by heat                                               399-400
+
+  That conclusion was entirely speculative, and unsupported by
+  experience                                                          399
+
+  Though experiment might perhaps verify it, no one had yet made
+  the trial; and Hutton was too averse to the inductive method
+  to undertake the investigation himself                          400-401
+
+  Sir James Hall afterwards took the matter up, and empirically
+  verified the great idea which Hutton had propounded             401-402
+
+  Watt's invention of the steam-engine, and discovery of the
+  composition of water                                            402-406
+
+  Contrast between the method by which he, as a Scotchman,
+  discovered the composition of water, and the opposite method
+  by which the Englishman, Cavendish, made the same discovery at
+  the same time                                                   404-406
+
+  Nature of the evidence of the supposed difference between the
+  organic and inorganic world. Life is probably a property of
+  all matter                                                      406-410
+
+  Assuming, however, for the purposes of classification, that
+  the organic world is fundamentally different from the
+  inorganic, we may divide organic science into physiology and
+  pathology                                                       410-412
+
+  The two great Scotch pathologists are Cullen and John Hunter.
+  Hunter, having a larger mind than Cullen, was also a
+  physiologist                                                        412
+
+  Account of Cullen's philosophy                                  413-427
+
+  His love of theory                                                  413
+
+  Theory, though necessary in science, is dangerous in practice   414-416
+
+  Difference between the science of pathology and the art of
+  therapeutics                                                    417-418
+
+  Comparison between the method of Cullen's pathology and the
+  method employed by Adam Smith                                   417-419
+
+  Cullen's theory of the solids                                  420-seq.
+
+  He refused to inquire into the truth of the principles from
+  which he argued                                                 421-422
+
+  His conclusions, like his premisses, represent only a part of
+  the truth, and were extremely one-sided. Still, their value
+  is unquestionable, forming, as they did, a necessary part of
+  the general progress                                            423-424
+
+  His theory of fever                                             424-426
+
+  His nosology                                                    426-427
+
+  The philosophy of John Hunter                                   428-458
+
+  His grandeur, and, unfortunately, his obscurity of language     428-430
+
+  In his mind, the inductive and deductive methods struggled for
+  mastery. Their conflict oppressed him. This is one of the
+  causes of the darkness of his thoughts and consequently of his
+  style                                                           429-432
+
+  His natural disposition was towards deduction                       432
+
+  But circumstances made him inductive, and he collected facts
+  with untiring industry                                          432-434
+
+  By this means he made a large number of curious physiological
+  discoveries                                                     434-436
+
+  He traced the history of the red globules of the blood, and
+  arrived at the conclusion that their function is to strengthen
+  the system rather than to repair it                             436-437
+
+  Long after his death, this inference was corroborated by the
+  progress of miscroscopical and chemical researches. It was
+  especially corroborated by Lecanu's comparison of the blood in
+  different sexes, and in different temperaments.                     439
+
+  Hunter's inquiries concerning the movements of animals and
+  vegetables                                                      439-441
+
+  He recognized the great truth that the sciences of the
+  inorganic world must be the foundation of those of the organic      443
+
+  His object was, to unite all the physical sciences, in order
+  to show that, the operations of nature being always uniform,
+  regularity prevails even amidst the greatest apparent
+  irregularity                                                    443-444
+
+  Hence, aiming chiefly at a generalization of irregularities,
+  his favourite study was pathology                                   444
+
+  In his pathological inquiries, he took into account the
+  malformations of crystals                                           445
+
+  As a physiologist, he was equalled or excelled by Aristotle;
+  but as a pathologist, he is unrivalled for the grandeur of his
+  views                                                           446-447
+
+  In pathology, his love of deduction was more obvious than in
+  physiology                                                          447
+
+  His pathological speculations respecting the principles of
+  action and the principles of sympathy                           448-452
+
+  But his English contemporaries, being eminently inductive, so
+  disliked his method, that he exercised scarcely any influence
+  over them                                                           453
+
+  This is the more observable, because his discoveries
+  respecting disease have caused him to be recognized as the
+  founder of modern surgery, and the principal author of the
+  doctrines now taught in the medical profession                  454-457
+
+  Such were the great results achieved by Scotchmen in the
+  eighteenth century. Difference between this splendid
+  literature and the wretched productions of the Scotch mind in
+  the seventeenth century.                                        458-460
+
+  Notwithstanding this difference, the deductive method was
+  supreme in both centuries                                           461
+
+  The deductive method strikes the senses less than the
+  inductive. Hence, induction being more accessible to average
+  understandings, is more popular than deduction. Hence, too,
+  the teachings of an inductive philosophy are more likely to
+  affect national character than the teaching of a deductive
+  philosophy                                                      461-464
+
+  Theology forms the only exception to this rule                  464-465
+
+  The Scotch literature of the eighteenth century, being
+  essentially deductive, was, on that account, unable to affect
+  the nation. It was, therefore, unable to weaken national
+  superstition                                                    465-469
+
+  Superstition and religious illiberality still existing in
+  Scotland                                                        469-471
+
+  The notions countenanced there respecting the origin of
+  epidemics. Correspondence which, in consequence of those
+  notions, took place, in 1853, between the Scotch Church and
+  the English Government                                          471-476
+
+  These superstitions are eminently irreligious, and are
+  everywhere becoming effaced, as physical science advances.
+  Nothing else can touch them. Hence the gradual liberation of
+  the human mind from the slavish and unmanly fears by which it
+  has long been oppressed                                         476-482
+
+
+
+
+                   HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER I.
+
+       CONDITION OF SCOTLAND TO THE END OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+In the preceding view of the rise and decay of Spain, I have sought to
+exhibit the successive steps by which what was formerly one of the
+greatest nations of the earth, was broken, and cast down from its high
+estate. As we look back on that scene, the picture is, indeed, striking.
+A country rich in all natural productions, inhabited by a brave, a loyal,
+and a religious people, removed, too, by its geographical position from
+the hazards of European revolutions, did, by the operation of those
+general causes which I have indicated, suddenly rise to unparalleled
+grandeur; and then, without the occurrence of any new combination, but by
+a mere continuance of the same causes, fall with an equal velocity. Yet,
+these vicissitudes, strange and startling as they appear, were perfectly
+regular. They were the legitimate consequence of a state of society, in
+which the spirit of protection had reached its highest point, and in
+which, every thing being done for the people, nothing was done by the
+people. Whenever this happens, there may be great political progress, but
+there can be no really national progress. There may be accessions of
+territory, and vast increase of fame and of power. There may be
+improvements in the practice of administration, in the management of
+finances, in the organization of armies, in the art and theory of war, in
+the tricks of diplomacy, and in those various contrivances by which one
+nation is able to outwit and insult another. So far, however, from this
+benefiting the people, it will injure them in two different ways. In the
+first place, by increasing the reputation of the ruling classes, it
+encourages that blind and servile respect which men are too apt to feel
+for those who are above them, and which, wherever it has been generally
+practised, has been found fatal to the highest qualities of the citizen,
+and therefore to the permanent grandeur of the nation. And, in the second
+place, it multiplies the resources of the executive government, and thus
+renders the country unable, as well as unwilling, to correct the errors
+of those who are at the head of affairs. Hence, in Spain, as in all
+countries similarly circumstanced, it was at the very moment when things
+were most prosperous at the surface, that they were most rotten at the
+foundation. In presence of the most splendid political success, the
+nation hastened to its downfall, and the crisis was fast approaching, in
+which, the whole edifice being overturned, nothing would be left, except
+a memorable warning of the consequences which must ensue, when the
+people, giving themselves up to the passions of superstition and loyalty,
+abdicate their own proper functions, forego their own responsibility,
+renounce their highest duties, and degrade themselves into passive
+instruments to serve the will of the Church and the throne.
+
+Such is the great lesson taught by the history of Spain. From the history
+of Scotland, we may gather another lesson, of a different, and yet of a
+similar, kind. In Scotland, the progress of the nation has been very
+slow, but, on the whole, very sure. The country is extremely barren; the
+executive government has, with rare exceptions, been always weak; and the
+people have never been burdened with those feelings of loyalty which
+circumstances had forced upon the Spaniards. Certainly, the last charge
+that will be brought against the Scotch, is that of superstitious
+attachment to their princes.[1] We, in England, have not always been very
+tender of the persons of our sovereigns, and we have occasionally
+punished them with what some consider excessive severity. With this, we
+have been frequently taunted by the more loyal nations of the Continent;
+and, in Spain in particular, our conduct has excited the greatest
+abhorrence. But, if we compare our history with that of our northern
+neighbours, we must pronounce ourselves a meek and submissive people.[2]
+There have been more rebellions in Scotland than in any other country;
+and the rebellions have been very sanguinary, as well as very numerous.
+The Scotch have made war upon most of their kings, and put to death many.
+To mention their treatment of a single dynasty, they murdered James I.
+and James III. They rebelled against James II. and James VII. They laid
+hold of James V., and placed him in confinement. Mary, they immured in a
+castle, and afterwards deposed. Her successor, James VI., they
+imprisoned; they led him captive about the country, and on one occasion
+attempted his life. Towards Charles I., they showed the greatest
+animosity, and they were the first to restrain his mad career. Three
+years before the English ventured to rise against that despotic prince,
+the Scotch boldly took up arms, and made war on him. The service which
+they then rendered to the cause of liberty it would be hard to overrate;
+but the singular part of the transaction was, that having afterwards got
+possession of the person of Charles, they sold him to the English for a
+large sum of money, of which they, being very poor, had pressing need.
+Such a sale is unparalleled in history; and although the Scotch might
+have plausibly alleged that this was the only gain they had derived, or
+ever could derive, from the existence of their hereditary prince, still
+the event is one which stands alone; it was unprecedented; it has never
+been imitated; and its occurrence is a striking symptom of the state of
+public opinion, and of the feelings of the country in which it was
+permitted.
+
+  [1] One of their own historians complacently says, 'but the Scots were
+      seldom distinguished for loyalty.' _Laing's History of Scotland_,
+      vol. iii. p. 199, edit. 1819. See also p. 366. To the same effect,
+      Brodie (_History of the British Empire_, Edinburgh, 1822, vol. i. p.
+      388): 'The little respect paid to royalty is conspicuous in every
+      page of Scottish history.' Or, as Wilkes expressed himself in the
+      House of Commons, 'Scotland seems, indeed, the natural _foyer_ of
+      rebellion, as Egypt is of the plague.' _Parliamentary History_, vol.
+      xix. p. 810, London, 1814; and Nimmo (_History of Stirlingshire_,
+      Edinburgh, 1777, p. 219): 'Never was any race of monarchs more
+      unfortunate than the Scottish. Their reigns were generally turbulent
+      and disastrous, and their own end often tragical.'
+
+  [2] Indeed, a well-known Scotchman of the seventeenth century,
+      scornfully says of the English, 'such is the obsequiousness, and
+      almost superstitious devotion of that nation towards their prince.'
+      _Baillie's Letters_, vol. i. p. 204, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1841.
+      This, however, was written in 1639, since which we have effectually
+      wiped off that reproach. On the other hand, an English writer of
+      the seventeenth century, indignantly, though with evident
+      exaggeration, imputes to the Scotch that 'forty of their kings have
+      been barbarously murdered by them; and half as many more have
+      either made away with themselves, for fear of their torturing of
+      them, or have died miserably in strait imprisonment.' _Account of
+      Scotland in_ 1670, in _Harleian Miscellany_, vol. vi. p. 140, edit.
+      Park, 4to, 1810. Compare two curious passages in _Shields' Hind let
+      loose_, 1687, pp. 8, 9, 15.
+
+While, however, in regard to loyalty, the opposition between Scotland and
+Spain is complete, there is, strange to say, the most striking similarity
+between those countries in regard to superstition. Both nations have
+allowed their clergy to exercise immense sway, and both have submitted
+their actions, as well as their consciences, to the authority of the
+Church. As a natural consequence, in both countries, intolerance has
+been, and still is, a crying evil; and in matters of religion, a bigotry
+is habitually displayed, discreditable indeed to Spain, but far more
+discreditable to Scotland, which has produced many philosophers of the
+highest eminence, who would willingly have taught the people better
+things, but who have vainly attempted to remove from the national mind
+that serious blemish which mars its beauty, and tends to neutralize its
+many other admirable qualities.
+
+Herein lies the apparent paradox, and the real difficulty, of Scotch
+history. That knowledge should not have produced the effects which have
+elsewhere followed it; that a bold and inquisitive literature should be
+found in a grossly superstitious country, without diminishing its
+superstition; that the people should constantly withstand their kings,
+and as constantly succumb to their clergy; that while they are liberal in
+politics, they should be illiberal in religion; and that, as a natural
+consequence of all this, men who, in the visible and external department
+of facts and of practical life, display a shrewdness and a boldness
+rarely equalled, should nevertheless, in speculative life, and in matters
+of theory, tremble like sheep before their pastors, and yield assent to
+every absurdity they hear, provided their Church has sanctioned it; that
+these discrepancies should coexist, seems at first sight a strange
+contradiction, and is surely a phenomenon worthy of our careful study. To
+indicate the causes of this anomaly, and to trace the results to which
+the anomaly has led, will be the business of the remaining part of this
+volume; and although the investigation will be somewhat lengthy, it will
+not, I hope, be considered prolix, by those who recognise the importance
+of the inquiry, and are aware how completely it has been neglected, even
+by those who have written most fully on the history of the Scottish
+nation.
+
+In Scotland, as elsewhere, the course of events has been influenced by
+its physical geography; and by this I mean, not only its own immediate
+peculiarities, but also its relation to adjoining countries. It is close
+to Ireland; it touches England; and by the contiguity of the Orkney and
+Shetland Isles, it was eminently exposed to the attacks of that great
+nation of pirates, which for centuries inhabited the Scandinavian
+peninsula. Considered merely by itself, it is mountainous and sterile;
+nature has interposed such obstacles, that it was long impossible to open
+regular communications between its different parts, which, indeed, in
+regard to the Highlands, was not effected till after the middle of the
+eighteenth century.[3] Finally, and this, as we shall presently see, was
+a matter of great importance, the most fertile land in Scotland is in the
+south, and was, therefore, constantly ravaged by the English borderers.
+Hence, the accumulation of wealth was hindered; the growth of towns was
+discouraged, by the serious hazards to which they were liable; and it was
+impossible to develop that municipal spirit, which might have existed, if
+the districts most favoured by nature had been situated in the north of
+Scotland, instead of in the south. If the actual state of things had been
+reversed, so that the Highlands were in the south,[4] and the Lowlands in
+the north, it can hardly be doubted, that, after the cessation in the
+thirteenth century of the great Scandinavian invasions, the most fertile
+parts of Scotland, being comparatively secure, would have been the seat
+of towns, which the active spirit of the people would have caused to
+prosper, and the prosperity of which would have introduced a new element
+into Scotch affairs, and changed the course of Scotch history. This,
+however, was not to be; and, as we have to deal with events as they
+actually are, I will now endeavour to trace the consequences of the
+physical peculiarities which have just been noticed; and by cooerdinating
+their results, I will, so far as I am able, show their general meaning,
+and the way in which they have shaped the national character.
+
+  [3] In England, the travelling was bad enough; in Scotland, it was far
+      worse. Morer, stating what he saw in 1689, says 'Stage-coaches they
+      have none; yet there are a few Hackney's at Edinburgh, which they
+      may hire into the country upon urgent occasions. The truth is, the
+      roads will hardly allow 'em those conveniences, which is the reason
+      that their gentry, men and women, chuse rather to use their horses.'
+      _Morer's Account of Scotland_, London, 1702, p. 24.
+
+      As to the northern parts, we have the following account, written in
+      Inverness, between 1726 and 1730. 'The Highlands are but little
+      known even to the inhabitants of the low country of Scotland, for
+      they have ever dreaded the difficulties and dangers of travelling
+      among the mountains; and, when some extraordinary occasion has
+      obliged any one of them to such a progress, he has, generally
+      speaking, made his testament before he set out, as though he were
+      entering upon a long and dangerous sea-voyage, wherein it was very
+      doubtful if he should ever return.' _Letters from a Gentleman in the
+      North of Scotland_, edit. London, 1815, vol. i. p. 4. Between 1720
+      and 1730, military roads were cut through parts of the Highlands,
+      but they were 'laid down by a practical soldier, and destined for
+      warlike purposes, with scarcely any view towards the ends for which
+      free and peaceful citizens open up a system of internal transit,'
+      _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 255. See also _Chalmers'
+      Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 36. This is confirmed by the fact, that even
+      between Inverness and Edinburgh, 'until 1755, the mail was conveyed
+      by men on foot.' Account of Inverness-shire, in _M^cCulloch's
+      British Empire_, London, 1847, vol. i. p. 299; to which I may add,
+      that in _Anderson's Essay on the Highlands_, Edinburgh, 1827, pp.
+      119, 120, it is stated, that 'A postchaise was first seen in
+      Inverness itself in 1760, and was, for a considerable time, the only
+      four-wheeled carriage in the district.' As to the communications in
+      the country about Perth, see _Penny's Traditions of Perth_, pp. 131,
+      132, Perth, 1836; and as to those from Aberdeen to Inverness, and
+      from Aberdeen to Edinburgh, see _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol.
+      ii. pp. 269, 270, London, 4to, 1818.
+
+      The history of the improvement of the roads during the latter half
+      of the eighteenth century, has never been written; but it is of the
+      greatest importance for its intellectual results, in causing
+      national fusion, as well as for its economical results, in helping
+      trade. Some idea may be formed of the extraordinary energy displayed
+      by Scotland in this matter, by comparing the following passages:
+      _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii. pp. 494, 865, 939, vol. iii. pp.
+      599, 799; _Crawfurd's History of the Shire of Renfrew_, part ii. pp.
+      128, 160; _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_, pp. 245, 246;
+      _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 109, 210,
+      367, 430, 496; vol. ii. p. 498; vol. iii. pp. 331, 352, 353; vol.
+      iv. p. 313; vol. v. pp. 128, 234, 235, 315, 364, 365; vol. vi.
+      pp. 107, 154, 180, 458; vol. vii. pp. 135, 251, 275, 299, 417; vol.
+      viii. pp. 81, 243, 344, 345, 541; vol. ix. pp. 414, 530; vol. x.
+      pp. 221, 237, 238, 466, 618; vol. xi. pp. 127, 380, 418, 432, 522,
+      541; vol. xii. p. 59; vol. xiii. pp. 42, 141, 488, 542, 663; vol.
+      xiv. pp. 217, 227, 413, 443, 466, 506; vol. xv. pp. 54, 88, 276;
+      vol. xvi. p. 120; vol. xvii. pp. 5, 267, 297, 377, 533; vol. xviii.
+      p. 309; vol. xx. p. 156.
+
+  [4] I use the word Highlands, in the common, though improper, sense of
+      including all Scotland from the Pentland Firth to the beginning of
+      the mountains, a few miles north of Glasgow, Stirling, Perth, and
+      Dundee. All such distinctions are necessarily somewhat vague,
+      because the boundaries of nature are never clearly marked. Compare
+      _Macky's Scotland_, p. 124, London, 1732, with _Anderson's Guide to
+      the Highlands_, Edinburgh, 1847, pp. 17, 18.
+
+The earliest fact with which we are acquainted respecting the history of
+Scotland, is the Roman invasion under Agricola, late in the first
+century. But neither his conquests, nor those of his successors, made
+any permanent impression. The country was never really subjugated, and
+nothing was effected except a military occupation, which, in spite of the
+erection of numerous forts, walls, and ramparts, left the spirit of the
+inhabitants unbroken. Even Severus, who, in the year 209, undertook the
+last and most important expedition against Scotland, does not appear to
+have penetrated beyond the Firth of Moray;[5] and directly he retired,
+the natives were again in arms, and again independent. After this,
+nothing was attempted upon a scale large enough to give a chance of
+success. Indeed, the Romans, far from being equal to such an effort, were
+themselves deteriorating. In their best days, their virtues were the
+virtues of barbarians, and even those they were now about to lose. From
+the beginning, their scheme of life was so one-sided and imperfect, that
+the increase of wealth, which improves the civilization of really
+civilized countries, was to the Romans an irreparable mischief; and they
+were corrupted by luxury, instead of being refined by it. In our time, if
+we compare the different nations of Europe, we find that the richest are
+also the most powerful, the most humane, and the most happy. We live in
+that advanced state of society, in which wealth is both the cause and the
+effect of progress, while poverty is the fruitful parent of weakness, of
+misery, and of crime. But the Romans, when they ceased to be poor, began
+to be vicious. So unstable was the foundation of their greatness, that
+the very results which their power produced, were fatal to the power
+itself. Their empire gave them wealth, and their wealth overthrew their
+empire. Their national character, notwithstanding its apparent strength,
+was in truth of so frail a texture, that it was ruined by its own
+development. As it grew, it dwarfed. Hence it was, that, in the third and
+fourth centuries, their hold on mankind visibly slackened. Their
+authority being undermined, other nations, of course, stepped in; so that
+the inroads of those strange tribes which came pouring from the north,
+and to whose appearance the final catastrophe is often ascribed, were at
+best the occasion, but by no means the cause, of the fall of the Roman
+Empire. Towards that great and salutary event, every thing had long been
+pointing. The scourgers and oppressors of the world, whom a false and
+ignorant sympathy has invested with noble qualities which they never
+possessed, had now to look to themselves; and when, after receding on all
+sides, they, in the middle of the fifth century, withdrew their forces
+from the whole of Britain, they merely executed a movement, which a train
+of circumstances, continued through several generations, had made
+inevitable.
+
+  [5] Browne (_History of the Highlands_, vol. i. p. 33) says that 'he
+      traversed the whole of North Britain, from the wall of Antoninus to
+      the very extremity of the island.' The same thing is stated in
+      _Pennant's Scotland_, vol. i. p. 90. Neither of these writers quote
+      their authority for this; but they probably relied on a passage in
+      _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. iv. p. 94. 'Neque tamen
+      desideratis quinquaginta millibus (ut scribit Dion) prius ab
+      inc[oe]pto destiterunt, quam ad finem insulae penetrassent.' I
+      believe, however, that Scotch antiquaries are now agreed that this
+      is wrong, as Chalmers was one of the first to perceive. See his
+      _Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 187; a very valuable and learned, but
+      unhappily ill-arranged, book, and written in a style which is
+      absolutely afflicting. See also _Irving's History of
+      Dumbartonshire_, 4to, 1860, p. 14.
+
+It is at this point that we begin to discern the operation of those
+physical and geographical peculiarities which I have mentioned as
+influencing the fortunes of Scotland. The Romans, gradually losing
+ground, the proximity of Ireland caused repeated attacks from that
+fertile island, whose rich soil and great natural advantages gave rise to
+an exuberant, and therefore a restless, population. An overflow, which,
+in civilized times, is an emigration, is, in barbarous times, an
+invasion. Hence the Irish, or Scotti as they were termed, established
+themselves by force of arms in the west of Scotland, and came into
+collision with the Picts, who occupied the eastern part. A deadly
+struggle ensued, which lasted four centuries after the withdrawal of the
+Romans, and plunged the country into the greatest confusion. At length,
+in the middle of the ninth century, Kenneth M'Alpine, king of the
+Scotti, gained the upper hand, and reduced the Picts to complete
+submission.[6] The country was now united under one rule; and the
+conquerors, slowly absorbing the conquered, gave their name to the whole,
+which, in the tenth century, received the appellation of Scotland.[7]
+
+  [6] The history of Scotland, in this period, is in great confusion, and
+      perhaps will never be recovered. For the statements made in the
+      text, I have chiefly used the following authorities: _Fordun's
+      Scotichronicon_, vol. i.; _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia_,
+      lib. v. pp. 121-132, and the beginning of the sixth book. Also
+      various parts of _Bede_; _Pinkerton's Enquiry into the Early History
+      of Scotland_; _Chalmers' Caledonia_; the first volume of _Browne's
+      History of the Highlands_; and, above all, Mr. Skene's acute and
+      learned work on the Highlanders. In the last-named book, the western
+      boundary of the Picts is traced with great ingenuity, though perhaps
+      with some uncertainty. _Skene's Highlanders of Scotland_, vol. i.
+      pp. 26-33, London, 1837.
+
+  [7] Here, again, we are involved in doubt; it being uncertain when the
+      name Scotia was first applied to Scotland. The date, therefore,
+      which I have given, is only intended as an approximative truth. In
+      arriving at it, I have compared the following different, and often
+      conflicting, passages: _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 339.
+      _Browne's History of the Highlands_, vol. i. p. 34. _Pinkerton's
+      Enquiry into the Early History of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 253, 254,
+      vol. ii. pp. 151, 228, 237, 240. _Spottiswoode's History of the
+      Church of Scotland_, edit. Russell, 1851, vol. i. p. 16, note,
+      where, however, Pinkerton's authority is appealed to for an
+      assertion which he did not make. _Skene's Highlanders_, vol. i. pp.
+      45, 61, 244. _Anderson's Prize Essay on the Highlands_, p. 34.
+
+But the kingdom was to have no rest. For, in the mean time,
+circumstances, which it would be tedious to relate, had raised the
+inhabitants of Norway to be the greatest maritime power in Europe. The
+use which that nation of pirates made of their strength, forms another
+and a very important link in the history of Scotland, and moreover
+illustrates the immense weight, which, in an early period of society,
+should be assigned to mere geographical considerations. The nearest land
+to the centre of the long coast of Norway is the Shetland Isles, whence
+it is an easy sail to the Orkneys. The northern pirates naturally seized
+these small, but, to them, most useful islands, and, as naturally, made
+them intermediate stations, from which they could conveniently pillage
+the coasts of Scotland. Being constantly reinforced from Norway, they, in
+the ninth and tenth centuries, advanced from the Orkneys, made permanent
+settlements in Scotland itself, and occupied not only Caithness, but also
+great part of Sutherland. Another body of them got possession of the
+Western Islands; and as Skye is only separated from the mainland by a
+very narrow channel, these pirates easily crossed over, and fixed
+themselves in Western Ross.[8] From their new abodes, they waged
+incessant and destructive war against every district within their reach;
+and, keeping a large part of Scotland in constant alarm, they, for about
+three centuries, prevented the possibility of its social improvement.
+Indeed, that unhappy country was never free from the dangers of Norwegian
+invasion, until the failure of the last great attack, in 1263, when Haco
+left Norway with a prodigious armament, which he further strengthened by
+reinforcements from the Orkneys and Hebrides. Scotland could offer but
+little resistance. Haco, with his allies, sailed along the western coast
+to the Mull of Kentire, wasted the country with fire and sword, took
+Arran and Bute, entered the Firth of Clyde, suddenly fell upon Loch
+Lomond, destroyed all the property on its shores and on its islands,
+ravaged the whole county of Stirling, and threatened to descend with all
+his force upon Ayrshire. Fortunately, the inclemency of the weather broke
+up this great expedition, and scattered or destroyed the entire fleet.[9]
+After its dispersal, the course of affairs in Norway prevented the
+attempt from being renewed; and danger from that quarter being over, it
+might have been hoped that Scotland would now enjoy peace, and would have
+leisure to develop the natural resources which she possessed,
+particularly those in the southern and more favoured districts.
+
+  [8] _Pinkerton's Enquiry into the Early History of Scotland_, vol. i.
+      pp. 136, 317, vol. ii. pp. 179, 298. _Skene's Highlanders_, vol. i.
+      pp. 90, 91, 94, 106, 114, 258, 259. _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. i.
+      pp. 340-347.
+
+  [9] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 38-54. The account in
+      _Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle_, vol. i. pp. 399-403, ascribes
+      too much to the prowess of the Scotch, and too little to the
+      elements which dispersed the fleet. Compare _Irving's History of
+      Dumbartonshire_, second edition, 4to, 1860, pp. 48, 49.
+
+This, however, was not to be. For, scarcely were the attacks from Norway
+at an end, when those from England began. Early in the thirteenth
+century, the lines of demarcation which separated Normans from Saxons,
+were, in our country, becoming so obliterated, that in many cases it was
+impossible to distinguish them.[10] By the middle of the same century,
+the two races were fused into one powerful nation; and, as that nation
+had a comparatively feeble neighbour, it was certain that the stronger
+people would try to oppress the weaker.[11] In an ignorant and barbarous
+age, military success is preferred to all other kinds of fame; and the
+English, greedy for conquest, set their eyes upon Scotland, which they
+were sure to invade at the first opportunity. That Scotland was near,
+made it tempting; that it was believed to be defenceless, made the
+temptation irresistible. In 1290, Edward I. determined to avail himself
+of the confusion into which Scotland was thrown by disputes respecting
+the succession of the crown. The intrigues which followed, need not be
+related; it is enough to say, that, in 1296, the sword was drawn, and
+Edward invaded a country which he had long desired to conquer. But he
+little recked of the millions of treasure, and the hundreds of thousands
+of lives, which were to be squandered, before that war was over.[12] The
+contest that ensued was of unexampled length and severity; and in its sad
+course, the Scotch, notwithstanding their heroic resistance, and the
+victories they occasionally gained, had to endure every evil which could
+be inflicted by their proud and insolent neighbour. The darling object of
+the English, was to subjugate the Scotch; and if anything could increase
+the disgrace of so base an enterprise, it would be that, having
+undertaken it, they ignominiously failed.[13] The suffering, however, was
+incalculable, and was aggravated by the important fact, that it was
+precisely the most fertile part of Scotland which was most exposed to the
+English ravages. This, as we shall presently see, produced some very
+curious results on the national character; and for that reason, I will,
+without entering into many details, give a slight summary of the more
+immediate consequences of this long and sanguinary struggle.
+
+  [10] _Buckle's History of Civilization_, vol. ii. pp. 116, 117.
+
+  [11] In _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 18, 'the early part
+       of the reign' of Alexander III. is indicated as the period in which
+       'the first approaches were made towards the great plan for the
+       reduction of Scotland, by the English.' Alexander III. came to the
+       throne in 1249. Earlier, the feeling was very different. Thus, late
+       in the twelfth century, 'the two nations, according to Fordun,
+       seemed one people; Englishmen travelling at pleasure through all
+       the corners of Scotland (?); and Scotchmen in like manner through
+       England.' _Ridpath's Border History_, p. 76. Compare _Dalrymple's
+       Annals of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 158. At that time, England, being
+       weak, was peaceably disposed.
+
+  [12] An old Scotch writer says, with some exaggeration, 'The year 1296,
+       at which tyme, the bloodyest and longest warr that ever was betwixt
+       two nationes fell out, and continued two hundreth and sextie years,
+       to the undoeing and ruineing of many noble families, with the
+       slaughter of a million of men.' _Somerville's Memorie of the
+       Somervilles_, vol. i. p. 61.
+
+  [13] See some just and biting remarks in _Hume's History of the House
+       of Douglas_, vol. i. p. 85.
+
+In 1296, the English entered Berwick, the richest town Scotland
+possessed, and not only destroyed all the property, but slew nearly all
+the inhabitants.[14] They then marched on to Aberdeen and Elgin; and so
+completely desolated the country, that the Scotch, flying to the
+mountains, and stripped of their all, had no resource left but to wage
+from their native fastnesses a war similar to that which their savage
+ancestors, twelve centuries earlier, had conducted against the
+Romans.[15] In 1298, the English again broke in, burnt Perth and St.
+Andrews, and ravaged the whole territory south and west.[16] In 1310,
+they invaded Scotland by the eastern march, and carrying off such
+provisions as were left, caused so terrible a dearth, that the people
+were forced to feed on horses and other carrion.[17] All over southern
+Scotland, both east and west, the inhabitants were now reduced to a
+horrible condition, being for the most part houseless and starved. In
+1314, made desperate by their state, they rallied for a moment, and, in
+the battle of Bannockburn, gloriously defeated their oppressors. But
+their unrelenting enemy was at hand, and pressed them so hard, that, in
+1322, Bruce, in order to baffle an English invasion, was obliged to lay
+waste all the districts south of the Firth of Forth; the people taking
+refuge, as before, in the mountains.[18] This time, therefore, when
+Edward II. reached Edinburgh, he plundered nothing, because, the country
+being a desert, there was nothing to plunder; but, on his return, he did
+what he could, and meeting with some convents, which were the only signs
+of life that he encountered, he fell upon them, robbed the monasteries of
+Melrose and Holyrood, burnt the abbey of Dryburgh, and slew those monks
+who, from age or disease, were unable to escape.[19] In 1336, the next
+king, Edward III., equipped a numerous army, devastated the Lowlands,
+and great part of the Highlands, and destroyed every thing he could find,
+as far as Inverness.[20] In 1346, the English overran the districts of
+Tweeddale, the Merse, Ettrick, Annandale, and Galloway;[21] and in 1355,
+Edward, in a still more barbarous inroad, burnt every church, every
+village, and every town he approached.[22] And scarcely were these
+frightful losses somewhat repaired, when another storm burst upon the
+devoted land. In 1385, Richard II. traversed the southern counties to
+Aberdeen, scattering destruction on every side, and reducing to ashes the
+cities of Edinburgh, Dunfermline, Perth, and Dundee.[23]
+
+  [14] 'Anno gratiae MCCXCVI. tertio kalendas Aprilis, villa et castro de
+       Berevvico, per magnificum regem Angliae Eadvvardum captis, omnes
+       ibidem inuentos Angli gladio occiderunt, paucis exceptis, qui ipsam
+       villam postmodum abiurar[=u]t.' _Flores Historiarum per Matthaeum
+       Westmonasteriensem collecti_, Lond. 1570, folio, lib. ii. p. 403.
+       'Atque modo praedicto villa capta, civibus prostratis, rex Angliae
+       praedictus nulli aetati parcens aut sexui, duobus diebus rivulis de
+       cruore occisorum fluentibus, septem millia et quingentas animas
+       promiscui sexus jusserat, in sua tyrannide desaeviens, trucidari.'
+       _Fordun's Scotichronicon, cura Goodall_, Edinb. 1775, folio, vol.
+       ii. pp. 159, 160. 'Secutus Rex cum peditum copiis miserabilem omnis
+       generis caedem edit.' _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia_,
+       Abredoniae, 1762, lib. viii. p. 200. 'They left not one creature
+       alive of the Scotish blood within all that toune.' _Hollinshead's
+       Scottish Chronicle_, Arbroath, 1805, 4to, vol. i. p. 418. In 1286,
+       that is, only ten years earlier, 'No other part of Scotland, in
+       point of commercial importance, came near to a comparison with
+       Berwick.' _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, London, 4to, 1805,
+       vol. i. p. 446. Such were the brutal crimes of our wretched and
+       ignorant ancestors.
+
+  [15] 'The Scots assembled in troops and companies, and betaking
+       themselves to the woods, mountains, and morasses, in which their
+       fathers had defended themselves against the Romans, prepared for a
+       general insurrection against the English power.' _Scott's History
+       of Scotland_, London, 1830, vol. i. p. 70. Elgin appears to have
+       been the most northern point of this expedition. See _Tytler's
+       History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 119, and _Chalmers' Caledonia_,
+       vol. i. p. 657. The general results are summed up by Buchanan:
+       'Hanc stragem ex agrorum incultu consecuta est fames, et famem
+       pestis, unde major quam e bello clades timebatur.' _Rerum
+       Scoticarum Historia_, lib. viii. p. 203.
+
+  [16] 'The army then advanced into Scotland by moderate marches, wasting
+       and destroying every thing on their way.' ... 'A party of Edward's
+       army, sent northwards, wasted the country, and burnt Perth and
+       Saint Andrews.' _Ridpath's Border History_, pp. 146, 147.
+
+  [17] 'The king entered Scotland by the eastern march with a great army.'
+       ... 'There was this year so terrible a dearth and scarcity of
+       provisions in Scotland, arising from the havoc of war, that many
+       were obliged to feed on the flesh of horses and other carrion.'
+       _Ibid._ pp. 164, 165. See also _Fordun's Scotichronicon_, vol. ii.
+       pp. 242, 243. 'Quo anno, propter guerrarum discrimina, tanta erat
+       panis inopia et victualium caristia in Scotia, quod in plerisque
+       locis, compellente famis necessitate, multi carnibus equorum et
+       aliorum pecorum immundorum vescebantur.'
+
+  [18] Bruce 'carefully laid the whole borders waste as far as the Firth
+       of Forth, removing the inhabitants to the mountains, with all their
+       effects of any value. When the English army entered, they found a
+       land of desolation, which famine seemed to guard.' _Scott's History
+       of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 145. See also _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum
+       Historia_, lib. viii. p. 218.
+
+  [19] 'Eadwardus, rex Angliae, intravit Scotiam cum magno exercitu equitum
+       et peditum, ac navium multitudine copiosa, duodecimo die mensis
+       Augusti, et usque villam de Edinburgh pervenit.' ... 'Spoliatis
+       tamen tunc in reditu Anglorum et praedatis monasteriis Sanctae Crucis
+       de Edinburgh et de Melros, atque ad magnam desolationem perductis.
+       In ipso namque monasterio de Melros dominus Willelmus de Peblis,
+       ejusdem monasterii Prior, unus etiam monachus tunc infirmus, et duo
+       conversi caeci effecti, in dormitorio eorundem ab eisdem Anglis sunt
+       interfecti, et plures monachi lethaliter vulnerati. Corpus
+       Dominicum super magnum altare fuit projectum, ablata pixide
+       argentea in qua erat repositum. Monasterium de Driburgh igne
+       penitus consumptum est et in pulverem redactum. Ac _alia pia loca
+       quamplurima_ per praedicti regis violentiam ignis flamma consumpsit:
+       quod, Deo retribuente, eisdem in prosperum non cessit.' _Fordun's
+       Scotichronicon_, vol. ii. p. 278. 'In redeundo sacra juxta ac
+       prophana spoliata. Monasteria Driburgum et Mulrossia etiam caesis
+       monachis infirmioribus, qui vel defectu virium, vel senectutis
+       fiducia soli remanserant, incensa,' _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum
+       Historia_, lib. viii. p. 219.
+
+  [20] _Fordun's Scotichronicon_, vol. ii. pp. 322, 323. _Dalrymple's
+       Annals_, vol. ii. pp. 232, 447. _Scott's History of Scotland_,
+       vol. i. pp. 187, 188.
+
+  [21] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 451.
+
+  [22] _Dalrymple's Annals_, vol. ii. p. 288. _Fordun's Scotichronicon_,
+       vol. ii. pp. 352-354.
+
+  [23] 'Rex Angliae, Richardus secundus aegre ferens Scotos et Francos tam
+       atrociter terram suam depraedare, et municipia sua assilire et ad
+       terram prosternere, exercitum collegit grandem, et intravit
+       Scotiam, aetate tunc novemdecim annorum, in multitudine superba
+       progrediens, omnia circumquaque perdens, et nihil salvans; templa
+       Dei et sanctuaria religiosorum monasteria viz. Driburgh, Melros et
+       Newbottel, ac nobilem villam de Edinburgh, cum ecclesia Sancti
+       AEgidii ejusdem, voraci flamma incineravit; et, destructione
+       permaxima facta per eum in Laudonia, ad propria sine damno
+       repatriavit' _Fordun's Scotichronicon_, vol. ii. p. 401. 'En ce
+       sejour que le roi Richard fit en Haindebourch les Anglois coururent
+       tout le pays d'environ et y firent moult de desrois; mais nullui
+       n'y trouverent; car tout avoient retrait ens es forts, et ens es
+       grands bois, et la chasse tout leur betail.' ... 'Et ardirent les
+       Anglois la ville de Saint-Jean-Ston en Ecosse, ou la riviere du Tay
+       cuert, et y a un bon port pour aller partout le monde; et puis la
+       ville de Dondie; et n'epargnoient abbayes ni moutiers; tout
+       mettoient les Anglois en feu et en flambe; et coururent jusques a
+       Abredane les coureurs et l'avant-garde.' _Les Chroniques de
+       Froissart_, edit. Buchon, vol. ii. pp. 334, 335, Paris, 1835. See
+       also, on this ruffianly expedition, _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii.
+       pp. 592, 593, and _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. ix.
+       p. 253: 'Nulli loco, neque sacro, neque profano, nulli homini, qui
+       modo militari esset aetate, parcebat.'
+
+By these disasters, the practice of agriculture was every where
+interrupted, and in many places ceased for several generations.[24] The
+labourers either fled, or were murdered; and there being no one to till
+the ground, some of the fairest parts of Scotland were turned into a
+wilderness, overgrown with briers and thickets. Between the invasions, a
+few of the inhabitants, taking courage, issued from the mountains, and
+raised wretched huts in the place of their former abodes. But, even then,
+they were pursued to their very doors by wolves, searching for food, and
+maddened with hunger. If they escaped from these famished and ferocious
+animals, they and their families were exposed to a danger still more
+horrible. For, in those terrible days, when famine stalked abroad,
+despair perverted the souls of men, and drove them to new crime. There
+were cannibals in the land; and we have it on contemporary authority,
+that a man and his wife, who were at length brought to justice, subsisted
+during a considerable period on the bodies of children, whom they caught
+alive in traps, devouring their flesh, and drinking their blood.[25]
+
+  [24] 'Agriculture was ruined; and the very necessaries of life were lost,
+       when the principal lords had scarcely a bed to lye on.' _Chalmers'
+       Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 142. See also, in p. 867 of the same volume
+       of this learned work, some curious extracts from Scotch charters
+       and other sources, illustrating the horrible condition of the
+       country. And on the difficulty of obtaining food, compare _Fordun's
+       Scotichronicon_, vol. ii. pp. 242, 324; _Dalrymple's Annals_, vol.
+       i. p. 307, vol. ii. pp. 238, 330; and _Tytler's History of
+       Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 94.
+
+  [25] Notices of Scotch cannibals will be found in _Lindsay of
+       Pitscottie's Chronicles of Scotland_, edit. 1814, vol. i. p. 163;
+       and in _Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle_, 4to, 1805, vol. ii. pp.
+       16, 99. In _Fordun's Scotichronicon_, vol. ii. p. 331, the
+       following horrible account is given: it refers to the neighbourhood
+       of Perth in the year 1339: 'Tota illa patria circumvicina eo
+       tempore in tantum fuit vastata, quod non remansit quasi domus
+       inhabitata, sed ferae et cervi de montanis descendentes circa villam
+       saepius venabantur. Tanta tunc temporis facta est caristia, et
+       victualium inopia, ut passim plebicula deficeret, et tanquam oves
+       herbas depascentes, in foveis mortua reperirentur. Prope illinc in
+       abditis latitabat quidam robustus rusticus, Crysticleik nomine, cum
+       viragine sua, qui mulierculis et pueris ac juvenibus insidiabantur,
+       et, tanquam lupi eos strangulantes, de ipsorum carnibus
+       victitabant.'
+
+Thus the fourteenth century passed away. In the fifteenth century, the
+devastations of the English became comparatively rare; and although the
+borders were the scene of constant hostilities,[26] there is no instance,
+since the year 1400, of any of our kings invading Scotland.[27] An end
+being put to those murderous expeditions, which reduced the country to a
+desert, Scotland drew breath, and began to recover her strength.[28] But,
+though the material losses were gradually repaired; though the fields
+were again cultivated, and the towns rebuilt, there were other
+consequences, which were less easy to remedy, and from whose effects the
+people long smarted. These were inordinate power of the nobles, and the
+absence of the municipal spirit. The strength of the nobles, and the
+weakness of the citizens, are the most important peculiarities of
+Scotland during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; and they, as I am
+about to show, were directly encouraged by the ravages committed by the
+English troops. We shall, moreover, see that this combination of events
+increased the authority of the clergy, weakened the influence of the
+intellectual classes, and made superstition more prevalent than it would
+otherwise have been. It is in this way, that in Scotland, as in all other
+countries, every thing is linked together; nothing is casual or
+accidental; and the whole march of affairs is governed by general causes,
+which, owing to their largeness and remoteness, often escape attention,
+but which, when once recognized, are found to be marked by a simplicity
+and uniformity, which are the invariable characteristics of the highest
+truths that the mind of man has reached.
+
+  [26] Even when the two nations were at peace, the borderers were at war.
+       See _Ridpath's Border History_, pp. 240, 308, 394; and for other
+       evidence of this chronic anarchy, compare _Hollinshead's Scottish
+       Chronicle_, vol. ii. p. 30. _Lesley's History of Scotland_, pp. 40,
+       52, 67. _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. pp. 300, 301, 444, 449.
+       _State Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._, 4to, 1836, vol. iv. pp.
+       366, 370, 569, 570, vol. v. pp. 17, 18, 161. _Historie of James the
+       Sext_, pp. 21, 91, 146.
+
+  [27] In 1400, Henry IV. made 'the last invasion which an English monarch
+       ever conducted into Scotland.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol.
+       ii. p. 406. It is said, however, that it was not till the reign of
+       Elizabeth than an English sovereign 'had the policy to disavow any
+       claim of sovereignty over Scotland.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. i.
+       p. 650.
+
+  [28] But very slowly. Pinkerton (_History of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 166,
+       167) says: 'The frequent wars between Scotland and England, since
+       the death of Alexander III., had occasioned to the former country
+       the loss of more than a century in the progress of civilization.
+       While in England, only the northern provinces were exposed to the
+       Scotish incursions, Scotland suffered in its most civilized
+       departments. It is apparent that in the reign of Alexander III.,
+       the kingdom was more abundant in the useful arts and manufactures,
+       than it was in the time of Robert III.'
+
+The first circumstance favourable to the authority of the nobles, was the
+structure of the country. Mountains, fens, lakes, and morasses, which
+even the resources of modern art have only recently made accessible
+supplied the great Scottish chieftains with retreats, in which they could
+with impunity defy the power of the crown.[29] The poverty of the soil
+also, made it difficult for armies to find means of subsistence; and from
+this cause alone, the royal troops were often unable to pursue the
+lawless and refractory barons.[30] During the fourteenth century,
+Scotland was constantly ravaged by the English; and in the intervals of
+their absence, it would have been a hopeless undertaking for any king to
+try to repress such powerful subjects, since he would have had to march
+through districts so devastated by the enemy, that they no longer yielded
+the common necessaries of life. Besides this, the war with the English
+lessened the authority of the crown, absolutely as well as relatively.
+Its patrimony, lying in the south, was incessantly wasted by the
+borderers, and before the middle of the fourteenth century, greatly
+deteriorated in value.[31] In 1346, David II. fell into the hands of the
+English, and during his captivity of eleven years, the nobles carried all
+before them, and affected, says an historian, the style and title of
+princes.[32] The longer the war with England continued, the more these
+consequences were felt; so that before the close of the fourteenth
+century, a few of the leading Scotch families had raised themselves to
+such preeminence, that it was evident, either that a deadly struggle must
+ensue between them and the crown, or else that the executive government
+would have to abdicate its most essential functions, and leave the
+country a prey to these headstrong and ferocious chiefs.[33]
+
+  [29] Owing to this, their castles were, by position, the strongest in
+       Europe; Germany alone excepted. Respecting their sites, which were
+       such as to make them in many instances almost unassailable, see
+       _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii. pp. 122, 406, 407, 918, 919, vol.
+       iii. pp. 268, 269, 356-359, 864; _Pennant's Scotland_, vol. i. pp.
+       175, 177; _Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 169, vol. vii. p.
+       510, vol. xi. pp. 102, 212, 407, 408, vol. xii. pp. 25, 58, vol.
+       xiii. p. 598, vol. xv. p. 187, vol. xvi. p. 554, vol. xviii. p.
+       579, vol. xix. p. 474, vol. xx. pp. 56, 312; _Macky's Scotland_,
+       pp. 183, 297; and some good remarks in _Nimmo's History of
+       Stirlingshire_, p. 56. Neither England, nor France, nor Italy, nor
+       Spain, afforded such immense natural advantages to their
+       aristocracy.
+
+  [30] 'By retiring to his own castle, a mutinous baron could defy the
+       power of his sovereign, it being almost impracticable to lead an
+       army through a barren country, to places of difficult access to a
+       single man.' _History of Scotland_, book i. p. 59, in _Robertson's
+       Works_, edit. London, 1831. Notwithstanding the immense materials
+       which have been brought to light since the time of Robertson, his
+       _History of Scotland_ is still valuable; because he possessed a
+       grasp of mind which enabled him to embrace general views, that
+       escape ordinary compilers, however industrious they may be.
+
+  [31] 'The patrimony of the Crown had been seriously dilapidated during
+       the period of confusion which succeeded the battle of Durham,'
+       _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 86.
+
+  [32] 'During the long captivity of David,' the nobles had been completely
+       insubordinate, and 'affected the style and title of princes,'
+       _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 85. See also, on the
+       state of the barons under David II., _Skene's Highlanders_,
+       vol. ii. pp. 63-67.
+
+  [33] In 1299, 'a superior baron was in every respect a king in
+       miniature.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 150. In
+       1377, 'the power of the barons had been decidedly increasing since
+       the days of Robert the First,' p. 332. And, by 1398, it had risen
+       still higher, p. 392.
+
+At this crisis, the natural allies of the throne would have been the
+citizens and free burgesses, who in most European countries were the
+eager and resolute opponents of the nobles, whose licentious habits
+interfered not only with their trade and manufactures, but also with
+their personal liberty. Here again, however, the long war with England
+was favourable to the aristocracy of Scotland. For, as the invaders
+ravaged the southern parts of Scotland, which were also the only
+tolerably fertile parts, it was impossible that towns should flourish in
+the places which nature had appointed for them. There being no large
+cities, there was no asylum for the citizens, and there could be no
+municipal spirit. There being no municipal spirit, the crown was deprived
+of that great resource, which enabled the English kings to curtail the
+power of the nobles, and to punish a lawlessness which long impeded the
+progress of society.
+
+During the middle ages, the Scotch towns were so utterly insignificant,
+that but few notices have been preserved of them; contemporary writers
+concentrating their attention upon the proceedings of the nobles and
+clergy. Respecting the people, who found shelter in such miserable cities
+as then existed, our best accounts are very imperfect; it is, however,
+certain that, during the long English wars, the inhabitants usually fled
+at the approach of the invaders, and the wretched hovels in which they
+lived were burned to the ground.[34] Hence the population acquired a
+fluctuating and vagabond character, which prevented the formation of
+settled habits of industry, and thus took away one reason which men have
+for congregating together. This applied more especially to the southern
+Lowlands; for the north, there were other evils equally threatening. The
+ferocious Highlanders, who lived entirely by plunder, were constantly at
+hand; and to them were not unfrequently added the freebooters of the
+Western Isles. Any thing which bore even the semblance of wealth, was an
+irresistible excitement to their cupidity. They could not know that a man
+had property, without longing to steal it; and, next to stealing, their
+greatest pleasure was to destroy.[35] Aberdeen and Inverness were
+particularly exposed to their assaults; and twice during the fifteenth
+century, Inverness was totally consumed by fire, besides having to pay at
+other times a heavy ransom, to save itself from a similar fate.[36]
+
+  [34] On this burning of Scotch towns, which appears to have been the
+       invariable practice of our humane forefathers, see _Chalmers'
+       Caledonia_, vol. ii. pp. 592, 593; _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_,
+       vol. i. pp. 18, 27, 375, vol. ii. p. 304; _Mercer's History of
+       Dunfermline_, pp. 55, 66; _Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. v. p. 485,
+       vol. x. p. 584, vol. xix. p. 161; _Ridpath's Border History_,
+       pp. 147, 221, 265.
+
+  [35] A curious description of them is given in a Scotch statute, of the
+       year 1597. 'They hawe lykwayis throche thair barbarus inhumunitie
+       maid and presentlie makis the saidis hielandis and Iles qlk are
+       maist c[=o]modious in thame selwes alsueill be the ferteillitie of
+       the ground as be riche fischeingis altogidder vnproffitabill baithe
+       to thame selffis and to all vthuris his hienes liegis within this
+       realme; Thay nathair intertening onie ciuill or honest societie
+       amangis thame selffis neyther, zit admittit vtheris his hienesse
+       lieges to trafficque within thair boundis vithe saiftie of thair
+       liues and gudes; for remeid quhairof and that the saidis
+       inhabitantis of the saidis hilandeis and Iles may the better be
+       reduced to ane godlie, honest, and ciuill maner of living, it is
+       statute and ordanit,' &c. _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_,
+       vol. iv. p. 138, edit. folio, 1816.
+
+       These little peculiarities of the Highlanders remained in full
+       force until about the middle of the eighteenth century, as will
+       appear in the course of this history. But without anticipating what
+       will be narrated in a subsequent chapter, I will merely refer the
+       reader to two interesting passages in _Pennant's Scotland_, vol. i.
+       p. 154, and in _Heron's Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 218, 219; both of
+       which illustrate the state of things a little before 1745.
+
+  [36] Inverness was burned in 1429. _Gregory's History of the Western
+       Highlands_, p. 36; and again in 1455, _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum
+       Historia_, lib. xi. p. 322. 'The greatest part' of it was also
+       burned in 1411. See _Anderson on the Highlands_, Edinb. 1827,
+       p. 82.
+
+       Aberdeen, being richer, was more tempting, but was likewise more
+       able to defend itself. Still, its burgh records supply curious
+       evidence of the constant fear in which the citizens lived, and of
+       the precautions which they took to ward off the attacks, sometimes
+       of the English, and sometimes of the clans. See the _Council
+       Register of Aberdeen_ (published by the Spalding Club, Aberdeen,
+       1844-1848, 4to), vol. i. pp. 8, 19, 60, 83, 197, 219, 232, 268,
+       vol. ii. p. 82. The last entry, which is dated July 31, 1593,
+       mentions 'the disordourit and lawles helandmen in Birss,
+       Glentanner, and their about, nocht onlie in the onmerciful
+       murthering of men and bairnis, bot in the maisterfull and violent
+       robbing and spulzeing of all the bestiall, guidis, and geir of a
+       gryt pairt of the inhabitantis of theas boundis, rasing of gryt
+       hairschip furth of the samen, being committit to ewous and nar this
+       burgh, within xx mylis theirunto, deuysit and ordanit for
+       preservation of this burgh and inhabitantis theirof, fra the
+       tyrannous invasion of the saidis hieland men, quha has na respect
+       to God nor man; that the haill inhabitantis of this burgh,
+       fensiball persones als weill onfrie as frie, salbe in reddiness
+       weill armit for the defence of this burgh, thair awin lyvis, gudis,
+       and geir, and resisting and repressing of the said heland men, as
+       occasioun salbe offered, at all tymes and houris as thay salbe
+       requirt and chargit.'
+
+       Even in 1668 we find complaints that Highlanders had forcibly
+       carried off women from Aberdeen or from its neighbourhood. _Records
+       of the Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 290. Other evidence of their attacks
+       in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, may be seen in
+       _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. 133; _Spalding's History
+       of the Troubles_, vol. i. pp. 25, 217; _Extracts from the
+       Presbytery Book of Strathbogie_, pp. 62, 73.
+
+Such insecurity[37] both on the north and on the south, made peaceful
+industry impossible in any part of Scotland. No where could a town be
+built, without being in danger of immediate destruction. The consequence
+was, that, during many centuries, there were no manufactures; there was
+hardly any trade; and nearly all business was conducted by barter.[38]
+Some of the commonest arts were unknown. The Scotch were unable to make
+even the arms with which they fought. This, among such a warlike people,
+would have been a very profitable labour; but they were so ignorant of
+it, that, early in the fifteenth century, most of the armour which they
+wore was manufactured abroad, as also were their spears, and even their
+bows and arrows; and the heads of these weapons were entirely imported
+from Flanders.[39] Indeed, the Flemish artizans supplied the Scotch with
+ordinary farming implements, such as cart-wheels and wheel-barrows,
+which, about the year 1475, used to be regularly shipped from the Low
+Countries.[40] As to the arts which indicate a certain degree of
+refinement, they were then, and long afterwards, quite out of the
+question.[41] Until the seventeenth century, no glass was manufactured in
+Scotland,[42] neither was any soap made there.[43] Even the higher class
+of citizens would have deemed windows absurd in their wretched
+abodes;[44] and as they were alike filthy in their persons as in their
+houses, the demand for soap was too small to induce any one to attempt
+its manufacture.[45] Other branches of industry were equally backward. In
+1620, the art of tanning leather was for the first time introduced into
+Scotland;[46] and it is stated, on apparently good authority, that no
+paper was made there until about the middle of the eighteenth
+century.[47]
+
+  [37] Even Perth ceased to be the capital of Scotland, because 'its
+       vicinity to the Highlands' made it dangerous for the sovereign to
+       reside there. _Lawson's Book of Perth_, p. xxxi.
+
+  [38] On the prevalence of barter and lack of specie, in Scotland, see the
+       _Spalding Club Miscellany_, vol. iv. pp. lvii.-lx., Aberdeen, 1849,
+       4to. In 1492, the treasury of Aberdeen was obliged to borrow 4_l._
+       16_s._ Scots. _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. 61.
+       Compare _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. x. p.
+       542. Fynes Moryson, who was in Scotland late in the sixteenth
+       century, says, 'the gentlemen reckon their revenues not by rents of
+       money, but by chauldrons of victuals.' _Moryson's Itinerary_, part
+       iii. p. 155, London, folio, 1617; a rare and extremely curious
+       book, which ought to be reprinted. A hundred years after Moryson
+       wrote, it was observed that, 'in England, the rents are paid in
+       money; in Scotland, they are, generally speaking, paid in kind, or
+       victual, as they call it.' _De Foe's History of the Union_, p. 130.
+
+  [39] In the reign of James I. (1424-1436), 'It appears that armour, nay
+       spears, and bows and arrows, were chiefly imported.' ... 'In
+       particular, the heads of arrows and of spears seem to have been
+       entirely imported from Flanders,' _Pinkerton's History of
+       Scotland_, vol. i. p. 163. We learn from Rymer's _F[oe]dera_, that,
+       in 1368, two Scotchmen having occasion to fight a duel, got their
+       armour from London. _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. i.
+       p. 575.
+
+  [40] From the _Bibel of English Policy_, supposed to have been written in
+       the reign of Edward IV., we learn that 'the Scotish imports from
+       Flanders were mercery, but more haberdashery, cart-wheels, and
+       wheel-barrows,' _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 408.
+       In _Mercer's History of Dunfermline_, p. 61, we are told that, in
+       the fifteenth century, 'Even in the best parts of Scotland, the
+       inhabitants could not manufacture the most necessary articles.
+       Flanders was the great mart in those times, and from Bruges
+       chiefly, the Scots imported even horse-shoes, harness, saddles,
+       bridles, cart-wheels, and wheel-barrows, besides all their mercery
+       and haberdashery.'
+
+  [41] Aberdeen was, for a long period, one of the most wealthy,
+       and, in some respects, the most advanced, of all the Scotch cities.
+       But it appears, from the council-registers of Aberdeen, that, 'in
+       the beginning of the sixteenth century, there was not a mechanic in
+       the town capable to execute the ordinary repairs of a clock,'
+       _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. 99. On the Scotch clocks
+       in the middle of the sixteenth century, compare Mr. Morley's
+       interesting _Life of Cardan_, London, 1854, vol. ii. p. 128. Cardan
+       was in Scotland in 1552.
+
+  [42] About 1619, Sir George Hay 'set up at the village of Wemyss, in
+       Fife, a small glass-work, being the first known to have existed
+       amongst us.' _Chambers' Annals_, vol. i. p. 506. See also p. 428.
+
+  [43] 'Before this time, soap was imported into Scotland from foreign
+       countries, chiefly from Flanders.' _Ibid._, vol. i. p. 507, under
+       the year 1619, where mention is made of the manufactory set up at
+       Leith. 'The sope-workes of Leith' are noticed in 1650, in
+       _Balfour's Annales_, vol. iv. p. 68.
+
+  [44] Ray, who visited Scotland in 1661, says, 'In the best Scottish
+       houses, even the king's palaces, the windows are not glazed
+       throughout, but the upper part only; the lower have two wooden
+       shuts or folds to open at pleasure and admit the fresh air.' ...
+       'The ordinary country-houses are pitiful cots, built of stone, and
+       covered with turves, having in them but one room, many of them no
+       chimneys, the windows very small holes and not glazed.' _Ray's
+       Itineraries_, p. 153, edited by Dr. Lankester, London, 1846. 'About
+       1752, the glass window was beginning to make its appearance in the
+       small farm-houses.' _Brown's History of Glasgow_, vol. ii. p. 265,
+       Edinburgh, 1797.
+
+  [45] In 1650, it was stated of the Scotch, that 'many of their women are
+       so sluttish, that they do not wash their linen above once a month,
+       nor their hands and faces above once a year.' _Whitelock's
+       Memorials_, p. 468, London, 1732, folio. Six or seven years after
+       this, a traveller in Scotland says, 'the linen they supplied us
+       with, were it not to boast of, was little or nothing different from
+       those female complexions that never washed their faces to retain
+       their christendom.' _Franck's Northern Memoirs_, edit. Edinburgh,
+       1821, p. 94. A celebrated Scotchman notices, in 1698, the uncleanly
+       habits of his countrymen, but gives a comical reason for them;
+       since, according to him, they were in a great measure caused by the
+       position of the capital. 'As the happy situation of London has been
+       the principal cause of the glory and riches of England, so the bad
+       situation of Edinburgh has been one great occasion of the poverty
+       and uncleanliness in which the greater part of the people of
+       Scotland live.' _Second Discourse on the Affairs of Scotland_, in
+       _Fletcher of Saltoun's Political Works_, p. 119, Glasgow, 1749.
+       Another Scotchman, among his reminiscences of the early part of the
+       eighteenth century, says, that 'table and body linen [were] seldom
+       shifted.' _Memoires by Sir Archibald Grant of Monymusk_, in
+       _Spalding Club Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 100, Aberdeen, 1842, 4to.
+       Finally, we have positive proof that in some parts of Scotland,
+       even at the end of the eighteenth century, the people used, instead
+       of soap, a substitute too disgusting to mention. See the account
+       communicated by the Rev. William Leslie to Sir John Sinclair, in
+       _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. ix. p. 177,
+       Edinburgh, 1793.
+
+  [46] _Chambers' Annals_, vol. i. p. 512.
+
+  [47] A paper-mill was established near Edinburgh in 1675; but 'there is
+       reason to conclude this paper-mill was not continued, and that
+       paper-making was not successfully introduced into Scotland till the
+       middle of the succeeding century.' _Chambers' Annals_, vol. ii. p.
+       399. I have met with so many proofs of the great accuracy of this
+       valuable work, that I should be loath to question any statement
+       made by Mr. Chambers, when, as in this case, I have only my memory
+       to trust to. But I think that I have seen evidence of paper being
+       successfully manufactured in Scotland late in the seventeenth
+       century, though I cannot recall the passages. However, Arnot, in
+       his _History of Edinburgh_, p. 599, edit. 4to, says, 'About forty
+       years ago, printing or writing paper began to be manufactured in
+       Scotland. Before that, papers were imported from Holland, or
+       brought from England,' As Arnot's work was printed in 1788, this
+       coincides with Mr. Chambers' statement. I may add, that, at the end
+       of the eighteenth century, there were 'two paper-mills near Perth.'
+       _Heron's Journey through Scotland_, vol. i. p. 117, Perth, 1799;
+       and that, in 1751 and 1763, the two first paper-mills were erected
+       north of the Forth. _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_,
+       vol. ix. p. 593, vol. xvi. p. 373. Compare _Lettice's Letters from
+       Scotland in 1792_, p. 420.
+
+In the midst of such general stagnation, the most flourishing towns were,
+as may be easily supposed, very thinly peopled. Indeed, men had so little
+to do, that if they had collected in large numbers, they must have
+starved. Glasgow is one of the oldest cities in Scotland, and is said to
+have been founded about the sixth century.[48] At all events, in the
+twelfth century, it was, according to the measure of that age, a rich and
+prosperous place, enjoying the privilege of holding both a market and a
+fair.[49] It had also a municipal organization, and was governed by its
+own provosts and baillies.[50] Yet, even this famous town had no kind of
+trade before the fifteenth century, when the inhabitants began to cure
+salmon, and export it.[51] That was the only branch of industry with
+which Glasgow was acquainted. We need not, therefore, be surprised at
+hearing, that so late as the middle of the fifteenth century, the entire
+population did not exceed fifteen hundred persons, whose wealth consisted
+of some small cattle, and a few acres of ill-cultivated land.[52]
+
+  [48] 'This city was founded about the sixth century.' _M'Ure's History of
+       Glasgow_, edit. 1830, p. 120. Compare _Denholm's History of
+       Glasgow_, p. 2, Glasgow, 1804.
+
+  [49] In 1172, a market was granted to Glasgow; and in 1190, a fair. See
+       the charters in the Appendix to _Gibson's History of Glasgow_, pp.
+       299, 302, Glasgow, 1777.
+
+  [50] 'By the sale of land made by Robert de Mythyngby to Mr. Reginald de
+       Irewyne, A.D. 1268, it is evident that the town was then governed
+       by provosts, aldermen, or wardens, and baillies, who seem to have
+       been independent of the bishop, and were possessed of a common
+       seal, distinct from the one made use of by the bishop and chapter.'
+       _Gibson's History of Glasgow_, p. 72.
+
+  [51] 'A Mr. William Elphinston is made mention of as the first promoter
+       of trade in Glasgow, so early as the year 1420; the trade which he
+       promoted was, in all probability, the curing and exporting of
+       salmon.' _Gibson's History of Glasgow_, p. 203. See also _M'Ure's
+       History of Glasgow_, p. 93.
+
+  [52] Gibson (_History of Glasgow_, p. 74), with every desire to take a
+       sanguine view of the early state of his own city, says, that, in
+       1450, the inhabitants 'might perhaps amount to fifteen hundred;'
+       and that 'their wealth consisted in a few burrow-roods very
+       ill-cultivated, and in some small cattle, which fed on their
+       commons.'
+
+Other cities, though bearing a celebrated name, were equally backward at
+a still more recent period. Dunfermline is associated with many historic
+reminiscences; it was a favourite residence of Scotch kings, and many
+Scotch parliaments have been held there.[53] Such events are supposed to
+confer distinction; but the illusion vanishes, when we inquire more
+minutely into the condition of the place where they happened. In spite of
+the pomp of princes and legislators, Dunfermline, which at the end of the
+fourteenth century was still a poor village, composed of wooden huts,[54]
+had, by the beginning of the seventeenth century, advanced so slowly that
+its whole population, including that of its wretched suburbs, did not
+exceed one thousand persons.[55] For a Scotch town, that was a
+considerable number. About the same time, Greenock, we are assured, was a
+village consisting of a single row of cottages, tenanted by poor
+fishermen.[56] Kilmarnock, which is now a great emporium of industry and
+of wealth, contained, in 1668, between five and six hundred
+inhabitants.[57] And, to come down still lower, even Paisley itself, in
+the year 1700, possessed a population which, according to the highest
+estimate, did not amount to three thousand.[58]
+
+  [53] 'Dunfermline continued to be a favourite royal residence as long as
+       the Scottish dynasty existed. Charles I. was born here; as also his
+       sister Elizabeth, afterwards Queen of Bohemia, from whom her
+       present Majesty is descended; and Charles II. paid a visit to this
+       ancient seat of royalty in 1650. The Scottish parliament was often
+       held in it.' _M'Culloch's Geographical Dictionary_, London, 1849,
+       vol. i. p. 723. Compare _Mercer's History of Dunfermline_, 1828,
+       pp. 56, 58, and _Chalmers' History of Dunfermline_, 1844, p. 264.
+
+  [54] In 1385, it was 'only a sorry wooden village, belonging to the
+       monastery.' _Mercer's History of Dunfermline_, p. 62.
+
+  [55] See 'Ms. Annals,' in _Chalmers' History of Dunfermline_, p. 327. In
+       1624, we learn from _Balfour's Annales_, edit. 1825, vol. ii. p.
+       99, that 'the quholl bodey of the towne, which did consist of 120
+       tenements, and 287 families was brunt and consumed.'
+
+  [56] 'Greenock, which is now one of the largest shipping towns in
+       Scotland, was, in the end of the sixteenth century, a mean fishing
+       village, consisting of a single row of thatched cottages, which was
+       inhabited by poor fishermen.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii.
+       p. 806, 4to, 1824.
+
+  [57] In May 1668, Kilmarnock was burnt; and 'the event is chiefly worthy
+       of notice as marking the smallness of Kilmarnock in those days,
+       when as yet, there was no such thing as manufacturing industry in
+       the country. A hundred and twenty families speaks to a population
+       of between five and six hundred.' _Chambers' Annals_, Edinburgh,
+       1858, vol. ii. p. 320. In 1658, their houses are described by an
+       eye-witness as 'little better than huts.' _Franck's Northern
+       Memoirs_, reprinted Edinburgh, 1821, p. 101.
+
+  [58] 'Betwixt two and three thousand souls,' _Denholm's History of
+        Glasgow_, p. 542, edit. Glasgow, 1804.
+
+Aberdeen, the metropolis of the north, was looked up to as one of the
+most influential of the Scotch towns, and was not a little envied during
+the Middle Ages, for its power and importance. These, however, like all
+other words, are relative, and mean different things at different
+periods. Certainly, we shall not be much struck by the magnitude of that
+city, when we learn, from calculations made from its tables of mortality,
+that so late as 1572, it could only boast of about two thousand nine
+hundred inhabitants.[59] Such a fact will dispel many a dream respecting
+the old Scotch towns, particularly if we call to mind that it refers to a
+date, when the anarchy of the Middle Ages was passing away, and Aberdeen
+had for some time been improving. That city--if so miserable a collection
+of persons deserves to be termed a city--was, nevertheless, one of the
+most densely peopled places in Scotland. From the thirteenth century to
+the close of the sixteenth, no where else were so many Scotchmen
+assembled together, except in Perth, Edinburgh, and possibly in Saint
+Andrews.[60] Respecting Saint Andrews, I have been unable to meet with
+any precise information;[61] but of Perth and Edinburgh, some particulars
+are preserved. Perth was long the capital of Scotland, and after losing
+that preeminence, it was still reputed to be the second city in the
+kingdom.[62] Its wealth was supposed to be astonishing; and every good
+Scotchman was proud of it, as one of the chief ornaments of his
+country.[63] But, according to an estimate recently made by a
+considerable authority in these matters, its entire population, in the
+year 1585, was under nine thousand.[64] This will surprise many readers;
+though, considering the state of society at that time, the real wonder
+is, not that there were so few, but that there were so many. For,
+Edinburgh itself, notwithstanding the officials and numerous hangers-on,
+which the presence of a court always brings, did not contain, late in the
+fourteenth century, more than sixteen thousand persons.[65] Of their
+general condition, a contemporary observer has left us some account.
+Froissart, who visited Scotland, and records what he saw, as well as what
+he heard, gives a lamentable picture of the state of affairs. The houses
+in Edinburgh were mere huts, thatched with boughs; and were so slightly
+put together, that when one of them was destroyed, it only took three
+days to rebuild it. As to the people who inhabited these wretched hovels,
+Froissart, who was by no means given to exaggeration, assures us, that
+the French, unless they had seen them, could not have believed that such
+destitution existed, and that now, for the first time, they understood
+what poverty really was.[66]
+
+  [59] In 1572, the registers of Aberdeen show that seventy-two deaths
+       occurred in the year. An annual mortality of 1 in 40 would be a
+       very favourable estimate; indeed, rather too favourable,
+       considering the habits of the people at that time. However,
+       supposing it to be 1 in 40, the population would be 2880; and if,
+       as I make no doubt, the mortality was more than 1 in 40, the
+       population must of course have been less. Kennedy, in his valuable,
+       but very uncritical, work, conjectures that 'one fiftieth part of
+       the inhabitants had died annually;' though it is certain that there
+       was no town in Europe any thing like so healthy as that. On this
+       hypothesis, which is contradicted by every sort of statistical
+       evidence that has come down to us, the number would be 72 x 50 =
+       3600. See _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. 103, London,
+       1818, 4to.
+
+  [60] 'St. Andrews, Perth, and Aberdeen, appear to have been the three
+       most populous cities before the Reformation.' _Lawson's Roman
+       Catholic Church in Scotland_, 1836, p. 26. The same assertion is
+       made in _Lyon's History of St. Andrews_, 1843, vol. i. p. 2. But
+       neither of these writers appear to have made many researches on the
+       subject, or else they would not have supposed that Aberdeen was
+       larger than Edinburgh.
+
+  [61] I have carefully read the two histories of St. Andrews, by Dr.
+       Grierson and by Mr. Lyon, but have found nothing in them of any
+       value concerning the early history of that city. Mr. Lyon's work,
+       which is in two thick volumes, is unusually superficial, even for a
+       local history; and that is saying much.
+
+  [62] 'Of the thirteen parliaments held in the reign of King James I.,
+       eleven were held at Perth, one at Stirling, and one at Edinburgh.
+       The National Councils of the Scottish clergy were held there
+       uniformly till 1459. Though losing its pre-eminence by the
+       selection of Edinburgh as a capital, Perth has uniformly and
+       constantly maintained the second place in the order of burghs, and
+       its right to do so has been repeatedly and solemnly acknowledged.'
+       _Penny's Traditions of Perth_, Perth, 1836, p. 231. See also p.
+       305. It appears, however, from Froissart, that Edinburgh was deemed
+       the capital in the latter half of the fourteenth century.
+
+  [63] I find one instance of its being praised by a man who was not a
+       Scotchman. Alexander Necham 'takes notice of Perth in the following
+       distich, quoted in Camden's Britannia:
+
+       Transis ample Tai, per rura, per oppida, per Perth:
+       Regnum sustentant illius urbis opes.
+
+       Thus Englished in Bishop Gibson's Translations of Camden's Book:
+
+       'Great Tay, through Perth, through towns, through country flies:
+       Perth the whole kingdom with her wealth supplies.'
+
+       _Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. xviii. p. 511.
+
+  [64] 1427 x 6 = 8562, the computed population in 1584 and 1585, exclusive
+       of the extraordinary mortality caused by the plague. _Chambers'
+       Annals of Scotland_, 1858, vol. i. p. 158.
+
+  [65] 'The inhabitants of the capital, in the reign of Robert II., hardly
+       exceeded sixteen thousand.' _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_,
+       vol. i. p. 152.
+
+  [66] When the French arrived in Edinburgh, the Scotch said, '"Quel diable
+       les a mandes? Ne savons-nous pas bien faire notre guerre sans eux
+       aux Anglois? Nous ne ferons ja bonne besogne tant comme ils soient
+       avec nous. On leur dise que ils s'en revoisent, et que nous sommes
+       gens assez en Escosse pour parmaintenir notre guerre, et que point
+       nous ne voulons leur compagnie. Ils ne nous entendent point, ni
+       nous eux; nous ne savons parler ensemble; ils auront tantot rifle
+       et mange tout ce qui est en ce pays: ils nous feront plus de
+       contraires, de depits, et de dommages, si nous les laissons
+       convenir, que les Anglois ne feroient si ils s'etoient embattus
+       entre nous sans ardoir. Et si les Anglois ardent nos maisons, que
+       peut il chaloir? Nous les aurons tantot refaites a bon marche, nous
+       n'y mettons au refaire que trois jours, mais que nous ayons quatre
+       ou six estaches et de la ramee pour lier par dessus."'
+
+       'Ainsi disoient les Escots en Escosse a la venue des seigneurs de
+       France,' ... 'Et quand les Anglois y chevauchent ou que ils y vont,
+       ainsi que ils y ont ete plusieurs fois, il convient que leurs
+       pourveances, si ils veulent vivre, les suivent toujours au dos; car
+       on ne trouve rien sur le pays: a grand'peine y recuevre-l'en du fer
+       pour serrer les chevaux, ni du cuir pour faire harnois, selles ni
+       brides. Les choses toutes faites leur viennent par mer de Flandre,
+       et quand cela leur defaut, ils n'ont nulle chose. Quand ces barons
+       et ces chevaliers de France qui avoient appris ces beaux hotels a
+       trouver, ces salles parees, ces chasteaux et ces bons mols lits
+       pour reposer, se virent et trouverent en celle povrete, si
+       commencerent a rire et a dire: "En quel pays nous a ci amenes
+       l'amiral? Nous ne scumes oncques que ce fut de povrete ni de durete
+       fors maintenant."' _Les Chroniques de Froissart_, edit. Buchon,
+       Paris, 1835, vol. ii. pp. 314, 315. 'The hovels of the common
+       people were slight erections of turf, or twigs, which, as they were
+       often laid waste by war, were built merely for temporary
+       accommodation. Their towns consisted chiefly of wooden cottages,'
+       ... 'Even as late as 1600, the houses of Edinburgh were chiefly
+       built of wood.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 802. Another
+       account, written in 1670, says, 'The houses of the commonalty are
+       very mean, mudwall and thatch, the best; but the poorer sort live
+       in such miserable huts as never eye beheld.' ... 'In some parts,
+       where turf is plentiful, they build up little cabbins thereof, with
+       arched roofs of turf, without a stick of timber in it; when the
+       house is dry enough to burn, it serves them for fuel, and they
+       remove to another.' _Harleian Miscellany_, vol. vi. p. 139, 4to,
+       1810.
+
+After this period, there was, no doubt, considerable improvement; but it
+was very slow, and even late in the sixteenth century, skilled labour was
+hardly known, and honest industry was universally despised.[67] It is
+not, therefore, surprising, that the citizens, poor, miserable, and
+ignorant, should frequently purchase the protection of some powerful
+noble by yielding to him the little independence that they might have
+retained.[68] Few of the Scotch towns ventured to elect their chief
+magistrate from among their own people; but the usual course was, to
+choose a neighbouring peer as provost or baillie.[69] Indeed, it often
+happened that his office became hereditary, and was looked upon as the
+vested right of some aristocratic family.[70] To the head of that family,
+every thing gave way. His authority was so incontestable, that an injury
+done even to one of his retainers was resented, as if it had been done to
+himself.[71] The burgesses who were sent to parliament, were completely
+dependent on the noble who ruled the town. Down to quite modern times,
+there was in Scotland no real popular representation. The so-called
+representatives were obliged to vote as they were ordered; they were, in
+fact, delegates of the aristocracy; and as they possessed no chamber of
+their own, they sat and deliberated in the midst of their powerful
+masters, by whom they were openly intimidated.[72]
+
+  [67] 'Our manufactures were carried on by the meanest of the people, who
+       had small stocks, and were of no reputation. These were, for the
+       most part, workmen for home-consumpt, such as masons,
+       house-carpenters, armourers, blacksmiths, taylors, shoemakers, and
+       the like. Our weavers were few in number, and in the greatest
+       contempt, as their employments were more sedentary, and themselves
+       reckoned less fit for war, in which all were obliged to serve, when
+       the exigencies of the country demanded their attendance.' _The
+       Interest of Scotland Considered_, Edinburgh, 1733, p. 82. Pinkerton
+       (_History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 392), referring to the Sloane
+       manuscripts, says, 'The author of an interesting memoir concerning
+       the state of Scotland about 1590, observes, that the husbandmen
+       were a kind of slaves, only holding their lands from year to year;
+       that the nobility being too numerous for the extent of the country,
+       there arose too great an inequality of rank and revenue; and there
+       was no middle station between a proud landholder and those who,
+       having no property to lose, were ready for any tumult. A rich
+       yeomanry, numerous merchants and tradesmen of property, and all the
+       denominations of the middle class, so important in a flourishing
+       society, were long to be confined to England.' Thirteen years
+       later, we are told that the manufactures of Scotland 'were confined
+       to a few of the coarsest nature, without which the poorest nations
+       are unable to subsist.' _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p.
+       7, under the year 1603.
+
+  [68] Thus, for instance, 'the town of Dunbar naturally grew up under the
+       shelter of the castle of the same name.' ... 'Dunbar became the
+       town, in demesn, of the successive Earls of Dunbar and March,
+       partaking of their influences, whether unfortunate or happy.'
+       _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 416. 'But when the regal
+       government became at any time feeble, these towns, unequal to their
+       own protection, placed themselves under the shelter of the most
+       powerful lord in their neighbourhood. Thus, the town of Elgyn found
+       it necessary, at various periods between the years 1389 and 1452,
+       to accept of many charters of protection, and discharges of taxes,
+       from the Earls of Moray, who held it in some species of vassalage.'
+       _Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. v. p. 3. Compare _Pinkerton's History
+       of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 396; and two letters, written in 1543 and
+       1544, by the magistrates of Aberdeen, to the Earl of Huntly, and
+       printed in the _Council Register of Aberdeen_, vol. i. pp. 190,
+       201, Aberdeen, 1844, 4to. They say to him, 'Ye haf our band as
+       protectour to wss.'
+
+  [69] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 225. See also p. 131;
+       and _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 179. Sometimes
+       the nobles did not leave to the citizens even the appearance of a
+       free election, but fought it out among themselves. An instance of
+       this happened at Perth, in 1544, 'where a claim for the office of
+       provost was decided by arms, between Lord Ruthven on the one side,
+       supported by a numerous train of his vassals, and Lord Gray, with
+       Norman Leslie, master of Rothes, and Charteris of Kinfauns, on the
+       other.' _Tytler_, vol. iv. p. 323.
+
+  [70] For illustrations of this custom, see _Hollinshead's Scottish
+       Chronicle_, vol. ii. p. 230. _Brown's History of Glasgow_, vol. ii.
+       p. 154. _Denholm's History of Glasgow_, p. 249. _Mercer's History
+       of Dunfermline_, p. 83.
+
+  [71] 'An injury inflicted on the "man" of a nobleman was resented as
+       much as if he himself had been the injured party.' _Preface to the
+       Council Register of Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. xii.
+
+  [72] See, in _Macaulay's History of England_, vol. i. p. 93, 1st edit., a
+       spirited description of Scotland in 1639. 'The parliament of the
+       northern kingdom was a very different body from that which bore the
+       same name in England.' ... 'The three estates sat in one house. The
+       commissioners of the burghs were considered merely as retainers of
+       the great nobles,' &c. To come down much later, Lord Cockburn gives
+       a terrible account of the state of things in Scotland in 1794, the
+       year in which Jeffrey was called to the bar. 'There was then, in
+       this country, no popular representation, no emancipated burghs, no
+       effective rival of the established church, no independent press, no
+       free public meetings, and no better trial by jury, even in
+       political cases (except high treason), than what was consistent
+       with the circumstances, that the jurors were not sent into court
+       under any impartial rule, and that, when in court, those who were
+       to try the case were named by the presiding judge. The Scotch
+       representatives were only forty-five, of whom thirty were elected
+       for counties, and fifteen for towns. Both from its price and its
+       nature (being enveloped in feudal and technical absurdities), the
+       elective franchise in counties, where alone it existed, was far
+       above the reach of the whole lower, and of a great majority of the
+       middle, and of many even of the higher, ranks. There were probably
+       not above 1500 or 2000 county electors in all Scotland; a body not
+       too large to be held, hope included, in government's hands. The
+       return, therefore, of a single opposition member was never to be
+       expected.' ... 'Of the fifteen town members, Edinburgh returned
+       one. The other fourteen were produced by clusters of four or five
+       unconnected burghs electing each one delegate, and these four or
+       five delegates electing the representative. Whatever this system
+       may have been originally, it had grown, in reference to the people,
+       into as complete a mockery as if it had been invented for their
+       degradation. The people had nothing to do with it. It was all
+       managed by town-councils, of never more than thirty-three members;
+       and every town-council was self-elected, and consequently
+       perpetuated its own interests. The election of either the town or
+       the county member was a matter of such utter indifference to the
+       people, that they often only knew of it by the ringing of a bell,
+       or by seeing it mentioned next day in a newspaper; for the farce
+       was generally performed in an apartment from which, if convenient,
+       the public could be excluded, and never in the open air.'
+       _Cockburn's Life of Jeffrey_, Edinburgh, 1852, vol. i. pp. 74-76.
+       On the state of Scotch representation between this and the Reform
+       Bill, compare _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_, 4to, 1860, pp.
+       275, 276, with _Moore's Memoirs_, edited by Lord John Russell, vol.
+       iv. p. 268, vol. vi. p. 163, London, 1853-4.
+
+Under these circumstances, it would have been idle for the crown to have
+expected aid from a body of men who themselves had no influence, and
+whose scanty privileges existed only on sufferance. But there was another
+class, which was extremely powerful, and to which the Scotch kings
+naturally turned. That class was the clergy; and the interest which both
+parties had in weakening the nobles, caused a coalition between the
+church and the throne, against the aristocracy. During a long period, and
+indeed until the latter half of the sixteenth century, the kings almost
+invariably favoured the clergy, and increased their privileges in every
+way they could. The Reformation dissolved this alliance, and gave rise to
+new combinations, which I shall presently indicate. But while the
+alliance lasted, it was of great use to the clergy, by imparting to their
+claims a legitimate sanction, and making them appear the supporters of
+order and of regular government. The result, however, clearly proved that
+the nobles were more than equal to the confederacy which opposed them.
+Indeed, looking at their enormous power, the only wonder is, that the
+clergy could have prolonged the contest as they did; since they were not
+actually overthrown until the year 1560. That the struggle should have
+been so arduous, and should have extended over so considerable a period,
+is what, on a superficial view, no one could have expected. The reason of
+this, I shall now endeavour to explain; and I shall, I trust, succeed in
+proving, that in Scotland there was a long train of general causes, which
+secured to the spiritual classes immense influence, and which enabled
+them, not only to do battle with the most powerful aristocracy in Europe,
+but to rise up, after what seemed their final defeat, fresh and vigorous
+as ever, and eventually to exercise, as Protestant preachers, an
+authority nowise inferior to that which they had wielded as Catholic
+priests.
+
+Of all Protestant countries, Scotland is certainly the one where the
+course of affairs has for the longest period been most favourable to the
+interests of superstition. How these interests were encouraged during the
+seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, I shall hereafter relate. At
+present, I purpose to examine the causes of their early growth, and to
+show the way in which they were not only connected with the Reformation,
+but gave to that great event some peculiarities which are extremely
+remarkable, and are diametrically opposed to what happened in England.
+
+If the reader will bear in mind what I have elsewhere stated,[73] he will
+remember that the two principal sources of superstition are ignorance and
+danger; ignorance keeping men unacquainted with natural causes, and
+danger making them recur to supernatural ones. Or, to express the same
+proposition in other words, the feeling of veneration, which, under one
+of its aspects, takes the form of superstition, is a product of wonder
+and of fear;[74] and it is obvious that wonder is connected with
+ignorance, and that fear is connected with danger.[75] Hence it is, that
+whatever in any country increases the total amount of amazement, or
+whatever in any country increases the total amount of peril, has a direct
+tendency to increase the total amount of superstition, and therefore to
+strengthen the hands of the priesthood.
+
+  [73] _History of Civilization_, vol. i. pp. 125-129, 373-380.
+
+  [74] _History of Civilization_, vol. ii. p. 171.
+
+  [75] We must discriminate between wonder and admiration. Wonder is the
+       product of ignorance; admiration is the product of knowledge.
+       Ignorance wonders at the supposed irregularities of nature; science
+       admires its uniformities. The earlier writers rarely attended to
+       this distinction, because they were misled by the etymology of the
+       word 'admiration.' The Romans were very superficial thinkers upon
+       all matters except jurisprudence; and their blundering use of
+       'admirari' gave rise to the error, so common among our old writers,
+       of 'I admire,' instead of 'I wonder.'
+
+By applying these principles to Scotland, we shall be able to explain
+several facts in the history of that country. In the first place the
+features of its scenery offer a mark contrast to those of England, and
+are much more likely, among an ignorant people, to suggest effective and
+permanent superstitions. The storms and the mists, the darkened sky
+flashed by frequent lightning, the peals of thunder reverberating from
+mountain to mountain, and echoing on every side, the dangerous
+hurricanes, the gusts sweeping the innumerable lakes with which the
+country is studded, the rolling and impetuous torrent flooding the path
+of the traveller and stopping his progress, are strangely different to
+those safer and milder phenomena, among which the English people have
+developed their prosperity, and built up their mighty cities. Even the
+belief in witchcraft, one of the blackest superstitions which has ever
+defaced the human mind, has been affected by these peculiarities; and it
+has been well observed, that while, according to the old English creed,
+the witch was a miserable and decrepit hag, the slave rather than the
+mistress of the demons which haunted her, she, in Scotland, rose to the
+dignity of a potent sorcerer, who mastered the evil spirit, and, forcing
+it to do her will, spread among the people a far deeper and more lasting
+terror.[76]
+
+  [76] 'Our Scottish witch is a far more frightful being than her
+       supernatural coadjutor on the south side of the Tweed. She
+       sometimes seems to rise from the proper sphere of the witch, who is
+       only the slave, into that of the sorcerer, who is master of the
+       demon.' ... 'In a people so far behind their neighbours in domestic
+       organization, poor and hardy, inhabiting a country of mountains,
+       torrents, and rocks, where cultivation was scanty, accustomed to
+       gloomy mists and wild storms, every impression must necessarily
+       assume a corresponding character. Superstitions, like funguses and
+       vermin, are existences peculiar to the spot where they appear, and
+       are governed by its physical accidents.' ... 'And thus it is that
+       the indications of witchcraft in Scotland are as different from
+       those of the superstition which in England receives the same name,
+       as the Grampian Mountains from Shooter's Hill or Kennington
+       Common.' _Burton's Criminal Trials in Scotland_, vol. i. pp.
+       240-243. This is admirably expressed, and exhausts the general view
+       of the subject. The relation between the superstition of the Scotch
+       and the physical aspects of their country is also touched upon,
+       though with much inferior ability, in _Brown's History of the
+       Highlands_, vol. i. p. 106, and in _Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. iv.
+       p. 560. Hume, in his _Commentaries on the Laws of Scotland_, vol.
+       ii. p. 556, has an interesting passage on the high pretensions of
+       Scotch witchcraft, which never degenerated, as in other countries,
+       into a mere attempt at deception, but always remained a sturdy and
+       deep-rooted belief. He says, 'For among the many trials for
+       witchcraft which fill the record, I have not observed that there is
+       even one which proceeds upon the notion of a vain or cheating art,
+       falsely used by an impostor to deceive the weak and credulous.'
+       Further information respecting Scotch witchcraft will be found in
+       _Mackenzie's Criminal Laws of Scotland_, Edinburgh, folio, 1699,
+       pp. 42-56; _Correspondence of Mrs. Grant of Laggan_, London, 1844,
+       vol. iii. pp. 186, 187; _Southey's Life of Bell_, London, 1844,
+       vol. i. p. 52; _Vernon Correspondence_, edited by James, London,
+       1841, vol. ii. p. 301; _Weld's History of the Royal Society_,
+       London, 1848, vol. i. p. 89; _Letters from a Gentleman in the North
+       of Scotland_, edit. 1815, vol. i. pp. 220, 221; _The Spottiswoode
+       Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 41, Edinburgh, 1845; _Lyon's History of
+       St. Andrews_, Edinburgh, 1843, vol. ii. pp. 56, 57. The work of
+       James I., and that of Sir Walter Scott, need hardly be referred to,
+       as they are well known to every one who is interested in the
+       history of witchcraft; but Pitcairn's _Criminal Trials_, though
+       less read, are, in every respect, more valuable, on account of the
+       materials they contain for a study of this department of Scotch
+       superstition.
+
+Similar results were produced by the incessant and sanguinary wars to
+which Scotland was exposed, and especially by the cruel ravages of the
+English in the fourteenth century. Whatever religion may be in the
+ascendant, the influence of its ministers is invariably strengthened by a
+long and dangerous war, the uncertainties of which perplex the minds of
+men, and induce them, when natural resources are failing, to call on the
+supernatural for help. On such occasions, the clergy rise in importance;
+the churches are more than usually filled; and the priest, putting
+himself forward as the exponent of the wishes of God, assumes the
+language of authority, and either comforts the people under their losses
+in a righteous cause, or else explains to them that those losses are sent
+as a visitation for their sins, and as a warning that they have not been
+sufficiently attentive to their religious duties; in other words, that
+they have neglected rites and ceremonies, in the performance of which the
+priest himself has a personal interest.
+
+No wonder, therefore, that in the fourteenth century, when the sufferings
+of Scotland were at their height, the clergy flourished more than ever;
+so that as the country became poorer, the spiritual classes became richer
+in proportion to the rest of the nation. Even in the fifteenth, and first
+half of the sixteenth century, when industry began somewhat to advance,
+we are assured that notwithstanding the improvement in the position of
+laymen, the whole of their wealth put together, and including the
+possessions of all ranks, was barely equal to the wealth of the
+Church.[77] If the hierarchy were so rapacious and so successful during
+a period of comparative security, it would be difficult to overrate the
+enormous harvest they must have reaped in those earlier days, when danger
+being much more imminent, hardly any one died without leaving something
+to them; all being anxious to testify their respect towards those who
+knew more than their fellows, and whose prayers could either avert
+present evil, or secure future happiness.[78]
+
+  [77] Pinkerton (_History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 414) says that, in the
+       reigns of James II. and James III., 'the wealth of the Church was
+       at least equivalent to that of all the lay interest.' See also
+       _Life of Spottiswoode_, p. liii., in vol. i. of his _History of the
+       Church of Scotland_. 'The numerous devices employed by
+       ecclesiastics, both secular and regular, for enriching the several
+       Foundations to which they were attached, had transferred into their
+       hands more than half of the territorial property of Scotland, or of
+       its annual produce.'
+
+       In regard to the first half of the sixteenth century, it is stated
+       by a high authority, that, just before the Reformation, 'the full
+       half of the wealth of the nation belonged to the clergy.' _M'Crie's
+       Life of Knox_, p. 10. And another writer says, 'If we take into
+       account the annual value of all these abbeys and monasteries, in
+       conjunction with the bishoprics, it will appear at once that the
+       Scottish Catholic hierarchy was more munificently endowed,
+       considering the extent and resources of the kingdom, than it was in
+       any other country in Europe.' _Lawson's Roman Catholic Church in
+       Scotland_, p. 22. See also, respecting the incomes of the Scotch
+       bishops, which, considering the poverty of the country, were truly
+       enormous, _Lyon's History of St. Andrews_, Edinburgh, 1843, vol. i.
+       pp. 97, 125.
+
+  [78] 'They could employ all the motives of fear and of hope, of terror
+       and of consolation, which operate most powerfully on the human
+       mind. They haunted the weak and the credulous; they besieged the
+       beds of the sick and of the dying; they suffered few to go out of
+       the world without leaving marks of their liberality to the Church,
+       and taught them to compound with the Almighty for their sins, by
+       bestowing riches upon those who called themselves his servants.'
+       _History of Scotland_, book ii. p. 89, in _Robertson's Works_,
+       London, 1831. It is interesting to observe the eagerness with which
+       the clergy of one persuasion expose the artifices of those of
+       another. By comparing their different statements, laymen gain an
+       insight into the entire scheme.
+
+Another consequence of these protracted wars was, that a more than
+ordinary proportion of the population embraced the ecclesiastical
+profession, because in it alone there was some chance of safety: and the
+monasteries in particular were crowded with persons who hoped, though
+frequently in vain, to escape from the burnings and slaughterings to
+which Scotland was exposed. When the country, in the fifteenth century,
+began to recover from the effects of these ravages, the absence of
+manufactures and of commerce, made the Church the best avenue to
+wealth;[79] so that it was entered by peaceful men for the purpose of
+security, and by ambitious men as the surest means of achieving
+distinction.
+
+  [79] Pinkerton observes, under the year 1514, that 'ecclesiastical
+       dignities presented almost the only path to opulence.' _History of
+       Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 123.
+
+Thus it was, that the want of great cities, and of that form of industry
+which belongs to them, made the spiritual classes more numerous than they
+would otherwise have been; and what is very observable is, that it not
+only increased their number, but also increased the disposition of the
+people to obey them. Agriculturists are naturally, and by the very
+circumstances of their daily life, more superstitious than manufacturers,
+because the events with which they deal are more mysterious, that is to
+say, more difficult to generalize and predict.[80] Hence it is, that, as
+a body, the inhabitants of agricultural districts pay greater respect to
+the teachings of their clergy than the inhabitants of manufacturing
+districts. The growth of cities has, therefore, been a main cause of the
+decline of ecclesiastical power; and the fact that, until the eighteenth
+century, Scotland had nothing worthy of being called a city, is one of
+many circumstances which explain the prevalence of Scotch superstition,
+and the inordinate influence of the Scotch clergy.
+
+  [80] _Buckle's History of Civilization_, vol. i. pp. 376-380.
+
+To this, we must add another consideration of great moment. Partly from
+the structure of the country, partly from the weakness of the Crown, and
+partly from the necessity of being constantly in arms to repel foreign
+invaders, the predatory habits incidental to an early state of society
+were encouraged, and consequently the reign of ignorance was prolonged.
+Little was studied, and nothing was known. Until the fifteenth century,
+there was not even an university in Scotland, the first having been
+founded at St. Andrews in 1412.[81] The nobles, when they were not making
+war upon the enemy, occupied themselves in cutting each other's throats,
+and stealing each other's cattle.[82] Such was their ignorance, that,
+even late in the fourteenth century, there is said to be no instance of a
+Scotch baron being able to sign his own name.[83] And as nothing
+approaching to a middle class had been yet formed, we may from this gain
+some idea of the amount of knowledge possessed by the people at
+large.[84] Their minds must have been immersed in a darkness which we can
+now barely conceive. No trades, or arts, being practised which required
+skill, or dexterity, there was nothing to exercise their intellects. They
+consequently remained so stupid and brutal, that an intelligent observer,
+who visited Scotland in the year 1360, likens them to savages, so much
+was he struck by their barbarism and their unsocial manners.[85] Another
+writer, early in the fifteenth century, uses the same expression; and
+classing them with the animals which they tended, he declares that
+Scotland is fuller of savages than of cattle.[86]
+
+  [81] Arnot (_History of Edinburgh_, p. 386) says, that the University of
+       St. Andrews was founded in 1412; and the same thing is stated in
+       _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. ii. p. 83. Grierson, in his
+       _History of St. Andrews_, Cupar, 1838, p. 14, says, 'In 1410, the
+       city of St. Andrews first saw the establishment of its famous
+       university, the most ancient institution of the kind that exists in
+       Scotland;' but, at p. 144 of the same work, we are told, that the
+       charter, 'constituting and declaring it to be a university,' is
+       'dated at St. Andrews, the 27th of February, 1411.' See also
+       _Lyon's History of St. Andrews_, vol. i. pp. 203-206, vol. ii. p.
+       223. At all events, 'at the commencement of the fifteenth century,
+       no university existed in Scotland; and the youth who were desirous
+       of a liberal education were under the necessity of seeking it
+       abroad.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. i. p. 211. The charter
+       granted by the Pope, confirming the university, reached Scotland in
+       1413. _Lawson's Roman Catholic Church in Scotland_, Edinburgh,
+       1836, p. 12.
+
+  [82] Those were times, when, as a Scotch lawyer delicately expresses
+       himself, 'thieving was not the peculiar habit of the low and
+       indigent, but often common to them with persons of rank and landed
+       estate.' _Hume's Commentaries on the Law of Scotland_, 4to, 1797,
+       vol. i. p. 126. The usual form of robbery being cattle-stealing, a
+       particular name was invented for it; see p. 148, where we learn
+       that it 'was distinguished by the name of Hership or Herdship,
+       being the driving away of numbers of cattle, or other bestial, by
+       the masterful force of armed people.'
+
+  [83] Tytler, who was a great patriot, and disposed to exaggerate the
+       merit of everything which was Scotch, does nevertheless allow that,
+       "from the accession of Alexander III. to the death of David II.
+       (_i.e._ in 1370), it would be impossible, I believe, to produce a
+       single instance of a Scottish baron who could sign his own name."
+       _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 239, 240. Early in the
+       sixteenth century, I find it casually mentioned, that 'David
+       Straiton, a cadet of the house of Laureston,' ... 'could not read.'
+       _Wodrow's Collections_, vol. i. pp. 5, 6. The famous chief, Walter
+       Scott of Harden, was married in 1567; and 'his marriage contract is
+       signed by a notary, because none of the parties could write their
+       names.' _Chambers' Annals_, vol. i. p. 46. Crawfurd (_History of
+       Renfrew_, part iii. p. 313) says: 'The modern practice of
+       subscribing names to writes of moment was not used in Scotland till
+       about the year 1540;' but he forgets to tell us why it was not
+       used. In 1564, Robert Scot of Thirlstane, 'ancestor of Lord
+       Napier,' could not sign his name. See _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials
+       in Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 394.
+
+  [84] A Scotchman, of considerable learning, says: 'Scotland was no less
+       ignorant and superstitious at the beginning of the fifteenth
+       century, than it was towards the close of the twelfth.'
+       _Dalrymple's Annals of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 428.
+
+  [85] 'Et sont ainsi comme gens sauvages qui ne se savent avoir ni de
+       nulli accointer.' _Les Chroniques de Froissart_, edit. Buchon,
+       Paris, 1835, vol. ii. p. 315.
+
+  [86] 'Plus pleine de sauvagine que de bestail.' _Hist. de Charles VI, par
+       Le Laboureur_, quoted in _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. i.
+       p. 149.
+
+By this combination of events, and by this union of ignorance with
+danger, the clergy had, in the fifteenth century, obtained more influence
+in Scotland than in any other European country, Spain alone excepted. And
+as the power of the nobles had increased quite as rapidly, it was natural
+that the Crown, completely overshadowed by the great barons, should turn
+for aid to the Church. During the fifteenth century, and part of the
+sixteenth, this alliance was strictly preserved;[87] and the political
+history of Scotland is the history of a struggle by the kings and the
+clergy against the enormous authority of the nobles. The contest, after
+lasting about a hundred and sixty years, was brought to a close in 1560,
+by the triumph of the aristocracy, and the overthrow of the Church. With
+such force, however, had the circumstance just narrated, engrained
+superstition into the Scotch character, that the spiritual classes
+quickly rallied, and, under their new name of Protestants, they became as
+formidable as under their old name of Catholics. Forty-three years after
+the establishment of the Reformation in Scotland, James VI. ascended the
+throne of England, and was able to array the force of the southern
+country against the refractory barons of the northern. From that moment
+the Scotch aristocracy began to decline; and the equipoise to the clergy
+being removed, the Church became so powerful, that, during the
+seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, it was the most effectual obstacle
+to the progress of Scotland; and even now it exercises a sway which is
+incomprehensible to those who have not carefully studied the whole chain
+of its antecedents. To trace with minuteness the long course of affairs
+which has led to this unfortunate result, would be incompatible with the
+object of an Introduction, whose only aim it is to establish broad and
+general principles. But, to bring the question clearly before the mind of
+the reader, it will be necessary that I should give a slight sketch of
+the relation which the nobles bore to the clergy in the fifteenth and
+sixteenth centuries, and of the way in which their relative positions,
+and their implacable hatred of each other, brought about the Reformation.
+By this means, we shall perceive, that the great Protestant movement,
+which, in other countries, was democratic, was in Scotland aristocratic.
+We shall also see, that, in Scotland, the Reformation, not being the work
+of the people, has never produced the effects which might have been
+expected from it, and which it did produce in England. It is, indeed, but
+too evident, that, while in England Protestantism has diminished
+superstition, has weakened the clergy, has increased toleration, and, in
+a word, has secured the triumph of secular interests over ecclesiastical
+ones, its result in Scotland has been entirely different; and that, in
+that country, the Church, changing its form, without altering its
+spirit, not only cherished its ancient pretensions, but unhappily
+retained its ancient power; and that, although that power is now
+dwindling away, the Scotch preachers still exhibit, whenever they dare,
+an insolent and domineering spirit, which shows how much real weakness
+there yet lurks in the nation, where such extravagant claims are not
+immediately silenced by the voice of loud and general ridicule.
+
+  [87] Occasionally, we find evidence of it earlier, but it was hardly
+       systematic. Compare _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 66,
+       with _Dalrymple's Annals_, vol. i. pp. 72, 110, 111, 194, vol. iii.
+       p. 296; _Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire_, p. 88; _Chalmers'
+       History of Dunfermline_, pp. 133, 134.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER II.
+
+     CONDITION OF SCOTLAND IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES.
+
+
+Early in the fifteenth century, the alliance between the Crown and the
+Church, and the determination of that alliance to overthrow the nobles,
+became manifest. Indications of this may be traced in the policy of
+Albany, who was Regent from 1406 to 1419, and who made it his principal
+object to encourage and strengthen the clergy.[88] He also dealt the
+first great blow upon which any government had ventured against the
+aristocracy. Donald, who was one of the most powerful of the Scottish
+chieftains, and who, indeed, by the possession of the Western Isles, was
+almost an independent prince, had seized the earldom of Ross, which, if
+he could have retained, would have enabled him to set the Crown at
+defiance. Albany, backed by the Church, marched into his territories, in
+1411, forced him to renounce the earldom, to make personal submission,
+and to give hostages for his future conduct.[89] So vigorous a proceeding
+on the part of the executive, was extremely unusual in Scotland;[90] and
+it was the first of a series of aggressions, which ended in the Crown
+obtaining for itself, not only Ross, but also the Western Isles.[91] The
+policy inaugurated by Albany, was followed up with still greater energy
+by James I. In 1424, this bold and active prince procured an enactment,
+obliging many of the nobles to show their charters, in order that it
+might be ascertained what lands they held, which had formerly belonged to
+the Crown.[92] And, to conciliate the affections of the clergy, he, in
+1425, issued a commission, authorizing the Bishop of Saint Andrews to
+restore to the Church whatever had been alienated from it; while he at
+the same time directed that the justiciaries should assist in enforcing
+execution of the decree.[93] This occurred in June; and what shows that
+it was part of a general scheme is, that in the preceding spring, the
+king suddenly arrested, in the parliament assembled at Perth, upwards of
+twenty of the principal nobles, put four of them to death, and
+confiscated several of their estates.[94] Two years afterwards, he, with
+equal perfidy, summoned the Highland chiefs to meet him at Inverness,
+laid hands on them also, executed three, and imprisoned more than forty,
+in different parts of the kingdom.[95]
+
+  [88] 'The Church was eminently favoured by Albany.' _Pinkerton's History
+       of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 86. But Pinkerton misunderstands his
+       policy in regard to the nobles.
+
+  [89] _Skene's Highlanders_, vol. ii. pp. 72-74; _Browne's History of the
+       Highlands_, vol. i. p. 162, vol. iv. pp. 435, 436.
+
+  [90] Chalmers (_Caledonia_, vol. i. pp. 826, 827), referring to the state
+       of things before Albany, says, 'There is not a trace of any attempt
+       by Robert II. to limit the power of the nobles, whatever he may
+       have added, by his improvident grants, to their independence. He
+       appears not to have attempted to raise the royal prerogative from
+       the debasement in which the imprudence and misfortunes of David II.
+       had left it.' And, of his successor, Robert III., 'So mild a
+       prince, and so weak a man, was not very likely to make any attempt
+       upon the power of others, when he could scarcely support his own.'
+
+  [91] In 1476, 'the Earldom of Ross was inalienably annexed to the Crown;
+       and a great blow was thus struck at the power and grandeur of a
+       family which had so repeatedly disturbed the tranquillity of
+       Scotland.' _Gregory's History of the Western Highlands_, Edinburgh,
+       1836, p. 50. In 1493, 'John, fourth and last Lord of the Isles, was
+       forfeited, and deprived of his title and estates.' _Ibid._ p. 58.
+
+  [92] As those who held crown lands were legally, though not in reality,
+       the king's tenants, the act declared, that 'gif it like the king,
+       he may ger s[=u]monde all and sindry his tenand at lauchfull day
+       and place to schawe thar chartis.' _The Acts of the Parliament of
+       Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 4, Sec. 9, edit. folio, 1814.
+
+  [93] 'On the 8th June, 1425, James issued a commission to Henry, bishop
+       of St. Andrews, authorising him to resume all alienations from the
+       Church, with power of anathema, and orders to all justiciaries to
+       assist.' This curious paper is preserved in Harl. Ms. 4637, vol.
+       iii. f. 189. _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 116.
+       Archbishop Spottiswoode, delighted with his policy, calls him a
+       'good king,' and says that he built for the Carthusians 'a
+       beautiful monastery at Perth, bestowing large revenues upon the
+       same.' _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i.
+       p. 113. And Keith assures us that, on one occasion, James I. went
+       so far as to give to one of the bishops 'a silver cross, in which
+       was contained a bit of the wooden cross on which the apostle St.
+       Andrew had been crucified.' _Keith's Catalogue of Scotch Bishops_,
+       Edinburgh, 1755, 4to, p. 67.
+
+  [94] Compare _Balfour's Annales_, vol. i. pp. 153-156, with _Pinkerton's
+       History_, vol. i. pp. 113-115. Between these two authorities there
+       is a slight, but unimportant, discrepancy.
+
+  [95] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 95-98; _Skene's
+       Highlanders_, vol. ii. p. 75; and an imperfect narrative in
+       _Gregory's History of the Western Highlands_, p. 35.
+
+By these measures, and by supporting the Church with the same zeal that
+he attacked the nobles, the king thought to reverse the order of affairs
+hitherto established, and to secure the supremacy of the throne over the
+aristocracy.[96] But herein, he overrated his own power. Like nearly all
+politicians, he exaggerated the value of political remedies. The
+legislator and the magistrate may, for a moment, palliate an evil; they
+can never work a cure. General mischiefs depend upon general causes, and
+these are beyond their art. The symptoms of the disease they can touch,
+while the disease itself baffles their efforts, and is too often
+exasperated by their treatment. In Scotland, the power of the nobles was
+a cruel malady, which preyed on the vitals of the nation; but it had long
+been preparing; it was a chronic disorder; and, having worked into the
+general habit, it might be removed by time, it could never be diminished
+by violence. On the contrary, in this, as in all matters, whenever
+politicians attempt great good, they invariably inflict great harm.
+Over-action on one side produces reaction on the other, and the balance
+of the fabric is disturbed. By the shock of conflicting interests, the
+scheme of life is made insecure. New animosities are kindled, old ones
+are embittered, and the natural jar and discordance are aggravated,
+simply because the rulers of mankind cannot be brought to understand,
+that, in dealing with a great country, they have to do with an
+organization so subtle, so extremely complex, and withal so obscure, as
+to make it highly probable, that whatever they alter in it, they will
+alter wrongly, and that while their efforts to protect or to strengthen
+its particular parts are extremely hazardous, it does undoubtedly possess
+within itself a capacity of repairing its injuries, and that to bring
+such capacity into play, there is merely required that time and freedom
+which the interference of powerful men too often prevents it from
+enjoying.
+
+  [96] Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 126), under the year
+       1433, says: 'In the midst of his labours for the pacification of
+       his northern dominions, and his anxiety for the suppression of
+       heresy, the king never forgot his great plan for the diminution of
+       the exorbitant power of the nobles.' See also p. 84. 'It was a
+       principle of this enterprising monarch, in his schemes for the
+       recovery and consolidation of his own power, to cultivate the
+       friendship of the clergy, whom he regarded as a counterpoise to the
+       nobles.' Lord Somerville (_Memorie of the Somervilles_, vol. i. p.
+       173) says, that the superior nobility were 'never or seldome called
+       to counsell dureing this king's reign.'
+
+Thus it was in Scotland, in the fifteenth century. The attempts of James
+I. failed, because they were particular measures directed against general
+evils. Ideas and associations, generated by a long course of events, and
+deeply seated in the public mind, had given to the aristocracy immense
+power; and if every noble in Scotland had been put to death, if all their
+castles had been razed to the ground, and all their estates confiscated,
+the time would unquestionably have come, when their successors would have
+been more influential than ever, because the affection of their retainers
+and dependents would be increased by the injustice that had been
+perpetrated. For, every passion excites its opposite. Cruelty to-day,
+produces sympathy to-morrow. A hatred of injustice contributes more than
+any other principle to correct the inequalities of life, and to maintain
+the balance of affairs. It is this loathing at tyranny, which, by
+stirring to their inmost depth the warmest feelings of the heart, makes
+it impossible that tyranny should ever finally succeed. This, in sooth,
+is the noble side of our nature. This is that part of us, which, stamped
+with a godlike beauty, reveals its divine origin, and, providing for the
+most distant contingencies, is our surest guarantee that violence shall
+never ultimately triumph; that, sooner or later, despotism shall always
+be overthrown; and that the great and permanent interests of the human
+race shall never be injured by the wicked counsels of unjust men.
+
+In the case of James I., the reaction came sooner than might have been
+expected; and, as it happened in his lifetime, it was a retribution, as
+well as a reaction. For some years, he continued to oppress the nobles
+with impunity;[97] but, in 1436, they turned upon him, and put him to
+death, in revenge for the treatment to which he had subjected many of
+them.[98] Their power now rose as suddenly as it had fallen. In the south
+of Scotland, the Douglases were supreme,[99] and the earl of that family
+possessed revenues about equal to those of the Crown.[100] And, to show
+that his authority was equal to his wealth, he, on the marriage of James
+II., in 1449, appeared at the nuptials with a train composed of five
+thousand followers.[101] These were his own retainers, armed and resolute
+men, bound to obey any command he might issue to them. Not, indeed, that
+compulsion was needed on the part of a Scotch noble to secure the
+obedience of his own people. The servitude was a willing one, and was
+essential to the national manners. Then, and long afterwards, it was
+discreditable, as well as unsafe, not to belong to a great clan; and
+those who were so unfortunate as to be unconnected with any leading
+family, were accustomed to take the name of some chief, and to secure his
+protection by devoting themselves to his service.[102]
+
+  [97] Compare _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 263, with _Buchanan's
+       Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. x. p. 286.
+
+  [98] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 157, 158.
+
+  [99] Lindsay of Pitscottie (_Chronicles_, vol. i. p. 2) says, that
+       directly after the death of James I., 'Alexander, Earle of Douglas,
+       being uerie potent in kine and friendis, contemned all the kingis
+       officeris, in respect of his great puissance.' The best account I
+       have seen of the rise of the Douglases is in Chalmers' learned, but
+       ill-digested, work, _Caledonia_, vol. i. pp. 579-583.
+
+  [100] In 1440, 'the chief of that family had revenues perhaps equivalent
+        to those of the Scottish monarch.' _Pinkerton's History of
+        Scotland_, vol. i. p. 192.
+
+  [101] 'It may give us some idea of the immense power possessed at this
+        period by the Earl of Douglas, when we mention, that on this
+        chivalrous occasion, the military suite by which he was
+        surrounded, and at the head of which he conducted the Scottish
+        champions to the lists, consisted of a force amounting to five
+        thousand men.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 215.
+        The old historian of his family says: 'He is not easy to be dealt
+        with; they must have mufles that would catch such a cat. Indeed,
+        he behaved himself as one that thought he would not be in danger
+        of them; he entertained a great family; he rode ever well
+        accompanied when he came in publick; 1000 or 2000 horse were his
+        ordinary train.' _Hume's History of the House of Douglas_, vol. i.
+        pp. 273, 274, reprinted Edinburgh, 1743.
+
+  [102] In the seventeenth century, 'To be without a chief, involved a kind
+        of disrepute; and those who had no distinct personal position of
+        their own, would find it necessary to become a Gordon or a
+        Crichton, as prudence or inclination might point out.' _Burton's
+        Criminal Trials in Scotland_, vol. i. p. 207. Compare _Pitcairn's
+        Criminal Trials in Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 250, on 'the protective
+        surname of Douglas;' and _Skene's Highlanders_, vol. ii. p. 252,
+        on the extreme importance attached to the name of Macgregor.
+
+What the Earl of Douglas was in the south of Scotland, that were the
+Earls of Crawford and of Ross in the north.[103] Singly they were
+formidable; united they seemed irresistible. When, therefore, in the
+middle of the fifteenth century, they actually leagued together, and
+formed a strict compact against all their common enemies, it was hard to
+say what limit could be set to their power, or what resource remained to
+the government, except that of sowing disunion among them.[104]
+
+  [103] 'Men of the greatest puissance and force next the Douglases that
+        were in Scotland in their times.' _Hume's History of the House of
+        Douglas_, vol. i. p. 344. The great power of the Earls of Ross in
+        the north, dates from the thirteenth century. See _Skene's
+        Highlanders_, vol. i. pp. 133, 134, vol. ii. p. 52.
+
+  [104] In 1445, the Earl of Douglas concluded 'ane offensiue and defensiue
+        league and combinatione aganist all, none excepted, (not the king
+        himselue), with the Earle of Crawfurd, and Donald, Lord of the
+        Isles; wich was mutually sealled and subscriued by them three, the
+        7 day of Marche.' _Balfour's Annales_, vol. i. p. 173. This
+        comprised the alliance of other noble families. 'He maid bandis
+        with the Erle of Craufurd, and with Donald lorde of the Ylis, and
+        Erle of Ross, to take part every ane with other, and with dyvers
+        uther noble men also.' _Lesley's History of Scotland_, from 1436
+        to 1561, p. 18.
+
+But, in the mean time, the disposition of the nobles to use force against
+the Crown, had been increased by fresh violence. Government, instead of
+being warned by the fate of James I., imitated his unscrupulous acts, and
+pursued the very policy which had caused his destruction. Because the
+Douglases were the most powerful of all the great families, it was
+determined that their chiefs should be put to death; and because they
+could not be slain by force, they were to be murdered by treachery. In
+1440, the Earl of Douglas, a boy of fifteen, and his brother, who was
+still younger than he, were invited to Edinburgh on a friendly visit to
+the king. Scarcely had they arrived, when they were seized by order of
+the chancellor, subjected to a mock trial, declared guilty, dragged to
+the castle-yard, and the heads of the poor children cut off.[105]
+
+  [105] An interesting account of this dastardly crime is given in _Hume's
+        History of the House of Douglas_, vol. i. pp. 274-288, where
+        great, but natural, indignation is expressed. On the other hand,
+        Lesley, bishop of Ross, narrates it with a cold-blooded
+        indifference, characteristic of the ill-will which existed between
+        the nobles and the clergy, and which prevented him from regarding
+        the murder of two children as an offence. 'And eftir he was set
+        doun to the burd with the governour, chancellour, and otheris
+        noble men present, the meit was sudantlie removed, and ane bullis
+        heid presented, quhilk in thay daies was ane signe of executione;
+        and incontinent the said erle, David his broder, and Malcolme
+        Fleming of Cummernald, wer heidit before the castell yett of
+        Edenburgh.' _Lesley's History_, p. 16.
+
+Considering the warm feelings of attachment which the Scotch entertained
+for their chiefs, it is difficult to overrate the consequences of this
+barbarous murder, in strengthening a class it was hoped to intimidate.
+But this horrible crime was committed by the government only, and it
+occurred during the king's minority: the next assassination was the work
+of the king himself. In 1452, the Earl of Douglas[106] was, with great
+show of civility, requested by James II. to repair to the court then
+assembled at Stirling. The Earl hesitated, but James overcame his
+reluctance by sending to him a safeconduct with the royal signature, and
+issued under the great seal.[107] The honour of the king being pledged,
+the fears of Douglas were removed. He hastened to Stirling, where he was
+received with every distinction. The evening of his arrival, the king,
+after supper was over, broke out into reproaches against him, and,
+suddenly drawing his dagger, stabbed him. Gray then struck him with a
+battle-axe, and he fell dead on the floor, in presence of his sovereign,
+who had lured him to court, that he might murder him with impunity.[108]
+
+  [106] The cousin of the boys who were murdered in 1440. See _Hume's
+        History of the House of Douglas_, vol. i. pp. 297, 816.
+
+  [107] 'With assurance under the broad seal.' _Hume's House of Douglas_,
+        vol. i. p. 351. See also _Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire_,
+        Edinb. 1777, pp. 246, 322, 323.
+
+  [108] _Hume's House of Douglas_, vol. i. pp. 351-353. The king 'stabbed
+        him in the breast with a dagger. At the same instant Patrick Gray
+        struck him on the head with a pole-ax. The rest that were
+        attending at the door, hearing the noise, entred, and fell also
+        upon him; and, to show their affection to the king, gave him every
+        man his blow after he was dead.' _Compare Lindsay of Pitscottie's
+        Chronicles of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 103. 'He strak him throw the
+        bodie thairwith; and thairefter the guard, hearing the tumult
+        within the chamber, rusched in and slew the earle out of hand.'
+
+The ferocity of the Scotch character, which was the natural result of the
+ignorance and poverty of the nation, was, no doubt, one cause, and a very
+important one, of the commission of such crimes as these, not secretly,
+but in the open light of day, and by the highest men in the State. It
+cannot, however, be denied, that another cause was, the influence of the
+clergy, whose interest it was to humble the nobles, and who were by no
+means scrupulous as to the means that they employed.[109] As the Crown
+became more alienated from the aristocracy, it united itself still closer
+with the Church. In 1443, a statute was enacted, the object of which was,
+to secure ecclesiastical property from the attacks made upon it by the
+nobles.[110] And although, in that state of society, it was easier to
+pass laws than to execute them, such a measure indicated the general
+policy of the government, and the union between it and the Church.
+Indeed, as to this, no one could be mistaken.[111] For nearly twenty
+years, the avowed and confidential adviser of the Crown was Kennedy,
+bishop of Saint Andrews, who retained power until his death, in 1466,
+during the minority of James III.[112] He was the bitter enemy of the
+nobles, against whom he displayed an unrelenting spirit, which was
+sharpened by personal injuries; for the Earl of Crawford had plundered
+his lands, and the Earl of Douglas had attempted to seize him, and had
+threatened to put him into irons.[113] The mildest spirit might well have
+been roused by this; and as James II., when he assassinated Douglas, was
+more influenced by Kennedy than by any one else, it is probable that the
+bishop was privy to that foul transaction. At all events, he expressed no
+disapprobation of it; and when, in consequence of the murder, the
+Douglases and their friends rose in open rebellion, Kennedy gave to the
+king a crafty and insidious counsel, highly characteristic of the cunning
+of his profession. Taking up a bundle of arrows, he showed James, that
+when they were together, they were not to be broken; but that, if
+separated, they were easily destroyed. Hence he inferred, that the
+aristocracy should be overthrown by disuniting the nobles, and ruining
+them one by one.[114]
+
+  [109] In _Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire_, pp. 99, 100, the alienation
+        of the nobles from the Church is dated 'from the middle of the
+        fifteenth century;' and this is perhaps correct in regard to
+        general dislike, though the movement may be clearly traced fifty
+        years earlier.
+
+  [110] See _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 33, edit.
+        folio, 1814; respecting the 'statute of haly kirk quhilk is
+        oppressit and hurt.'
+
+  [111] In 1449, James II., 'with that affectionate respect for the clergy,
+        which could not fail to be experienced by a prince who had
+        successfully employed their support and advice to escape from the
+        tyranny of his nobles, granted to them some important privileges.'
+        _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 226. See also p. 309.
+        Among many similar measures, he conceded to the monks of Paisley
+        some important powers of jurisdiction that belonged to the Crown.
+        Charter, 13th January, 1451-2, in _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii.
+        p. 823.
+
+  [112] _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 188, 209, 247, 254.
+        _Keith's Catalogue of Scotch Bishops_, p. 19. _Ridpath's Border
+        History_, p. 298. _Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle_, vol. ii. p.
+        101. In _Somerville's Memorie of the Somervilles_, vol. i. p. 213,
+        it is stated, under the year 1452, that fear of the great nobles
+        'had once possest his majestie with some thoughts of going out of
+        the countrey; but that he was perswaded to the contrary by Bishop
+        Kennedie, then Archbishop of Saint Andrewes, whose counsell at
+        that tyme and eftirward, in most things he followed, which at
+        length proved to his majesties great advantage.' See also
+        _Lesley's History_, p. 23. 'The king wes put to sic a sharp point,
+        that he wes determinit to haif left the realme, and to haif passit
+        in Fraunce by sey, were not that bischop James Kennedy of St.
+        Androis causit him to tarrye.'
+
+  [113] 'His lands were plundered by the Earl of Crawford and Alexander
+        Ogilvie of Inveraritie, at the instigation of the Earl of Douglas,
+        who had farther instructed them to seize, if possible, the person
+        of the bishop, and to put him in irons.' Memoir of Kennedy, in
+        _Chambers' Lives of Scotchmen_, vol. iii. p. 307, Glasgow, 1834.
+        'Sed Kennedus et aetate, et consilio, ac proinde auctoritate
+        caeteros anteibat. In eum potissimum ira est versa. Crafordiae comes
+        et Alexander Ogilvius conflato satis magno exercitu, agros ejus in
+        Fifa late populati, dum praedam magis, quam causam sequuntur, omni
+        genere cladis in vicina etiam praedia grassati, nemine congredi
+        auso pleni praedarum in Angusiam revertuntar. Kennedus ad sua arma
+        conversus comitem Crafordiae disceptationem juris fugientem diris
+        ecclesiasticis est prosecutus.' _Buchanan_, _Rerum Scoticarum
+        Historia_, lib. xi. p. 306.
+
+  [114] 'This holie bischop schew ane similitud to the king, quhilk might
+        bring him to experience how he might invaid againes the Douglass,
+        and the rest of the conspiratouris. This bischop tuik furth ane
+        great scheife of arrowes knitt togidder werrie fast, and desired
+        him to put thame to his knie, and break thame. The king said it
+        was not possible, becaus they war so many, and so weill fastened
+        togidder. The bischop answeired, it was werrie true, bot yitt he
+        wold latt the king sea how to break thame: and pulled out on be
+        on, and tua be tua, quhill he had brokin thame all; then said to
+        the king, "Yea most doe with the conspiratouris in this manner,
+        and thair complices that are risen againes yow, quho are so many
+        in number, and so hard knit togidder in conspiracie againes yow,
+        that yea cannot gett thame brokin togidder. Butt be sick pratick
+        as I have schowin yow be the similitud of thir arrowes, that is to
+        say, yea must conqueis and break lord by lord be thamselffis, for
+        yea may not deall with thame all at once."' _Lindsay of
+        Pitscottie's Chronicles of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 172, 173.
+
+In this he was right, so far as the interests of his own order were
+concerned; but, looking at the interest of the nation, it is evident that
+the power of the nobles, notwithstanding their gross abuse of it, was, on
+the whole, beneficial, since it was the only barrier against despotism.
+The evil they actually engendered, was indeed immense. But they kept off
+other evils, which would have been worse. By causing present anarchy,
+they secured future liberty. For, as there was no middle class, there
+were only three orders in the commonwealth; namely, government, clergy,
+and nobles. The two first being united against the last, it is certain
+that if they had won the day, Scotland would have been oppressed by the
+worst of all yokes, to which a country can be subjected. It would have
+been ruled by an absolute king and an absolute Church, who, playing into
+each other's hands, would have tyrannized over a people, who, though
+coarse and ignorant, still loved a certain rude and barbarous liberty,
+which it was good for them to possess, but which, in the face of such a
+combination, they would most assuredly have forfeited.
+
+Happily, however, the power of the nobles was too deeply rooted in the
+popular mind to allow of this catastrophe. In vain did James III. exert
+himself to discourage them,[115] and to elevate their rivals, the
+clergy.[116] Nothing could shake their authority; and, in 1482, they,
+seeing the determination of the king, assembled together, and such was
+their influence over their followers, that they had no difficulty in
+seizing his person, and imprisoning him in the Castle of Edinburgh.[117]
+After his liberation, fresh quarrels arose;[118] and in 1488, the
+principal nobles collected troops, met him in the field, defeated him,
+and put him to death.[119] He was succeeded by James IV., under whom the
+course of affairs was exactly the same; that is to say, on one side the
+nobles, and on the other side the Crown and the Church. Every thing that
+the king could do to uphold the clergy, he did cheerfully. In 1493, he
+obtained an act to secure the immunities of the sees of Saint Andrews and
+of Glasgow, the two most important in Scotland.[120] In 1503, he procured
+a general revocation of all grants and gifts prejudicial to the Church,
+whether they had been made by the Parliament or by the Council.[121] And,
+in 1508, he, by the advice of Elphinston, bishop of Aberdeen, ventured on
+a measure of still greater boldness. That able and ambitious prelate
+induced James to revive against the nobility several obsolete claims, by
+virtue of which the king could, under certain circumstances, take
+possession of their estates, and could, in every instance in which the
+owner held of the Crown, receive nearly the whole of the proceeds during
+the minority of the proprietor.[122]
+
+  [115] 'He wald nocht suffer the noblemen to come to his presence, and to
+        governe the realme be thair counsell.' _Lesley's History of
+        Scotland_, p. 48. 'Wald nocht use the counsall of his nobilis.' p.
+        55. 'Excluding the nobility.' _Hume's History of the House of
+        Douglas_, vol. ii. p. 33. 'The nobility seeing his resolution to
+        ruin them.' p. 46. 'Hes conteming his nobility.' _Balfour's
+        Annales_, vol. i. p. 206.
+
+  [116] Also to aggrandize them. See, for instance, what 'has obtained the
+        name of the golden charter, from the ample privileges it contains,
+        confirmed to Archbishop Shevez by James III. on 9th July 1480.'
+        _Grierson's History of Saint Andrews_, p. 58, Cupar, 1838.
+
+  [117] 'Such was the influence of the aristocracy over their warlike
+        followers, that the king was conveyed to the castle of Edinburgh,
+        without commotion or murmur.' _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_,
+        vol. i. p. 308.
+
+  [118] 'The king and his ministers multiplied the insults which they
+        offered to the nobility.' ... 'A proclamation was issued,
+        forbidding any person to appear in arms within the precincts of
+        the court; which, at a time when no man of rank left his own house
+        without a numerous retinue of armed followers, was, in effect,
+        debarring the nobles from all access to the king.' ... 'His
+        neglect of the nobles irritated, but did not weaken them.'
+        _History of Scotland_, book i. p. 68, in _Robertson's Works_,
+        edit. London, 1831.
+
+  [119] _Balfour's Annales_, vol. i. pp. 213, 214; Buchanan, _Rerum
+        Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xii. p. 358. Lindsay of Pitscottie
+        (_Chronicles_, vol. i. p. 222) says: 'This may be ane example to
+        all kingis that cumes heirefter, not to fall from God.' ... 'For,
+        if he had vsed the counsall of his wyse lordis and barrones, he
+        had not cum to sick disparatioun.'
+
+  [120] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, folio, 1814, vol. ii.
+        p. 232. 'That the said abbaceis confirmit be thame sall neid na
+        prouisioun of the court of Rome.'
+
+  [121] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 240; and the
+        summary of the statute (p. 21), 'Revocation of donations,
+        statutis, and all uthir thingis hurtand the croune or hali kirk.'
+        In the next year (1504), the king 'greatly augmented' the revenues
+        of the bishoprick of Galloway. _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii. p.
+        417.
+
+  [122] _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 63; _Calderwood's
+        History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. viii. p. 135, edit. Wodrow
+        Society, Edinburgh, 1849. The latter authority states, that 'The
+        bishop devysed wayes to King James the Fourth, how he might
+        attaine to great gaine and profit. He advised him to call his
+        barons and all those that held any lands within the realme, to
+        show their evidents by way of recognition; and, if they had not
+        sufficient writings for their warrant, to dispone upon their lands
+        at his pleasure; for the which advice he was greatlie hated. But
+        the king, perceaving the countrie to grudge, agreed easilie with
+        the possessors.'
+
+To make such claims was easy; to enforce them was impossible. Indeed, the
+nobles were at this time rather gaining ground than losing it; and,
+after the death of James IV., in 1513, they, during the minority of James
+V., became so powerful, that the regent, Albany, twice threw up the
+government in despair, and at length abandoned it altogether.[123] He
+finally quitted Scotland in 1524, and with him the authority of the
+executive seemed to have vanished. The Douglases soon obtained possession
+of the person of the king, and compelled Beaton, archbishop of Saint
+Andrews, the most influential man in the Church, to resign the office of
+chancellor.[124] The whole command now fell into their hands; they or
+their adherents filled every office; secular interests predominated, and
+the clergy were thrown completely into the shade.[125] In 1528, however,
+an event occurred by which the spiritual classes not only recovered
+their former position, but gained a preeminence, which, as it turned out,
+was eventually fatal to themselves. Archbishop Beaton, impatient at
+proceedings so unfavourable to the Church, organized a conspiracy, by
+means of which James effected his escape from the Douglases, and took
+refuge in the castle of Stirling.[126] This sudden reaction was not the
+real and controlling cause, but it was undoubtedly the proximate cause,
+of the establishment of Protestantism in Scotland. For, the reins of
+government now passed into the hands of the Church; and the most
+influential of the nobles were consequently persecuted, and some of them
+driven from the country. But, though their political power was gone,
+their social power remained. They were stripped of their honours and
+their wealth. They became outcasts, traitors, and beggars. Still, the
+real foundation of their authority was unshaken, because that authority
+was the result of a long train of circumstances, and was based on the
+affections of the people. Therefore it was, that the nobles, even those
+who were exiled and attainted, were able to conduct an arduous, but
+eventually a successful, struggle against their enemies. The desire of
+revenge whetted their exertions, and gave rise to a deadly contest
+between the Scotch aristocracy and the Scotch Church. This most
+remarkable conflict was, in some degree, a continuation of that which
+began early in the fifteenth century. But it was far more bitter; it
+lasted, without interruption, for thirty-two years; and it was only
+concluded by the triumph of the nobles, who, in 1560, completely
+overthrew the Church, and destroyed, almost at a blow, the whole of the
+Scotch hierarchy.
+
+  [123] The Regency of Albany, little understood by the earlier
+        historians, has been carefully examined by Mr. Tytler, in whose
+        valuable, though too prolix, work, the best account of it will be
+        found. _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 98-160,
+        Edinburgh, 1845. On the hostility between Albany and the nobles,
+        see _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_, p. 99; and, on the
+        revival of their power in the north, after the death of James IV.,
+        see _Gregory's History of the Western Highlands_, pp. 114, 115.
+
+  [124] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 180-182: 'Within a
+        few months, there was not an office of trust or emolument in the
+        kingdom, which was not filled by a Douglas, or by a creature of
+        that house.' See also pp. 187, 194; and _Keith's Catalogue of
+        Scotch Bishops_, pp. 22, 23. Beaton, who was so rudely
+        dispossessed of the chancellorship, that, according to Keith, he
+        was, in 1525, obliged 'to lurk among his friends for fear of his
+        life,' is mentioned, in the preceding year, as having been the
+        main supporter of Albany's government; 'that most hath favoured
+        the Duke of Albany.' _State Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._,
+        vol. iv. p. 97, 4to, 1836.
+
+  [125] The complete power of the Douglases lasted from the cessation of
+        Albany's regency to the escape of the king, in 1528. _Keith's
+        History of the Affairs of Church and State in Scotland_, edit.
+        Edinburgh, 1835, vol. i. pp. 33-35. Compare _Balfour's Annales_,
+        vol. i. p. 257. 'The Earle of Angus violentley takes one him the
+        gouerniment, and retanes the king in effecte a prisoner with him;
+        during wich tyme he, the Earle of Lennox, and George Douglas, his
+        auen brother, frely disposses vpone all affaires both of churche
+        and staite.'
+
+  [126] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 195, 196. The curious
+        work, entitled _A Diurnal of Occurrents_, p. 10, says, 'In the
+        zeir of God 1500, tuantie aucht zeiris, the kingis grace by slicht
+        wan away fra the Douglassis.' From Stirling, he repaired to
+        Edinburgh, on 6th July 1528, and went to 'the busshop of Sainct
+        Andros loegeing.' See a letter written on the 18th of July 1528,
+        by Lord Dacre to Wolsey, in _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol.
+        iv. p. 501, 4to, 1836. Compare a proclamation on 10th September
+        1528, in _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in Scotland_, vol. i. part i.
+        pp. 138*, 139*, Edinburgh, 4to, 1833. I particularly indicate
+        these documents, because Lindsay of Pitscottie (in his _Chronicles
+        of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 335) erroneously places the flight of
+        James in 1527; and he is generally one of the most accurate of the
+        old writers, if indeed he be the author of the work which bears
+        his name.
+
+The events of this struggle, and the vicissitudes to which, during its
+continuance, both parties were exposed, are related, though somewhat
+confusedly, in our common histories: it will be sufficient if I indicate
+the salient points, and, avoiding needless detail, endeavour to throw
+light on the general movement. The unity of the entire scheme will thus
+be brought before our minds, and we shall see, that the destruction of
+the Catholic Church was its natural consummation, and that the last act
+of that gorgeous drama, so far from being a strained and irregular
+sequence, was in fit keeping with the whole train of the preceding plot.
+
+When James effected his escape in 1528, he was a boy of sixteen, and his
+policy, so far as he can be said to have had any mind of his own, was of
+course determined by the clergy, to whom he owed his liberty, and who
+were his natural protectors. His principal adviser was the Archbishop of
+Saint Andrews; and the important post of chancellor, which, under the
+Douglases, had been held by a layman, was now conferred on the Archbishop
+of Glasgow.[127] These two prelates were supreme; while, at the same
+time, the Abbot of Holyrood was made treasurer, and the Bishop of Dunkeld
+was made privy seal.[128] All nobles, and even all followers, of the
+house of Douglas, were forbidden to approach within twelve miles of the
+court, under pain of treason.[129] An expedition was fitted out, and sent
+against the Earl of Caithness, who was defeated and slain.[130] Just
+before this occurred, the Earl of Angus was driven out of Scotland, and
+his estates confiscated.[131] An act of attainder was passed against the
+Douglases.[132] The government, moreover, seized, and threw into prison,
+the Earl of Bothwell, Home, Maxwell, and two Kerrs, and the barons of
+Buccleuch, Johnston, and Polwarth.[133]
+
+  [127] _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. iv. p. 501.
+
+  [128] 'Archibald was depryvit of the thesaurarie, and placit thairin
+        Robert Cairncorse, abbot of Halyrudhous. And als was tane fra the
+        said Archibald the privie seill, and was givin to the bischope of
+        Dunkell.' _A Diurnal of Occurrents_, p. 11.
+
+  [129] Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 196) says: 'His first
+        act was to summon a council, and issue a proclamation, that no
+        lord or follower of the house of Douglas should dare to approach
+        within _six_ miles of the court, under pain of treason.' For this,
+        no authority is cited; and the historian of the Douglas family
+        distinctly states, 'within _twelve_ miles of the king, under pain
+        of death.' _Hume's House of Douglas_, vol. ii. p. 99. See also
+        _Diurnal of Occurrents_, p. 10: 'that nane of thame nor thair
+        familiaris cum neir the king be tuelf myllis.' The reason was,
+        that 'the said kingis grace haid greit suspicioun of the temporall
+        lordis, becaus thaj favourit sum pairt the Douglassis.' _Diurnal_,
+        p. 12.
+
+  [130] 'The Erle of Caithnes and fyve hundreth of his men wes slayne and
+        drownit in the see.' _Lesley's History of Scotland_, p. 141.
+
+  [131] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 203, 204.
+
+  [132] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 324, edit.
+        folio, 1814.
+
+  [133] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 207.
+
+All this was vigorous enough, and was the consequence of the Church
+recovering her power. Other measures, equally decisive, were preparing.
+In 1531, the king deprived the Earl of Crawford of most of his estates,
+and threw the Earl of Argyle into prison.[134] Even those nobles who had
+been inclined to follow him, he now discouraged. He took every
+opportunity of treating them with coldness, while he filled the highest
+offices with their rivals, the clergy.[135] Finally, he, in 1532, aimed
+a deadly blow at their order, by depriving them of a large part of the
+jurisdiction which they were wont to exercise in their own country, and
+to the possession of which they owed much of their power. At the
+instigation of the Archbishop of Glasgow, he established what was called
+the College of Justice, in which suits were to be decided, instead of
+being tried, as heretofore, by the barons, at home, in their castles. It
+was ordered that this new tribunal should consist of fifteen judges,
+eight of whom must be ecclesiastics; and to make the intention still more
+clear, it was provided that the president should invariably be a
+clergyman.[136]
+
+  [134] _Tytler_, vol. iv. p. 212.
+
+  [135] 'His preference of the clergy to the temporal lords disgusted these
+        proud chiefs.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 230.
+        See also p. 236. His reasons are stated by himself, in a curious
+        letter, which he wrote so late as 1541, to Henry VIII. 'We
+        persaif,' writes James, 'be zoure saidis writingis yat Ze ar
+        informyt yat yair suld be sum thingis laitlie attemptat be oure
+        kirkmen to oure hurte and skaith, and contrar oure mynde and
+        plesure. We can nocht understand, quhat suld move Zou to beleif
+        the samyn, assuring Zou _We have nevir fund bot faithfull and trew
+        obedience of yame at all tymes_, nor yai seik nor attemptis
+        nouthir jurisdictioun nor previlegijs, forthir nor yai have usit
+        sen the first institutioun of the Kirk of Scotland, quhilk We may
+        nocht apoun oure conscience alter nor change in the respect We
+        have to the honour and faith of God and Halikirk, and douttis na
+        inconvenient be yame to come to Ws and oure realme yerthrou; for
+        sen the Kirk wes first institute in our realme, the stait yairof
+        hes nevir failzeit, bot _hes remanyt evir obedient to oure
+        progenitouris, and in our tyme mair thankefull to Ws, nor evir yai
+        wer of before_.' This letter, which, in several points of view, is
+        worth reading, will be found in _State Papers of Henry VIII._,
+        vol. v. pp. 188-190, 4to, 1836.
+
+  [136] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 212, 213, and _Arnot's
+        History of Edinburgh_, 4to, 1788, p. 468: 'fifteen ordinary
+        judges, seven churchmen, seven laymen, and a president, whom it
+        behoved to be a churchman.' The statute, as printed in the folio
+        edition of 1814 (_Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii.
+        p. 335) says 'xiiij psouns half sp[=u]ale half temporall wt ane
+        president.' Mr. Lawson (_Roman Catholic Church in Scotland_,
+        Edinburgh, 1836, p. 81) supposes that it was the Archbishop of St.
+        Andrews who advised the erection of this tribunal.
+
+This gave the finishing touch to the whole, and it, taken in connexion
+with previous measures, exasperated the nobles almost to madness. Their
+hatred of the clergy became uncontrollable; and, in their eagerness for
+revenge, they not only threw themselves into the arms of England, and
+maintained a secret understanding with Henry VIII., but many of them went
+even further, and showed a decided leaning towards the principles of the
+Reformation. As the enmity between the aristocracy and the Church grew
+more bitter, just in the same proportion did the desire to reform the
+Church become more marked. The love of innovation was encouraged by
+interested motives, until, in the course of a few years, an immense
+majority of the nobles adopted extreme Protestant opinions; hardly caring
+what heresy they embraced, so long as they were able, by its aid, to
+damage a Church from which they had recently received the greatest
+injuries, and with which they and their progenitors had been engaged in a
+contest of nearly a hundred and fifty years.[137]
+
+  [137] Keith, who evidently does not admire this part of the history of
+        his country, says, under the year 1546, 'Several of our nobility
+        found it their temporal interest, as much as their spiritual, to
+        sway with the new opinions as to religious matters.' _Keith's
+        Affairs of Church and State_, vol. i. pp. 112, 113. Later, and
+        with still more bluntness: 'The noblemen wanted to finger the
+        patrimony of the kirkmen.' vol. iii. p. 11.
+
+In the mean time, James V. united himself closer than ever with the
+hierarchy. In 1534, he gratified the Church, by personally assisting at
+the trial of some heretics, who were brought before the bishops and
+burned.[138] The next year, he was offered, and he willingly accepted,
+the title of Defender of the Faith, which was transferred to him from
+Henry VIII.; that king being supposed to have forfeited it by his
+impiety.[139] At all events, James well deserved it. He was a stanch
+supporter of the Church, and his privy-council was chiefly composed of
+ecclesiastics, as he deemed it dangerous to admit laymen to too large a
+share in the government.[140] And, in 1538, he still further signalized
+his policy, by taking for his second wife Mary of Guise; thus
+establishing an intimate relation with the most powerful Catholic family
+in Europe, whose ambition, too, was equal to their power, and who made it
+their avowed object to uphold the Catholic faith, and to protect it from
+those rude and unmannerly invasions which were now directed against it in
+most parts of Europe.[141]
+
+  [138] 'In the month of August (1534), the bishops having gotten fitt
+        opportunitie, renewed their battell aganest Jesus Christ. David
+        Stratilon, a gentelman of the House of Lawrestoune, and Mr. Norman
+        Gowrlay, was brought to judgement in the Abby of Halyrudhouse. The
+        king himself, all cloathed with reid, being present, grait pains
+        war taken upon David Stratoun to move him to recant and burn his
+        bill; bot he, ever standing to his defence, was in end adjudged to
+        the fire. He asked grace at the king. The bishops answred
+        proudlie, that "the king's hands war bound, and that he had no
+        grace to give to such as were by law condemned." So was he, with
+        Mr. Norman, after dinner, upon the 27th day of Agust, led to a
+        place beside the Rude of Greenside, between Leth and Edinbrug, to
+        the intent that the inhabitants of Fife, seeing the fire, might be
+        striken with terrour and feare.' _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
+        Scotland_, vol. i. part i. p. 210*. Also _Calderwood's History of
+        the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 106, 107.
+
+  [139] 'It appears, by a letter in the State-paper Office, that Henry
+        remonstrated against this title being given to James.' _Tytler's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 223. See also p. 258.
+
+  [140] In 1535, 'his privy council were mostly ecclesiastics.' _Ibid._
+        vol. iv. p. 222. And Sir Ralph Sadler, during his embassy to
+        Scotland in 1539-40, writes: 'So that the king, as far as I can
+        perceive, is of force driven to use the bishops and his clergy as
+        his only ministers for the direction of his realm. They be the men
+        of wit and policy that I see here; they be never out of the king's
+        ear. And if they smell any thing that in the least point may touch
+        them, or that the king seem to be content with any such thing,
+        straight they inculk to him, how catholic a prince his father was,
+        and feed him both with fair words and many, in such wise as by
+        those policies they lead him (having also the whole governance of
+        his affairs) as they will.' _State Papers and Letters of Sir Ralph
+        Sadler_, Edinb., 1809, 4to, vol. i. p. 47.
+
+  [141] _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. v. p. 128. _A Diurnal of
+        Occurrents_, p. 22. The Reverend Mr. Kirkton pronounces that the
+        new queen was 'ane egge of the bloody nest of Guise.' _Kirkton's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, edited by Sharpe, Edinburgh,
+        1817, 4to, p. 7.
+
+This was hailed by the Church as a guarantee for the intentions of the
+king. And so indeed it proved to be. David Beaton, who negotiated the
+marriage, became the chief adviser of James during the rest of his reign.
+He was made Archbishop of Saint Andrews in 1539,[142] and, by his
+influence, a persecution hotter than any yet known, was directed against
+the Protestants. Many of them escaped into England,[143] where they
+swelled the number of the exiles, who were waiting till the time was ripe
+to take a deadly revenge. They, and their adherents at home, coalesced
+with the disaffected nobles, particularly with the Douglases,[144] who
+were by far the most powerful of the Scotch aristocracy, and who were
+connected with most of the great families, either by old associations, or
+by the still closer bond of the interest which they all had in reducing
+the power of the Church.[145]
+
+  [142] 'At his return home, he was made coadjutor, and declared future
+        successor to his uncle in the primacy of St. Andrews, in which see
+        he came to be fully invested upon the death of his uncle the next
+        year, 1539.' _Keith's Catalogue of Scotch Bishops_, pp. 23, 24.
+
+  [143] _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, p. 20. _Spottiswoode's History of the
+        Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 139. _Lawson's Roman Catholic
+        Church in Scotland_, p. 178. _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives
+        of the Reformers_, vol. i. p. 100.
+
+  [144] Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 241) says, that the
+        cruelties of 1539 forced 'many of the persecuted families to
+        embrace the interests of the Douglases.'
+
+  [145] It is asserted of the Douglases, that, early in the sixteenth
+        century, their 'alliances and power were equal to one-half of the
+        nobility of Scotland.' _Brown's History of Glasgow_, vol. i. p. 8.
+        See also, on their connexions, _Hume's House of Douglas_, vol. i.
+        pp. xix. 252, 298, vol. ii. p. 293.
+
+At this juncture, the eyes of men were turned towards the Douglases, whom
+Henry VIII. harboured at his court, and who were now maturing their
+plans.[146] Though they did not yet dare to return to Scotland, their
+spies and agents reported to them all that was done, and preserved their
+connexions at home. Feudal covenants, bonds of manrent, and other
+arrangements, which, even if illegal, it would have been held disgraceful
+to renounce, were in full force; and enabled the Douglases to rely with
+confidence on many of the most powerful nobles, who were, moreover,
+disgusted at the predominance of the clergy, and who welcomed the
+prospect of any change which was likely to lessen the authority of the
+Church.[147]
+
+  [146] Henry VIII., 'in the year 1532, sought it directly, among the
+        conditions of peace, that the Douglas, according to his promise,
+        should be restored. For King Henry's own part, he entertained them
+        with all kind of beneficence and honour, and made both the Earl
+        and Sir George of his Privy Council.' _Hume's History of the House
+        of Douglas_, vol. ii. pp. 105, 106. James was very jealous of any
+        communication taking place between the Douglases and his other
+        subjects; but it was impossible for him to prevent it. See a
+        letter which he wrote to Sir Thomas Erskine (in _Miscellany of the
+        Spalding Club_, vol. ii. p. 193, Aberdeen, 1842, 4to), beginning,
+        'I commend me rycht hartly to yow, and weit ye that it is murmuryt
+        hyr that ye sould a spolkyn with Gorge and Archebald Dougles in
+        Ingland, quhylk wase again my command and your promys quhan we
+        departyt.' See also the cases of Lady Trakware, John Mathesone,
+        John Hume, and others, in _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
+        Scotland_, vol. i. part i. pp. 161*, 177*, 202*, 243*, 247*.
+
+  [147] 'The Douglases were still maintained with high favour and generous
+        allowances in England; their power, although nominally extinct,
+        was still far from being destroyed; their spies penetrated into
+        every quarter, followed the king to France, and gave information
+        of his most private motions; their feudal covenants and bands of
+        manrent still existed, and bound many of the most potent nobility
+        to their interest; whilst the vigour of the king's government, and
+        his preference of the clergy to the temporal lords, disgusted
+        these proud chiefs, and disposed them to hope for a recovery of
+        their influence from any change which might take place.' _Tytler's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 229, 230. These bonds of
+        manrent, noticed by Tytler, were among the most effective means by
+        which the Scotch nobles secured their power. Without them, it
+        would have been difficult for the aristocracy to have resisted the
+        united force of the Crown and the Church. On this account, they
+        deserve special attention. Chalmers (_Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 824)
+        could find no bond of manrent earlier than 1354; but in Lord
+        Somerville's _Memorie of the Somervilles_, edit. Edinburgh, 1815,
+        vol. i. p. 74, one is mentioned in 1281. This is the earliest
+        instance I have met with; and they did not become very common till
+        the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Compare _Hume's History of
+        the House of Douglas_, vol. ii. p. 19. _Somerville's Memorie of
+        the Somervilles_, vol. i. p. 234. _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
+        Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 83. _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_,
+        pp. 142, 143. _Skene's Highlanders_, vol. ii. p. 186. _Gregory's
+        History of the Western Highlands_, p. 126. _Kennedy's Annals of
+        Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. 55. _Miscellany of the Spalding Club_, vol.
+        ii. pp. cvi. 93, 251, vol. iv. pp. xlviii. 179. As these covenants
+        were extremely useful in maintaining the balance of power, and
+        preventing the Scotch monarchy from becoming despotic, acts of
+        parliament were of course passed against them. See one in 1457,
+        and another in 1555, respecting 'lige' and 'bandis of manrent and
+        mantenance,' in _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, folio,
+        1814, vol. ii. pp. 50, 495. Such enactments being opposed to the
+        spirit of the age, and adverse to the exigencies of society,
+        produced no effect upon the general practice, though they caused
+        the punishment of several individuals. Manrent was still frequent
+        until about 1620 or 1630, when the great social revolution was
+        completed, by which the power of the aristocracy was subordinated
+        to that of the Church. Then, the change of affairs effected,
+        without difficulty, and indeed spontaneously, what the legislature
+        had vainly attempted to achieve. The nobles, gradually sinking
+        into insignificance, lost their spirit, and ceased to resort to
+        those contrivances by which they had long upheld their order.
+        Bonds of manrent became every year less common, and it is doubtful
+        if there is any instance of them after 1661. See _Chalmers'
+        Caledonia_, vol. iii. pp. 32, 33. It is, however, so dangerous to
+        assert a negative, that I do not wish to rely on this date, and
+        some few cases may exist later; but if so, they are very few, and
+        it is certain that, speaking generally, the middle of the
+        seventeenth century is the epoch of their extinction.
+
+With such a combination of parties, in a country where, there being no
+middle class, the people counted for nothing, but followed wherever they
+were led, it is evident that the success or failure of the Reformation in
+Scotland was simply a question of the success or failure of the nobles.
+They were bent on revenge. The only doubt was, as to their being strong
+enough to gratify it. Against them, they had the Crown and the Church. On
+their side they had the feudal traditions, the spirit of clanship, the
+devoted obedience of their innumerable retainers, and, what was equally
+important, that love of names, and of family associations, for which
+Scotland is still remarkable, but which, in the sixteenth century,
+possessed an influence difficult to exaggerate.
+
+The moment for action was now at hand. In 1540, the government,
+completely under the control of the clergy, caused fresh laws to be
+enacted against the Protestants, whose interests were by this time
+identical with those of the nobles. By these statutes, no one, even
+suspected of heresy, could for the future hold any office; and all
+Catholics were forbidden to harbour, or to show favour to, persons who
+professed the new opinions.[148] The clergy, now flushed with conquest,
+and greedy for the destruction of their ancient rivals, proceeded to
+still farther extremities. So unrelenting was their malice, that, in that
+same year, they presented to James a list containing the names of upwards
+of three hundred members of the Scotch aristocracy, whom they formally
+accused as heretics, who ought to be put to death, and whose estates they
+recommended the king to confiscate.[149]
+
+  [148] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 370, 371. 'That
+        na man quhats[=u]euir stait or conditioun he be luge
+        ressauve cherish nor favor ony heretike.' ... 'And alswa that na
+        persoun that hes bene suspectit of heresie howbeit thai be
+        ressauit to p[=e]nance and grace sall in this realme exers haif
+        nor brouk ony honest estait degre office nor judicato^r sp[=u]all
+        nor t[=e]porale in burgh nor w^tout nor na salbe admittit to be
+        of ou[/r] counsale.'
+
+  [149] Lindsay of Pitscottie (_Chronicles_, vol. ii. p. 383) says, that
+        they 'devysed to put ane discord and variance betwixt the lordis
+        and gentlmen with thair prince; for they delaited, and gave vp to
+        the king in writt, to the number of thrittie scoir of earles,
+        lordis, and barrones, gentlmen and craftismen, that is, as thei
+        alledgit, wer all heretickis, and leived not after the Pope's
+        lawis, and ordinance of the hollie kirk; quhilk his grace sould
+        esteme as ane capitall cryme, to ony man that did the same' ...
+        'all thair landis, rentes, guidis, and geir apperteanis propperlie
+        to your grace, for thair contempt of our hollie father the Pope,
+        and his lawis, and high contempt of your grace's authoritie.' This
+        document was found among the king's papers after his death, when
+        it appeared that, of the six hundred names on the list, more than
+        three hundred belonged to the principal nobility: 'Eum timorem
+        auxerunt codicilli post regis interitum reperti, e quibus supra
+        trecentorum e prima nobilitate nomina continebantur.' _Buchanan_,
+        _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xv. p. 424. Compare _Sadler's
+        State Papers_, 1809, vol. i. p. 94; and _Watson's Historicall
+        Collections of Ecclesiastick Affairs in Scotland_, 1657, p. 22.
+        According to Watson, it 'was called the bloudy scroll.'
+
+These hot and vindictive men little knew of the storm which they were
+evoking, and which was about to burst on their heads, and cover them and
+their Church with confusion. Not that we have reason to believe that a
+wiser conduct would have ultimately saved the Scotch hierarchy. On the
+contrary, the probability is, that their fate was sealed; for the general
+causes which governed the entire movement had been so long at work, that,
+at this period, it would have been hardly possible to have baffled them.
+But, even if we admit as certain, that the Scotch clergy were doomed, it
+is also certain that their violence made their fall more grievous, by
+exasperating the passions of their adversaries. The train, indeed, was
+laid; their enemies had supplied the materials, and all was ready to
+explode; but it was themselves who at last applied the match, and sprung
+the mine to their own destruction.
+
+In 1542, the nobles, seeing that the Church and the Crown were bent on
+their ruin, took the most decisive step on which they had yet ventured,
+and peremptorily refused to obey James in making war upon the English.
+They knew that the war in which they were desired to participate had been
+fomented by the clergy, with the twofold object of stopping all
+communication with the exiles, and of checking the introduction of
+heretical opinions.[150] Both these intentions they resolved to
+frustrate, and, being assembled on the field, they declared with one
+voice that they would not invade England. Threats and persuasions were
+equally useless. James, stung with vexation, returned home, and ordered
+the army to be disbanded. Scarcely had he retired, when the clergy
+attempted to rally the troops, and to induce them to act against the
+enemy. A few of the peers, ashamed at what seemed a cowardly desertion of
+the king, appeared willing to march. The rest, however, refused; and,
+while they were in this state of doubt and confusion, the English, taking
+them unawares, suddenly fell upon their disorderly ranks, utterly routed
+them, and made a large number prisoners. In this disgraceful action, ten
+thousand Scotch troops fled before three hundred English cavalry.[151]
+The news being brought to James, while he was still smarting from the
+disobedience of the nobles, was too much for his proud and sensitive
+mind. He reeled under the double shock; a slow fever wasted his strength;
+he sunk into a long stupor; and, refusing all comfort, he died in
+December 1542, leaving the Crown to his infant daughter, Mary, during
+whose reign the great contest between the aristocracy and the Church was
+to be finally decided.[152]
+
+  [150] In the autumn of 1542, James 'was encouraged by the clergy to
+        engage in a war against King Henry, who both assured him of
+        victory, since he fought against an heretical prince, and advanced
+        an annuity of 50,000 crowns for prosecuting the war.' _Crawfurd's
+        History of the Shire of Renfrew_, 1782, 4to, part i. p. 48.
+        Compare, in _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. v. p. 154, a
+        letter written, in 1539, by Norfolk to Cromwell: 'By diverse other
+        waies I am advertised that the clergie of Scotlande be in such
+        feare that their king shold do theire, as the kinges highnes hath
+        done in this realme, that they do their best to bring their master
+        to the warr; and by many waies I am advertised that a great parte
+        of the temporaltie there wold their king shold followe our
+        insample, wich I pray God yeve hym grace to come unto.' Even after
+        the battle of Solway, the policy of the clergy was notoriously the
+        same. 'And undoubtedlie, the kyrkemen labor, by all the meanes
+        they can, to empeche the unitie and establishment of thiese two
+        realmes; uppon what groundes ye can easelie conjecture.' Letter
+        from Sadler to Parr, dated Edinburgh, 27th March 1543, in _State
+        Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. v. p. 271, 4to, 1836.
+
+  [151] 'Ten thousand Scottish troops fled at the sight of three hundred
+        English cavalry, with scarce a momentary resistance.' _Tytler's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 264.
+
+  [152] The best account of these events will be found in _Tytler's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 260-267. I have also consulted
+        _Ridpath's Border History_, pp. 372, 373. _Hollinshead's Scottish
+        Chronicle_, vol. ii. pp. 207-209. _Lesley's History_, pp. 163-166.
+        _Lindsay of Pitscottie's Chronicles_, vol. ii. pp. 399-406.
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. i. pp.
+        145-152. _Buchanan_, _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xiv. pp.
+        420, 421.
+
+The influence of the nobles was increased by the death of James V., and
+yet more by the bad repute into which the clergy fell for having
+instigated a war, of which the result was so disgraceful.[153] Their
+party was still further strengthened by the exiles, who, as soon as they
+heard the glad tidings, prepared to leave England.[154] Early in 1543,
+Angus and Douglas returned to Scotland,[155] and were soon followed by
+other nobles, most of whom professed to be Protestants, though, as the
+result clearly proved, their Protestantism was inspired by a love of
+plunder and of revenge. The late king had, in his will, appointed
+Cardinal Beaton to be guardian of the queen, and governor of the
+realm.[156] Beaton, though an unprincipled man, was very able, and was
+respected as the head of the national church; he being Archbishop of St.
+Andrews, and primate of Scotland. The nobles, however, at once arrested
+him,[157] deprived him of his regency, and put in his place the Earl of
+Arran, who, at this time, affected to be a zealous Protestant, though, on
+a fitting occasion, he afterwards changed his opinions.[158] Among the
+supporters of the new creed, the most powerful were the Earl of Angus
+and the Douglases. They were now freed from a prescription of fifteen
+years; their attainder was reversed, and their estates and honours were
+restored to them.[159] It was evident that not only the executive
+authority, but also the legislative, had passed from the Church to the
+aristocracy. And they, who had the power, were not sparing in the use of
+it. Lord Maxwell, one of the most active of their party, had, like most
+of them, in their zeal against the hierarchy, embraced the principles of
+the Reformation.[160] In the spring of 1543, he obtained the sanction of
+the Earl of Arran, the governor of Scotland, for a proposal which he made
+to the Lords of the Articles, whose business it was to digest the
+measures to be brought before Parliament. The proposal was, that the
+people should be allowed to read the Bible in a Scotch or English
+translation. The clergy arrayed all their force against what they
+rightly deemed a step full of danger to themselves, as conceding a
+fundamental principle of Protestantism. But all was in vain. The tide had
+set in, and was not to be turned. The proposition was adopted by the
+Lords of the Articles. On their authority, it was introduced into
+Parliament. It was passed. It received the assent of the government; and,
+amid the lamentations of the Church, it was proclaimed, with every
+formality, at the market-cross of Edinburgh.[161]
+
+  [153] 'This defeat being so very dishonourable, especially to the
+        clergy, who stirred up the king to that attempt, and promised him
+        great success from it; and there being such a visible evidence of
+        the anger of God, fighting by his providence against them, all men
+        were struck with fear and astonishment; the bishops were ashamed
+        to show their faces for a time.' _Stevenson's History of the
+        Church of Scotland_, reprinted, Edinburgh, 1840, p. 30.
+
+  [154] We may readily believe the assertion of an old chronicler, that
+        'the nobilitie did not greatlie take his death grievouslie,
+        because he had fined manie, imprisoned more, and caused no small
+        few (for avoiding his displeasure) to flie into England, and
+        rather to commit themselves to the enemie than to his anger.'
+        _Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle_, vol. ii. p. 210.
+
+  [155] _Hume's History of the House of Douglas_, vol. ii. p. 111.
+
+  [156] It has been often said, that this will was forged; but for such an
+        assertion I cannot find the slightest evidence, except the
+        declaration of Arran (_Sadler's State Papers_, Edinburgh, 1809,
+        vol. i. p. 138), and the testimony, if testimony it can be called,
+        of Scotch historians, who do not profess to have examined the
+        handwriting, and who, being themselves Protestants, seem to
+        suppose that the fact of a man being a cardinal, qualifies him for
+        every crime. There is no doubt that Beaton was thoroughly
+        unprincipled, and therefore was capable of the forgery. Still, we
+        have no proof; and the will is such as we might have expected from
+        the king. In regard to Arran, his affirmation is not worth the
+        paper it is written on: for he hated Beaton; he was himself very
+        unscrupulous; and he succeeded to the post which Beaton had to
+        vacate on the ground that the will was forged. If such
+        circumstances do not disqualify a witness, some of the
+        best-established principles of evidence are false. The reader who
+        cares to look further into this subject, may compare, in favour of
+        the will being forged, _Buchanan_, _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_,
+        lib. xv. p. 422, Abredoniae, 1762; _Knox's History of the
+        Reformation_, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1846, vol. i. pp. 91, 92;
+        _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_, second edition, 4to, 1860,
+        p. 102; and, in favour of its being genuine, _Lyon's History of
+        St. Andrews_, Edinburgh, 1843, vol. i. pp. 304, 305. Some other
+        writers on the subject leave it doubtful: _Tytler's History of
+        Scotland_, 1845, vol. iv. p. 274; _Lawson's Roman Church in
+        Scotland_, 1836, p. 99; and a note in _Keith's Church and State in
+        Scotland_, 1844, vol. i. p. 63.
+
+  [157] On the 26th of January 1542-3, 'the said cardinall was put in
+        pressoune in Dalkeith.' _A Diurnal of Occurrents_, p. 26. See
+        also, respecting his imprisonment, a letter written, on the 16th
+        of March, by Angus and Douglas, in _State Papers of Henry VIII._,
+        vol. v. p. 263. He was then in 'firmance.'
+
+  [158] His appointment was confirmed by Parliament on the 12th of March.
+        _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 411: 'tuto^r
+        lau^tfull to the quenis grace and gounour of this realme.' He
+        excluded the clergy from power. On 20th March, in the same year,
+        Sir Ralph Sadler writes to Henry VIII., that Sir George Douglas
+        'brought me into the council-chamber, where I found a great number
+        of noblemen and others at a long board, and divers standing, but
+        _not one bishop nor priest among them_. At the upper end of the
+        board sat the governour.' _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. p. 78.
+
+  [159] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 415, 419, 424,
+        423*; and _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 285.
+
+  [160] 'Had become a convert to its doctrines.' _Tytler's Hist. of
+        Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 286. But he, as well as the other nobles,
+        neither knew nor cared much about doctrines; and he was, moreover,
+        very venal. In April 1543, Sir Ralph Sadler writes to Henry VIII.:
+        'And the lord Maxwell told me apart, "That, indeed, he lacked
+        silver, and had no way of relief but to your majesty;" which he
+        prayed me to signify unto the same. I asked him what would relieve
+        him? and he said, 300_l._; "for the which," he said, "as your
+        majesty seemed, when he was with your grace, to have him in more
+        trust and credit than the rest of your majesty's prisoners, so he
+        trusted to do you as good service as any of them; and amongst them
+        they will do you such service, as, if the war succeed, ye shall
+        make an easy conquest of this realm; as _for his part he shall
+        deliver into your hands, at the entry of your army, the keys of
+        the same on the west marches, being all the strongholds there in
+        his custody_." I offered him presently to write to my lord of
+        Suffolk for 100_l._ for him if he would; but he said, "he would
+        stay till he heard again from your majesty in that behalf."'
+        _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. p. 165.
+
+  [161] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 415, 425.
+        _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. p. 83. Knox, in his _History of
+        the Reformation_ (edit. Laing, vol. i p. 100), archly says, 'The
+        cleargy hearto long repugned; butt in the end, convicted by
+        reassonis, _and by multitud of votes in thare contrare_, thei also
+        condiscended; and so, by Act of Parliament, it was maid free to
+        all man and woman to reid the Scriptures in thair awin toung, or
+        in the Engliss toung; and so war all Actes maid in the contrair
+        abolished.'
+
+Scarcely had the nobles thus attained the upper hand, when they began to
+quarrel among themselves. They were resolved to plunder the Church; but
+they could not agree as to how the spoil should be shared. Neither could
+they determine as to the best mode of proceeding; some being in favour of
+an open and immediate schism, while others wished to advance cautiously,
+and to temporize with their opponents, that they might weaken the
+hierarchy by degrees. The more active and zealous section of the nobles
+were known as the English party,[162] owing to their intimate connexion
+with Henry VIII., from whom many of them received supplies of money. But,
+in 1544, war broke out between the two countries, and the clergy, headed
+by Archbishop Beaton, roused, with such success, the old feelings of
+national hatred against the English, that the nobles were compelled for a
+moment to bend before the storm, and to advocate an alliance with France.
+Indeed, it seemed for a few months as if the Church and aristocracy had
+forgotten their old and inveterate hostility, and were about to unite
+their strength in one common cause.[163]
+
+  [162] Or, as Keith calls them, 'English Lords.' _History of the Affairs
+        of Church and State in Scotland_, vol. i. p. 80.
+
+  [163] In May 1544 the English attacked Scotland, _Tytler's History_,
+        vol. iv. p. 316; and in that same month, the 'Anglo-Scottish
+        party' consisted only of the Earls of Lennox and of Glencairn,
+        since even 'Angus, George Douglas, and their numerous and powerful
+        adherents, joined the cardinal.' p. 319. As to the part taken by
+        the Scotch clergy, see, in _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. p.
+        173, a letter to Henry VIII., written on the 1st of May 1543: 'And
+        as to the kirk-men, I assure your majesty they seek the war by all
+        the means they can, and do daily entertain the noblemen with money
+        and rewards to sustain the wars, rather than there should be any
+        agreement with your majesty; thinking, verily, that if peace and
+        unity succeed, that they shall be reformed, and lose their glory,
+        which they had rather die, and put all this realm in hazard, than
+        they would forego.' See also p. 184, note.
+
+This, however, was but a passing delusion. The antagonism between the two
+classes was irreconcilable.[164] In the spring of 1545, the leading
+Protestant nobles formed a conspiracy to assassinate Archbishop
+Beaton,[165] whom they hated more than any one else, partly because he
+was the head of the Church, and partly because he was the ablest and most
+unscrupulous of their opponents. A year, however, elapsed before their
+purpose could be effected; and it was not till May 1546, that Lesley, a
+young baron, accompanied by the Laird of Grange, and a few others, burst
+into Saint Andrews, and murdered the primate in his own castle.[166]
+
+  [164] Buchanan records a very curious conversation between the regent and
+        Douglas, which, as I do not remember to have met with elsewhere, I
+        shall transcribe. The exact date of it is not mentioned, but, from
+        the context, it evidently took place in 1544 or 1545. 'Ibi cum
+        Prorex suam deploraret solitudinem, et se a nobilitate derelictum
+        quereretur, Duglassius ostendit "id ipsius culpa fieri, non
+        nobilium, qui et fortunas omnes et vitam ad publicam salutem
+        tuendam conferrent, quorum consilio contempto ad sacrificulorum
+        nutum circumageretur, qui foris imbelles, domi seditiosi,
+        omniumque periculorum expertes alieni laboris fructu ad suas
+        voluptates abuterentur. Ex hoc fonte inter te et proceres facta
+        est suspitio, quae (quod neutri alteris fidatis) rebus gerendis
+        maxime est impedimento."' _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xv. p.
+        435. Buchanan was, at this time, about thirty-eight years old; and
+        that some such conversation as that which he narrates actually
+        took place, is, I think, highly probable, though the historian may
+        have thrown in some touches of his own. At all events, he was too
+        great a rhetorician to invent what his contemporaries would deem
+        unlikely to happen; so that, from either point of view, the
+        passage is valuable as an evidence of the deep-rooted hostility
+        which the nobles bore towards the Church.
+
+  [165] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 337. 'The plot is
+        entirely unknown either to our Scottish or English historians; and
+        now, after the lapse of nearly three centuries, has been
+        discovered in the secret correspondence of the State-paper
+        Office.' The first suggestion of the murder was in April 1544. See
+        _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. v. p. 377, and the end of the
+        Preface to vol. iv. But Mr. Tytler and the editor of the _State
+        Papers_ appear to have overlooked a still earlier indication of
+        the coming crime, in _Sadler's Papers_. See, in that collection,
+        vol. i. p. 77, a conversation, held in March 1543, between Sir
+        Ralph Sadler and the Earl of Arran; Sadler being conducted by the
+        Earl of Glencairn. On that occasion, the Earl of Arran used an
+        expression concerning Beaton, the meaning of which Sir Ralph
+        evidently understood. '"By God," quoth he, "he shall never come
+        out of prison whilst I may have mine own will, _except it be to
+        his farther mischief_." I allowed the same well' (replied Sadler),
+        'and said, "It were pity, but he should receive such reward as his
+        merits did require."'
+
+  [166] _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. v. p. 560. _A Diurnal of
+        Occurrents_, p. 42. _Calderwood's History of the Kirk of
+        Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 221-223. Lindsay of Pitscottie
+        (_Chronicles_, vol. ii. p. 484) relates a circumstance respecting
+        the murder, which is too horrible to mention, and of which it is
+        enough to say, that it consisted of an obscene outrage committed
+        on the corpse of the victim. Though such facts cannot now be
+        published, they are so characteristic of the age, that they ought
+        not to be passed over in complete silence.
+
+The horror with which the Church heard of this foul and barbarous
+deed,[167] maybe easily imagined. But the conspirators, nothing daunted,
+and relying on the support of a powerful party, justified their act,
+seized the castle of Saint Andrews, and prepared to defend it to the
+last. And in this resolution they were upheld by a most remarkable man,
+who now first appeared to public view, and who, being admirably suited to
+the age in which he lived, was destined to become the most conspicuous
+character of those troublous times.
+
+  [167] Respecting which, two Scotch Protestant historians have expressed
+        themselves in the following terms: 'God admonished men, by this
+        judgement, that he will in end be avenged upon tyranns for their
+        crueltie, howsoever they strenthen themselves.' _Calderwood's
+        History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 224. And, whoever
+        considers all the circumstances, 'must acknowledge it was a
+        stupendous act of the judgment of the Lord, and that the whole was
+        overruled and guided by Divine Providence.' _Stevenson's History
+        of the Church and State of Scotland_, p. 38.
+
+That man was John Knox. To say that he was fearless and incorruptible,
+that he advocated with unflinching zeal what he believed to be the truth,
+and that he devoted himself with untiring energy to what he deemed the
+highest of all objects, is only to render common justice to the many
+noble attributes which he undoubtedly possessed. But, on the other hand,
+he was stern, unrelenting, and frequently brutal; he was not only callous
+to human suffering, but he could turn it into a jest, and employ on it
+the resources of his coarse, though exuberant, humour;[168] and he loved
+power so inordinately, that, unable to brook the slightest opposition, he
+trampled on all who crossed his path, or stood even for a moment in the
+way of his ulterior designs.
+
+  [168] Even the editor of _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, Edinburgh, 1841,
+        p. xxxv., notices 'the ill-timed merriment he displays in relating
+        the foul deed' of Beaton's murder.
+
+The influence of Knox in promoting the Reformation, has indeed been
+grossly exaggerated by historians, who are too apt to ascribe vast
+results to individual exertions; overlooking those large and general
+causes, in the absence of which the individual exertion would be
+fruitless. Still, he effected more than any single man;[169] although the
+really important period of his life, in regard to Scotland, was in and
+after 1559, when the triumph of Protestantism was already secure, and
+when he reaped the benefit of what had been effected during his long
+absence from his own country. His first effort was a complete failure,
+and, more than any one of his actions, has injured his reputation. This
+was the sanction which he gave to the cruel murder of Archbishop Beaton,
+in 1546. He repaired to the Castle of Saint Andrews; he shut himself up
+with the assassins; he prepared to share their fate; and, in a work which
+he afterwards wrote, openly justified what they had done.[170] For this,
+nothing can excuse him; and it is with a certain sense of satisfied
+justice that we learn, that, in 1547, the castle being taken by the
+French, Knox was treated with great severity, and was made to work at the
+galleys, from which he was not liberated till 1549.[171]
+
+  [169] Shortly before his death, he said, with honest and justifiable
+        pride, 'What I have bene to my countrie, albeit, this vnthankfull
+        aige will not knowe, yet the aiges to come wilbe compelled to bear
+        witnes to the treuth.' _Bannatyne's Journal_, Edinburgh, 1806. p.
+        119. Bannatyne was Knox's secretary. It is to be regretted that no
+        good life of Knox should have yet been published. That by M'Crie
+        is an undistinguishing and injudicious panegyric, which, by
+        provoking a reaction of opinion, has damaged the reputation of the
+        great reformer. On the other hand, the sect of Episcopalians in
+        Scotland are utterly blind to the real grandeur of the man, and
+        unable to discern his intense love of truth, and the noble
+        fearlessness of his nature.
+
+  [170] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 374, 375. _M'Crie's
+        Life of Knox_, pp. 27, 28. _Lawson's Roman Catholic Church in
+        Scotland_, p. 154. _Presbytery Displayed_, 1663, 4to, p. 28.
+        _Shields' Hind let loose_, 1687, pp. 14, 39, 638. In his _History
+        of the Reformation_, edit. Laing, vol. i. pp. 177, 180, he calls
+        it a 'godly fact,' and says, 'These ar the workis of our God;'
+        which, in plain language, is terming the Deity an assassin. But,
+        bad as this is, I agree with M'Crie, that there is no trustworthy
+        evidence for deeming him privy to the murder. Compare, however, _A
+        Diurnal of Occurrents_ p. 42, with _Lyon's History of St.
+        Andrews_, vol. ii. p. 364.
+
+  [171] _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, pp. 38, 43, 350. _Argyll's Presbytery
+        Examined_, 1848, p. 19.
+
+During the next five years, Knox remained in England, which he quitted in
+1554, and arrived at Dieppe.[172] He then travelled abroad; and did not
+revisit Scotland till the autumn of 1555, when he was eagerly welcomed by
+the principal nobles and their adherents.[173] From some cause, however,
+which has not been sufficiently explained, but probably from an
+unwillingness to play a subordinate part among those proud chiefs, he, in
+July 1556, again left Scotland, and repaired to Geneva, where he had been
+invited to take charge of a congregation.[174] He stayed abroad till
+1559, by which time the real struggle was almost over; so completely had
+the nobles succeeded in sapping the foundations of the Church.
+
+  [172] _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, pp. 44, 71.
+
+  [173] _Ibid._ p. 99. As to the nobles, who received him, and heard him
+        preach, see p. 102.
+
+  [174] 'Influenced by motives which have never been fully comprehended, he
+        departed to Geneva, where, for a time, he became pastor of a
+        Protestant congregation.' _Russell's History of the Church in
+        Scotland_, 1834, vol. i. p. 193. M'Crie, who sees no difficulty,
+        simply says, 'In the month of July 1556, he left Scotland, and,
+        having arrived at Dieppe, he proceeded with his family to Geneva.'
+        _Life of Knox_, p. 107.
+
+For, the course of events having been long prepared, was now rapid
+indeed. In 1554, the queen dowager had succeeded Arran as regent.[175]
+She was that Mary of Guise whose marriage with James V. we have noticed
+as one of the indications of the policy then prevailing. If left alone,
+she would probably have done little harm;[176] but her powerful and
+intolerant family exhorted her to suppress the heretics, and, as a
+natural part of the same scheme, to put down the nobles. By the advice of
+her brothers, the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine, she, in
+1555, proposed to establish a standing army, to supply the place of the
+troops, which consisted of the feudal barons and their retainers. Such a
+force, being paid by the Crown, would have been entirely under its
+control; but the nobles saw the ulterior design, and compelled Mary to
+abandon it, on the ground that they and their vassals were able to defend
+Scotland, without further aid.[177] Her next attempt was to consolidate
+the interests of the Catholic party, which she effected, in 1558, by
+marrying her daughter to the dauphin. This increased the influence of the
+Guises,[178] whose niece, already queen of Scotland, would now, in the
+ordinary course of affairs, become queen of France. They urged their
+sister to extreme measures, and promised to assist her with French
+troops. On the other hand, the nobles remained firm, and prepared for the
+struggle. In December 1557, several of them had drawn up a covenant,
+agreeing to stand by each other, and to resist the tyranny with which
+they were threatened.[179] They now took the name of Lords of the
+Congregation, and sent forth their agents to secure the subscriptions of
+those who wished for a reformation of the Church.[180] They, moreover,
+wrote to Knox, whose style of preaching, being very popular, would, they
+thought, be useful in stirring up the people to rebellion.[181] He was
+then in Geneva, and did not arrive in Scotland till May 1559,[182] by
+which time the result of the impending contest was hardly doubtful, so
+successful had the nobles been in strengthening their party, and so much
+reason had they to expect the support of Elizabeth.
+
+  [175] Knox, in his savoury diction, likens her appointment to putting a
+        saddle on the back of a cow. 'She maid Regent in the year of God
+        1554; and a croune putt upone hir head, als seimlye a sight (yf
+        men had eis), as to putt a sadill upone the back of ane unrewly
+        kow.' I copy this passage from Mr. Laing's excellent edition of
+        _Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. i. p. 242; but in
+        _Watson's Historicall Collections of Ecclesiastick Affairs in
+        Scotland_, 1657, p. 73, there is a slightly different version.
+        '"As seemly a sight," saith John Knox, in the new gospel language,
+        "as to put the saddle upon the back of an unruly _sow_."'
+
+  [176] The Duke of Argyll, in his _Presbytery Examined_, p. 9, calls her
+        'ambitious and intriguing.' Not only, however, is she praised by
+        Lesley (_History_, pp. 289, 290), which might have been expected,
+        but even Buchanan does justice to her, in a passage unusually
+        gracious for so Protestant and democratic a writer. 'Mors ejus
+        varie mentes hominum affecit. Nam et apud quosdam eorum, quibuscum
+        armis contendit, non mediocre sui desiderium reliquit. Erat enim
+        singulari ingenio praedita, et animo ad aequitatem admodum
+        propenso.' _Buchanan_, _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xvi. p.
+        487.
+
+  [177] _History of Scotland_, book ii. p. 91, in Robertson's Works, 1831.
+        _Tytler's History_, vol. v. pp. 22, 23. It appears, from Lesley
+        (_History_, pp. 254, 255), that some of the nobles were in favour
+        of this scheme, hoping thereby to gain favour. 'Albeit sum of the
+        lordis of the nobilitie for pleasour of the quene seamed to aggre
+        thairto for the tyme, yit the barronis and gentill men was nathing
+        content thairwith' ... 'affirming that thair foirfatheris and
+        predicessouris had defendit the samyn' (_i.e._ the realm) 'mony
+        hundreth yeris, vailyeantlie with thair awin handis.'
+
+  [178] 'It completed the almost despotic power of the house of Guise.'
+        _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. v. p. 27.
+
+  [179] This covenant, which marks an important epoch in the history of
+        Scotland, is dated 3rd of December 1557. It is printed in
+        _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 47; in
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. i. pp. 326, 327; and in
+        _Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. i. pp. 273, 274.
+
+  [180] In 1558, 'the lords of the congregation had sent agents through
+        the kingdom to solicit the subscriptions of those who were
+        friendly to a reformation.' _Stephen's History of the Church of
+        Scotland_, London, 1848, vol. i. p. 58.
+
+  [181] Keith (_Affairs of Church and State in Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 82)
+        calls him 'a trumpeter of rebellion,' which he undoubtedly was,
+        and very much to his credit too, though the courtly bishop imputes
+        it to him as a fault. The Scotch, if it had not been for their
+        rebellious spirit, would long since have lost their liberties.
+
+  [182] 'He sailed from Dieppe on the 22nd of April 1559, and landed
+        safely at Leith in the beginning of May.' _M'Crie's Life of Knox_,
+        p. 139. Knox himself says, 'the secound of Maij.' _History of the
+        Reformation_, edit. Laing, vol. i. p. 318. 'He was called home by
+        the noblemen that enterprised the Reformation.' _Spottiswoode's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, edit. Russell, vol. ii.
+        p. 180.
+
+Nine days after Knox entered Scotland, the first blow was struck. On the
+11th of May 1559, he preached in Perth. After the sermon, a tumult arose,
+and the people plundered the churches and pulled down the
+monasteries.[183] The queen-regent, hastily assembling troops, marched
+towards the town. But the nobles were on the alert. The Earl of Glencairn
+joined the congregation with two thousand five hundred men; and a treaty
+was concluded, by which both sides agreed to disarm, on condition that no
+one should be punished for what had already happened.[184] Such, however,
+was the state of the public mind, that peace was impossible. In a few
+days, war again broke out; and this time the result was more decisive.
+The Lords of the Congregation mustered in great force. Perth, Stirling,
+and Linlithgow, fell into their hands. The queen-regent retreated before
+them. She evacuated Edinburgh; and, on the 29th of June, the Protestants
+entered the capital in triumph.[185]
+
+  [183] _Penny's Traditions of Perth_, p. 310. _Knox's History of the
+        Reformation_, vol. i. pp. 321-323. _Lyon's History of St.
+        Andrews_, vol. i. p. 329; and a spirited narrative in _Buchanan's
+        Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xvi. pp. 471, 472. Some
+        interesting circumstances are also preserved in _Lesley's
+        History_, pp. 271, 272; but, though Lesley was a contemporary, he
+        erroneously places the riot in 1558. He, moreover, ascribes to
+        Knox language more inflammatory than that which he really used.
+
+  [184] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. v. pp. 59, 62, 63. Of the
+        Earl of Glencairn, Chalmers (_Caledonia_, vol. iii. p. 485) says,
+        that he was a 'religious ruffian, who enjoyed pensions from Henry
+        VIII., for injuring the country of his birth, and benefits.' This,
+        besides being ungrammatical, is foolish. Glencairn, like the other
+        aristocratic leaders of the Reformation, was, no doubt, influenced
+        by sordid motives; but, so far from injuring his country, he
+        rendered it great service.
+
+  [185] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. v. pp. 64-73.
+
+All this was done in seven weeks from the breaking out of the first riot.
+Both parties were now willing to negotiate, with the view of gaining
+time; the queen-regent expecting aid from France, the Lords expecting it
+from England.[186] But the proceedings of Elizabeth being tardy, the
+Protestants, after waiting for some months, determined to strike a
+decisive blow before the reinforcements arrived. In October, the
+principal peers, headed by the Duke of Chastelherault, the Earl of Arran,
+the Earl of Argyle, and the Earl of Glencairn, assembled at Edinburgh. A
+great meeting was held, of which Lord Ruthven was appointed president,
+and in which the queen-regent was solemnly suspended from the government,
+on the ground that she was opposed to 'the glory of God, to the liberty
+of the realm, and to the welfare of the nobles.'[187]
+
+  [186] It is stated of the queen-regent, that, in July 1559, 'shee had
+        sent alreadie to France for more men of warr.' See the curious
+        pamphlet entitled 'A Historie of the Estate of Scotland, from July
+        1558 to April 1560,' in _Miscellany of the Wodrow Society_, p. 63,
+        Edinburgh, 1844. All sorts of rumours were circulated; and a
+        letter, dated 12th October 1559, says, 'Summe thinke the regent
+        will departe secretlie. Summe that she will to Ynchkeith, for that
+        three shippes are a preparing. Summe saye that she is verie sicke.
+        Summe saye the devill cannot kill her.' _Sadler's State Papers_,
+        vol. i. p. 499.
+
+  [187] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. v. p. 104. This was on the
+        22nd of October 1559. Compare _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. p.
+        512. 'This Mondaye, the 22 of October, was the douagier deprived
+        from her authoritie by commen consent of all lords and barons here
+        present.' On this occasion, 'Johne Willocke,' the preacher,
+        delivered himself of a discourse in favour of her deposition.
+        Among other arguments, he said, 'that in deposing of princes, and
+        these that have beene in authoritie, God did not alwayes use his
+        immediat power, but sometimes he used other meanes, which his
+        wisdome thought good, and justice approved. As by Asa, He removed
+        Maacha, his owne mother, from honour and authoritie, which before
+        she had used; by Jehu He destroyed Joram, and the whole posteritie
+        of Achab.' _Therefore_ 'he (the orator) could see no reasoun why
+        they, the borne counsellers, the nobilitie and barons of the
+        realme, might not justlie deprive her from all regiment.'
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. i. pp. 540, 541; and
+        _Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. i. pp. 442, 443.
+
+In the winter, an English fleet sailed into the Frith, and anchored near
+Edinburgh.[188] In January 1560, the Duke of Norfolk arrived at Berwick,
+and concluded, on the part of Elizabeth, a treaty with the Lords of the
+Congregation, by virtue of which the English army entered Scotland on the
+2nd of April.[189] Against this combination, the government could effect
+nothing, and in July, was glad to sign a peace, by which the French
+troops were to evacuate Scotland, and the whole power of administration
+was virtually consigned to the Protestant Lords.[190]
+
+  [188] The _Diurnal of Occurrents_, pp. 55, 272, says, that the fleet
+        arrived on 24th of January, 1559-60; 'aucht greit schippis of
+        Ingland in the raid of Leith.' And a letter (in _Sadler's State
+        Papers_, vol. i. p. 697) dated the 23rd of January, says, 'the
+        shippes arrived yesterdaye in the Frythe to the nomber of ix. or
+        x., as yet, and the remanent followith.' The date, therefore, of
+        the 10th of January, given in a note to _Keith's Church and State
+        in Scotland_, vol. i. p. 255, is evidently erroneous. Important as
+        the event was, its exact date is not mentioned either by Tytler
+        (_History of Scotland_, vol. v. pp. 114, 115), or by Chalmers
+        (_Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 631).
+
+  [189] _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 632. _Knox's History of the
+        Reformation_, vol. ii. p. 57. The Berwick treaty, in February, is
+        printed in _Keith's Church and State in Scotland_, vol. i. pp.
+        258-262. So great was the influence of the nobles, that the
+        English troops were well received by the people, in spite of the
+        old and bitter animosity between the two nations. 'Especially in
+        Fyfe they were thankfully receaved, and well entreated, with such
+        quietnes and gentle entertainement betwixt our nation and them, as
+        no man would have thought that ever there had beine any variance.'
+        _A Historie of the Estate of Scotland_, from 1558 to 1560, in
+        _Miscellany of the Wodrow Society_, p. 78.
+
+  [190] 'Vpoun the vi. day of Julij, it wes concludit and finallie endit
+        betuix the saids ambassatouris, tuitching all debaittis,
+        contraversies and materis concernyng the asseiging of Leith,
+        depairting of the Frenchemen thairfra, and randering of the same;
+        and the said peax daitit this said day.' _A Diurnal of
+        Occurrents_, pp. 277, 278. See also p. 60; and _Keith's Affairs of
+        Church and State in Scotland_, vol. i. p. 295.
+
+The complete success of this great revolution, and the speed with which
+it was effected, are of themselves a decisive proof of the energy of
+those general causes by which the whole movement was controlled. For more
+than a hundred and fifty years, there had been a deadly struggle between
+the nobles and the Church: and the issue of that struggle, was the
+establishment of the Reformation, and the triumph of the aristocracy.
+They had, at last, carried their point. The hierarchy was overthrown, and
+replaced by new and untried men. All the old notions of apostolic
+succession, of the imposition of hands, and of the divine right of
+ordination, were suddenly discarded. The offices of the Church were
+performed by heretics, the majority of whom had not even been
+ordained.[191] Finally, and to crown the whole, in the summer of the same
+year, 1560, the Scotch parliament passed two laws, which utterly
+subverted the ancient scheme. By one of these laws, every statute which
+had ever been enacted in favour of the Church, was at once repealed.[192]
+By the other law, it was declared that whoever either said mass, or was
+present while it was said, should, for the first offence, lose his goods;
+for the second offence be exiled; and, for the third offence, be put to
+death.[193]
+
+  [191] 'That Knox himself was in priest's orders, is a fact which his
+        biographer, the late Dr. M'Crie, has placed beyond dispute; and
+        some of the other leaders were also priests; but the greater
+        number of the preachers, and all those who subsequently became
+        ministers, were totally without any orders whatever, not even such
+        as the superintendents could have given them; for their own
+        supposed call, the election of the people, and the _civil_
+        ceremony of induction to the living, was all that was then "judged
+        necessary."' _Stephen's History of the Church of Scotland_, 1848,
+        vol. i. pp. 145, 146. 'A new-fashioned sort of ministry, unknown
+        in the Christian Church for all preceding generations.' _Keith's
+        Church and State in Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 204. Compare _Argyll's
+        Presbytery Examined_, pp. 34-36.
+
+  [192] 'The thre estaitis of parliament hes [=a]nullit and declarit all
+        sik actes maid in tymes bipast not aggreing w^t goddis word and
+        now contrair to the confessioun of oure fay^t according to the
+        said word publist in this parliament. Tobe of nane avale force nor
+        effect. And decornis the said actis and every ane of thame tu haue
+        na effect nor strenth in tyme to cum.' _Acts of the Parliament of
+        Scotland_, 1814, folio, vol. ii. p. 535. This was on 24th August
+        1560.
+
+  [193] 'That na maner of person nor personis say mess nor zit heir mess
+        nor be pnt thairat vnder the pane of confiscatioun of all
+        thair gud movable and vnmovable and pvneissing of thair bodeis at
+        the discretioun of the magistrat within quhais jurisdictioun
+        sik personis happ[=y]nis to be apprehendit ffor the first falt:
+        Banissing of the Realme for the secund falt, and justifying to the
+        deid for the thrid falt.' _Ibid._, 24th August 1560, vol. ii. p.
+        525.
+
+Thus it was, that an institution, which had borne the brunt of more than
+a thousand years, was shivered, and fell to pieces. And, from its fall,
+great things were augured. It was believed, that the people would be
+enlightened, that their eyes were opening to their former follies, and
+that the reign of superstition was about to end. But what was forgotten
+then, and what is too often forgotten now, is, that in these affairs
+there is an order and a natural sequence, which can never be reversed.
+This is, that every institution, as it actually exists, no matter what
+its name or pretences may be, is the effect of public opinion far more
+than the cause; and that it will avail nothing to attack the institution,
+unless you can first change the opinion. In Scotland, the Church was
+grossly superstitious; but it did not, therefore, follow, that to
+overthrow the establishment, would lessen the evil. They who think that
+superstition can be weakened in this way, do not know the vitality of
+that dark and ill-omened principle. Against it, there is only one weapon,
+and that weapon is knowledge. When men are ignorant, they must be
+superstitious; and wherever superstition exists, it is sure to organize
+itself into some kind of system, which it makes its home. If you drive it
+from that home, it will find another. The spirit transmigrates; it
+assumes a new form; but still it lives. How idle, then, is that warfare
+which reformers are too apt to wage, in which they slay the carcass, and
+spare the life! The husk, forsooth, they seek out and destroy; but within
+that husk is a seed of deadly poison, whose vitality they are unable to
+impair, and which, shifted from its place, bears fruit in another
+direction, and shoots up with a fresh, and often a more fatal,
+exuberance.
+
+The truth is, that every institution, whether political or religious,
+represents, in its actual working, the form and pressure of the age. It
+may be very old; it may bear a venerated name; it may aim at the highest
+objects: but whoever carefully studies its history, will find that, in
+practice, it is successively modified by successive generations, and
+that, instead of controlling society, it is controlled by it. When the
+Protestant Reformation was effected, the Scotch were excessively
+ignorant, and, therefore, in spite of the Reformation, they remained
+excessively superstitious. How long that ignorance continued, and what
+its results were, we shall presently see; but before entering into that
+inquiry, it will be advisable to trace the immediate consequences of the
+Reformation itself, in connexion with the powerful class by whose
+authority it was established.
+
+The nobles, having overthrown the Church, and stripped it of a large part
+of its wealth, thought that they were to reap the benefit of their own
+labour. They had slain the enemy, and they wished to divide the
+spoil.[194] But this did not suit the views of the Protestant preachers.
+In their opinion, it was impious to secularize ecclesiastical property,
+and turn it aside to profane purposes. They held, that it was right,
+indeed, for the lords to plunder the Church; but they took for granted
+that the proceeds of the robbery were to enrich themselves. They were the
+godly men; and it was the business of the ruling classes to endow them
+with benefices, from which the old and idolatrous clergy were to be
+expelled.[195]
+
+  [194] As Robertson says, in his measured, and somewhat feeble, style,
+        'Among the Scottish nobility, some hated the persons, and others
+        coveted the wealth, of the dignified clergy; and by abolishing
+        that order of men, the former indulged their resentment, and the
+        latter hoped to gratify their avarice.' _History of Scotland_,
+        book iii. p. 116, in _Robertson's Works_, edit. 1831. The
+        contemporary narrative, in _A Diurnal of Occurrents_, p. 269,
+        sounds much more vigorous to my ear. 'In all this tyme' (1559),
+        'all kirkmennis goodis and geir wer spoulzeit and reft fra thame,
+        in euerie place quhair the samyne culd be apprehendit; for euerie
+        man for the maist pairt that culd get any thing pertenyng to any
+        kirkmen, thocht the same as wele won geir.'
+
+  [195] 'Knox never dreamed that the revenues of the Church were to be
+        secularized; but that he and his colleagues were simply to remove
+        the old incumbents, and then take possession of their benefices.'
+        _Stephen's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 106.
+        'The ecclesiastical revenues, which they never contemplated for a
+        moment were to be seized by the Protestant nobility.' _Lawson's
+        Roman Catholic Church in Scotland_, p. 233.
+
+In accordance with these opinions, Knox and his colleagues, in August
+1560, presented a petition to Parliament, calling on the nobles to
+restore the Church property which they had seized, and to have it
+properly applied to the support of the new ministers.[196] To this
+request, those powerful chiefs did not even vouchsafe a reply.[197] They
+were content with matters as they actually stood, and were, therefore,
+unwilling to disturb the existing arrangement. They had fought the fight;
+they had gained the victory, and shared the spoil. It was not to be
+supposed that they would peaceably relinquish what they had won with
+infinite difficulty. Nor was it likely that, after being engaged in an
+arduous struggle with the Church for a hundred and fifty years, and
+having at length conquered their inveterate enemy, they should forego the
+fruits of their triumph for the sake of a few preachers, whom they had
+but recently called to their aid; low-born and obscure men, who should
+rather deem it an honour that they were permitted to associate with their
+superiors in a common enterprise, but were not to presume on that
+circumstance, nor to suppose that they, who only entered the field at the
+eleventh hour, were to share the booty on anything approaching to terms
+of equality.[198]
+
+  [196] Compare _Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. ii. pp. 89-92,
+        with _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, p. 179. Of this document, M'Crie
+        says, 'There can be no doubt that it received the sanction, if it
+        was not the composition, of the Reformer.' ... 'It called upon
+        them' (the nobles) 'to restore the patrimony of the Church, of
+        which they had unjustly possessed themselves.'
+
+  [197] 'Making no answer to the last point.' _Spottiswoode's History of
+        the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 327. 'Without taking any
+        notice.' _Keith's Affairs of Church and State_, vol. i. p. 321.
+
+  [198] 'They viewed the Protestant preachers as low-born individuals, not
+        far raised above the condition of mechanics or tradesmen, without
+        influence, authority, or importance.' _Lawson's Roman Catholic
+        Church in Scotland_, p. 251. 'None were more unmercifull to the
+        poore ministers than they that had the greatest share of the kirk
+        rents.' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. ii.
+        p. 42.
+
+But the aristocracy of Scotland little knew the men with whom they had to
+deal. Still less, did they understand the character of their own age.
+They did not see that, in the state of society in which they lived,
+superstition was inevitable, and that, therefore, the spiritual classes,
+though depressed for a moment, were sure speedily to rise again. The
+nobles had overturned the Church; but the principles on which Church
+authority is based, remained intact. All that was done, was to change the
+name and the form. A new hierarchy was quickly organized, which succeeded
+the old one in the affections of the people. Indeed, it did more. For,
+the Protestant clergy, neglected by the nobles, and unendowed by the
+state, had only a miserable pittance whereupon to live, and they
+necessarily threw themselves into the arms of the people, where alone
+they could find support and sympathy.[199] Hence, a closer and more
+intimate union than would otherwise have been possible. Hence, too, as we
+shall presently see, the Presbyterian clergy, smarting under the
+injustice with which they were treated, displayed that hatred of the
+upper classes, and that peculiar detestation of monarchical government,
+which they showed whenever they dared. In their pulpits, in their
+presbyteries, and in their General Assemblies, they encouraged a
+democratic and insubordinate tone, which eventually produced the happiest
+results, by keeping alive, at a critical moment, the spirit of liberty;
+but which, for that very reason, made the higher ranks rue the day, when,
+by their ill-timed and selfish parsimony, they roused the wrath of so
+powerful and implacable a class.
+
+  [199] In 1561, 'Notwithstanding the full establishment of the
+        Reformation, the Protestant ministers were in a state of extreme
+        poverty, and dependent upon the precarious assistance of their
+        flocks.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. v. p. 207. Compare a
+        letter, written by Knox, in 1566, 'on the extreame povertie
+        wherein our ministers are brought.' _Knox's History of the
+        Reformation_, vol. ii. p. 542.
+
+The withdrawal of the French troops, in 1560, had left the nobles in
+possession of the government;[200] and it was for them to decide to what
+extent the Reformed clergy should be endowed. The first petition,
+presented by Knox and his brethren, was passed over in contemptuous
+silence. But the ministers were not so easily put aside. Their next step
+was, to present to the Privy Council what is known as the First Book of
+Discipline, in which they again urged their request.[201] To the tenets
+contained in this book, the council had no objection; but they refused to
+ratify it, because, by doing so, they would have sanctioned the principle
+that the new church had a right to the revenues of the old one.[202] A
+certain share, indeed, they were willing to concede. What the share
+should be, was a matter of serious dispute, and caused the greatest
+ill-will between the two parties. At length, the nobles broke silence,
+and, in December 1561, they declared that the Reformed clergy should only
+receive one-sixth of the property of the Church; the remaining
+five-sixths being divided between the government and the Catholic
+priesthood.[203] The meaning of this was easily understood, since the
+Catholics were now entirely dependent on the government, and the
+government was, in fact, the nobles themselves, who were, at that period,
+the monopolizers of political power.
+
+  [200] 'The limited authority which the Crown had hitherto possessed, was
+        almost entirely annihilated, and the aristocratical power, which
+        always predominated in the Scottish Government (?), became supreme
+        and incontrollable.' _Russell's History of the Church in
+        Scotland_, 1834, vol. i. p. 223.
+
+  [201] See the _First Book of Discipline_, reprinted in _A Compendium of
+        the Laws of the Church of Scotland_, part i., second edition,
+        Edinburgh, 1837. They summed up their requests in one
+        comprehensive passage (p. 119), that 'the haill rentis of the Kirk
+        abusit in Papistrie sal be referrit againe to the Kirk.' In
+        another part (p. 106), they frankly admit that, 'we doubt not but
+        some of our petitions shall appeare strange unto you at the first
+        sight.'
+
+  [202] 'The form of polity recommended in the First Book of Discipline
+        never obtained the proper sanction of the State, chiefly in
+        consequence of the avarice of the nobility and gentry, who were
+        desirous of securing to themselves the revenues of the Church.'
+        _Miscellany of the Wodrow Society_, p. 324. See also _Argyll's
+        Presbytery Examined_, p. 26. Many of the nobles, however, did sign
+        it (_Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. ii. p. 129); but,
+        says Spottiswoode (_History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p.
+        373), 'Most of those that subscribed, getting into their hands the
+        possessions of the Church, could never be induced to part
+        therewith, and turned greater enemies in that point of church
+        patrimony than were the papists, or any other whatsoever.'
+
+  [203] _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, p. 204. _Knox's History of the
+        Reformation_, vol. ii. pp. 298-301, 307-309. _Buchanan's Rerum
+        Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xvii. p. 500. The nominal arrangement,
+        which was contrived with considerable art, was, that one-third of
+        the church revenues should be divided into two parts; one part for
+        the government, and another part for the preachers. The remaining
+        two-thirds were gravely assigned to the Catholic priesthood, who,
+        at that very moment, were liable, by Act of Parliament, to the
+        penalty of death, if they performed the rites of their religion.
+        Men, whose lives were in the hands of the government, were not
+        likely to quarrel with the government about money matters; and the
+        result was, that nearly every thing fell into the possession of
+        the nobles.
+
+Such being the case, it naturally happened, that, when the arrangement
+was made known, the preachers were greatly moved. They saw how
+unfavourable it was to their own interests, and, therefore, they held
+that it was unfavourable to the interests of religion. Hence, in their
+opinion, it was contrived by the devil, whose purposes it was calculated
+to serve.[204] For, now, they who travailed in the vineyard of the Lord,
+were to be discouraged, and were to suffer, in order that what rightly
+belonged to them might be devoured by idle bellies.[205] The nobles might
+benefit for a time, but the vengeance of God was swift, and would most
+assuredly overtake them.[206] From the beginning to the end, it was
+nothing but spoliation. In a really Christian land, the patrimony of the
+Church would be left untouched.[207] But, in Scotland, alas! Satan had
+prevailed,[208] and Christian charity had waxen cold.[209] In Scotland,
+property, which should be regarded as sacred, had been broken up and
+divided; and the division was of the worst kind, since, by it, said Knox,
+two-thirds are given to the devil, and the other third is shared between
+God and the devil. It was as if Joseph, when governor of Egypt, had
+refused food to his brethren, and sent them back to their families with
+empty sacks.[210] Or, as another preacher suggested, the Church was now,
+like the Maccabees of old, being oppressed, sometimes by the Assyrians,
+and sometimes by the Egyptians.[211]
+
+  [204] 'The Ministeris, evin in the begynnyng, in publict Sermonis
+        opponed thame selves to suche corruptioun, for thei foir saw the
+        purpose of the Devill.' _Knox's History of the Reformation_,
+        vol. ii. p. 310.
+
+  [205] 'For it seemeth altogether unreasonable that idle belleis sail
+        devoure and consume the patrimonie of the Kirk, whill the
+        faithfull travellers in the Lord's vineyarde suffer extreme
+        povertie, and the needie members of Christ's bodie are altogether
+        neglected.' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. ii. pp. 484,
+        485. This was in 1569; and, in 1571, the celebrated Ferguson, in
+        one of his sermons, declared that the holders of church property,
+        most of whom were the nobility, were 'ruffians.' See an extract
+        from his sermon, in _Chalmers' History of Dunfermline_, p. 309,
+        Edinburgh, 1844. 'For this day Christ is spuilzeit amang us, quhil
+        y^t quhilk aucht to mantene the Ministerie of the Kirk and the
+        pure, is geuin to prophane men, flattereris in court, ruffianes,
+        and hyrelingis.'
+
+  [206] In September 1571, John Row 'preiched, wha in plane pulpet
+        pronounced to the lordis, for thair covetusnes, and becaus they
+        wold not grant the just petitiones of the Kirk, Godis heastie
+        vengeance to fall upon them; and said, moreover, "I cair not, my
+        lordis, your displeasour; for I speik my conscience befoir God,
+        wha will not suffer sic wickitnes and contempt vnpunished."'
+        _Bannatyne's Journal_, edit. Edinburgh, 1806, p. 257.
+
+  [207] In 1576, the General Assembly declared, that their right to 'the
+        patrimonie of the Kirk' was 'ex jure divino.' _Acts of the General
+        Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 360, Edinburgh,
+        1839, 4to. More than a hundred years later, a Scotch divine
+        evinces how deeply the members of his profession felt this
+        spoliation of the Church, by going out of his way to mention it.
+        See _Jacob's Vow, by Dr. John Cockburn_, Edinburgh, 1696, pp. 422,
+        423, 425. But this is nothing in comparison to a recent writer,
+        the Reverend Mr. Lyon, who deliberately asserts that, because
+        these and similar acts occurred in the reign of Mary, therefore
+        the queen came to a violent end; such being the just punishment of
+        sacrilege. 'The practice' (of saying masses for the dead) 'ceased,
+        of course, at the Reformation; and the money was transferred by
+        Queen Mary to the civil authorities of the town. This was,
+        undoubtedly, an act of sacrilege; for, though sacrificial masses
+        for the dead was an error, yet the guardians of the money so
+        bequeathed, were under an obligation to apply it to a sacred
+        purpose. This, and other sacrilegious acts on the part of Mary, of
+        a still more decided and extensive character, have been justly
+        considered as the cause of all the calamities which subsequently
+        befell her.' _History of St. Andrews, by the Rev. C. J. Lyon,
+        M.A., Presbyter of the Episcopal Church, St. Andrews_, Edinburgh,
+        1843, vol. i. p. 54. Elsewhere (vol. ii. p. 400) the same divine
+        mentions, that the usual punishment for sacrilege is a failure of
+        male issue. 'The following examples, selected from the diocese of
+        St. Andrews, according to its boundaries before the Reformation,
+        will corroborate the general doctrine contended for throughout
+        this work, that sacrilege has ever been punished in the present
+        life, and _chiefly_ by the failure of male issue.' The italics are
+        in the text. See also vol. i. p. 118. For the sake of the future
+        historian of public opinion, it may be well to observe, that the
+        work containing these sentiments is not a reprint of an older
+        book, but was published for the first time in 1843, having
+        apparently been just written.
+
+  [208] 'The General Assemblie of the Kirk of Scotland, convenit at
+        Edinburgh the 25 of December 1566, to the Nobilitie of this Realme
+        that professes the Lord Jesus with them, and hes renouncit that
+        Roman Antichryst, desyre constancie in faith, and the spirit of
+        righteous judgement. Seeing that Sathan, be all our negligence,
+        Right Honourable, hes so farre prevailit within this Realme within
+        these late dayes, that we doe stand in extream danger, not only
+        _to lose our temporall possessions_, but also to be depryvit of
+        the glorious Evangell,' &c. _Keith's Church and State_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 154, 155.
+
+  [209] In 1566, in their piteous communication to the English bishops and
+        clergy, they said 'The days are ill; iniquitie abounds; Christian
+        charity, alas, is waxen cold.' _Acts and Proceedings of the
+        General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 87,
+        Edinburgh, 1839, 4to.
+
+  [210] 'I see twa partis freely gevin to the Devill, and the thrid maun be
+        devided betwix God and the Devill: Weill, bear witnes to me, that
+        this day I say it, or it be long the Devill shall have three
+        partis of the thrid; and judge you then what Goddis portioun
+        shallbe.' ... 'Who wold have thought, that when Joseph reulled
+        Egypt, that his brethren should have travailled for vittallis, and
+        have returned with empty seckis unto thair families? Men wold
+        rather have thought that Pharao's pose, treasure, and garnallis
+        should have bene diminished, or that the houshold of Jacob should
+        stand in danger to sterve for hungar.' _Knox's History of the
+        Reformation_, vol. ii. pp. 310, 311.
+
+  [211] In May 1571, 'This Sonday, Mr. Craig teiched the 130 Psalme; and,
+        in his sermond, he compared the steat of the Kirk of God in this
+        tovne vnto the steat of the Maccabeis; wha were oppressed sumtymes
+        by the Assyrianis and sumtymes by the Egiptianis.' _Bannatyne's
+        Journal_, p. 150.
+
+But neither persuasions nor threats[212] produced any effect on the
+obdurate minds of the Scotch nobles. Indeed, their hearts, instead of
+being softened, became harder. Even the small stipends, which were
+allotted to the Protestant clergy, were not regularly paid, but were
+mostly employed for other purposes.[213] When the ministers complained,
+they were laughed at, and insulted, by the nobles, who, having gained
+their own ends, thought that they could dispense with their former
+allies.[214] The Earl of Morton, whose ability, as well as connexions,
+made him the most powerful man in Scotland, was especially virulent
+against them; and two of the preachers, who offended him, he put to
+death, under circumstances of great cruelty.[215] The nobles, regarding
+him as their chief, elected him Regent in 1572;[216] and, being now
+possessed of supreme power, he employed it against the Church. He seized
+upon all the benefices which became vacant, and retained their profits in
+his own hands.[217] His hatred of the preachers passed all bounds. He
+publicly declared, that there would be neither peace nor order in the
+country, until some of them were hung.[218] He refused to sanction the
+General Assemblies by his presence; he wished to do away with their
+privileges, and even with their name; and with such determination did he
+pursue his measures, that, in the opinion of the historian of the Scotch
+Kirk, nothing but the special interference of the Deity could have
+maintained its existing polity.[219]
+
+  [212] The first instance I have observed of any thing like menace, is in
+        1567, when 'the Assembly of the Church being convened at
+        Edinburgh,' admonished all persons 'as well noblemen as barons,
+        and those of the other Estates, to meet and give their personal
+        appearance at Edinburgh on the 20th of July, for giving their
+        advice, counsel, and concurrence in matters then to be proponed;
+        especially for purging the realm of popery, the establishing of
+        the policy of the Church, and _restoring the patrimony thereof to
+        the just possessors_. Assuring those that should happen to absent
+        themselves at the time, due and lawful advertisement being made,
+        that they should be reputed hinderers of the good work intended,
+        and as _dissimulate professors be esteemed unworthy of the
+        fellowship of Christ's flock.' Spottiswoode's History of the
+        Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 64. This evidently alludes to the
+        possibility of excommunicating those who would not surrender to
+        the Protestant preachers, the property stolen from the Catholic
+        Church; and, in 1570, we find another step taken in the same
+        direction. Under that year, the following passage occurs in _Acts
+        and Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of
+        Scotland_, vol. i. p. 181. 'Q. If those that withold the duty of
+        the Kirk, _wherethrough Ministers want their stipends_, may be
+        excommunicate? A. All things beand done that the civill ordour
+        requyres of them that withhaldis the duetie of the Kirk, quherby
+        Ministers wants their stipends; _the Kirk may proceed to
+        excommunication, for their contempt_.'
+
+  [213] In 1526, 'the poore ministers, exhorters, and readers, compleaned
+        at church assembleis, that neither were they able to live upon the
+        stipends allowed, nor gett payment of that small portioun which
+        was allowed.' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. ii. p. 172.
+        Compare _Acts of the General Assemblies_, 1839, 4to, vol. i. p.
+        53; 'To requyre payment to ministers of there stipends for the
+        tyme by past, according to the promise made.' This was in December
+        1564. In December 1565, the General Assembly said (p. 71), 'that
+        wher oft and divers tymes promise hes bein made to us, that our
+        saids brethren, travelers and preachers in the Kirk of God, sould
+        not be defraudit of their appointit stipends, neither zet in any
+        wayes sould be molestit in their functioun; zet nottheless
+        universallie they want ther stipends appointit for diverse tymes
+        by past.' On the state of things in 1566, see 'The Supplication of
+        the Ministers to the Queen,' in _Knox's History of the
+        Reformation_, vol. ii. p. 529. See also, in the _Miscellany of the
+        Spalding Club_, vol. iv. pp. 92-101, Aberdeen, 1849, 4to, a letter
+        written by John Erskine in December 1571, especially p. 97; 'the
+        gretest of the nobilitie haifing gretest rentis in possessione,
+        and plaicet of God in maist hie honouris, ceasis nocht, maist
+        wiolentlie blindit with awarice, to spoilye and draw to thame
+        selfis the possessiones of the Kirk.'
+
+  [214] 'The ministers were called proud knaves, and receaved manie
+        injurious words from the lords, speciallie from Morton, who ruled
+        all. He said, he sould lay their pride, and putt order to them.'
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. iii. pp. 137, 138. This
+        was in 1571.
+
+  [215] _Chambers' Annals of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 79, 80.
+
+  [216] 'The nobilitie wnderwrittin convenit in Edinburgh, and chesit and
+        electit James erle of Mortoun regent.' _A Diurnal of Occurrents_,
+        p. 320.
+
+  [217] In 1573, 'when any benefeces of Kirk vaikit, he keapit the proffet
+        of thair rents sa lang in his awin hand, till he was urgit be the
+        Kirk to mak donatioun tharof, and that was not gevin but proffeit
+        for all that.' _The Historie and Life of King James the Sext_,
+        edit. Edinburgh, 1825, 4to, p. 147. Even in 1570, when Lennox was
+        regent, 'the Earle of Mortoun was the chiefe manager of every
+        thing under him;' and was 'master of the church rents,' and made
+        'gifts of them to the nobility.' _Wodrow's Collections upon the
+        Lives of the Reformers of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. part i.
+        pp. 27, 126, Glasgow, 1834, 4to.
+
+  [218] 'During all these Assembleis and earnest endeavoures of the
+        brethrein, the regent was often required to give his presence to
+        the Assemblie, and further the caus of God. He not onlie refused,
+        but threatned some of the most zealous with hanging, alledging,
+        that otherwise there could be no peace nor order in the countrie.'
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. iii. pp. 393, 394. 'Uses
+        grait thretning against the maist zelus breithring, schoring to
+        hang of thame, utherwayes ther could be na peace nor ordour in the
+        countrey.' _The Autobiography and Diary of James Melvill_, edited
+        by R. Pitcairn, Edinburgh, 1842, pp. 59, 60.
+
+  [219] 'He mislyked the Generall Assembleis, and would have had the name
+        changed, that he might take away the force and priviledge thereof;
+        and no questioun he had stayed the work of policie that was
+        presentlie in hands, if God had not stirred up a factioun against
+        him.' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. iii. p.
+        396. See also _The Autobiography of James Melvill_, p. 61.
+
+The rupture between Church and State was now complete. It remained to be
+seen, which was the stronger side. Every year, the clergy became more
+democratic; and, after the death of Knox, in 1572, they ventured upon a
+course which even he would hardly have recommended, and which, during the
+earlier period of the Reformation, would have been impracticable.[220]
+But, by this time, they had secured the support of the people; and the
+treatment they were receiving from the government, and from the nobles,
+embittered their minds, and drove them into desperate counsels. While
+their plans were yet immature, and while the future was looming darkly
+before them, a new man arose, who was well qualified to be their chief,
+and who at once stepped into the place which the death of Knox left
+vacant. This was Andrew Melville, who, by his great ability, his boldness
+of character, and his fertility of resource, was admirably suited to be
+the leader of the Scottish Church in that arduous struggle in which it
+was about to embark.[221]
+
+  [220] 'During the two years following the death of Knox, each day was
+        ripening the more determined opposition of the Church. The breach
+        between the clergy with the great body of the people, and the
+        government or higher nobility, was widening rapidly.' _Argyll's
+        Presbytery Examined_, p. 70.
+
+  [221] 'Next to her Reformer, who, under God, emancipated her from the
+        degrading shackles of papal superstition and tyranny, I know no
+        individual from whom Scotland has received such important
+        services, or to whom she continues to owe so deep a debt of
+        national respect and gratitude, as Andrew Melville.' _M'Crie's
+        Life of Andrew Melville_, vol. ii. p. 473, Edinburgh, 1819. His
+        nephew, himself a considerable person, says, 'Scotland receavit
+        never a graitter benefit at the hands of God nor this man.' _The
+        Autobiography of James Melvill_, p. 38.
+
+In 1574, Melville, having completed his education abroad, arrived in
+Scotland.[222] He quickly rallied round him the choicest spirits in the
+Church; and, under his auspices, a struggle began with the civil power,
+which continued, with many fluctuations, until it culminated, sixty years
+later, in open rebellion against Charles I. To narrate all the details of
+the contest, would be inconsistent with the plan of this Introduction;
+and, notwithstanding the extreme interest of the events which now ensued,
+the greater part of them must be omitted; but I will endeavour to
+indicate the general march, and to put the reader in possession of such
+facts as are most characteristic of the age in which they occurred.
+
+  [222] He left Scotland in 1564, at the age of nineteen, and returned 'in
+        the beginning of July 1574, after an absence of ten years from his
+        native country.' _M'Crie's Life of Andrew Melville_, vol. i. pp.
+        17, 57. See also _Scot's Apologetical Narration of the State of
+        the Kirk of Scotland_, edit. Wodrow Society, p. 34; and _Howie's
+        Biographia Scoticana_, p. 111, Glasgow, 1781.
+
+Melville had not been in Scotland many months, before he began his
+opposition, at first by secret intrigues, afterwards with open and avowed
+hostility.[223] In the time of Knox, episcopacy had been recognized as
+part of the Protestant Church, and had received the sanction of the
+leading Reformers.[224] But that institution did not harmonize with the
+democratic spirit which was now growing up. The difference of ranks
+between the bishops and the inferior clergy was unpleasant, and the
+ministers determined to put an end to it.[225] In 1575, one of them,
+named John Dury, was instigated, by Melville, to bring the subject before
+the General Assembly at Edinburgh.[226] After he had spoken, Melville
+also expressed himself against episcopacy; but, not being yet sure of the
+temper of the audience, his first proceedings were somewhat cautious.
+Such hesitation was, however, hardly necessary; for, owing to the schism
+between the Church and the upper classes, the ministers were becoming the
+eager enemies of those maxims of obedience, and of subordination, which
+they would have upheld, had the higher ranks been on their side. As it
+was, the clergy were only favoured by the people; they, therefore, sought
+to organize a system of equality, and were ripe for the bold measures
+proposed by Melville and his followers. This was clearly shown, by the
+rapidity of the subsequent movement. In 1575, the first attack was made
+in the General Assembly at Edinburgh. In April 1578, another General
+Assembly resolved, that, for the future, bishops should be called by
+their own names, and not by their titles.[227] The same body also
+declared, that no see should be filled up, until the next Assembly.[228]
+Two months afterwards, it was announced that this arrangement was to be
+perpetual, and that no new bishop should ever be made.[229] And, in 1580,
+the Assembly of the Church at Dundee, pulling the whole fabric to the
+ground, unanimously resolved that the office of bishop was a mere human
+invention; that it was unlawful; that it must be immediately done away
+with; and that every bishop should at once resign his office, or be
+excommunicated if he refuse to do so.[230]
+
+  [223] He appears to have first set to work in November 1574. See
+        _Stephen's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 261,
+        London, 1848.
+
+  [224] 'The compilers of the Book of Discipline' (_i.e._ the First Book,
+        in 1560) 'were distinguished by prelatical principles to the end
+        of their days.' ... 'That Knox himself was no enemy to prelacy,
+        considered as an ancient and apostolical institution, is rendered
+        clear by his "Exhortation to England for the speedy embracing of
+        Christ's Gospel."' _Russell's History of the Church in Scotland_,
+        1834, vol. i. p. 240. 'The associates of Knox, it is obvious, were
+        not Presbyterians, and had no intention of setting up a system of
+        parity among the ministers of their new establishment.' p. 243.
+        See also p. 332. Even in 1572, the year of Knox's death, I find it
+        stated that 'the whole Diocie of Sanct Andrews is decerned be the
+        Assembly to pertain to the Bishop of the same.' _Acts and
+        Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland_,
+        vol. i. p. 264, 4to. 1839. The Scotch Presbyterians have dealt
+        very unfairly with this part of the history of their Church.
+
+  [225] Some little time after this, David Fergusson, who died in 1598,
+        and was minister at Dunfermline, said very frankly to James VI.,
+        'Yes, Sir, ye may have Bishops here, but _ye must remember to make
+        us all equall_; make us all Bishops, els will ye never content
+        us.' _Row's History of the Kirk of Scotland from 1558 to 1637_,
+        edit. Wodrow Society, p. 418. Compare _Calderwood's History of the
+        Kirk_, vol. iv. p. 214: in 1584 'these monstruous titles of
+        superioritie.' In 1586, 'that tyrannicall supremacie of bishops
+        and archbishops over ministers.' p. 604.
+
+  [226] 'He stirred up John Dury, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, in an
+        Assembly which was then convened, to propound a question touching
+        the lawfulness of the episcopal function, and the authority of
+        chapters in their election. He himself, as though he had not been
+        acquainted with the motion, after he had commended the speaker's
+        zeal, and seconded the purpose with a long discourse of the
+        flourishing estate of the church of Geneva, and the opinions of
+        Calvin and Theodore Beza concerning church government, came to
+        affirm, "That none ought to be esteemed office-bearers in the
+        Church whose titles were not found in the book of God. And, for
+        the title of bishops, albeit the same was found in Scripture, yet
+        was it not to be taken in the sense that the common sort did
+        conceive, there being no superiority allowed by Christ amongst
+        ministers,"' &c. _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of
+        Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 200. See also _Acts of the General
+        Assemblies_, vol. i. p. 331, where it appears that six bishops
+        were present on this memorable occasion. The question raised was,
+        'Whither if the Bischops, as they are now in the Kirk of Scotland,
+        hes thair function of the word of God or not, or if the Chapiter
+        appointit for creating of them aucht to be tollerated in this
+        reformed Kirk.' p. 340.
+
+  [227] 'It was ordained, That Bischops and all vthers bearand
+        Ecclesiasticall functioun, be callit bethair awin names, or
+        Brethren, in tyme comeing.' _Acts of the General Assemblies of the
+        Kirk of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 404.
+
+  [228] 'Therfor the Kirk hes concludit, That no Bischops salbe electit or
+        made heirafter, befor the nixt Generall Assemblie.' _Ibid._
+        vol. ii. p. 408.
+
+  [229] 'Anent the Act made in the last Assemblie, the 28 of Aprile 1578,
+        concerning the electioun of Bischops, suspendit quhill this
+        present Assemblie, and the farther ordour reservit thereto: The
+        General Assemblie, all in ane voyce, hes concludit, That the said
+        act salbe extendit for all tymes to come, ay and quhill the
+        corruptioun of the Estate of Bischops be alluterlie tane away.'
+        _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 413.
+
+  [230] 'Forsameikle as the office of a Bischop, as it is now vsit, and
+        commounly takin within this realme, hes no sure warrand,
+        auctoritie, nor good ground out of the (Book and) Scriptures of
+        God; but is brocht in by the folie and corruptions of (men's)
+        invention, to the great overthrow of the Kirk of God: The haill
+        Assemblie of the Kirk, in ane voyce, after libertie givin to all
+        men to reason in the matter, _none opponing themselves in
+        defending the said pretendit office_, Finds and declares the
+        samein pretendit office, vseit and termeit, as is above said,
+        vnlaufull in the selfe, as haveand neither fundament, ground nor
+        warrant within the word of God: and ordaines, that all sick
+        persons as bruiks, or sall bruik heirafter the said office, salbe
+        chargeit simpliciter to demitt, quyt and leave of the samein, as
+        ane office quhervnto they are not callit be God; and siclyke to
+        desist and cease from all preaching, ministration of the
+        sacraments, or vsing any way the office of pastors, quhill they
+        receive _de novo_ admission from the Generall Assemblie, vnder the
+        paine of excommunicatioun to be denuncit agains them; quherin if
+        they be found dissobedient, or contraveine this act in any point,
+        the sentence of excommunicatioun, after dew admonitions, to be
+        execute agains them.' _Acts of the General Assemblies_, vol. ii.
+        p. 453.
+
+The minister and the people had now done their work, and, so far as they
+were concerned, had done it well.[231] But the same circumstances which
+made them desire equality, made the upper classes desire inequality.[232]
+A collision, therefore, was inevitable, and was hastened by this bold
+proceeding of the Church. Indeed, the preachers, supported by the people,
+rather courted a contest, than avoided it. They used the most
+inflammatory language against episcopacy; and, shortly before abolishing
+it, they completed, and presented to Parliament, the Second Book of
+Discipline, in which they flatly contradicted what they had asserted in
+their First Book of Discipline.[233] For this, they are often taunted
+with inconsistency.[234] But the charge is unjust. They were perfectly
+consistent; and they merely changed their maxims, that they might
+preserve their principles. Like every corporation, which has ever
+existed, whether spiritual or temporal, their supreme and paramount
+principle was to maintain their own power. Whether or not this is a good
+principle, is another matter; but all history proves that it is an
+universal one. And when the leaders of the Scotch Church found that it
+was at stake, and that the question at issue was, who should possess
+authority, they, with perfect consistency, abandoned opinions that they
+had formerly held, because they now perceived that those opinions were
+unfavourable to their existence as an independent body.
+
+  [231] As Calderwood triumphantly says, 'the office of bishops was
+        damned.' _History of the Kirk_, vol. iii. p. 469. 'Their whole
+        estat, both the spirituall and civill part, was damned.' p. 526.
+        James Melville (_Autobiography_, p. 52) says that, in consequence
+        of this achievement, his uncle Andrew 'gatt the nam of [Greek:
+        episkopomastix], _Episcoporum exactor_, the flinger out of
+        Bischopes.'
+
+  [232] Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. vi. p. 302) observes that,
+        while 'the great body of the burghers, and middle and lower
+        classes of the people,' were Presbyterians, 'a large proportion of
+        the nobility supported episcopacy.' Instead of 'a large
+        proportion,' he would not have been far wrong, if he had said
+        'all.' Indeed, 'Melville himself says the whole peerage was
+        against him.' _Stephen's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol.
+        i. p. 269. Forbes ascribes the aristocratic movement against
+        presbytery to 'godles atheists,' who insisted 'that there could be
+        nothing so contrair to the nature of a monarchie,' &c., 'than that
+        paritie of authoritie in pastours.' _Forbes_, _Certaine Records
+        touching the Estate of the Kirk_, p. 349, edit. Wodrow Society.
+        See also p. 355. 'That Democratie (as they called it) whilk
+        allwayes behoved to be full of sedition and troubble to ane
+        Aristocratie, and so in end to a Monarchie.' The reader will
+        observe this important change in the attitude of classes in
+        Scotland. Formerly, the clergy had been the allies of the crown
+        against the nobles. Now, the nobles allied themselves with the
+        crown against the clergy. The clergy, in self-defence, had to ally
+        themselves with the people.
+
+  [233] On the difference between the two productions, there are some
+        remarks worth looking at, in _Argyll's Presbytery Examined_, 1848,
+        pp. 38-43. But this writer, though much freer from prejudice than
+        most Presbyterian authors, is unwilling to admit how completely
+        the Second Book of Discipline contradicts the First.
+
+  [234] By the Scotch episcopalians.
+
+When the First Book of Discipline appeared, in 1560, the government was
+in the hands of the nobles, who had just fought on the side of the
+Protestant preachers, and were ready to fight again on their side. When
+the Second Book of Discipline appeared, in 1578, the government was still
+held by the nobles; but those ambitious men had now thrown off the mask,
+and, having effected their purpose in destroying the old hierarchy, had
+actually turned round, and attacked the new one. The circumstances having
+changed, the Church changed with them; but in the change there was
+nothing inconsistent. On the contrary, it would have been the height of
+inconsistency for the ministers to have retained their former notions of
+obedience and of subordination; and it was perfectly natural that, at
+this crisis, they should advocate the democratic idea of equality, just
+as before they had advanced the aristocratic idea of inequality.
+
+Hence it was, that, in their First Book of Discipline, they established a
+regularly ascending hierarchy, according to which the general clergy owed
+obedience to their ecclesiastical superiors, to whom the name of
+superintendents was given.[235] But, in the Second Book of Discipline,
+every vestige of this was swept away; and it was laid down in the
+broadest terms, that all the preachers being fellow-labourers, all were
+equal in power; that none had authority over others; and that, to claim
+such authority, or to assert preeminence, was a contrivance of man, not
+to be permitted in a divinely constituted Church.[236]
+
+  [235] See the _First Book of Discipline_, reprinted in the first volume
+        of _A Compendium of the Laws of the Church of Scotland_, 2d edit.,
+        Edinburgh, 1837. The superintendents were 'to set, order, and
+        appoint ministers,' p. 61; and it would seem (p. 88) that no
+        minister could be deposed without the consent of his
+        superintendent; but this could hardly be intended to interfere
+        with the supreme authority of the General Assembly. See also the
+        summary, p. 114, where it is said of the superintendents, that 'in
+        thair visitatioun thei sal not onlie preiche, but als examine the
+        doctrine, life, diligence, and behavior of the ministeris,
+        reideris, elderis, and deaconis.' According to Spottiswoode
+        (_History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 167), 'the
+        superintendents held their office during life, and their power was
+        episcopal; for they did elect and ordain ministers, they presided
+        in synods, and directed all church censures, neither was any
+        excommunication pronounced without their warrant.' See further, on
+        their authority, _Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. ii. p.
+        161. 'That punyschment suld be appointed for suche as dissobeyid
+        or contemned the superintendentes in thair functioun.' This was in
+        1561; and, in 1562, 'It was ordained, that if ministers be
+        disobedient to superintendents in anything belonging to
+        edification, they must be subject to correction.' _Acts of the
+        General Assemblies of the Kirk_, vol. i. p. 14. Compare p. 131:
+        'sick things as superintendents may and aught decyde in their
+        synodall conventiouns.'
+
+  [236] 'For albeit the Kirk of God be rewlit and governit be Jesus Christ,
+        who is the onlie King, hie Priest, and Heid thereof, yit he useis
+        the ministry of men, as the most necessar middis for this
+        purpose.' ... 'And to take away all occasion of tyrannie, he
+        willis that they sould rewl with mutuall consent of brether and
+        _equality of power_, every one according to thair functiones.'
+        _Second Book of Discipline_, in _A Compendium of the Laws of the
+        Church of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 126, 127. 'As to Bischops, if the
+        name [Greek: episkopos] be properly taken, _they ar all ane with
+        the ministers_, as befoir was declairit. For it is _not a name of
+        superioritie and lordschip_, bot of office and watching.' p. 142.
+        To understand the full meaning of this, it should be mentioned,
+        that the superintendents, established by the Kirk in 1560, not
+        unfrequently assumed the title of 'Lordship,' as an ornament to
+        the extensive powers conferred upon them. See, for instance, the
+        notes to _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of the Reformers of
+        the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. part ii. p. 461. But, in the
+        Second Book of Discipline, in 1578, the superintendents are, if I
+        rightly remember, not even once named.
+
+The government, as may be supposed, took a very different view. Such
+doctrines were deemed, by the upper classes, to be anti-social, and to be
+subversive of all order.[237] So far from sanctioning them, they
+resolved, if possible, to overthrow them; and, the year after the General
+Assembly had abolished episcopacy, it was determined that, upon that very
+point, a trial of strength should be made between the two parties.
+
+  [237] Just as in England, we find that the upper classes are mostly
+        Episcopalians; their minds being influenced, often unconsciously,
+        by the, to them, pleasing spectacle of an inequality of rank,
+        which is conventional, and does not depend upon ability. On the
+        other hand, the strength of the Dissenters lies among the middle
+        and lower classes, where energy and intellect are held in higher
+        respect, and where a contempt naturally arises for a system,
+        which, at the mere will of the sovereign or minister of the day,
+        concedes titles and wealth to persons whom nature did not intend
+        for greatness, but who, to the surprise of their contemporaries,
+        have greatness thrust upon them. On this difference of opinion in
+        Scotland, corresponding to the difference of social position, see
+        the remarks on the seventeenth century, in _Hume's Commentaries on
+        the Law of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 544, Edinburgh, 1797, 4to.
+
+In 1581, Robert Montgomery was appointed archbishop of Glasgow. The
+ministers who composed the chapter of Glasgow refused to elect him;
+whereupon the Privy Council declared that the King, by virtue of his
+prerogative, had the right of nomination.[238] All was now confusion and
+uproar. The General Assembly forbad the archbishop to enter
+Glasgow.[239] He refused to obey their order, and threw himself upon the
+support of the Duke of Lennox, who had obtained the appointment for him,
+and to whom he, in return, had surrendered nearly all the revenues of the
+see, reserving for himself only a small stipend.[240] This was a custom
+which had grown up within the last few years, and was one of many
+contrivances by which the nobles plundered the Church of her
+property.[241]
+
+  [238] Record of Privy Council, in _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. i.
+        p. 267. 'The brethrein of Glasgow were charged, under paine of
+        horning, to admitt Mr. Robert Montgomrie.' _Calderwood's History
+        of the Kirk_, vol. iii. p. 596.
+
+  [239] 'Charges the said Mr. Robert to continue in the ministrie of the
+        Kirk of Striveling,' &c. _Acts of the General Assemblies_, vol.
+        ii. p. 547. This was in October 1581; the Record of the Privy
+        Council was in April 1582. Moysie, who was a contemporary, says
+        that, in March 1581, 2, not only the dean and chapter, but all the
+        clergy (the 'haill ministrie') declared from the pulpit that
+        Montgomery's appointment 'had the warrand of the deuill and not of
+        the word of God, bot wes damnit thairby.' _Moysie's Memoirs_,
+        Edinburgh, 1830, 4to, p. 36.
+
+  [240] 'The title whereof the said duke had procured to him, that he,
+        having the name of bishop, and eight hundred merks money for his
+        living and sustentatioun, the whole rents, and other duteis of the
+        said benefice, might come to the duke's utilitie and behove.'
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. iv. p. 111. See also p.
+        401.
+
+  [241] _Scot's Apologetical Narration of the State of the Kirk_, pp. 24,
+        25. _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. iii. p. 302.
+        _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of the Reformers_, vol. i.
+        part i. p. 206. _Lyon's History of St. Andrews_, vol. i. p. 379.
+        _Gibson's History of Glasgow_, p. 59. _Hume's History of the House
+        of Douglas_, vol. ii. pp. 216, 217. _Chalmers' Caledonia_,
+        vol. iii. p. 624.
+
+This, however, was not the question now at issue.[242] The point to be
+decided was one, not of revenue, but of power. For the clergy knew full
+well, that if they established their power, the revenue would quickly
+follow. They, therefore, adopted the most energetic proceedings. In April
+1582, the General Assembly met at St. Andrews, and appointed Melville as
+Moderator.[243] The government, fearing the worst, ordered the members,
+on pain of rebellion, to take no steps respecting the archbishopric.[244]
+But the representatives of the Church were undaunted. They summoned
+Montgomery before them; they ratified the sentence by which he had been
+suspended from the ministry; and they declared that he had incurred the
+penalties of despotism and of excommunication.[245]
+
+  [242] 'But the Church passing this point' (_i.e._ the simony) 'made
+        quarrel to him for accepting the bishopric.' _Spottiswoode's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 282.
+
+  [243] _Acts of the General Assemblies of the Kirk_, vol. ii. p. 548.
+
+  [244] 'A messenger-at-arms entered the house, and charged the moderator
+        and members of the assembly, on the pain of rebellion, to desist
+        from the process.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. i. p. 268.
+
+  [245] 'The Assemblie and brether present, after voteing in the said
+        matter, depryvit the said Mr. Robert from all functioun of the
+        Ministrie in the Kirk of God, dureing the will of the Kirk of God;
+        and farther, descernit the fearefull sentence of excommunicatioun
+        to be pronuncit against him in the face of the haill Assemblie, be
+        the voyce and mouth of the Moderatour present; to the effect,
+        that, _his proud flesh being cast into the hands of Satan_, he may
+        be win againe, if it be possible, to God; and the said sentence
+        (to) be intimat be every particular minister, at his awin
+        particular kirk, solemnelie in the first sermoun to be made be
+        them, after thair returning.' _Acts of the General Assemblies of
+        the Kirk_, vol. ii. p. 562.
+
+A sentence of excommunication was, in those days, so ruinous, that
+Montgomery was struck with terror at the prospect before him. To avoid
+the consequences, he appeared before the Assembly, and solemnly promised
+that he would make no further attempt to possess himself of the
+archbishopric.[246] By doing this, he probably saved his life; for the
+people, siding with their clergy, were ripe for mischief, and were
+determined, at all hazards, to maintain what they considered to be the
+rights of the Church, in opposition to the encroachments of the State.
+
+  [246] _Ibid._, vol. ii. p. 565. Calderwood (_History of the Kirk_,
+        vol. iii. p. 604) says, 'After long reluctatioun, at lenth he
+        condescended.'
+
+The government, on the other hand, was equally resolute.[247] The Privy
+Council called several of the ministers before them; and Dury, one of the
+most active, they banished from Edinburgh.[248] Measures still more
+violent were about to be taken, when they were interrupted by one of
+those singular events which not unfrequently occurred in Scotland, and
+which strikingly evince the inherent weakness of the Crown,
+notwithstanding the inordinate pretensions it commonly assumed.
+
+  [247] M'Crie (_Life of Melville_, vol. i. p. 274) says, 'In all these
+        contendings, the ministers had no countenance or support from any
+        of the nobility.' It would have been strange if they had, seeing
+        that the whole movement was essentially democratic.
+
+  [248] Melville's _Autobiography_, p. 129. _Calderwood's History of the
+        Kirk_, vol. iii. p. 620. _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. i.
+        p. 270.
+
+This was the Raid of Ruthven, which happened in 1582, and in consequence
+of which the person of James VI. was held in durance for ten months.[249]
+The clergy, true to the policy which now governed them, loudly approved
+of the captivity of the king, and pronounced it to be a godly act.[250]
+Dury, who had been driven from his pulpit, was brought back to the
+capital in triumph;[251] and the General Assembly, meeting at Edinburgh,
+ordered that the imprisonment of James should be justified by every
+minister to his own congregation.[252]
+
+  [249] He was seized in August 1582, and was let loose again in June 1583.
+        _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vi. pp. 321, 360. It is a
+        pity that this valuable, and really able, work should be so
+        superficial in regard to the ecclesiastical affairs of Scotland.
+        Mr. Tytler appears not to have studied at all the proceedings of
+        the presbyteries, or even of the General Assemblies; neither does
+        he display any acquaintance with the theological literature of his
+        country. And yet, from the year 1560 to about 1700, these sources
+        disclose more of the genuine history of the Scotch people than all
+        other sources put together.
+
+  [250] 'The pulpit resounded with applauses of the godly deed.' _Arnot's
+        History of Edinburgh_, p. 37.
+
+  [251] 'As he is comming from Leith to Edinburgh, upon Tuisday the 4th of
+        September, there mett him at the Gallow Greene two hundreth men of
+        the inhabitants of Edinburgh. Their number still increased, till
+        he came within the Neather Bow. There they beganne to sing the 124
+        Psalme, "Now may Israel say," &c, and sang in foure parts, knowne
+        to the most part of the people. They came up the street till they
+        came to the Great Kirk, singing thus all the way, to the number of
+        two thowsand. They were muche moved themselves, and so were all
+        the beholders. The duke was astonished, and more affrayed at that
+        sight than at anie thing that ever he had seene before in
+        Scotland, and rave his beard for anger.' _Calderwood's History of
+        the Kirk_, vol. iii. pp. 646, 647.
+
+  [252] _Acts of the General Assemblies_, vol. ii. pp. 595, 596. This was
+        ordered by the General Assembly which met at Edinburgh on the 9th
+        of October 1582, p. 585. See also _Watson's Historicall
+        Collections of Ecclesiastick Affairs in Scotland_, p. 192,
+        'requiring the ministers in all their churches to commend it unto
+        the people.'
+
+In 1583, the king recovered his liberty, and the struggle became more
+deadly than ever; the passions of both parties being exasperated by the
+injuries each had inflicted on the other. The Ruthven conspiracy, having
+been declared treason, as it undoubtedly was, Dury preached in its
+favour, and openly defended it; and although, under the influence of
+momentary fear, he afterwards withdrew what he had said,[253] it was
+evident, from other circumstances, that his feelings were shared by his
+brethren.[254] A number of them being summoned before the king for their
+seditious language, bad him take heed what he was about, and reminded him
+that no occupant of the throne had ever prospered after the ministers had
+begun to threaten him.[255] Melville, who exercised immense influence
+over both clergy and people, bearded the king to his face, refused to
+account for what he had delivered in the pulpit, and told James that he
+perverted the laws both of God and of man.[256] Simpson likened him to
+Cain, and warned him to beware of the wrath of God.[257] Indeed, the
+spirit now displayed by the Church was so implacable, that it seemed to
+delight in venting itself in the most repulsive manner. In 1585, a
+clergyman, named Gibson, in a sermon which he preached in Edinburgh,
+denounced against the king the curse of Jeroboam, that he should die
+childless, and that his race should end with him.[258] The year after
+this happened, James, finding that Elizabeth was evidently determined to
+take his mother's life, bethought him of what was valued in that age as
+an unfailing resource, and desired the clergy to offer up prayers on
+behalf of Mary. This, they almost unanimously refused.[259] And not only
+did they abstain from supplication themselves, but they resolved that no
+one else should do what they had declined. The archbishop of Saint
+Andrews being about to officiate before the king, they induced a certain
+John Cowper to station himself in the pulpit beforehand, so as to exclude
+the prelate. Nor was it until the captain of the guard threatened to pull
+Cowper from the place he had usurped, that the service could go on, and
+the king be allowed to hear his own mother prayed for, in this sad crisis
+of her fate, when it was still uncertain whether she would be publicly
+executed, or whether, as was more generally believed, she would be
+secretly poisoned.[260]
+
+  [253] _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii.
+        p. 308.
+
+  [254] James, after his escape, 'convocat all his peaceabill Prelatis and
+        Nobles, and thair he notefeit unto thayme the greif that he
+        consavit of his unlaughfull detentioun the yeir bygayne, and
+        tharefore desyrit thame to acknawlege the same; and thay be thair
+        generall voittis decernit the rayd of Ruthven to be manifest
+        treasoun. The Ministers on the uther part, perswadit the people
+        that it was a godly fact, and that whasoever wald not allow
+        thareof in his hart, was not worthie to be estemit a Christien.'
+        _The Historie of King James the Sext_, p. 202, published by the
+        Bannatyne Club, Edinburgh, 1825, 4to.
+
+  [255] 'Disregard not our threatening; for there was never one yet in this
+        realm, in the place where your grace is, who prospered after the
+        ministers began to threaten him.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_,
+        vol. vi. p. 364. See also, in _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_,
+        vol. v. pp. 540, 541, a letter from one of the clergy in Fife,
+        addressed to the king, in 1597. 'And now, Sir, lett me be free
+        with you in writting other men's reports, and that of the wisest
+        politicians. They say, our bygane historeis report, and experience
+        teacheth, that _raro et fere nunquam_ has a king and a prince
+        continued long together in this realme; for _Filius ante diem
+        patrios inquirit in annos_. And they say, Sir, farther, that
+        whatsoever they were of your Majestie's predecessors in
+        governement that oppouned themselves directlie or indirectlie to
+        God's ordinance in his Kirk, it has beene their wracke and
+        subversioun in the end. I might herein be more particular; but I
+        leave it to your Majestie's owne grave and modest consideratioun,
+        for it concerneth you most neere.'
+
+  [256] 'Saying, "He perverted the laws both of God and man."'
+        _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii.
+        p. 309. Also _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vi. p. 371.
+
+  [257] 'Mr. Patrick Simson, preaching before the king upon Gen. iv. 9,
+        "The Lord said to Cain, Where is Abel, thy brother?" said to the
+        king, before the congregation, "Sir, I assure you, in God's name,
+        the Lord will ask at you where is the Earl of Moray, your
+        brother?" The king replyed, before all the congregation, "Mr.
+        Patrik, my chalmer doore wes never steeked upon you: ye might have
+        told me anything ye thought in secret." He replyed, "Sir, the
+        scandall is publict."' _Row's History of the Kirk_, p. 144.
+        'Having occasion, _anno_ 1593, to preach before the king, he
+        publicly exhorted him to beware that he drew not the wrath of God
+        upon himself in patronizing a manifest breach of divine laws.'
+        _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_, p. 120.
+
+  [258] 'Saying, "That Captain James, with his lady Jesabel, and William
+        Stewart (meaning the colonel), were taken to be the persecutors of
+        the Church; but that now it was seen to be the king himself,
+        against whom he denounced the curse that fell on Jeroboam--that he
+        would die childless, and be the last of his race."'
+        _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii.
+        p. 335.
+
+  [259] 'The king, perceiving by all these letters, that the death of his
+        mother was determined, called back his ambassadors, and at home
+        gave order to the ministers to remember her in their public
+        prayers, which they denied to do.' ... 'Upon their denial, charges
+        were directed to command all bishops, ministers, and other
+        office-bearers in the Church to make mention of her distress in
+        their public prayers, and commend her to God in the form
+        appointed. But of all the number only Mr. David Lindsay at Leith
+        and the king's own ministers gave obedience.' _Spottiswoode's
+        History of the Church_, vol. ii. pp. 355, 356. 'They, with only
+        one exception, refused to comply.' _Russell's History of the
+        Church in Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 23. Compare _Watson's Historicall
+        Collections of Ecclesiastick Affairs in Scotland_, p. 208; and
+        _Historie of James the Sext_, p. 225.
+
+  [260] 'They stirred up Mr. John Cowper, a young man not entered as yet in
+        the function, to take the pulpit before the time, and exclude the
+        bishop. The king coming at the hour appointed, and seeing him in
+        the place, called to him from his seat, and said, "Mr. John, that
+        place is destined for another; yet since you are there, if you
+        will obey the charge that is given, and remember my mother in your
+        prayers, you shall go on." He replying, "that he would do as the
+        Spirit of God should direct him," was commanded to leave the
+        place: and making as though he would stay, the captain of the
+        guard went to pull him out; whereupon he burst forth in these
+        speeches: "This day shall be a witness against the king in the
+        great day of the Lord:" and then denouncing a wo to the
+        inhabitants of Edinburgh, he went down, and the bishop of St.
+        Andrews entering the pulpit did perform the duty required.'
+        _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p.
+        356. 'The Kingis Majestie, to testifie his earnest and naturall
+        affection to his mother, causit pray for hir oppinly efter him
+        selff; quhairvpone arrose a great dissensioun betuix sum of the
+        ministrie and his Majestie, namely the ministrie of Edinburgh.
+        Quhairvpone the king appoynted Patrik, archbischop of St. Androis
+        to teache, bot he wes preuented be Mr. John Covpar minister, quho
+        come befoir and filled the pulpit. And as the said Mr. John wes
+        beginnand the prayer, the Kingis Majestie commandit him to stay:
+        so as Mr. John raschit michtely vpone the pulpit, saying, "This
+        day sail bear witnes aganis yow in the day of the lord: woe be to
+        ye Edinburgh, for the last of xi plaiges salbe the worst."'
+        _Moysie's Memoirs_, p. 59.
+
+In 1594, John Ross stated in the pulpit, that the advisers of the king
+were all traitors, and that the king himself was likewise a traitor. He
+was also a rebel and a reprobate. That such should be the case, was not
+surprising, considering the parentage of James. For, his mother was a
+Guise, and a persecutor of the saints. He avoided open persecution, and
+spoke them fair; but his deeds did not correspond to his words; and, so
+great was his dissimulation, that he was the most arrant hypocrite then
+living in Scotland.[261]
+
+  [261] See _The Historie of King James the Sext_, pp. 316-318, from 'a
+        just copie of his sermon' supplied by Ross himself. 'His text was
+        upon the 6 chapter of the Prophet Jeremias, verse 28. "Brethren,
+        we have manie, and almaist innumerable enormiteis in this cuntrie
+        to be lamentit, as the misgovernement of our king be sinistrous
+        counsall of sum particular men. They ar all rebellious traitors,
+        evin the king the maist singular person, and particularlie everie
+        estait of the land." ... "Our king in sindrie poyntis hes bene
+        rebellious aganis the Majestie of God." ... "To this howre, we gat
+        never gude of the Guysien blude, for Queyne Marie his mother was
+        an oppin persecutor of the sanctis of God, and althoght the king
+        be not an oppin persecutor, we have had many of his fayre wordis,
+        wharein he is myghtie aneugh, bot for his gude deiddis, I commend
+        me to thayme." ... "Admit, that our king be a Christien king, yit
+        but amen dement, he is a reprobat king. Of all the men in this
+        nation, the king himself is the maist fynest, and maist
+        dissembling hypocreit."' A very short notice of this sermon is
+        given by Calderwood (_History of the Kirk_, vol. v. p. 299), who
+        probably had not seen the original notes.
+
+In 1596, David Black, one of the most influential of the Protestant
+ministers, delivered a sermon, which made much noise. He said, in his
+discourse, that all kings were children of the devil; but that in
+Scotland the head of the court was Satan himself. The members of the
+council, he added, were cormorants, and the lords of the session
+miscreants. The nobility had degenerated: they were godless; they were
+dissemblers; they were the enemies of the Church. As to the queen of
+England, she was nothing but an atheist. And as to the queen of Scotland,
+all he would say was, that they might pray for her if they list, and
+because it was the fashion to do so; but that there was no reason for
+it, inasmuch as no good would ever come from her to them.[262]
+
+  [262] The accusation, which was fully proved, was, that 'he had
+        publictlie sayd in pulpit, that the papist erles wes come home be
+        the kingis knavledge and consent, quhairin his Hienes treacherie
+        wes detectit; that all kingis war deuilis and come of deuilis;
+        that the deuill wes the head of the court and in the court; that
+        he pray it for the Queine of Scotland for the faschione, because
+        he saw na appearance of guid in hir tyme,' _Moysie's Memoirs_, p.
+        128. 'Having been heard to affirm, that the popish lords had
+        returned into the country by the king's permission, and that
+        thereby the king had discovered the "treacherous hypocrisy of his
+        heart" that "all kings were the devil's bairns, and that the devil
+        was in the court, and the guiders of it." He was proved to have
+        used in his prayer these indecent words, when speaking of the
+        queen, "We must pray for her for fashion's sake; but we might as
+        well not, for she will never do us any good," He called the queen
+        of England an atheist, and the Lords of Session _bribers_; and
+        said that the nobility at large "were degenerate, godless,
+        dissemblers, and enemies to the church."' _Grierson's History of
+        Saint Andrews_, p. 30, Cupar, 1838. Among the charges against him
+        were, 'Fourthly, that he had called the queen of England an
+        atheist. Fifthly, that he had discussed a suspension granted by
+        the lords of session in pulpit, and called them miscreants and
+        bribers. Sixthly, that, speaking of the nobility, he said they
+        were "degenerated, godless, dissemblers, and enemies to the
+        church." Likewise, speaking of the council, that he had called
+        them "holiglasses, cormorants, and men of no religion."'
+        _Spottiswoode's History of the Church_, vol. iii. p. 21.
+
+For preaching this sermon, Black was summoned by the privy-council. He
+refused to attend, because it was for a spiritual tribunal, and not for a
+temporal one, to take notice of what was uttered in the pulpit. The
+Church, to be sure, he would obey; but, having received his message from
+God, he was bound to deliver it, and it would be a dereliction of duty,
+if he were to allow the civil power to judge such matters.[263] The
+king, greatly enraged, ordered Black to be cast into prison; and it is
+difficult to see what other course was open to him; though it was certain
+that neither this, nor any measure he could adopt, would tame the
+indomitable spirit of the Scotch Church.[264]
+
+  [263] See the original papers on 'The Declinatour of the King and
+        Counsel's Judicatour in Maters Spirituall, namelie in Preaching of
+        the Word,' in _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. v. pp.
+        457-459, 475-480. Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp.
+        326-332) has given extracts from them, and made some remarks on
+        their obvious tendency. See also on the Declinature of
+        Jurisdiction claimed by the Scotch Church, _Hallam's
+        Constitutional History_, 4th edit. 1842, vol. ii. p. 461; and
+        _Mackenzie's Laws and Customs of Scotland in Matters Criminal_,
+        Edinburgh, 1699, folio, pp. 181, 182.
+
+  [264] M'Crie, in his _Life of Melville_, vol. ii. pp. 70 seq., has given
+        an account of the punishment of Black, but, as usual, conceals the
+        provocation; or, at least, softens it down until it hardly becomes
+        a provocation. According to him, 'David Black had been served with
+        a summons to answer before the privy council for certain
+        expressions used by him in his sermons.' Certain expressions,
+        indeed! But why name the penalty, and suppress the offence? This
+        learned writer knew perfectly well what Black had done, and yet
+        all the information bestowed on the reader is a note at p. 72,
+        containing a mutilated extract from Spottiswoode.
+
+In December the same year, the Church proclaimed a fast; and Welsh
+preached in Edinburgh a sermon, with the view of rousing the people
+against their rulers. The king, he told his audience, had formerly been
+possessed by a devil, and that devil being put out, seven worse ones had
+come in its place. It was, therefore, evident that James was demented,
+and it became lawful to take the sword of justice from his hands; just as
+it would be lawful for servants or children to seize the head of their
+family, if it had pleased heaven to afflict him with madness. In such
+case, the preacher observed, it would be right to lay hold of the madman,
+and to tie him hand and foot, that he might do no further harm.[265]
+
+  [265] 'Saying, "He was possessed with a devil; that one devil being put
+        out, seven worse were entered in place; and that the subjects
+        might lawfully rise, and take the sword out of his hand:" which he
+        confirmed by the example of a father that falling into a frenzy,
+        might be taken by the children and servants of the family, and
+        tied hand and foot from doing violence.' _Spottiswoode's History
+        of the Church of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 34. See also _Arnot's
+        History of Edinburgh_, pp. 46, 47.
+
+The hatred felt by the clergy was at this period so bitter, and the
+democratic spirit in them so strong,[266] that they seemed unable to
+restrain themselves; and Andrew Melville, in an audience with the king,
+in 1596, proceeded to personal insults, and, seizing him by the sleeve,
+called him God's silly vassal.[267] The large amount of truth contained
+in this bitter taunt, increased its pungency. But the ministers did not
+always confine themselves to words.[268] Their participation in the
+Ruthven conspiracy is unquestionable; and it is probable that they were
+privy to the last great peril to which James was exposed, before he
+escaped from that turbulent land, which he was believed to govern.
+Certain it is, that the Earl of Gowrie, who, in 1600, entrapped the king
+into his castle in order to murder him, was the hope and the mainstay of
+the Presbyterian clergy, and was intimately associated with their
+ambitious schemes.[269] Such, indeed, was their infatuation on behalf of
+the assassin, that, when his conspiracy was defeated, and he himself
+slain, several of the ministers propagated a report that Gowrie had
+fallen a victim to the royal perfidy, and that, in point of fact, the
+only plot which ever existed was one concocted by the king, with fatal
+art, against his mild and innocent host.[270]
+
+  [266] This did not escape the attention of the English government; and
+        Elizabeth, who was remarkably well informed respecting Scotch
+        affairs, wrote to James, in 1590, a warning, which was hardly
+        necessary, but which must have added to his fears. 'And lest fayre
+        semblance, that easely may begile, do not brede your ignorance of
+        suche persons as ether pretend religion or dissemble deuotion, let
+        me warne you that ther is risen, bothe in your realme and myne, a
+        secte of perilous consequence, suche as wold have no kings but a
+        presbitrye, and take our place while the inioy our privilege, with
+        a shade of Godes word, wiche none is juged to folow right without
+        by ther censure the be so demed. Yea, looke we wel unto them.'
+        _Letters of Elizabeth and James VI._, edited by John Bruce, Camden
+        Society, 1849, 4to, p. 63.
+
+  [267] The Reverend James Melville, who was present at the scene,
+        describes it with exuberant delight. 'To the quhilk, I beginning
+        to reply, in my maner, Mr. Andro doucht nocht abyd it, bot brak af
+        upon the king in sa zealus, powerfull, and unresistable a maner,
+        that whowbeit the king used his authoritie in maist crabbit and
+        colerik maner, yit Mr. Andro bure him down, and outtered the
+        Commission as from the mightie God, calling the king bot "God's
+        sillie vassall:" and taking him be the sleive,' &c. _Autobiography
+        and Diary of James Melvill_, p. 370. See also _Shields' Hind let
+        loose_, 1687, p. 52; and _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii.
+        p. 66.
+
+  [268] In 1593, 4, some of them formed a plot to seize him. See the
+        evidence from the State-paper Office, in _Tytler's History of
+        Scotland_, vol. vii. p. 249, edit. Edinburgh, 1845.
+
+  [269] 'He was the darling hope of the Presbyterian party.' _Ibid._,
+        vol. vii. p. 410.
+
+  [270] 'Gowry's conspiracy was by them charged on the king, as a
+        contrivance of his to get rid of that earl.' _Burnet's History of
+        his own Time_, edit. Oxford, 1823, vol. i. p. 31. See also
+        _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp. 439, 440; and on the
+        diffusion of 'this absurd hallucination,' see The _Spottiswoode
+        Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 320, Edinburgh, 1845.
+
+An absurdity of this sort[271] was easily believed in an ignorant, and,
+therefore, a credulous, age. That the clergy should have propagated it,
+and that in this, as in many other cases, they should have laboured with
+malignant industry to defame the character of their prince,[272] will
+astonish no one who knows how quickly the wrath of the Church can be
+roused, and how ready the spiritual classes always are to cover, even
+with the foulest calumny, those who stand in their way. The evidence
+which has been collected, proves that the Presbyterian ministers carried
+their violence against the constituted authorities of the state, to an
+indecent, if not to a criminal, length; and we cannot absolve them from
+the charge of being a restless and unscrupulous body, greedy after power,
+and grossly intolerant of whatever opposed their own views. Still, the
+real cause of their conduct was, the spirit of their age, and the
+peculiarities of their position. None of us can be sure that, if we were
+placed exactly as they were placed, we should have acted differently.
+Now, indeed, we cannot read of their proceedings, as they are recorded in
+their own Assemblies, and by the historians of their own Church, without
+an uneasy feeling of dislike, I had almost said of disgust, at finding
+ourselves in presence of so much of superstition, of chicanery, of low,
+sordid arts, and yet, withal, of arrogant and unbridled insolence. The
+truth, however, is, that in Scotland, the age was evil, and the evil
+rose to the surface. The times were out of joint, and it was hard to set
+them right. The long prevalence of anarchy, of ignorance, of poverty, of
+force, of fraud, of domestic tumult, and of foreign invasion, had reduced
+Scotland to a state which is scarcely possible for us to realize.
+Hereafter, I shall give some evidence of the effect which this produced
+on the national character, and of the serious mischief which it wrought.
+In the mean time, we should, in fairness to the Scotch clergy, admit that
+the condition of their country affords the best explanation of their
+conduct. Everything around them was low and coarse; the habits of men, in
+their daily life, were violent, brutal, and utterly regardless of common
+decency; and, as a natural consequence, the standard of human actions was
+so depressed, that upright and well-meaning persons did not shrink from
+doing what to us, in our advanced state of society, seems incredible. Let
+us, then, not be too rash in this matter. Let us not be too forward in
+censuring the leading actors in that great crisis through which Scotland
+passed, during the latter half of the sixteenth century. Much they did,
+which excites our strongest aversion. But one thing they achieved, which
+should make us honour their memory, and repute them benefactors of their
+species. At a most hazardous moment, they kept alive the spirit of
+national liberty.[273] What the nobles and the crown had put in peril,
+that did the clergy save. By their care, the dying spark was kindled into
+a blaze. When the light grew dim, and flickered on the altar, their hands
+trimmed the lamp, and fed the sacred flame. This is their real glory, and
+on this they may well repose. They were the guardians of Scotch freedom,
+and they stood to their post. Where danger was, they were foremost. By
+their sermons, by their conduct, both public and private, by the
+proceedings of their Assemblies, by their bold and frequent attacks upon
+persons, without regard to their rank, nay, even by the very insolence
+with which they treated their superiors, they stirred up the minds of
+men, woke them from their lethargy, formed them to habits of discussion,
+and excited that inquisitive and democratic spirit, which is the only
+effectual guarantee the people can ever possess against the tyranny of
+those who are set over them. This was the work of the Scotch clergy; and
+all hail to them who did it. It was they who taught their countrymen to
+scrutinize, with a fearless eye, the policy of their rulers. It was they
+who pointed the finger of scorn at kings and nobles, and laid bare the
+hollowness of their pretensions. They ridiculed their claims, and jeered
+at their mysteries. They tore the veil, and exposed the tricks of the
+scene which lay behind. The great ones of the earth, they covered with
+contempt; and those who were above them, they cast down. Herein, they did
+a deed which should compensate for all their offences, even were their
+offences ten times as great. By discountenancing that pernicious and
+degrading respect which men are too apt to pay to those whom accident,
+and not merit, has raised above them, they facilitated the growth of a
+proud and sturdy independence, which was sure to do good service at a
+time of need. And that time came quicker than any one had expected.
+Within a very few years, James became master of the resources of England,
+and attempted, by their aid, to subvert the liberties of Scotland. The
+shameful enterprise, which he began, was continued by his cruel and
+superstitious son. How their attempts failed; how Charles I., in the
+effort, shipwrecked his fortune, and provoked a rebellion, which brought
+to the scaffold that great criminal, who dared to conspire against the
+people, and who, as the common enemy and oppressor of all, was at length
+visited with the just punishment of his sins, is known to every reader of
+our history. It is also well known, that, in conducting the struggle, the
+English were greatly indebted to the Scotch, who had, moreover, the merit
+of being the first to lift their hand against the tyrant. What, however,
+is less known, but is undoubtedly true, is, that both nations owe a debt
+they can never repay to those bold men who, during the latter part of the
+sixteenth century, disseminated, from their pulpits and Assemblies,
+sentiments which the people cherished in their hearts, and which, at a
+fitting moment, they reproduced, to the dismay, and eventually to the
+destruction, of those who threatened their liberties.
+
+  [271] See a good note in _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in Scotland_,
+        vol. ii. p. 179, Edinburgh, 1833, 4to. Compare _Lawson's Book of
+        Perth_, Edinburgh, 1847, p. xxxix.
+
+  [272] Their language, and their general bearing, so enraged James, as to
+        extort from him a passionate declaration, in 1592, that 'it would
+        not be weill till noblemen and gentlemen gott licence to breake
+        ministers' heads.' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. v.
+        p. 148.
+
+  [273] 'At the period of which we speak' (about the year 1584) 'the
+        pulpit was, in fact, the only organ by which public opinion was,
+        or could be, expressed; and the ecclesiastical courts were the
+        only assemblies in the nation which possessed anything that was
+        entitled to the name of liberty or independence. Parliament had
+        its business prepared to its hand, and laid before it in the shape
+        of acts which required only its assent. Discussion and freedom of
+        speech were unknown in its meetings. The courts of justice were
+        dependent on the will of the sovereign, and frequently had their
+        proceedings regulated, and their decisions dictated, by letters or
+        messages from the throne. It was the preachers who first taught
+        the people to express an opinion on the conduct of their rulers;
+        and the assemblies of the Church set the earliest example of a
+        regular and firm opposition to the arbitrary and unconstitutional
+        measures of the court.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. i.
+        p. 302.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER III.
+
+  CONDITION OF SCOTLAND DURING THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES.
+
+
+Scarcely had James mounted the throne of England, when he began
+seriously, and on a large scale, to attempt to subjugate the Scotch
+Church, which, as he clearly saw, was the principal obstacle that stood
+between him and despotic power. While he was merely King of Scotland, he
+made several efforts, which were constantly baffled; but now that he
+wielded the vast resources of England, the victory seemed easy.[274] As
+early as 1584, he had gained a temporary triumph, by forcing many of the
+clergy to recognize episcopacy.[275] But that institution was so
+repugnant to their levelling and democratic principles, that nothing
+could overcome their abhorrence of it;[276] and, completely overawing the
+king, they compelled him to give way, and to retrace his steps. The
+result was, that, in 1592, an Act of Parliament was passed, which
+subverted the authority of the bishops, and established Presbyterianism;
+a scheme based on the idea of equality, and, therefore, suited to the
+wants of the Scotch Church.[277]
+
+  [274] Lord Dartmouth says (Note in _Burnet's History of his own Time_,
+        vol. i. p. 15): 'The Earl of Seafield told me that King James
+        frequently declared that he never looked upon himself to be more
+        than King of Scotland in name, till he came to be King of England;
+        but now, he said, one kingdom would help him to govern the other,
+        or he had studied kingcraft to very little purpose from his cradle
+        to that time.' Compare _Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of
+        Hamilton_, Oxford, 1852, p. 36. 'No sooner was he happily settled
+        on the throne of England, but he went more roundly to work.'
+
+  [275] Compare _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vi. p. 430, with
+        _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 303, Sec. 20;
+        also the Act (p. 293, Sec. 4), likewise in 1584, limiting the power
+        of the General Assemblies. James, who flattered himself that he
+        had now settled everything, signalized his triumph by personally
+        abusing the clergy; 'calling them lownes, smaicks, seditious
+        knaves, and so furth.' See a letter, dated 2nd of January 1585-6,
+        in _Miscellany of the Wodrow Society_, p. 438, Edinburgh, 1844.
+
+  [276] 'Bishops were alwayes looked at with a frown.' _Kirkton's History
+        of the Church of Scotland_, p. 129.
+
+  [277] See this remarkable statute, in _Acts of the Parliaments of
+        Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 541, 2. As some of the historians of the
+        Scotch Church have greatly misrepresented it, I will quote that
+        part which expressly repeals the Act of 1584, in favour of the
+        bishops. 'Item oure said souerane lord and estaittis of Parliament
+        foirsaid, abrogatis cass and anullis the xx act of the same
+        pliam[=e]t haldin at Edinburgh the said zeir 1584 zeiris granting
+        c[=o]missioun to bishoppis and vtheris iuges constitute in
+        ecclesiastical causs To ressaue his hienes presentatioun to
+        benefices, To gif collatioun thairvpoun and to put ordo^r in all
+        causs ecclesiasticall qlk his Maiestie and estaittis foirsaid
+        declairis to be expyrit in the self and to be null in tyme cuming
+        and of nane availl force nor effect.'
+
+To this statute, James had assented with the greatest reluctance.[278]
+Indeed, his feeling respecting it was so strong, that he determined, on
+the first opportunity, to procure its repeal, even if he used force to
+effect his purpose. The course he adopted, was characteristic both of the
+man and of the age. In December 1596, one of those popular tumults arose
+in Edinburgh, which are natural in barbarous times, and which, under
+ordinary circumstances, would have been quelled, and nothing more thought
+of it.[279] But James availed himself of this, to strike what he deemed a
+decisive blow. His plan was nothing less than to turn into the capital of
+his own monarchy, large bodies of armed and licensed banditti, who, by
+threatening to plunder the city, should oblige the clergy and their
+flocks to agree to whatever terms he chose to dictate. This magnanimous
+scheme was well worthy of the mind of James, and it was strictly
+executed. From the north, he summoned the Highland nobles, and from the
+south, the border barons, who were to be accompanied by their fierce
+retainers,--men who lived by pillage, and whose delight it was to imbrue
+their hands in blood. At the express command of James, these ferocious
+brigands, on the 1st of January 1597, appeared in the streets of
+Edinburgh, gloating over the prospect before them, and ready, when their
+sovereign gave the word, to sack the capital, and raze it to the
+ground.[280] Resistance was hopeless. Whatever the king demanded, was
+conceded; and James supposed that the time was now come, in which he
+could firmly establish the authority of the bishops, and, by their aid,
+control the clergy, and break their refractory spirit.[281]
+
+  [278] 'The King repented after that he had agreed unto it.' _Calderwood's
+        History of the Kirk_, vol. v. p. 162. But this gives a faint idea
+        of his real feelings. It is perhaps hardly necessary to adduce
+        evidence of the opinions entertained on this point, by a prince,
+        one of whose favourite sayings was, 'No Bishop, no King.' The
+        reader will, however, find, in the _Clarendon State Papers_ (vol.
+        ii. p. 260 Oxford, 1773, folio), a letter from Charles I., which
+        is worth looking at, because it frankly avows that James, in
+        loving episcopacy and hating presbyterianism, was actuated rather
+        by political motives than by religious ones. Charles writes: 'The
+        prudentiall part of any consideration will never be found opposit
+        to the conscientious, nay heere, they go hand in hand; for
+        (according to lawyers lodgique) show me any president where ever
+        Presbiteriall government and Regall was together, without
+        perpetuall rebellions. _Which was the cause that necessitated the
+        King, my Father, to change that governement in Scotland._' Compare
+        what is said by a Scotch Presbyterian of the seventeenth century,
+        in _Biographies edited for the Wodrow Society_ by the Rev. W. K.
+        Tweedie, Edinburgh, 1845, vol. i. p. 13. 'The reason why King
+        James was so violent for bishops was neither their divine
+        institution (which he denied they had), nor yet the profit the
+        Church should reap by them (for he knew well both the men and
+        their communications), but merely because he believed they were
+        useful instruments to turn a limited monarchy into absolute
+        dominion, and subjects into slaves, the design in the world he
+        minded most.'
+
+  [279] 'Had it not been laid hold of by designing politicians as a handle
+        for accomplishing their measures, it would not now have been known
+        that such an event had ever occurred.' _M'Crie's Life of
+        Melville_, vol. ii. p. 85. 'Harmless as this uproar was, it
+        afforded the court a pretext for carrying into execution its
+        designs against the liberties and government of the Church.'
+        p. 89.
+
+  [280] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp. 342-345.
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. v. pp. 514, 515, 530,
+        531.
+
+  [281] 'Intimidated by these menaces, and distressed at the loss of the
+        courts of justice, they came to the resolution of making surrender
+        of their political and religious liberties to the king.' _M'Crie's
+        Life of Melville_, vol. ii. p. 92. This is said of the magistrates
+        of Edinburgh. Among other threats, one was, the 'razing and
+        ploughing of Edinburgh, and sowing it with salt.' _Wodrow's Life
+        of Bruce_, p. 48, prefixed to _Bruce's Sermons_, edited by the
+        Rev. William Cunningham, Edinburgh, 1843. On this occasion,
+        Elizabeth wrote a letter to James, which is printed in _Letters of
+        Queen Elizabeth and James VI._, 1849, 4to, pp. 120, 121.
+
+In this undertaking, three years were consumed. To insure its success,
+the king, supported by the nobles, relied, not only on force, but also on
+an artifice, which now seems to have been employed for the first time.
+This was, to pack the General Assemblies, by inundating them with
+clergymen drawn from the north of Scotland, where, the old clannish and
+aristocratic spirit being supreme, the democratic spirit, found in the
+south, was unknown. Hitherto, these northern ministers had rarely
+attended at the great meetings of the Church; but James, in 1597, sent
+Sir Patrick Murray on a special mission to them, urging them to be
+present, in order that they might vote on his side.[282] They, being a
+very ignorant body, knowing little or nothing of the questions really at
+issue, and being, moreover, accustomed to a state of society in which
+men, notwithstanding their lawlessness, paid the most servile obedience
+to their immediate superiors, were easily worked upon, and induced to do
+what they were bid. By their help, the crown and the nobles so
+strengthened their party in the General Assembly, as to obtain in many
+instances a majority; and innovations were gradually introduced,
+calculated to destroy the democratic character of the Scotch Church.[283]
+
+  [282] _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. p. 100. Scot (_Apologetical
+        Narration of the State of the Kirk_, p. 88) says, 'Sir Patrick
+        Murray, the diligent apostle of the North, made their acquaintance
+        with the King.' Also, _The Autobiography and Diary of James
+        Melville_, p. 403.
+
+  [283] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp. 350, 359. But by far
+        the best account of the influence of these northern clergy will be
+        found in _M'Crie's Life of Melville_ (vol. ii. pp. 100-105, 109,
+        131, 152), drawn, in several instances, from manuscript
+        authorities. Compare _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. v.
+        p. 625.
+
+In 1597, the movement began. From then, until 1600, successive Assemblies
+sanctioned different changes, all of which were marked by that
+aristocratic tendency which seemed about to carry everything before it.
+In 1600, the General Assembly met at Montrose; and government determined
+on making a final effort to compel the Church to establish an episcopal
+polity. Andrew Melville, by far the most influential man in the Church,
+and the leader of the democratic party, had been elected, as usual, a
+member of the Assembly; but the king, arbitrarily interposing, refused to
+allow him to take his seat.[284] Still, neither by threats, nor by force,
+nor by promises, could the court carry their point. All that they
+obtained was, that certain ecclesiastics should be allowed to sit in
+parliament; but it was ordered that such persons should every year lay
+their commissions at the feet of the General Assembly, and render an
+account of their conduct. The Assembly was to have the power of deposing
+them; and, to keep them in greater subjection, they were forbidden to
+call themselves bishops, but were to be content with the inferior title
+of Commissioners of the Church.[285]
+
+  [284] This is related by his nephew, James Melville. 'Mr. Andro Melvill
+        come to the Assembly, by Commissoune of his Presbytrie, but wes
+        commandit to keip his ludgeing; quho, being callit to the King in
+        private, and demandit, Quhy he wes so trublesume as to come to the
+        Assembly being dischairgit? He answerit, He had a calling in the
+        Kirk of God, and of Jesus Chryst, the King of kings, quhilk he
+        behovit to dischairge at all occasiounes, being orderlie callit
+        thairto, as he wes at this tyme; and that for feir of a grytter
+        punischment then could any earthly King inflict.' _The
+        Autobiography and Diary of James Melvill_, p. 542.
+
+  [285] As, owing to the passions of the rival classes, every step of this
+        part of Scotch history is the subject of angry controversy, and as
+        even Mr. Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. vii. p. 360) asserts
+        that 'the final establishment of Episcopacy' took place at the
+        Assembly of Montrose, in 1600. I subjoin a few extracts from the
+        enactments of that Assembly, in order that the reader may judge
+        for himself, and may test the accuracy of what I have stated in
+        the text. 'Concerning the maner of choosing of him that sall have
+        vote in Parliament in name of the Kirk: It is condiscendit vpon,
+        that _he sall first be recommendit be the Kirk to his Majestie_;
+        and that the Kirk sall nominat sixe for every place that sall have
+        neid to be filled, of quhom his Majestie sall choose ane, of quhom
+        he best lykes; and his Majestie promises, obleises, and binds
+        himselfe to choose no vther but ane of that number: And in cace
+        his Majestie refuses the haill vpon ane just reason of ane
+        insufficiency, and of greater sufficiencie of vthers that are not
+        recommendit, the Kirk sall make ane new recommendatioun of men
+        according to the first number, of the quhilk, ane salbe chosin be
+        his Majestie without any farther refuisall or new nominatioun; and
+        he that salbe chosin be his Majestie, salbe admittit be the
+        Synods.' _Acts of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland_,
+        vol. iii. p. 954. 'As to the cautions to keip him, that sall have
+        vote in Parliament, from corruptiouns: They be these following:
+        1. _That he presume not, at any tyme, to propone at Parliament,
+        Counsell or Conventioun, in name of the Kirk, any thing without
+        expresse warrand and directioun from the Kirk_, and sick things as
+        he sall answer (for) to be for the weill of the Kirk, vnder the
+        paine of depositioun from his office.' ... 2. 'He sall be bound at
+        every Generall Assemblie, to give ane accompt anent the discharge
+        of his commissioun sen the Assemblie gangand befor; _and sall
+        submitt himselfe to thair censure, and stand at thair
+        determinatioun quhatsumever, without appellatioun; and sall seik
+        and obtain ratificatioun of his doings at the said Assemblie,
+        vnder the paine of infamie and excommunicatioun_.' ... 6. 'In the
+        administration of discipline, collatioun of benefices,
+        visitatioun, and all vther points of ecclesiasticall government,
+        he sall neither vsurpe nor acclaime to himselfe _any power or
+        jurisdictioun farther than any vther of the rest of his breither_,
+        unlesse he be imployit be his breither, vnder the paine of
+        deprivatioun.' p. 955. 'Anent his name that for the Kirk sall
+        (have) vote in Parliament: It is advyseit, be vniforme consent of
+        the haill brether, that he salbe callit Commissioner of such a
+        place.' p. 956. 'Therfor the Generall Assemblie having reasonit at
+        length the said questioun, tuiching the continuance of him that
+        sall have vote in Parliament, after votting of the same, finds and
+        decernes, that _he sall annuatim give count of his commission
+        obtainit from the Assemblie, and lay downe the samein at thair
+        feitt_, to be continuit or alterit therfra be his Maiestie and the
+        Assemblie, as the Assemblie, with consent of his Maiestie, sall
+        think most expedient for the weill of the Kirk.' p. 959.
+
+After sustaining this repulse, James seems to have been disheartened; as
+he made no further effort, though he still laboured underhand at the
+restoration of episcopacy.[286] If he had persevered, it might have cost
+him his crown. For, his resources were few; he was extremely poor;[287]
+and recent events had shown that the clergy were stronger than he had
+supposed. When he thought himself most sure of success, they had
+subjected him to a mortifying defeat; and this was the more remarkable,
+as it was entirely their own work; they being by this time so completely
+separated from the nobles, that they could not rely upon even a single
+member of that powerful body.
+
+  [286] 'While James remained in Scotland, the scheme of introducing
+        episcopacy, though never lost sight of, was cautiously
+        prosecuted.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. p. 178.
+
+  [287] James, during the whole of his reign, was chiefly dependent on the
+        money which Elizabeth gave him, and which she dealt out rather
+        niggardly. Such were his necessities, that he was forced to pawn
+        his plate, and, even then, he was often unable to defray his
+        ordinary household expenses. See _Tytler's History of Scotland_,
+        vol. vi. pp. 265, 266, 272, vol. vii. pp. 158, 378-380.
+        _Miscellany of the Spalding Club_, vol. ii. pp. xlv. 114.
+        _Gregory's History of the Western Highlands_, pp. 241, 277. See
+        also a clamorous begging-letter from James to Elizabeth, written
+        in 1591, in _Letters of Queen Elizabeth and James VI._, 1849, 4to,
+        pp. 68, 69. In 1593, she apologizes for sending him only a small
+        sum: 'The small token you shall receave from me I desire yt may
+        serve to make you remember the tyme and my many weighty affaires,
+        wich makes it les than else I would, and I dowt nothing but when
+        you heare all, yow will beare with this.' p. 84. A letter from
+        James Hudson, written about the year 1591, states that 'both the
+        king's table and queen's had like to have been unserved by want;
+        and that the king had nothing he accounted certain to come into
+        his purse, but what he had from the Queen of England.' _Ridpath's
+        Border History_, p. 465, Berwick, 1848, 4to.
+
+While affairs were in this state, and while the liberties of Scotland, of
+which the Church was the guardian, were trembling in the balance,
+Elizabeth died, and the King of Scotland became also King of England.
+James at once determined to employ the resources of his new kingdom to
+curb his old one. In 1604, that is, only the year after his accession to
+the English throne, he aimed a deadly blow at the Scotch Church, by
+attacking the independence of their Assemblies; and, by his own
+authority, he prorogued the General Assembly of Aberdeen.[288] In 1605,
+he again prorogued it; and, to make his intentions clear, he, this time,
+refused to fix a day for its future meeting.[289] Hereupon, some of the
+ministers, deputed by presbyteries, took upon themselves to convene it,
+which they had an undoubted right to do, as the act of the king was
+manifestly illegal. On the day appointed, they met in the session-house
+of Aberdeen. They were ordered to disperse. Having, as they conceived, by
+the mere fact of assembling, sufficiently asserted their privileges, they
+obeyed. But James, now backed by the power of England, resolved that they
+should feel the change of his position, and, therefore, of theirs. In
+consequence of orders which he sent from London, fourteen of the clergy
+were committed to prison.[290] Six of them, who denied the authority of
+the privy-council, were indicted for high treason. They were at once put
+upon their trial. They were convicted. And sentence of death was only
+deferred, that the pleasure of the king might first be taken, as to
+whether he would not be satisfied with some punishment that fell short of
+sacrificing the lives of these unhappy men.[291]
+
+  [288] _Laing's History of Scotland_, edit. 1819, vol. iii. p. 28.
+        _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. vi. pp. 264, 323.
+        _Bower's History of the University of Edinburgh_, vol. i. p. 175,
+        Edinburgh, 1817. _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_,
+        p. 88.
+
+  [289] 'Adde thereunto, that the letter of the commissioner and last
+        moderator, conteaned no certane tyme nor day whereto the said
+        Assemblie sould be prorogued; so that it imported a casting loose
+        and deserting, yea, and tyning of the possessioun of our
+        Assemblie; than the which what could be more dangerous to the
+        libertie and freedom of the Kirk of Jesus Christ, at suche a tyme,
+        namelie of the treatie of the Unioun, when all the estates of the
+        realme, and everie particular are zealous and carefull of their
+        rights and possessiouns?' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_,
+        vol. vi. pp. 309, 310.
+
+  [290] See a list of them in _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. vi.
+        p. 347, where the fourteen names are preserved with pious care.
+
+  [291] _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 494-502.
+        _Forbes' Certaine Records touching the Estate of the Kirk_, edit.
+        Wodrow Society, Edinburgh, 1846, pp. 463-496. 'Delayed the giving
+        forth of the sentence of condemnation till the King's mind were
+        further knowne.' See also _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol.
+        vi. pp. 434, 449. When they were found guilty, 'the peiple said,
+        "Certainely this wes a worke of darknes, to mak Chrystis faithfull
+        Ministeres tratouris to the King! God grant he be niver in greater
+        dangeris nor off sic traitouris."' _Melvill's Autobiography and
+        Diary_, p. 626.
+
+Their lives, indeed, were spared; but they were subjected to a close
+imprisonment, and then condemned to perpetual exile.[292] In other parts
+of the country, similar measures were adopted. Nearly all over Scotland,
+numbers of the clergy were either imprisoned or forced to fly.[293]
+Terror and proscription were universal. Such was the panic, that it was
+generally believed that nothing could prevent the permanent establishment
+of despotism, unless there were some immediate and providential
+interference on behalf of the Church and the people.[294]
+
+  [292] _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. pp. 207, 208. _Pitcairn's
+        Criminal Trials_, vol. ii. p. 504. In connexion with these
+        transactions, a letter is preserved in the Winwood Papers, which
+        is much too curious to be passed over in silence. It is addressed
+        by the Earl of Salisbury to Sir Charles Cornwallis, and is dated
+        12th September 1605. Salisbury, who was then at the head of
+        affairs, writes, 'True it is that his Majestie seeking to _adorne
+        that kingdome of Scotland with Prelates as they are in England_,
+        some of the Ministers have spurned against it; and althouge his
+        Majestie had ever warranted their calling of General Assemblies
+        upon no other condition, then that they should make him
+        acquainted, receive his warrant, and a commissioner for his
+        Majestie resident in their councells, yet have they (followed with
+        some poor plebecall numbers) presumed to hold their General
+        Assemblies in some parte of the Realme contrarie to his
+        commandement. Whereupon his Majestie hath shewed himself
+        displeased, and cyted divers of them before his councell,' &c.
+        _Memorials of Affairs of State, from the Papers of Sir Ralph
+        Winwood_, London, 1725, folio, vol. ii. p. 132. And yet the man
+        who could write such nonsense as this, and who could only see, in
+        the great democratic movement of the Scotch mind, a disinclination
+        to the _adornment_ of episcopacy, was deemed one of the most
+        eminent statesmen of his time, and his reputation has survived
+        him. If great statesmen discern so little of what is before them
+        and around them, we are tempted to inquire, how much confidence
+        ought to be placed in the opinions of those average statesmen by
+        whom countries are ruled. For my own part, I can only say, that I
+        have had occasion to read many thousand letters written by
+        diplomatists and politicians, and I have hardly ever found an
+        instance of one of them who understood the spirit and tendency of
+        the age in which he lived.
+
+  [293] 'Ministers in all parts of the country were thrown into prison, or
+        declared rebels, and forced to abscond.' _M'Crie's Life of
+        Melville_, vol. ii. p. 250. Liberty of speech was so completely
+        suppressed, that, in 1605, when the most zealous and intelligent
+        clergy were banished, 'a strait command' (was) 'gevin to
+        magistrats, and uther officiers of burrowis, that in cace any
+        preacher sould speik opinlie aganis that baneisment, or for
+        defence or mentenence of that assemblie, or pray publiklie for
+        ther saiftie, that they sould be noted and manifested to the
+        secret counsell, and corrected for their fault.' _The Historie of
+        King James the Sext_, p. 380.
+
+  [294] See an eloquent and touching passage, in _Calderwood's History of
+        the Kirk_, vol. vi. pp. 696, 697.
+
+Nor can it be denied that there were plausible grounds for these
+apprehensions. The people had no friends except among the clergy, and the
+ablest of the clergy were either in prison or in exile.[295] To deprive
+the Church entirely of her leaders, James, in 1606, summoned to London,
+Melville and seven of his colleagues, under pretence of needing their
+advice.[296] Having got possession of their persons, he detained them in
+England.[297] They were forbidden to return to Scotland; and Melville,
+who was most feared, was committed to custody. He was then imprisoned in
+the Tower, where he remained four years, and from which he was only
+liberated on condition of living abroad, and abandoning altogether his
+native country.[298] The seven ministers who had accompanied him to
+London were also imprisoned; but, being considered less dangerous than
+their leader, they, after a time, were allowed to return home. The nephew
+of Melville was, however, ordered not to travel more than two miles from
+Newcastle; and his six companions were confined in different parts of
+Scotland.[299]
+
+  [295] 'The godliest, wisest, learnedest, and most zealous men of the
+        ministrie in Scotland, were either banished, warded, or detained
+        in Ingland, of purpose that they might not be a lett to the grand
+        designe in hand.' _Row's History of the Kirk_, p. 238.
+
+  [296] _Scot's Apologetical Narration of the State of the Kirk_, pp. 164,
+        165. Compare _The Autobiography and Diary of James Melvill_,
+        pp. 642-645.
+
+  [297] 'Quhen we wer gone out of the Palice a lytle way towards
+        Kingstoune, Mr. Alexander Hay sendis back for us, and withall, in
+        the Uttir Court, reidis to us a chairge from the King not to
+        returne to Scotland, nor to com neire the King, Quein, nor Prince
+        their Courtis, without a speciall calling for and licence.'
+        _Melvill's Autobiography_, p. 661.
+
+  [298] _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. pp. 246, 252, 260, 337-339,
+        403, 407-411, 414. This truly great and fearless man died in
+        exile, in 1622. p. 458.
+
+  [299] _Melvill's Autobiography and Diary_, p. 709. _Scot's Apologetical
+        Narration_, p. 194. _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. pp. 252,
+        253, 267, 268.
+
+Everything now seemed ripe for the destruction of those ideas of equality
+of which, in Scotland, the Church was the sole representative. In 1610, a
+General Assembly was held at Glasgow; and, as the members of it were
+nominated by the crown,[300] whatever the government wished was conceded.
+By their vote, episcopacy was established, and the authority of the
+bishops over the ministers was fully recognized.[301] A little earlier,
+but in the same year, two courts of High Commission were erected, one at
+Saint Andrews, and one at Glasgow. To them, all ecclesiastical courts
+were subordinate. They were armed with such immense power, that they
+could cite any one they pleased before them, could examine him respecting
+his religious opinions, could have him excommunicated, and could fine or
+imprison him, just as they thought proper.[302] Finally, and to complete
+the humiliation of Scotland, the establishment of episcopacy was not
+considered complete, until an act was performed, which nothing but its
+being very ignominious, could have saved from being ridiculed as an idle
+and childish farce. The archbishop of Glasgow, the bishop of Brechin, and
+the bishop of Galloway, had to travel all the way to London, in order
+that they might be touched by some English bishops. Incredible as it may
+appear, it was actually supposed that there was no power in Scotland
+sufficiently spiritual to turn a Scotchman into a prelate. Therefore it
+was, that the archbishop of Glasgow and his companions performed what was
+then an arduous journey to a strange and distant capital, for the sake of
+receiving some hidden virtue, which, on their return home, they might
+communicate to their brethren. To the grief and astonishment of their
+country, these unworthy priests, abandoning the traditions of their
+native land, and forgetting the proud spirit which animated their
+fathers, consented to abjure their own independence, to humble themselves
+before the English Church, and to submit to mummeries, which, in their
+hearts, they must have despised, but which were now inflicted upon them
+by their ancient and inveterate foes.[303]
+
+  [300] 'Royal missives were sent to the presbyteries, nominating the
+        individuals whom they should chuse as their representatives to
+        it.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. pp. 387, 388. On the
+        character of its members, compare _Wodrow's History of the
+        Sufferings of the Church of Scotland_, edit. Glasgow, 1838, vol.
+        i. p. 256. _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_, pp.
+        320, 321. _Crookshank's Church of Scotland_, Edinburgh, 1812, vol.
+        i. p. 28; and _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. vii.
+        pp. 97, 98.
+
+  [301] _Acts of the General Assemblies of the Kirk_, vol. iii. pp. 1096,
+        1097. The Assembly even forbad the democratic notion of equality
+        to be advocated. See p. 1101. 'Because it is vncivill that laws
+        and constitutiouns, either Civill or Ecclesiasticall, being anes
+        establischit and in force, by publick and opin consent, sould be
+        controllit and callit in questioun by any person: therfor, it is
+        statute by vniforme consent of this haill Assemblie, that none of
+        the Ministrie either in pulpitt in his preaching, or in the
+        publick exercise, speake and reason against the acts of this
+        present Assemblie, nor dissobey the same, vnder the paine of
+        deprivatioun, being tryit and convict thereof; and _speciallie,
+        that the questioun of equalitie and inequalitie in the Kirk, be
+        not treattit in pulpitt vnder the said paine_.'
+
+  [302] Mr. Russell (_History of the Church in Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 88),
+        misled, probably, by a passage in _Spottiswoode's History of the
+        Church_, vol. iii. p. 210, says, 'A Court of High Commission was
+        instituted.' But it is certain that there were two such courts;
+        one for the diocese of Saint Andrews, and one for that of Glasgow.
+        See the 'commissioun givin under the great seale to the two
+        archbishops,' dated 15th of February 1610, in _Calderwood's
+        History of the Kirk_, vol. vii. pp. 57-62. See also p. 210. They
+        were not united till December 1615. See _Scot's Apologetical
+        Narration of the State of the Kirk_, pp. 218, 239; and
+        _Crookshank's History of the Sufferings of the Church of
+        Scotland_, vol. i. p. 28. By the royal commission, these despotic
+        tribunals were authorized (_Calderwood_, vol. vii. p. 59) 'to call
+        before them at suche tymes and places as they salle thinke meete,
+        anie person or persons dwelling and remaining within their
+        provinces respective above writtin of St. Andrews or Glasgow, or
+        within anie dioceis of the same, being offenders ather in life or
+        religioun, whom they hold anie way to be scandalous, and that they
+        take tryell of the same; and if they find them guiltie and
+        impenitent, refusing to acknowledge their offence, they sall give
+        command to the preacher of that parish where they dwell, to
+        proceed with sentence of excommunication against them; which, if
+        it be protracted, and their command by that minister be not
+        presentlie obeyed, they sall conveene anie suche minister before
+        them, and proceed in censuring of him for his disobedience, ather
+        by suspensioun, deprivatioun, or wairding, according as in their
+        discretioun they sall hold his obstinacie and refuse of their
+        directioun to have deserved. And further, to fyne at their
+        discretiouns, imprisoun, or warde anie suche persoun, who being
+        convicted before them, they sall find upon tryell to have deserved
+        anie suche punishment.' Hereupon, Calderwood justly remarks, p.
+        62: 'This commissioun and executioun thereof, as it exalted the
+        aspyring bishops farre above any prelat that ever was in Scotland,
+        so it putt the king in possessioun of that which he had long tyme
+        hunted for; to witt, of the royall prerogative, and absolute power
+        to use the bodeis and goods of the subjects at pleasure, without
+        forme or processe of the commoun law, even then when the Lower
+        Hous in England was compleaning in their parliament upon the
+        injurie therof. So our bishops were fitt instruments to overthrow
+        the liberteis both of the Kirk and countrie.'
+
+  [303] See _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 93, and
+        _Kirkton's History_, p. 15. Kirkton indignantly says, that James
+        'perswaded a few unworthy men to perjure themselves, and after
+        their episcopall consecration by the English bishops in England,
+        to exercise that odious office in Scotland against their own oath
+        and the consciences of their brethren.' Compare the contemptuous
+        notice, in _Row's History of the Kirk_, p. 283, on the 'anoynting
+        of oyle and other ceremonies,' and on 'the foolish guyses in it.'
+        Indeed, on this subject, every Scotch writer who cared for the
+        liberty of his country, expressed himself either with contempt or
+        indignation.
+
+We may easily imagine what would be the future conduct of men, who,
+merely for their own aggrandizement, and to please their prince, could
+thus renounce the cherished independence of the Scotch Church. They who
+crouch to those who are above them always trample on those who are below
+them. Directly they returned to Scotland, they communicated the
+consecration they had received in England to their fellow-bishops,[304]
+who were of the like mould to themselves, in so far as all of them aided
+James in his attempt to subjugate the liberties of their native country.
+Being now properly ordained, their spiritual life was complete; it
+remained for them to secure the happiness of their temporal life. This
+they did, by gradually monopolizing all authority, and treating with
+unsparing severity those who opposed them. The fall triumph of the
+bishops was reserved for the reign of Charles I., when a number of them
+obtained seats in the privy-council, where they behaved with such
+overbearing insolence, that even Clarendon, notwithstanding his
+notorious partiality for their order, censures their conduct.[305] In the
+time, however, of James I., they carried nearly everything before
+them.[306] They deprived the towns of their privileges, and forced them
+to receive magistrates of their own choosing.[307] They accumulated
+wealth, and made an ostentatious display of it; which was the more
+disgraceful, as the country was miserably poor, and their fellow-subjects
+were starving around them.[308] The Lords of the Articles, without whose
+sanction no measure could be presented to parliament, had been hitherto
+elected by laymen; but the bishops now effected a change, by virtue of
+which the right of nomination devolved on themselves.[309] Having thus
+gained possession of the legislature, they obtained the enactment of
+fresh penalties against their countrymen. Great numbers of the clergy
+they suspended; others they deprived of their benefices; others they
+imprisoned. The city of Edinburgh, being opposed to the rites and
+ceremonies lately introduced, and being, like the rest of the country,
+hostile to episcopacy, the bishops fell on it also, displaced several of
+its magistrates, seized some of the principal citizens, and threatened to
+deprive it of the courts of justice, and of the honour of being the seat
+of government.[310]
+
+  [304] Calderwood, with ill-suppressed bitterness, says, 'efter the same
+        maner that they were consecrated themselfs, _als neere as they
+        could imitate_.' _History of the Kirk_, vol. vii. p. 152. Compare
+        _Wodrow's Collections_, vol. i. part i. p. 293. 'The Bishops
+        ordeaned in England keeped as near the manner taken with
+        themselves there as they could.'
+
+  [305] 'Some of them, by want of temper, or want of breeding, did not
+        behave themselves with that decency in their debates, towards the
+        greatest men of the kingdom, as in discretion they ought to have
+        done, and as the others reasonably expected from them.'
+        _Clarendon's History of the Rebellion_, edit. Oxford, 1843, p. 35.
+        In 1633, 'nine of them were privy councillors;' and 'their pride
+        was cried out upon as unsupportable.' _Burnet's Memoirs of the
+        Dukes of Hamilton_, p. 38. Sir John Scot imputes to them
+        'insolence, pride, and avarice.' _Scot's Staggering State of the
+        Scots Statesmen_, Edinburgh, 1754, p. 41. See also _Spalding's
+        History of the Troubles_, vol. i. pp. 46, 47, Edinburgh,
+        1828, 4to.
+
+  [306] So early as 1613, a letter from James Inglish (preserved in
+        _Wodrow's Collections_, vol. ii. part i. p. 110, Glasgow, 1845,
+        4to) complains that 'the libertys of the Lord's Kirk are greatly
+        abridged by the pride of Bishops, and their power daily increases
+        over her.' Civil rights were equally set at nought by the bishops;
+        and, among other enactments which they obtained, one was, 'that no
+        man should be permitted to practise or profess any physic, unless
+        he had first satisfied the bishop of the diocese touching his
+        religion.' _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_,
+        vol. iii. p. 236. This at once gave them the control of the whole
+        medical profession.
+
+  [307] 'Not satisfied with ruling the church-courts, they claimed an
+        extensive civil authority within their dioceses. The burghs were
+        deprived of their privileges, and forced to receive such
+        magistrates as their episcopal superiors, in concert with the
+        court, were pleased to nominate.' ... 'Archbishop Gladstanes, in a
+        letter to the King, June the 9th 1611, says: "It was your pleasure
+        and direction, that I sould be possessed with the like privileges
+        in the electione of the magistrats there (in St. Andrews), as my
+        lord of Glasgow is endued with in that his city. Sir, whereas they
+        are troublesome, I will be answerable to your Majesty and Counsell
+        for them, after that I be possessed of my right." Ms. in Bibl.
+        Jurid. Edin. M. 6, 9. n^o. 72.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_,
+        vol. ii. p. 422.
+
+  [308] And their prodigality was equal to their rapacity. When Archbishop
+        Gladstanes died, in 1615, it was ascertained that,
+        'notwithstanding of the great rent of his bishoprick, he died in
+        the debt of twentie thowsand pounds.' _Calderwood's History of the
+        Kirk_, vol. vii. p. 197. See also p. 303. Also the case of the
+        Bishop of Galloway, who died in 1619, and of whom Calderwood says
+        (_History of the Kirk_, vol. vii. p. 350), 'It is thought, that if
+        just calculation were made of the commoditie extorted by him
+        through his diocie, by advice of his two covetous counsellours,
+        Andro Couper, his brother, and Johne Grilmour, wrytter in
+        Edinburgh, for his use and theirs, by racting of rents, getting of
+        grassoumes, setting of tacks, of teithes, and other like meanes,
+        wold surmount the soume of an hundreth thousand merks, or, in the
+        opinion of others, almost the double; so that manie within that
+        diocie, and the annexed prelacies, sall hardlie recover their
+        estates in their time.' Compare _Stevenson's History of the
+        Church_, pp. 212, 392.
+
+  [309] On this change, which was completed in 1621, see _Laing's History
+        of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 88; _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_,
+        vol. vii. p. 490; and _Baillie's Letters and Journals_, vol. i.
+        p. 486, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1841.
+
+  [310] _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. vii. pp. 472-474, 507,
+        509, 511, 517-520, 530-543, 549-553, 566, 567, 614, 621. _Laing's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 90, 91. Laing, very unjustly,
+        accuses the bishops of being so merciful as to disapprove of some
+        of these transactions. But whoever has read much of the Scotch
+        literature of the seventeenth century, will cheerfully exonerate
+        the bishops from a charge, which they would themselves have
+        repelled, and to which they are nowise amenable.
+
+In the midst of all this, and while things seemed to be at their worst, a
+great reaction was preparing. And the explanation of the reaction is to
+be found in that vast and pregnant principle, on which I have often
+insisted, but which our common historians are unable to understand;
+namely, that a bad government, bad laws, or laws badly administered, are,
+indeed, extremely injurious at the time, but can produce no permanent
+mischief; in other words, they may harm a country, but can never ruin it.
+As long as the people are sound, there is life, and while there is life,
+there will be reaction. In such case, tyranny provokes rebellion, and
+despotism causes freedom. But if the people are unsound, all hope is
+gone, and the nation perishes. In both instances, government is, in the
+long run, inoperative, and is nowise responsible for the ultimate result.
+The ruling classes have, for the moment, immense power, which they
+invariably abuse, except when they are restrained, either by fear, or by
+shame. The people may inspire them with fear; public opinion may inspire
+them with shame. But whether or not that shall happen, depends on the
+spirit of the people, and on the state of opinion. These two
+circumstances are themselves governed by a long chain of antecedents,
+stretching back to a period, always very distant, and sometimes so remote
+as to baffle observation. When the evidence is sufficiently abundant,
+those antecedents may be generalized; and their generalization conducts
+us to certain large and powerful causes, on which the whole movement
+depends. In short periods, the operation of these causes is
+imperceptible, but in long periods, it is conspicuous and supreme; it
+colours the national character; it controls the great sweep and average
+of affairs. In Scotland, as I have already shown, general causes made the
+people love their clergy, and made the clergy love liberty. As long as
+these two facts coexisted, the destiny of the nation was safe. It might
+be injured, insulted, and trampled upon. It might be harmed in various
+ways; but the greater the harm, the surer the remedy, because the higher
+the spirit of the country would be roused. All that was needed was, a
+little more time, and a little more provocation. We, who, standing at a
+distance, can contemplate these matters from an elevation, and see how
+events pressed on and thickened, cannot mistake the regularity of their
+sequence. Notwithstanding the apparent confusion, all was orderly and
+methodical. To us, the scheme is revealed. There is the fabric, and it is
+of one hue, and one make. The pattern is plainly marked, and fortunately
+it was worked into a texture, whose mighty web was not to be broken,
+either by the arts, or the violence, of designing men.
+
+It was, therefore, of no avail that tyranny did her utmost. It was of no
+avail that the throne was occupied by a despotic and unscrupulous king,
+who was succeeded by another, more despotic and more unscrupulous than
+himself. It was of no avail that a handful of meddling and intrusive
+bishops, deriving their consecration from London, and supported by the
+authority of the English church, took counsel together, and conspired
+against the liberties of their native land. They played the part of spies
+and of traitors, but they played it in vain. Yet, everything that
+government could give them, it gave. They had the law on their side, and
+they had the right of administering the law. They were legislators,
+councillors, and judges. They had wealth; they had high-sounding titles;
+they had all the pomp and attributes for which they bartered their
+independence, and with which they hoped to dazzle the eyes of the vulgar.
+Still, they could not turn back the stream; they could not even stop it;
+they could not prevent it from coming on, and swallowing them up in its
+course. Before that generation passed away, these little men, big though
+they were in their own conceit, succumbed, and fell. The hand of the age
+was upon them, and they were unable to resist. They were struck down, and
+humbled; they were stripped of their offices, their honours, and their
+splendour: they lost all which minds like theirs hold most dear. Their
+fate is an instructive lesson. It is a lesson, both to the rulers of
+nations, and to those who write the history of nations. To rulers, in so
+far as it is one of many proofs how little they can do, and how
+insignificant is the part which they play in the great drama of the
+world. To historians, the result should be especially instructive, as
+convincing them that the events on which they concentrate their
+attention, and which they believe to be of supreme importance, are in
+reality of trifling value, and, so far from holding the first rank, ought
+to be made subservient to those large and comprehensive studies, by whose
+aid alone, we can ascertain the conditions which determine the tread and
+destiny of nations.
+
+The events that now happened in Scotland, may be quickly told. The
+patience of the country was well-nigh exhausted, and the day of reckoning
+was at hand.[311] In 1637, the people began to rise. In the summer of
+that year, the first great riot broke out in Edinburgh.[312] The flame
+quickly spread, and nothing could stop it. By October, the whole nation
+was up, and an accusation was preferred against the bishops, which was
+signed by nearly every corporation, and by men of all ranks.[313] In
+November, the Scotch, in defiance of the Crown, organized a system of
+representation of their own, in which every class had a share.[314] Early
+in 1638, the National Covenant was framed; and the eagerness with which
+it was sworn to, showed that the people were determined, at all hazards,
+to vindicate their rights.[315] It was now evident that all was over.
+During the summer of 1638, preparations were made, and, in the autumn,
+the storm broke. In November, the first General Assembly seen in Scotland
+for twenty years, met at Glasgow.[316] The Marquis of Hamilton, the
+king's commissioner, ordered the members to separate.[317] They
+refused.[318] Nor would they disband, until they had done the work
+expected from them.[319] By their vote, the democratic institution of
+presbyteries was restored to its old power; the forms of consecration
+were done away with; the bishops were degraded from their functions, and
+episcopacy was abolished.[320]
+
+  [311] In October 1637, Baillie, who was carefully watching the course of
+        affairs, writes, 'No man may speak any thing in publick for the
+        king's part, except he would have himself marked for a sacrifice
+        to be killed one day. I think our people possessed with a bloody
+        devill, farr above any thing that ever I could have imagined,
+        though the masse in Latine had been presented.' And, in a
+        postscript, dated 3rd October, he adds: 'My fears in my former
+        went no farther then to ane ecclesiastik separation, but now I am
+        more affrayit for a bloudie civill warr.' _Baillie's Letters and
+        Journals_, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1841, vol. i. pp. 23, 25.
+
+  [312] _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 131. _Chambers'
+        Annals_, vol. ii. pp. 101-104. _Spalding's History of the Troubles
+        in Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 47, 48.
+
+  [313] 'The accusation, among themselves a bond of union, and to their
+        enemies a signal of hostility, was subscribed by the nobility, the
+        gentry, the clergy, and afterwards by all ranks, and almost by
+        every corporation in the kingdom.' _Laing's History of Scotland_,
+        vol. iii. p. 137.
+
+  [314] _Ibid._, vol. iii. p. 138.
+
+  [315] 'It was signed by a large majority of the people, in a paroxysm of
+        enthusiasm beyond all example in our history.' _Chambers' Annals_,
+        vol. ii. p. 105. Kirkton, who was a contemporary, says, 'And
+        though only eleven private men (and some of them very
+        inconsiderable) had the boldness first to begin this work, without
+        ever asking leave of king or council, yet was it very quickly
+        taken by all the people of Scotland, with hands lifted up in most
+        solemn manner.' _Kirkton's History of the Church of Scotland_, p.
+        33. Lord Somerville, taking a somewhat different view of affairs,
+        remarks, that 'the generalitie of the natione entered into a
+        hellish covenant, wherein they mutually obleidged themselves to
+        extirpate episcopacy, and to defend each other against all
+        persones whatsoever, noe not excepting the persone of his sacred
+        majestie; but upon conditiones of ther oune frameing.'
+        _Somerville's Memorie of the Somervilles_, vol. ii. p. 187.
+
+  [316] There had been no General Assembly since 1618. _Argyll's
+        Presbytery Examined_, p. 102; and the _Spottiswoode Miscellany_,
+        vol. i. p. 88. But 'the provincial synods, presbyteries, and
+        sessions still remained, and in these, good men mutually comforted
+        one another.' _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_,
+        p. 162.
+
+  [317] 'The assembly went on at such a rate, that the marquis judged it
+        no longer fit to bear with their courses.' _Burnet's Memoirs of
+        the Dukes of Hamilton_, p. 128. 'In end, seeing nothing said in
+        reason did prevail, he, in his majesty's name, dissolved the
+        assembly, and discharged their further proceeding under pain of
+        treason.' p. 135.
+
+  [318] _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 310.
+
+  [319] 'Notwithstanding the Proclamation, the Assembly presently
+        thereafter met, and sat daily for divers weeks, until they had
+        done their affairs, and were themselves pleas'd to dissolve.'
+        _Guthry's Memoirs_, p. 41, edit. London, 1702.
+
+  [320] _Acts of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland_, from
+        1638 to 1842, Edinburgh, 1843, pp. 9-18. _Stevenson's History of
+        the Church of Scotland_, pp. 332, 338.
+
+Thus, the bishops fell, even more rapidly than they had risen.[321] As,
+however, their fall was merely a part of the democratic movement,
+matters could not stop there.[322] Scarcely had the Scotch expelled their
+bishops, when they made war upon their king. In 1639, they took up arms
+against Charles. In 1640, they invaded England. In 1641, the king, with
+the hope of appeasing them, visited Scotland, and agreed to most of their
+demands. It was too late. The people were hot, and a cry for blood had
+gone forth. War again broke out. The Scotch united with the English, and
+Charles was every where defeated. As a last chance, he threw himself upon
+the mercy of his northern subjects,[323] But his offences were of that
+rank and luxuriant growth, that it was impossible to forgive them.
+Indeed, the Scotch, instead of pardoning him, turned him to profit. He
+had not only trampled on their liberties, he had also put them to an
+enormous expense. For the injury, he could offer no adequate atonement;
+but the expense they had incurred, might be defrayed. And as it is an old
+and recognized maxim, that he who cannot pay with his purse, shall pay
+with his body, the Scotch saw no reason why they should not derive some
+advantage from the person of their sovereign, particularly as, hitherto,
+he had caused them nothing but loss and annoyance. They, therefore, gave
+him up to the English, and, in return, received a large sum of money,
+which they claimed as arrears due to them for the cost of making war on
+him.[324] By this arrangement, both of the contracting parties benefited.
+The Scotch, being very poor, obtained what they most lacked. The
+English, a wealthy people, had indeed to pay the money, but they were
+recompensed by getting hold of their oppressor, against whom they
+thirsted for revenge; and they took good care never to let him loose,
+until they had exacted the last penalty of his great and manifold
+crimes.[325]
+
+  [321] See, on their fall, some highly characteristic remarks in
+        _Baillie's Letters and Journals_, vol. i. p. 168. In 1639, Howell
+        writes from Edinburgh, 'The Bishops are all gone to wrack, and
+        they have had but a sorry funeral; the very name is grown so
+        contemptible, that a black dog, if he hath any white marks about
+        him, is called _Bishop_. Our Lord of Canterbury is grown here so
+        odious, that they call him commonly in the pulpit, the Priest of
+        Baal, and the Son of Belial.' _Howell's Letters_, edit. London,
+        1754, p. 276.
+
+  [322] 'That people, after they had once begun, pursued the business
+        vigorously, and with all imaginable contempt of the government.'
+        _Clarendon's History of the Rebellion_, p. 45. Now, for the first
+        time, the English government began to tremble. On 13th December
+        1639, Secretary Windebank writes, 'His Majesty near these six
+        weeks last past hath been in continual consultations with a select
+        Committee of some of his Council (of which I have had the honour
+        to be one), how to redress his affairs in Scotland, the fire
+        continuing there, and growing to that danger, that _it threatens
+        not only the Monarchical Government there, but even that of this
+        kingdom_.' _Clarendon State Papers_, vol. ii. p. 81, Oxford, 1773,
+        folio. This is the earliest intimation I have met with of Charles
+        and his advisers being aware of their real peril. But though the
+        king was capable of fear, he was incapable of compunction. There
+        is no evidence on record, to show that he even felt remorse for
+        having planned and executed those arbitrary and unprincipled
+        measures, by which he inflicted immense misery upon Scotland and
+        England, but more especially upon Scotland.
+
+  [323] 'The kinge was now so waik, haueing nether toune, fort, nor armie,
+        and Oxford being a waik and onfortified toune, from whence he
+        looked daylie to be taken perforce, he therefor resolues to cast
+        himself into the arms of the Scots; who, being his natine people,
+        and of late so ongratfullie dealt with by the Inglish, he hoped
+        their particular credit, and the credit of the wholl natione
+        depending thereupon, they would not baslie rander him to the
+        Inglish.' _Gordon's Britane's Distemper_, p. 193, published by the
+        Spalding Club, Aberdeen, 1844, 4to.
+
+  [324] That it may not be supposed, that, as an Englishman, I
+        misrepresent this transaction by looking at it from an English
+        point of view, I will merely quote what Scotch writers have said
+        respecting it. 'Giveing up the king to the will and pleasure of
+        the English parliament, that soe they might come by ther money.'
+        _Somerville's Memorie of the Somervilles_, vol. ii. p. 366. 'The
+        Scots sold their unfortunate king, who had fled to them for
+        protection, to the commissioners of the English Parliament, for
+        200,000_l._ sterling.' _Lyon's History of St. Andrews_, vol. ii.
+        p. 38. 'The incident itself was evidence of a bargain with a _quid
+        pro quo_.' _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 493. 'The
+        sale of the king to the parliament.' _Napier's Life of Montrose_,
+        Edinburgh, 1840, p. 448. 'The king was delivered up, or rather
+        sold, to the parliament's commissioners.' _Brown's History of
+        Glasgow_, vol. i. p. 91. 'Their arrears were undoubtedly due; the
+        amount was ascertained before the dispute concerning the disposal
+        of his person, and the payment was undertaken by the English
+        parliament, five months previous to the delivery, or surrender of
+        the king. But the coincidence, however unavoidable, between that
+        event and the actual discharge and departure of their army, still
+        affords a presumptive proof of the disgraceful imputation of
+        having sold their king; "as the English, unless previously assured
+        of receiving his person, would never have relinquished a sum so
+        considerable as to weaken themselves, while it strengthened a
+        people with whom such a material question remained to be
+        discussed."' _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 369,
+        370.
+
+  [325] A letter from Sir Edw. Hyde to Lord Hatton, dated April 12, 1649
+        (in the _Clarendon State Papers_, vol. ii. p. 479, Oxf. 1773,
+        fol.), says of Charles II., that the Scotch 'sold his father to
+        those who murdered him.' But this is not true. Charles I., though
+        certainly bought by the English, was not murdered by them. He was
+        tried in the face of day; he was found guilty; he was executed.
+        And most assuredly never did a year pass, without men far less
+        criminal than he, suffering the same fate. Possibly, they are
+        right who deem all capital punishment needless. That, however, has
+        never been proved; and if this last and most terrible penalty is
+        ever to be exacted, I cannot tell where we should find a more
+        fitting subject to undergo it, than a despot who seeks to
+        subjugate the liberties of the people over whom he is called to
+        rule, inflicts cruel and illegal punishment on those who oppose
+        him, and, sooner than renounce his designs, engages in a civil
+        war, setting fathers against their children, disorganizing
+        society, and causing the land to run with blood. Such men are
+        outlaws; they are the enemies of the human race; who shall wonder
+        if they fall, or, having fallen, who shall pity them?
+
+After the execution of Charles I., the Scotch recognized his son as his
+successor. But before they would crown the new king, they subjected him
+to a treatment which hereditary sovereigns are not much accustomed to
+receive. They made him sign a public declaration, expressing his regret
+for what had happened, and acknowledging that his father, moved by evil
+counsels, had unjustly shed the blood of his subjects. He was also
+obliged to declare, that by these things he felt humbled in spirit. He
+had, moreover, to apologize for his own errors, which he ascribed partly
+to his inexperience, and partly to the badness of his education.[326] To
+evince the sincerity of this confession, and in order that the confession
+might be generally known, he was commanded to keep a day of fasting and
+humiliation, in which the whole nation would weep and pray for him, in
+the hope that he might escape the consequences of the sins committed by
+his family.[327]
+
+  [326] The declaration was signed by Charles on the 16th August 1650. An
+        abridgment of it is given in _Balfour's Annales of Scotland_, vol.
+        iv. pp. 92-94; but the entire document is preserved by Sir Edward
+        Walker. See _Journal of Affairs in Scotland_, in _Walker's
+        Historical Discourses_, London, folio, 1705, pp. 170-176. In it
+        Charles is made to state that, 'though his Majesty as a dutiful
+        son be obliged to honour the memory of his Royal Father, and have
+        in estimation the person of his Mother; yet doth he desire to be
+        deeply humbled and afflicted in spirit before God, because of his
+        Father's hearkening unto and following evil councils, and his
+        opposition to the work of reformation, and to the solemn league
+        and covenant by which so much of the blood of the Lord's people
+        hath been shed in these kingdoms.' He went on to say, that though
+        he might palliate his own misconduct by pleading 'his education
+        and age,' he thinks it better to 'ingeniously acknowledge all his
+        own sins and the sins of his father's house.' Burnet (_History of
+        his own Time_, vol. i. p. 97) says of this declaration: 'In it
+        there were many hard things. The king owned the sin of his father
+        in marrying into an idolatrous family: he acknowledged the
+        bloodshed in the late wars lay at his father's door: he expressed
+        a deep sense of his own ill education,' &c.
+
+  [327] In reference to this event the following entry occurs in Lamont's
+        Journal: '1650, Dec. 22.--The fast appointed by the commission of
+        the kirke to be keiped througe the kingdome before the
+        coronatione, was keiped att Largo the forsaide day by Mr. Ja.
+        Magill; his lecture, Reu. 3. from v. 14 to the end of the chapt.;
+        his text Reu. 2. 4, 5. Vpon the Thursday following, the 26 of this
+        instant, the fast was keiped in likemaner; his lecture 2. Chro. 29
+        to v. 12; his text 2. Chron. 12, 12. The causes of the first day
+        (not read) was, the great contempt of the gospell, holden forth in
+        its branches; of the second day (which were read), the sinns of
+        the king, and of his father's house, where sundry offences of K.
+        James the 6 were aknowledged, and of K. Charles the 1, and of K.
+        Ch. the 2, nowe king.' _The Diary of Mr. John Lamont of Newton_,
+        p. 25, Edinburgh, 1830, 4to. See also _Baillie's Letters and
+        Journals_, vol. iii. p. 107; _Nicoll's Diary_, Edinburgh, 4to,
+        1836, p. 38; _Row's Continuation of Blair's Autobiography_, edit.
+        Wodrow Society, p. 255; _Bower's History of the University of
+        Edinburgh_, vol. i. p. 253; _Presbytery Book of Strathbogie_,
+        edit. Spalding Club, p. 169; and, above all, the _Registers of the
+        Presbytery of Lanark_, published by the Abbotsford Club,
+        Edinburgh, 1839, 4to, pp. 88, 89.
+
+The spirit, of which acts like these are but symptoms, continued to
+animate the Scotch during the rest of the seventeenth century. And
+fortunately for them it did so. For, the reigns of Charles II. and James
+II. were but repetitions of the reigns of James I. and Charles I. From
+1660 to 1688, Scotland was again subjected to a tyranny, so cruel, and
+so exhausting, that it would have broken the energy of almost any other
+nation.[328] The nobles, whose power had been slowly but constantly
+declining,[329] were unable to resist the English, with whom, indeed,
+they rather seemed willing to combine, in order that they might have a
+share in plundering and oppressing their own country.[330] In this, the
+most unhappy period through which Scotland had passed since the
+fourteenth century, the government was extremely powerful; the upper
+classes, crouching before it, thought only of securing their own safety;
+the judges were so corrupt, that justice, instead of being badly
+administered, was not administered at all;[331] and the parliament,
+completely overawed, consented to what was termed the recissory act, by
+which, at a single stroke, all laws were repealed which had been enacted
+since 1633; it being considered that those twenty-eight years formed an
+epoch of which the memory should, if possible, be effaced.[332]
+
+  [328] Wodrow, who had before him the records of the Privy Council,
+        besides other evidence now lost, says, that the period from 1660
+        to 1688 was 'a very horrid scene of oppression, hardships, and
+        cruelty, which, were it not incontestably true, and well vouched
+        and supported, could not be credited in after ages.' _Wodrow's
+        History of the Church of Scotland from the Restoration to the
+        Revolution_, vol. i. p. 57. And the Reverend Alexander Shields,
+        quaintly, but truly, observes, 'that the said Government was the
+        most untender, unpeaceable, tyrannical, arbitrary and wicked, that
+        ever was in Scotland in any age or period.' _Shields' Scots
+        Inquisition_, Edinburgh, 1745, p. 24.
+
+  [329] When James I. ascended the throne of England, 'the principal
+        native nobility' accompanied him; and 'the very peace which ensued
+        upon the union of the crowns, may be considered as the
+        commencement of an era in which many of our national strongholds
+        were either transformed into simple residences or utterly
+        deserted.' _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_, 4to, 1860, pp.
+        137, 166. The nobles 'had no further occasion to make a figure in
+        war, their power in vassalage was of little use, and their
+        influence of course decayed. They knew little of the arts of
+        peace, and had no disposition to cultivate them.' _The Interest of
+        Scotland Considered_, Edinburgh, 1733, p. 85. Under Charles I.,
+        the movement continued; 'which fell out, partly through the
+        giddiness of the times, but more by the way his Majesty had taken
+        at the beginning of his reign; at which time he did recover from
+        divers of them their hereditary offices, and also pressed them to
+        quit their tithes (which formerly had kept the gentry in a
+        dependance upon them), whereby they were so weaken'd that now when
+        he stood most in need of them (except the chief of the clans) they
+        could command none but their vassals.' _Guthry's Memoirs_, edit.
+        1702, pp. 127, 128. Then came the civil wars, and the rule of
+        Cromwell, during which they suffered both in person and in
+        property. Compare _Chambers' Annals_, vol. ii. p. 225, with
+        _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 515, 516. In 1654,
+        Baillie writes (_Letters and Journals_, vol. iii. p. 249): 'Our
+        nobilitie, weell near all, are wracked.' In 1656, 'Our nobles
+        lying up in prisons, and under forfaultries, or debts, private or
+        publict, are for the most part either broken or breaking.'
+        _Ibid._, p. 317. And, in 1658, the same observer writes (vol. iii.
+        p. 387): 'Our noble families are almost gone: Lennox hes little in
+        Scotland unsold; Hamilton's estate, except Arran and the Baronrie
+        of Hamilton, is sold; Argyle can pay little annuelrent for seven
+        or eight hundred thousand merks; and he is no more drowned in debt
+        than publict hatred, almost of all, both Scottish and English; the
+        Gordons are gone; the Douglasses little better; Eglintoun and
+        Glencairn on the brink of breaking; many of our chief families
+        estates are cracking; nor is there any appearance of any human
+        relief for the tyme.'
+
+        The result of all this is thus described by Wodrow, under the year
+        1661: 'Our nobility and gentry were remarkably changed to the
+        worst: it was but few of such, who had been active in the former
+        years, were now alive, and those few were marked out for ruin. A
+        young generation had sprung up under the English government,
+        educated under penury and oppression; their estates were under
+        burden, and many of them had little other prospect of mending
+        their fortunes, but by the king's favour, and so were ready to act
+        that part he was best pleased with.' _Wodrow's History of the
+        Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 89.
+
+  [330] 'At the Restoration, Charles II. regained full possession of the
+        royal prerogative in Scotland; and the nobles, whose estates were
+        wasted, or their spirit broken, by the calamities to which they
+        have been exposed, were less able and less willing than ever to
+        resist the power of the crown. During his reign, and that of James
+        VII., the dictates of the monarch were received in Scotland with
+        most abject submission. The poverty to which many of the nobles
+        were reduced, rendered them meaner slaves and more intolerable
+        tyrants than ever. The people, always neglected, were now odious,
+        and loaded with every injury, on account of their attachment to
+        religious and political principles, extremely repugnant to those
+        adopted by their princes.' _Robertson's History of Scotland_, book
+        viii. pp. 257, 258.
+
+  [331] A writer of great authority, speaking of the time of William III.,
+        says: 'It is scarcely possible to conceive how utterly polluted
+        the fountain of justice had become during the two preceding
+        reigns. The Scottish bench had been profligate and subservient to
+        the utmost conceivable extent of profligacy and subserviency.'
+        _Burton's History of Scotland_, from 1689 to 1748, London, 1853,
+        vol. i p. 72. See also vol. ii. p. 37; and _Brown's History of
+        Glasgow_, vol. i. p. 194, Glasgow, 1795.
+
+  [332] _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 10. _Baillie's Letters
+        and Journals_, vol. iii. p. 458. As few persons take the trouble
+        to read Scotch Acts of Parliament, I will extract from this one,
+        its most argumentative passage. 'And forasmuch as now it hath
+        pleased Almighty God, by the power of his oune right hand, so
+        miracoulously to restore the Kings Maiestie to the Government of
+        his Kingdomes, and to the exercise of his Royall power and
+        Soveranity over the same: The estates of Parlia^t doe conceave
+        themselffs obleidged in dischairge of ther duetie and conscience
+        to God and the Kings Maiestie, to imploy all their power and
+        interest for vindicateing his Maiesties Authority from all these
+        violent invasions that have been made upon it; And so far as is
+        possible to _remove out of the way every thing that may retaine
+        any remembrance of these things_ which have been so enjurious to
+        his Matie and his Authority, so prejudiciall and dishonourable to
+        the kingdome, and distructive to all just and true interests
+        within the same.' ... 'Not to retaine any remembrance thairof, but
+        that the same shall be held in _everlasting oblivion_.' _Acts of
+        the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. vii. p. 87, edit. folio, 1820.
+        The date of this Act is 28th March 1661.
+
+But, though the higher ranks ignominiously deserted their post, and
+destroyed the laws which upheld the liberties of Scotland, the result
+proved that the liberties themselves were indestructible. This was
+because the spirit remained, by which the liberties had been won. The
+nation was sound at the core; and while that was the case, legislators
+could, indeed, abolish the external manifestations of freedom, but could
+by no means touch the causes on which the freedom depended. Liberty was
+prostrate, but yet it lived. And the time would surely come, when a
+people, who loved it so dearly, would vindicate their rights. The time
+would come, when, in the words of the great poet of English liberty, the
+nation would rouse herself like a strong man after sleep, and, shaking
+her invincible locks, would be as an eagle muing her mighty youth,
+kindling her undazzled eyes at the midday beam, and purging and unscaling
+her sight at the heavenly fountain; while the timorous birds of her evil
+destiny, loving the twilight, should flutter about, amazed at what she
+meant.
+
+Still, the crisis was sad and dangerous. The people, deserted by every
+one except their clergy, were ruthlessly plundered, murdered, and hunted,
+like wild-beasts, from place to place. From the tyranny of the bishops,
+they had so recently smarted, that they abhorred episcopacy more than
+ever; and yet that institution was not only forced upon them, but
+government put at its head Sharp, a cruel and rapacious man, who, in
+1661, was raised to the archbishopric of St. Andrews.[333] He set up a
+court of ecclesiastical commission, which filled the prisons to
+overflowing; and when they would hold no more, the victims were
+transported to Barbadoes, and other unhealthy settlements.[334] The
+people, being determined not to submit to the dictation of government
+respecting their religious worship, met together in private houses; and,
+when that was declared illegal, they fled from their houses to the
+fields. But there, too, the bishops were upon them.[335] Lauderdale, who,
+for many years, was at the head of affairs, was greatly influenced by the
+new prelates, and aided them with the authority of the executive.[336]
+Under their united auspices, a new contrivance was hit upon; and a body
+of soldiers, commanded by Turner, a drunken and ferocious soldier, was
+let loose upon the people.[337] The sufferers, galled to madness, rose
+in arms. This was made the pretence, in 1667, for fresh military
+executions, by which some of the fairest parts of western Scotland were
+devastated, houses burned, men tortured, women ravished.[338] In 1670, an
+act of parliament was passed, declaring that whoever preached in the
+fields without permission should be put to death.[339] Some lawyers were
+found bold enough to defend innocent men, when they were tried for their
+lives; it was therefore determined to silence them also, and, in 1674, a
+great part of the Faculty of Advocates was expelled from Edinburgh.[340]
+In 1678, by the express command of government, the Highlanders were
+brought down from their mountains, and, during three months, were
+encouraged to slay, plunder, and burn at their pleasure, the inhabitants
+of the most populous and industrious parts of Scotland. For centuries,
+the bitterest animosity had existed between the Highlanders and
+Lowlanders; and now these savage mountaineers were called from their
+homes, that they might take full revenge. And well they glutted their
+ire. During three months, they enjoyed every license. Eight thousand[341]
+armed Highlanders, invited by the English government, and receiving
+beforehand an indemnity for every excess,[342] were left to work their
+will upon the towns and villages of Western Scotland. They spared neither
+age nor sex. They deprived the people of their property; they even
+stripped them of their clothes, and sent them out naked to die in the
+fields. Upon many, they inflicted the most horrible tortures. Children,
+torn from their mothers, were foully abused; while both mothers and
+daughters were subjected to a fate, compared to which death would have
+been a joyful alternative.[343]
+
+  [333] He was made 'primate' in 1661, but did not arrive in Scotland till
+        April 1662. _Wodrow's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i.
+        pp. 236, 247; and _Nicoll's Diary_, pp. 363, 364. 'That he was
+        decent, if not regular, in his deportment, endued with the most
+        industrious diligence, and not illiterate, was never disputed;
+        that he was vain, vindictive, perfidious, at once haughty and
+        servile, rapacious and cruel, his friends have never attempted to
+        disown.' _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 98, 99. The
+        formal establishment of episcopacy was in the autumn of 1661, as
+        we learn from an entry in Lamont's Diary. '1661. Sept. 5 being
+        Thursday, (the chancelour, Glencairne, and the E. of Rothes,
+        haueing come downe from court some dayes before,) the cownsell of
+        state satt att Edb., and the nixt day, being Fryday, they caused
+        emitte and be proclaimed ouer the Crosse, a proclamation in his
+        Maj. name, for establishing Episcopacie againe in the church of
+        Scotlande; which was done with great solemnitie, and was
+        afterwarde printed. _All persons, wither men or weomen, were
+        discharged to speake against that office, under the paine of
+        treason._' _The Diary of Mr. John Lamont_, p. 140. This, as we
+        learn from another contemporary, was on account of 'the Kinges
+        Majestie having stedfastlie resolvit to promove the estait, power,
+        and dignitie of Bischops, and to _remove all impedimentes contrary
+        thairto_.' _Nicoll's Diary_, 4to, p. 353; on 21st November 1661.
+        This curious diary, written by John Nicoll, and extending from
+        1650 to 1667, was printed at Edinburgh, in 1836, by the Bannatyne
+        Club, and is now not often met with.
+
+  [334] _Wodrow's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 383,
+        390-395. _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 38: 'A court
+        of ecclesiastical commission was procured by Sharp.' See also p.
+        41: 'Under the influence of Sharp and the prelates, which
+        Lauderdale's friends were unable to resist, the government seemed
+        to be actuated by a blind resentment against its own subjects.'
+        Compare _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. i. p. 365. 'The
+        truth is, the whole face of the government looked liker the
+        proceedings of an inquisition than of legal courts; and yet Sharp
+        was never satisfied.' Another contemporary, Kirkton, says of these
+        Commissioners: 'For ought I could hear, never one appeared before
+        them that escapt without punishment. Their custom was without
+        premonition or lybell, to ask a man a question, and judge him
+        presently, either upon his silence or his answer.' ... 'They many
+        times doubled the legal punishment; and not being satisfied with
+        the fyne appointed by law, they used to add religation to some
+        remote places, or deportation to Barbadoes, or selling into
+        slavery.' _Kirkton's History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 206.
+        See also _Naphtali, or the Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland_,
+        1667, pp. 126-130. But as particular cases bring such matters more
+        clearly before the mind, I will transcribe, from _Crookshank's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 154, the sentences
+        pronounced on a single occasion by this episcopal court. 'The
+        treatment of some of the parishioners of Ancrum is not to be
+        omitted. When their excellent minister, Mr. Livingstone, was taken
+        from them, one Mr. James Scot, who was under the sentence of
+        excommunication, was presented to that charge. On the day fixed
+        for his settlement, several people did meet together to oppose it;
+        and particularly a country woman, desiring to speak with him in
+        order to dissuade him from intruding himself upon a reclaiming
+        people, pulled him by the cloak, intreating him to hear her a
+        little; whereupon he turned and beat her with his staff. This
+        provoked two or three boys to throw a few stones, which neither
+        touched him nor any of his company. However, it was presently
+        looked upon as a treasonable tumult, and therefore the sheriff and
+        justices of the peace in that bounds fined and imprisoned some of
+        these people, which, one would think, might atone for a crime of
+        this nature. But the high-commission, not thinking that
+        sufficient, ordered those criminals to be brought before them.
+        Accordingly, the four boys and this woman, with two brothers of
+        hers of the name of Turnbull, were brought prisoners to Edinburgh.
+        The four boys confessed, that, upon Scot's beating the woman, they
+        had thrown each his stone. The commissioner told them that hanging
+        was too good for them. However, the sentence of this merciless
+        court only was, that they should be scourged through the city of
+        Edinburgh, burnt in the face with a hot iron, and then sold as
+        slaves to Barbadoes. The boys endured their punishment like men
+        and Christians, to the admiration of multitudes. The two brothers
+        were banished to Virginia; and the woman was ordered to be whipped
+        through the town of Jedburgh. Burnet, bishop of Glasgow, when
+        applied to that she might be spared lest she should be with child,
+        mildly answered, That he would make them claw the itch out of her
+        shoulders.'
+
+  [335] They were invested with such immense power, that 'the old set of
+        bishops made by the parliament, 1612, were but pigmies to the
+        present high and mighty lords.' _Wodrow's History of the Church of
+        Scotland_, vol. i. p. 262. See also, at p. 286, the remarks of
+        Douglas: 'It is no wonder then the complaint against their bishops
+        be, that their little finger is thicker than the loins of the
+        former.'
+
+  [336] In 1663, Middleton was dismissed; and was succeeded by Lauderdale,
+        who 'was dependent upon the prelates, and was compelled to yield
+        to their most furious demands.' _Laing's History of Scotland_,
+        vol. iv. p. 33. 'The influence, or rather the tyranny, which was
+        thus at the discretion of the prelates, was unlimited; and they
+        exercised it with an unsparing hand.' _Bower's History of the
+        University of Edinburgh_, vol. i. p. 284.
+
+  [337] 'Sir James Turner, that commanded them, was naturally fierce, but
+        was mad when he was drunk; and that was very often.' _Burnet's
+        History of his own Time_, vol. i. p. 364. Kirkton (_History of the
+        Church_, p. 221) says: 'Sir James Turner hade made ane expedition
+        to the west countrey _to subdue it to the bishops_, in the year
+        1664; another in the year 1665; and a third in the year 1666; and
+        this was the worst.' Full particulars will be found in _Wodrow's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 373-375, 411, vol.
+        ii. pp. 8, 17, vol. iii. pp. 264, 265. 'This method of dragooning
+        people to the church, as it is contrary to the spirit of
+        Christianity, so it was a stranger in Scotland, till Bishop Sharpe
+        and the prelates brought it in.' vol. i. p. 401.
+
+        Sir James Turner, whose Memoirs, written by himself, were not
+        published till thirty years ago, relates an anecdote of his own
+        drunkenness in a strain of maudlin piety well worthy of his
+        career. _Turner's Memoirs of his own Life_, Edinburgh, 1829, 4to,
+        pp. 42, 43. At p. 206, this impudent man writes: 'And yet I
+        confesse, my humour never was, nor is not yet, one of the calmest;
+        when it will be, God onlie knoues; yet by many sad passages of my
+        life, I know that _it hath beene good for me to be afflicted_.'
+        Perhaps, however, he may take the benefit of his assertion (p.
+        144), 'that I was so farre from exceeding or transgressing my
+        commission and instructions, that I never came the full length of
+        them.' Considering the cruelties he committed, what sort of
+        instructions could his superiors have given to him?
+
+  [338] 'Sir James Turner lately had forced Galloway to rise in arms, by
+        his cruelty the last and former years; but he was an easy master,
+        compared with General Dalziel, his ruffians, and Sir William
+        Bannatyne, this year.' _Wodrow's Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p.
+        62. Dalziel 'cruelly tortured whom he would.' p. 63. One woman 'is
+        brought prisoner to Kilmarnock, where she was sentenced to be let
+        down to a deep pit, under the house of the dean, full of toads and
+        other vile creatures. Her shrieks thence were heard at a great
+        distance.' p. 64. Two countrymen were 'bound together with cords,
+        and hanged up by their thumbs to a tree, there to hang all night.'
+        _Ibid._ Sir William Bannatyne's soldiers seized a woman, 'and
+        bound her, and put lighted matches betwixt her fingers for several
+        hours; the torture and pain made her almost distracted; she lost
+        one of her hands, and in a few days she died.' _Ibid._
+        'Oppressions, murders, robberies, rapes.' p. 65. 'He made great
+        fires, and laid down men to roast before them, when they would
+        not, or could not, give him the money he required, or the
+        information he was seeking.' p. 104. See also _Crookshank's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 204-207. The
+        History is based upon Wodrow's great work, but contains many facts
+        with which Wodrow was unacquainted. See _Crookshank_, vol. i. p.
+        11. Respecting the outrages in 1667, there are some horrible
+        details in a book published in that very year, under the title of
+        _Naphtali, or the Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland_. See,
+        especially, the summary at p. 174: 'wounding, beating, stripping
+        and imprisoning mens persons, violent breaking of their houses
+        both by day and night, and beating and wounding of wives and
+        children, ravishing and deflowring of women, forcing wives and
+        other persons by fired matches and other tortures to discover
+        their husbands and nearest relations, although it be not within
+        the compass of their knowledge, and driving and spoiling all their
+        goods that can be carried away, without respect to guilt or
+        innocency.'
+
+  [339] 'That whosoever without licence or authoritie forsaid shall preach,
+        expound Scripture, or pray at any of these meetings in the ffeild,
+        or in any house wher ther be moe persons nor the house contains,
+        so as some of them be without doors (which is hereby declared to
+        be a feild conventicle), or who shall convocat any number of
+        people to these meetings, shall be punished with death and
+        confiscation of ther goods.' _Acts of the Parliaments of
+        Scotland_, vol. viii. p. 9, edit. 1820, folio. This was on the
+        13th August 1670.
+
+  [340] The immediate pretence being, to do away with appeals. See
+        _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 72-74.
+
+  [341] 'Savage hosts of Highlanders were sent down to depopulate the
+        western shires, to the number of ten or eleven thousand, who acted
+        most outrageous barbarities, even almost to the laying some
+        counties desolate.' _A Cloud of Witnesses for the Royal
+        Prerogatives of Jesus Christ_, edit. Glasgow, 1779, p. 18. But
+        most authorities state the number to have been eight thousand. See
+        _Kirkton's History_, p. 386; _Arnot's History of Edinburgh_, p.
+        154; _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. ii. p. 134;
+        _Denholm's History of Glasgow_, p. 67; and _Life and Sufferings of
+        John Nisbet_, in _Select Biographies_, published by the Wodrow
+        Society, vol. ii. p. 381. Chalmers, however, in his _Caledonia_,
+        vol. iii. p. 592, says 10,000.
+
+  [342] 'They were indemnified against all pursuits, civil and criminal,
+        on account of killing, wounding, apprehending, or imprisoning,
+        such as should oppose them.' _Crookshank's History of the Church
+        of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 337, 338.
+
+  [343] Short and imperfect notices of this 'Highland Host,' as it was
+        called at the time, may be found in _Kirkton's History_, pp.
+        385-390, and in _Crookshank's History_, vol. i. pp. 354, 355. But
+        the fullest account of the enormities committed by these
+        barbarians, is in Wodrow's great work, collected from authentic
+        and official documents. See his _History of the Church of
+        Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 375-413, 421-432, vol. iii. pp. 76, 79,
+        486. They were provided beforehand with implements of torture.
+        'They had good store of iron shackles, as if they were to lead
+        back vast numbers of slaves, and thumb-locks, as they call them'
+        (_i.e._ thumb-screws), 'to make their examinations and trials
+        with.' vol. ii. p. 389. 'In some places they tortured people, by
+        scorching their bodies at vast fires, and other wise,' vol. ii. p.
+        422. Compare _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 88.
+        'Neither age nor sex was exempt from outrage, and torture was
+        freely employed to extort a confession of hidden wealth.' And, at
+        p. 91, 'The Highlanders, after exacting free quarters, and wasting
+        the country for three months, were dismissed to their hills with
+        impunity and wealth.'
+
+It was in this way, that the English government sought to break the
+spirit, and to change the opinions, of the Scotch people. The nobles
+looked on in silence, and, so far from resisting, had not even the
+courage to remonstrate. The parliament was equally servile, and
+sanctioned whatever the government demanded. Still, the people were firm.
+Their clergy, drawn from the middle classes, clung to them; they clung to
+their clergy, and both were unchanged. The bishops were hated as allies
+of the government, and were with reason regarded as public enemies. They
+were known to have favoured, and often to have suggested, the atrocities
+which had been committed;[344] and they were so pleased with the
+punishment inflicted upon their opponents, that no one was surprised,
+when, a few years later, they, in an address to James II., the most cruel
+of all the Stuarts, declared that he was the darling of heaven, and hoped
+that God might give him the hearts of his subjects, and the necks of his
+enemies.[345]
+
+  [344] 'Indeed, the whole of the severity, hardships, and bloodshed from
+        this year' (1661), 'until the revolution, was either actually
+        brought on by the bishops, procured by them, or done for their
+        support.' _Wodrow's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p.
+        223. 'It was our prelates who pushed the council to most of their
+        severities.' p. 247. 'The bishops, indeed, violently pushed
+        prosecutions.' _Crookshank's History of the Church_, vol. i.
+        p. 298. In 1666, 'As to the prelates, they resolved to use all
+        severities, and to take all imaginable cruel and rigorous ways and
+        courses, first against the rest of the prisoners, and then against
+        the whole west of Scotland.' _Row's Continuation of Blair's
+        Autobiography_, pp. 505, 506, edit. Edinburgh, 1848. This
+        interesting work is edited by Dr. M'Crie, and published by the
+        Wodrow Society.
+
+  [345] In 1688, 'the bishops concurred in a pious and convivial address to
+        James, as the darling of heaven, that God might give him the
+        hearts of his subjects and the necks of his enemies.' _Laing's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 193.
+
+The character of the prince, whom the bishops thus delighted to honour,
+is now well understood. Horrible as were the crimes which had been
+perpetrated, they were surpassed by what occurred, when he, in 1680,
+assumed the direction of affairs.[346] He had worked himself to that
+pitch of iniquity, as to derive actual enjoyment from witnessing the
+agonies of his fellow-creatures. This is an abyss of wickedness, into
+which even the most corrupt natures rarely fall. There have been, and
+always will be, many men who care nothing for human suffering, and who
+will inflict any amount of pain, in order to gain certain ends. But to
+take delight in the spectacle, is a peculiar and hideous abomination.
+James, however, was so dead to shame, that he did not care even to
+conceal his horrible tastes. Whenever torture was inflicted, he was sure
+to be present, feasting his eyes, and revelling with a fiendish joy.[347]
+It makes our flesh creep to think that such a man should have been the
+ruler of millions. But what shall we say to the Scotch bishops, who
+applauded him, of whose conduct they were daily witnesses? Where can we
+find language strong enough to stigmatize those recreant priests, who,
+having passed years in attempting to subjugate the liberties of their
+country, did, towards the close of their career, and just before their
+final fall, band together, and employ their united authority, as
+ministers of a holy and peaceful religion, to stamp with public approval,
+a prince, whose malignant cruelty made him loathed by his contemporaries,
+and whose revolting predilections, unless we ascribe them to a diseased
+brain, are not only a slur upon the age which tolerated them, but a
+disgrace to the higher instincts of our common nature?
+
+  [346] 'After the Duke of York came down in October'(1680), 'the
+        persecution turned yet more severe.' _Wodrow's History of the
+        Church of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 225. 'Persecution and tyranny,
+        mainly promoted by the Duke of York's instigation.' _Shields' Hind
+        let loose_, p. 147. 'Immediately upon his mounting the throne, the
+        executions and acts prosecuting the persecution of the poor
+        wanderers, were more cruel than ever.' p. 200.
+
+  [347] This was well known in Scotland; and is evidently alluded to by a
+        writer of that time, the Rev. Alexander Shields, who calls James,
+        not a man, but a monster. See _Shields' Hind let loose_, 1687, p.
+        365. 'This man, or monster rather, that is now mounted the
+        throne.' And a monster surely he was. Compare _Crookshank's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 66, where it is
+        mentioned that, when Spreul was tortured, 'the Duke of York was
+        pleased to gratify his eyes with this delightful scene.' Also,
+        _Wodrow's History_, vol. iii. p. 253, and _Laing's History of
+        Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 116. According to Burnet, 'the duke's
+        pleasure at witnessing human agony was a cold, and, as it were, a
+        speculative pleasure, as if he were present for the purpose of
+        contemplating some curious experiment. But James was so excitable
+        a man, that this is hardly likely. At all events, the remarks of
+        Burnet have a painful interest for those who study these dark,
+        and, as we may rejoice to think, these very rare, forms of human
+        malignity.' 'When any are to be struck in the boots, it is done in
+        the presence of the council; and upon that occasion, almost all
+        offer to run away. The sight is so dreadful, that without an order
+        restraining such a number to stay, the board would be forsaken.
+        But the duke, while he had been in Scotland, was so far from
+        withdrawing, that he looked on all the while with an unmoved
+        indifference, and _with an attention, as if he had been to look on
+        some curious experiment_. This gave a terrible idea of him to all
+        that observed it, as of a man that had no bowels nor humanity in
+        him.' _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. ii. pp. 416, 417.
+
+So utterly corrupt, however, were the ruling classes in Scotland, that
+such crimes seem hardly to have excited indignation. The sufferers were
+refractory subjects, and against them every thing was lawful. The usual
+torture, which was called the torture of the boots, was to place the leg
+in a frame, into which wedges were driven, until the bones were
+broken.[348] But when James visited Scotland, an opinion began to grow
+up, that this was too lenient, and that other means must be devised. The
+spirit which he communicated to his subordinates, animated his immediate
+successors, and, in 1684, during his absence, a new instrument was
+introduced, termed the thumbikins. This was composed of small steel
+screws, arranged with such diabolical art, that not only the thumb, but
+also the whole hand, could be compressed by them, producing pain more
+exquisite than any hitherto known, and having, moreover, the advantage of
+not endangering life; so that the torture could be frequently repeated on
+the same person.[349]
+
+  [348] Shields (_A Hind let loose_, p. 186) describes the boots, as 'a
+        cruel engine of iron, whereby, with wedges, the leg is tortured,
+        until the marrow come out of the bone.' Compare _Naphtali, or the
+        Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland_, 1667, p. 268: 'the
+        extraordinary compression both of flesh, sinews, and bones, by the
+        force of timber wedges and hammer.'
+
+  [349] In 1684, Carstairs was subjected to this torture. See his own
+        account, in a letter printed in _Wodrow's History of the Church of
+        Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 96-100. He writes (p. 99): 'After this
+        communing, the king's smith was called in, to bring in a new
+        instrument to torture by the thumbkins, that had never been used
+        before. For whereas the former was only to screw on two pieces of
+        iron above and below with finger and thumb, these were made to
+        turn about the screw with the whole hand. And under this torture,
+        I continued near an hour and a half.' See also the case of Spence,
+        in the same year, in _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. ii.
+        p. 418. 'Little screws of steel were made use of, that screwed the
+        thumbs with so exquisite a torment, that he sunk under this; for
+        Lord Perth told him, they would screw every joint of his whole
+        body, one after another, till he took the oath.' Laing (_History
+        of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 143) says, 'the thumbikins; small screws
+        of steel that compressed the thumb and the whole hand with an
+        exquisite torture;' an invention brought by Drummond and Dalziel
+        from Russia. For other notices, see _Fountainhall's Notes of
+        Scottish Affairs_ from 1680 till 1701, Edinburgh, 4to, 1822, pp.
+        41, 97, 101; _Bower's History of the University of Edinburgh_,
+        vol. ii. p. 30; _Crookshank's History of the Church of Scotland_,
+        vol. ii. p. 192; _A Cloud of Witnesses for the Royal Prerogatives
+        of Jesus Christ_, edit. Glasgow, 1779, p. 371; and _Life of Walter
+        Smith_, p. 85, in the second volume of _Walker's Biographia
+        Presbyteriana_, Edinburgh, 1827.
+
+After this, little more need be said.[350] From the mere mention of such
+things, the mind recoils with disgust. The reader of the history of that
+time sickens and faints at the contrivances by which these abject
+creatures sought to stifle public opinion, and to ruin, for ever, a
+gallant and high-spirited people. But now, as before, they laboured in
+vain. More yet was, however, to be borne. The short reign of James II.
+was ushered in by an act of singular barbarity. A few weeks after this
+bad man came to the throne, all the children in Annandale and Nithsdale,
+between the ages of six and ten, were seized by the soldiers, separated
+from their parents, and threatened with immediate death.[351] The next
+step was, to banish, by wholesale, large numbers of adults, who were
+shipped off to unhealthy settlements; many of the men first losing their
+ears, and the women being branded, some on the hand, some on the
+cheek.[352] Those, however, who remained behind, were equal to the
+emergency, and were ready to do what remained to be done. In 1688, as in
+1642, the Scotch people and the English people united against their
+common oppressor, who saved himself by sudden and ignominious flight. He
+was a coward as well as a despot, and from him there was no further
+danger. The bishops, indeed, loved him; but they were an insignificant
+body, and had enough to do to look to themselves. His only powerful
+friends were the Highlanders. That barbarous race thought, with regret,
+of those bygone days when the government had not only allowed them, but
+had ordered them, to plunder and oppress their southern neighbours. For
+this purpose, Charles II. had availed himself of their services; and it
+could hardly be doubted, that if the Stuart dynasty were restored, they
+would be again employed, and would again enrich themselves by pillaging
+the Lowlanders.[353] War was their chief amusement; it was also their
+livelihood; and it was the only thing that they understood.[354] Besides
+this, the mere fact that James no longer possessed authority,
+wonderfully increased their loyalty towards him. The Highlanders
+flourished by rapine, and traded in anarchy.[355] They, therefore, hated
+any government which was strong enough to punish crime; and the Stuarts
+being now far away, this nation of thieves loved them with an ardour
+which nothing but their absence could have caused. From William III.,
+they feared restraint; but the exiled prince could do them no hurt, and
+would look on their excesses as the natural result of their zeal. Not
+that they cared about the principle of monarchical succession, or
+speculated on the doctrine of divine right.[356] The only succession that
+interested them, was that of their chiefs. Their only notion of right,
+was to do what those chiefs commanded. Being miserably poor,[357] they,
+in raising a rebellion, risked nothing except their lives, of which, in
+that state of society, men are always reckless. If they failed, they
+encountered a speedy, and, as they deemed it, an honourable death. If
+they succeeded, they gained fame and wealth. In either case, they were
+sure of many enjoyments. They were sure of being able, for a time at
+least, to indulge in pillage and murder, and to practise, without
+restraint, those excesses which they regarded as the choicest guerdon of
+a soldier's career.
+
+  [350] 'In 1684, the Scottish nation was in the most distressing and
+        pitiable situation that can be imagined.' ... 'The state of
+        society had now become such, that, in Edinburgh, attention to
+        ordinary business was neglected, and every one was jealous of his
+        neighbour.' _Bower's History of the University of Edinburgh_,
+        vol. i. p. 307.
+
+  [351] 'Upon the 10th of March, all freeholders, heritors, and gentlemen
+        in Nithsdale and Annandale, and, I suppose, in most other shires
+        of the kingdom, but I name those as being the scene of the
+        severities now used, were summoned to attend the king's standard;
+        and the militia in the several shires were raised. Wherever
+        Claverhouse came, he resolved upon narrow and universal work. He
+        used to set his horse upon the hills and eminences, and that in
+        different parties, that none might escape; and there his foot went
+        through the lower, marshy, and mossy places, where the horse could
+        not do so well. The shire he parcelled out in so many divisions,
+        and six or eight miles square would be taken in at once. In every
+        division, the whole inhabitants, men and women, young and old,
+        without distinction, were all driven into one convenient place.'
+        ... 'All the children in the division were gathered together by
+        themselves, under ten years, and above six years of age, and a
+        party of soldiers were drawn out before them. Then they were bid
+        pray, for they were going to be shot. Some of them would answer,
+        Sir, we cannot pray.' ... 'At other times, they treated them most
+        inhumanly, threatening them with death, and at some little
+        distance would fire pistols without ball in their face. Some of
+        the poor children were frighted almost out of their wits, and
+        others of them stood all out with a courage perfectly above their
+        age. These accounts are so far out of the ordinary way of mankind,
+        that I would not have insert them, had I not before me several
+        informations agreeing in all these circumstances, written at this
+        time by people who knew the truth of them.' _Wodrow's History of
+        the Church of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 255, 256.
+
+  [352] 'Numbers were transported to Jamaica, Barbadoes, and the North
+        American settlements; but the women were not unfrequently burnt in
+        the cheek, and the ears of the men were lopt off, to prevent, or
+        to detect, their return,' _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv.
+        p. 162. 'Great multitudes banished,' _Wodrow's History of the
+        Church_, vol. iv. p. 211. In July 1685, 'the men are ordered to
+        have their ears cropt, and the women to be marked in their hand.'
+        p. 217. 'To have the following stigma and mark, that they may be
+        known as banished persons if they shall return to this kingdom,
+        _viz._ that the men have one of their ears cut off by the hand of
+        the hangman, and that the women be burnt by the same hand on the
+        cheek with a burned iron.' p. 218. These are extracts from the
+        proceedings of the privy-council.
+
+  [353] 'James II. favoured the Highland clans,' Note in _Fountainhall's
+        Scottish Affairs_ from 1680 till 1701, p. 100. He could hardly do
+        otherwise. The alliance was natural, and ready-made for him.
+
+  [354] Except robbing, which, however, in one form or other, is always a
+        part of war. In this, they were very apt. Burnet (_History of his
+        own Time_, vol. i. p. 67) pithily describes them as 'good at
+        robbing;' and Burton (_Lives of Lovat and Forbes_, p. 47) says,
+        'To steal even vestments was considerably more creditable than to
+        make them.' Otherwise, they were completely absorbed by their
+        passion for war. See _Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 175, 176, London, 1845.
+
+  [355] 'Revenge was accounted a duty, the destruction of a neighbour a
+        meritorious exploit, and rapine an honourable employment.'
+        _Browne's History of the Highlands_, vol. iv. p. 395. 'The spirit
+        of rivalry between the clans kept up a taste for hostility, and
+        converted rapine into a service of honour.' _Thomson's Memoirs of
+        the Jacobites_, vol. ii. p. 229.
+
+  [356] Hence, looking, as they did, merely at the physical qualities of
+        individuals, the appearance of the Pretender in 1715 disgusted
+        them, notwithstanding his splendid lineage. See some excellent
+        remarks in _Burton's History of Scotland_, from 1689 to 1748,
+        London, 1853, vol. ii. pp. 198, 199. At p. 383, Mr. Burton justly
+        observes, that 'those who really knew the Highlanders were aware
+        that the followers were no more innate supporters of King James's
+        claim to the throne of Britain, than of Maria Theresa's to the
+        throne of Hungary. They went with the policy of the head of the
+        clan, whatever that might be; and though upwards of half a
+        century's advocacy of the exiled house' (this refers to the last
+        rebellion in 1745) 'had made Jacobitism appear a political creed
+        in some clans, it was among the followers, high and low, little
+        better than a nomenclature, which might be changed with
+        circumstances.' Since Robertson, Mr. Burton and Mr. Chambers are,
+        I will venture to say, the two writers who have taken the most
+        accurate and comprehensive views of the history of Scotland.
+        Robertson's History stops short where the most important period
+        begins; and his materials were scanty. But what he effected with
+        those materials was wonderful. To my mind, his History of Scotland
+        is much the greatest of his works.
+
+  [357] A curious description of their appearance, given by the _Derby
+        Mercury_ in 1746 (in _Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites_, vol.
+        iii. p. 115), may be compared with the more general statement in
+        _Anderson's Prize Essay on the Highlands_, Edinburgh, 1827, p.
+        128. 'Cattle were the main resources of the tribe--the acquisition
+        of these the great object of their hostile forrays. The precarious
+        crops gave them wherewithal to bake their oaten cakes, or distil
+        their ale or whisky. When these failed, the crowded population
+        suffered every extreme of misery and want. At one time in
+        particular, in Sutherland, they were compelled to subsist on broth
+        made of nettles, thickened with a little oatmeal. At another,
+        those who had cattle, to have recourse to the expedient of
+        bleeding them, and mixing the blood with oatmeal, which they
+        afterwards cut into slices and fried.'
+
+So far, therefore, from wondering at the rebellions of 1715 and
+1745,[358] the only wonder is, that they did not break out sooner, and
+that they were not better supported. In 1745, when the sudden appearance
+of the rebels struck England with terror, and when they penetrated even
+to the heart of the kingdom, their numbers, even at their height,
+including Lowland and English recruits, never reached six thousand men.
+The ordinary amount was five thousand;[359] and they cared so little
+about the cause for which they professed to fight, that, in 1715, when
+they numbered much stronger than in 1745, they refused to enter England,
+and make head against the government, until they were bribed by the
+promise of additional pay.[360] So, too, in 1745, after they had won the
+battle of Preston-pans, the only result of that great victory was, that
+the Highlanders, instead of striking a fresh blow, deserted in large
+bodies, that they might secure the booty they had obtained, and which
+alone they valued. They heeded not whether Stuart or Hanoverian gained
+the day; and at this critical moment, they were unable, says the
+historian, to resist their desire to return to their glens, and decorate
+their huts with the spoil.[361]
+
+  [358] Several writers erroneously term them 'unnatural.' See, for
+        instance, _Rae's History of the Rebellion_, London, 1746, pp. 158,
+        169: and _Home's History of the Rebellion_, London, 1802, 4to,
+        p. 347.
+
+  [359] 'When the rebels began their march to the southward, they were not
+        6000 men complete,' _Home's History of the Rebellion in the Year
+        1745_, 4to, p. 137. At Stirling, the army, 'after the junction was
+        made, amounted to somewhat more than 9000 men, the greatest number
+        that Charles ever had under his command,' p. 164. But the actual
+        invaders of England were much fewer. 'The number of the rebels
+        when they began their march into England was a few above 5000
+        foot, with about 500 on horseback.' _Home_, p. 331. Browne
+        (_History of the Highlands_, vol. iii. p. 140) says: 'When
+        mustered at Carlisle, the prince's army amounted only to about
+        4500 men;' and Lord George Murray states that, at Derby, 'we were
+        not above five thousand fighting men, if so many.' _Jacobite
+        Memoirs of the Rebellion of 1745_, edited by Robert Chambers,
+        Edinburgh, 1834, p. 54. Another writer, relying mainly on
+        traditional evidence, says, 'Charles, at the head of 4000
+        Highlanders, marched as far as Derby.' _Brown's History of
+        Glasgow_, vol. ii. p. 41, Edinburgh, 1797. Compare _Johnstone's
+        Memoirs of the Rebellion_, 3rd edit., London, 1822, pp. xxxvii.
+        xxxviii. 30-32, 52. Johnstone says, p. 60, 'M. Patullo, our
+        muster-master, reviewed our army at Carlisle, when it did not
+        exceed four thousand five hundred men.' Afterwards, returning to
+        Scotland, 'our army was suddenly increased to eight thousand men,
+        the double of what it was when we were in England.' p. 111.
+
+  [360] 'Orders were given to proceed in the direction of Carlisle, and
+        recall the detachment sent forward to Dumfries. The Highlanders,
+        still true to their stagnant principles, refused obedience.' ...
+        'Pecuniary negotiations were now commenced, and they were offered
+        sixpence a day of regular pay--reasonable remuneration at that
+        period to ordinary troops, but to the wild children of the
+        mountain a glittering bribe, which the most steady obstinacy would
+        alone resist. It was partly effective.' _Burton's History of
+        Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 168. 'And from this day, the Highlanders
+        had sixpence a head per day payed them to keep them in good order
+        and under command.' _Patten's History of the late Rebellion_,
+        London, 1717, p. 73. See also, on the unwillingness of the
+        Highlanders to enter England, _Rae's History of the Rebellion_,
+        London, 1746, 2d edit. pp. 270, 271. Browne says (_History of the
+        Highlands_, vol. ii. pp. 300, 304): 'The aversion of the
+        Highlanders, from different considerations, to a campaign in
+        England, was almost insuperable;' but 'by the aid of great
+        promises and money, the greater part of the Highlanders were
+        prevailed upon to follow the fortunes of their commander.'
+
+  [361] 'Few victories have been more entire. It is said that scarcely two
+        hundred of the infantry escaped.' ... 'The Highlanders obtained a
+        glorious booty in arms and clothes, besides self-moving watches,
+        and other products of civilisation, which surprised and puzzled
+        them. Excited by such acquisitions, a considerable number could
+        not resist the old practice of their people to return to their
+        glens, and decorate their huts with their spoil.' _Burton's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 465. Compare _Home's History of
+        the Rebellion_, p. 123. This was an old practice of theirs, as
+        Montrose found out, a century earlier, 'when many of the
+        Highlanders, being loaded with spoil, deserted privately, and soon
+        after returned to their own country.' _Wishart's Memoirs of the
+        Marquis of Montrose_, Edinburgh, 1819, p. 189. So, too, Burnet
+        (_Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton_, p. 272): 'Besides, any
+        companies could be brought down from the Highlands might do well
+        enough for a while, but no order could be expected from them, for
+        as soon as they were loaded with plunder and spoil, they would run
+        away home to their lurking holes, and desert those who had trusted
+        them.' See also p. 354. A more recent writer, drawing a veil over
+        this little infirmity, remarks, with much delicacy, that 'the
+        Highlanders, brave as they were, had a custom of returning home
+        after a battle.' _Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites_, London,
+        1845, vol. i. p. 122. Not unfrequently they first robbed their
+        fellow-soldiers. In 1746, Bisset writes: 'The Highlanders, who
+        went off after the battel, carried off horses and baggage from
+        their own men, the Lowlanders.' _Diary of the Reverend John
+        Bisset_, in _Miscellany of the Spalding Club_, vol. i. p. 377,
+        Aberdeen, 1841, 4to.
+
+There are, indeed, few things more absurd than that lying spirit of
+romance, which represents the rising of the Highlanders as the outburst
+of a devoted loyalty. Nothing was further from their minds than this. The
+Highlanders have crimes enough to account for, without being burdened by
+needless reproach. They were thieves and murderers; but that was in their
+way of life, and they felt not the stigma. Though they were ignorant and
+ferocious, they were not so foolish as to be personally attached to that
+degraded family, which, before the accession of William III., occupied
+the throne of Scotland. To love such men as Charles II. and James II.,
+may, perhaps, be excused as one of those peculiarities of taste of which
+one sometimes hears. But to love all their descendants; to feel an
+affection so comprehensive as to take in the whole dynasty, and, for the
+sake of gratifying that eccentric passion, not only to undergo great
+hardships, but to inflict enormous evil upon two kingdoms, would have
+been a folly as well as a wickedness, and would convict the Highlanders
+of a species of insanity alien to their nature. They burst into
+insurrection, because insurrection suited their habits, and because they
+hated all government and all order.[362] But, so far from caring for a
+monarch, the very institution of monarchy was repulsive to them. It was
+contrary to that spirit of clanship to which they were devoted; and, from
+their earliest childhood, they were accustomed to respect none but their
+chiefs, to whom they paid a willing obedience, and whom they considered
+far superior to all the potentates of the earth.[363] No one, indeed, who
+is really acquainted with their history, will think them capable of
+having spilt their blood on behalf of any sovereign, be he whom he might;
+still less can we believe that they would quit their native land, and
+undertake long and hazardous marches, with the object of restoring that
+corrupt and tyrannical dynasty, whose offences smelt to heaven, and whose
+cruelties had, at length, kindled the anger even of humble and
+meek-minded men.
+
+  [362] 'Whoever desired, with the sword, to disturb or overturn a fixed
+        government, was sure of the aid of the chiefs, because a settled
+        government was ruinous to their power, and almost inimical to
+        their existence. The more it cultivated the arts of peace, and
+        throve on industrially created well-being, the more did it drive
+        into an antagonist position a people who did not change their
+        nature, who made no industrial progress, and who lived by the
+        swords which acquired for them the fruits of other men's industry.
+        With their interests, a peaceful, strong government was as
+        inconsistent as a well-guarded sheepfold with the interest of
+        wolves.' _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 105, 106.
+        'The Highlanders, in all reigns, have been remarkable for
+        disturbing the established government of Scotland by taking up
+        arms on every invasion for the invaders.' _Marchant's History of
+        the present Rebellion_, London, 1746, p. 18. See also _Macky's
+        Journey through Scotland_, London, 1732, p. 129; and a short, but
+        very curious, account of the Highlanders, in 1744, in _The
+        Miscellany of the Spalding Club_, vol. ii. pp. 87-89.
+
+  [363] An observer, who had excellent opportunities of studying their
+        character between the rebellion of 1715 and that of 1745, writes,
+        'The ordinary Highlanders esteem it the most sublime degree of
+        virtue to love their chief, and pay him a blind obedience,
+        although it be in opposition to the government, the laws of the
+        kingdom, or even to the law of God. He is their idol; and as _they
+        profess to know no king but him_ (I was going farther), so will
+        they say, they ought to do whatever he commands, without inquiry.'
+        _Letters from a Gentleman in the North of Scotland_, edit. London,
+        1815, vol. ii. pp. 83, 84. 'The Highlanders in Scotland are, of
+        all men in the world, the soonest wrought upon to follow their
+        leaders or chiefs into the field, having a wonderful veneration
+        for their Lords and Chieftains, as they are called there: _Nor do
+        these people ever consider the validity of the engaging cause_,
+        but blindly follow their chiefs into what mischief they please,
+        and that with the greatest precipitation imaginable.' _Patten's
+        History of the Rebellion_, London, 1717, p. 151. 'The power of the
+        chiefs over their clans was the true source of the two rebellions.
+        The clansmen cared no more about the legitimate race of the
+        Stuarts, than they did about the war of the Spanish succession.'
+        ... 'The Jacobite Highland chiefs ranged their followers on the
+        Jacobite side--the Hanoverians ranged theirs on the side of
+        government. Lovat's conduct was a sort of _experimentum crucis_;
+        he made his clan Hanoverian in one rebellion, and Jacobite in
+        another.' _Burton's Lives of Lovat and Forbes_, p. 150. Compare
+        the change of side of the Mackintoshes, in _Browne's History of
+        the Highlands_, vol. ii. p. 285. Even so late as the American war,
+        the sovereign was deemed subordinate to the chief. 'One Captain
+        Frazer from the northern district, brought down a hundred of his
+        clan, all of the name of Frazer. Few of them could understand a
+        word of English; and the only distinct idea they had of all the
+        mustering of forces which they saw around them, was that they were
+        going to fight for King Frazer and George ta Three.' _Penny's
+        Traditions of Perth_, pp. 49, 50, Perth, 1836.
+
+The simple fact is, that the outbreaks of 1715 and 1745 were, in our
+country, the last struggle of barbarism against civilization. On the one
+side, war and confusion. On the other side, peace and prosperity. These
+were the interests for which men really fought; and neither party cared
+for Stuarts or for Hanoverians. The result of such a contest in the
+eighteenth century, could hardly be doubtful. At the time, the
+rebellions caused great alarm, both from their suddenness, and from the
+strange and ferocious appearance of the Highland invaders.[364] But the
+knowledge we now possess, enables us to see, that, from the beginning,
+success was impossible. Though the government was extremely remiss, and,
+notwithstanding the information it received, allowed itself on both
+occasions to be taken by surprise, there was no real danger.[365] The
+English, not being particularly enamoured either with the Highlanders or
+with the Stuarts, refused to rise;[366] and it cannot be seriously
+supposed, that a few thousand half-naked banditti had it in their power
+to prescribe to the people of England what sovereign they should obey,
+and under what sort of government they should live.
+
+  [364] Which gave rise to a report that they were cannibals. 'The late
+        Mr. Halkston of Rathillet, who had been in this expedition' (the
+        Rebellion of 1745), 'told Mr. Young that the belief was general
+        among the people of England, that the Highlanders ate children.'
+        _Johnstone's Memoirs of the Rebellion_, 3rd edit. London, 1822,
+        p. 101. Such a rumour, notwithstanding its absurdity, was made
+        somewhat plausible by the revolting conduct of the Highlanders in
+        the first rebellion of 1715, when they committed, in the Lowlands,
+        horrible outrages on corpses which they dug up. See the
+        contemporary evidence, in _Correspondence of the Rev. Robert
+        Wodrow_, published by the Wodrow Society, vol. ii. pp. 86, 87, 93.
+        'They have even raised up some of my Lord Rothes's children and
+        mangled their dead bodies' ... 'till the stench put them away.' In
+        1745, they signalized their entrance into England in the following
+        manner. 'The rebels, during their stay in Carlisle, committed the
+        most shocking detestable villanies; for, not contented with
+        robbing families of their most valuable effects, they scrupled not
+        to act their brutal insolence on the persons of some young ladies,
+        even in the presence of their parents. A gentleman, in a letter to
+        his friend in London, writes thus: "That, after being in a manner
+        stripped of every thing, he had the misery to see three of his
+        daughters treated in such a manner that he could not relate it."'
+        _Marchant's History of the present Rebellion_, London, 1746,
+        pp. 181, 182.
+
+  [365] Even when they had penetrated to Derby, the best informed of their
+        own party despaired of success. See the Jacobitical account in
+        _The Lockhart Papers_, London, 4to, 1817, vol. ii. p. 458: 'The
+        next thing to be considered of, was what was now to be done; they
+        were now at Derby, with an army not half the number of what they
+        were reported to be, surrounded in a manner with regular troops
+        on all sides, and more than double their number. To go forward,
+        there was no encouragement, for their friends (if they had any)
+        had kept little or no correspondence with them from the time they
+        entered England.' The Chevalier de Johnstone, who took an active
+        part in the Rebellion, frankly says, 'If we had continued to
+        advance to London, and had encountered all the troops of England,
+        with the Hessians and Swiss in its pay, there was every
+        appearance of our being immediately exterminated, without the
+        chance of a single man escaping.' _Johnstone's Memoirs of the
+        Rebellion in 1745 and 1746_, p. 79.
+
+  [366] Lord George Murray, the commander-in-chief in 1745, was unwilling
+        to advance far south of Carlisle, 'without more encouragement from
+        the country than we had hitherto got.' See his own account, in
+        _The Jacobite Memoirs of the Rebellion of 1745_, edited by R.
+        Chambers, Edinburgh, 1834, p. 48. But his prudent advice was
+        overruled. The Highlanders pressed on; and that happened, which
+        any one, tolerably acquainted with England, might have foreseen.
+        Johnstone (_Memoirs of the Rebellion_, p. 70) says, 'In case of a
+        defeat in England, no one in our army could by any possibility
+        escape destruction, as the _English peasants were hostile towards
+        us in the highest degree_; and, besides, the army of Marshal Wade
+        was in our rear, to cut us off from all communication with
+        Scotland.' And at p. 81, 'In every place we passed through, we
+        found the English very ill disposed towards us, except at
+        Manchester, where there appeared some remains of attachment to the
+        house of Stuart.' The champion of arbitrary power would find a
+        different reception now, in that magnificent specimen of English
+        prosperity, and of true, open-mouthed, English fearlessness. But a
+        century ago, the men of Manchester were poor and ignorant; and the
+        statement of Johnstone respecting them is confirmed by Home, who
+        says, 'At Manchester, several gentlemen, and about 200 or 300 of
+        the common people, joined the rebel army; _these were the only
+        Englishmen (a few individuals excepted) who joined Charles in his
+        march through the country of England_.' _Home's History of the
+        Rebellion in 1745_, London, 1802, 4to, p. 145. In 1715, the
+        English equally held back, except at Manchester. See _Patten's
+        History of the late Rebellion_, London, 1717, pp. 89, 108.
+
+After 1745, there was no further interruption. The interests of
+civilization, that is, the interests of knowledge, of liberty, and of
+wealth, gradually assumed the upper hand, and reduced men like the
+Highlanders to utter insignificance. Roads were cut through their
+country; and, for the first time, travellers from the south began to
+mingle with them in their hitherto inaccessible wilds.[367] In those
+parts, the movement was, indeed, very slow; but, in the Lowlands, it was
+much more rapid. For, the traders and inhabitants of towns were now
+becoming prominent, and their authority helped to neutralize the old
+warlike and anarchical habits. Towards the end of the seventeenth
+century, a taste for commercial speculation sprung up, and a large amount
+of the energy of Scotland was turned into this new channel.[368] Early in
+the eighteenth century, the same tendency was displayed in literature;
+and works on mercantile and economical subjects became common.[369] A
+change in manners was also perceptible. About this period, the Scotch
+began to lose something of that rugged ferocity which had distinguished
+them of old. This improvement was evinced in several ways; one of the
+most remarkable being an alteration, which was first observed in 1710,
+when it was noticed that men were leaving off armour, which had hitherto
+been worn by every one who could afford it, as a useful precaution in a
+barbarous, and therefore a warlike society.[370]
+
+  [367] The establishment of roads caused great displeasure. Pennant, who
+        visited Scotland in 1769, says, 'These publick works were at first
+        very disagreeable to the old chieftains, and lessened their
+        influence greatly: for by admitting strangers among them, their
+        clans were taught that the Lairds were not the first of men.'
+        _Pennant's Tour in Scotland_, 4th edit. Dublin, 1775, vol. i.
+        p. 204. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, this feeling
+        began to die away. 'Till of late, the people of Kintail, as well
+        as other Highlands, had a strong aversion to roads. The more
+        inaccessible, the more secure, was their maxim.' _Sinclair's
+        Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. vi. p. 244, Edinburgh,
+        1793.
+
+  [368] 'Soon after the establishment of the revolution settlement, the
+        ardent feelings of the Scottish people were turned out of their
+        old channels of religious controversy and war in the direction of
+        commercial enterprise.' _Burton's Criminal Trials in Scotland_,
+        vol. i. p. 104. Compare _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol.
+        iv. pp. 286, 287, 418; and the note (at p. 419): 'The lords and
+        commons of Scotland were then desirous of getting into trade.'
+        This is under the year 1699. In 1698, Fletcher of Saltoun writes:
+        'by no contrivance of any man, but by an unforeseen and unexpected
+        change of the genius of this nation, all their thoughts and
+        inclinations, as if united and directed by a higher power, seemed
+        to be turned upon trade, and to conspire together for its
+        advancement.' _First Discourse on the Affairs of Scotland_, in
+        _Fletcher of Saltoun's Political Works_, Glasgow, 1749, p. 57. At
+        this, the clergy were uneasy. In 1709, the Reverend Robert Wodrow
+        expresses an opinion, in one of his letters, that 'the sin of our
+        too great fondness for trade, to the neglecting of our more
+        valuable interests, I humbly think will be written upon our
+        judgment.' _Wodrow's Correspondence_, Edinburgh, 1842, 8vo, vol.
+        i. p. 67. In the same year, some ships being taken by the French,
+        part of the loss fell upon Glasgow. Thereupon, Wodrow writes:
+        'It's said that in all there is about eighty thousand pound
+        sterling lost there, whereof Glasgow has lost ten thousand pound.
+        I wish trading persons may see the language of such a Providence.
+        I am sure the Lord is remarkably frouning upon our trade, in more
+        respects than one, since it was put in the room of religion, in
+        the late alteration of our constitution.' _Wodrow's Analecta_,
+        vol. i. p. 218, 4to, published by the Maitland Club.
+
+  [369] Laing (_History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 296), under the year
+        1703, says: 'Ever since the projected settlement at Darien, the
+        genius of the nation had acquired a new direction; and as the
+        press is the true criterion of the spirit of the times, the
+        numerous productions on political and commercial subjects, with
+        which it daily teemed, had supplanted the religious disputes of
+        the former age.' Unfortunately for Scotland, they were by no means
+        supplanted. Still, the movement was great, and not to be mistaken.
+
+  [370] 'It was only in 1710, that they began to throw off their armour,
+        and allow the soldier to merge into the quiet and industrious
+        craftsman.' _Penny's Traditions of Perth_, p. 335, Perth, 1836.
+        This particularly applies to the citizens of Perth.
+
+To trace the general progress in its various parts, or even to indicate
+the immediate consequences, would require a separate volume. One of the
+results is, however, too conspicuous to be passed over in silence, though
+it does not deserve all the importance that has been attached to it. This
+is, the abolition of hereditary jurisdictions, which, after all, was but
+a symptom of the great movement, and not a cause of it; being itself due,
+partly to the growth of the industrial spirit, and partly to that
+diminution of the power of the aristocracy, which had been visible as
+early as the beginning of the seventeenth century. During many ages,
+certain persons of noble birth had enjoyed the privilege of trying
+offences, and even of inflicting capital punishment, simply because their
+ancestors had done so before them; the judicial power being, in fact,
+part of their patrimony, and descending to them like the rest of their
+property.[371] An institution of this sort, which made a man a judge,
+not because he was apt for the office, but because he was born under
+particular circumstances, was a folly which the revolutionary temper of
+the eighteenth century was not likely to spare. The innovating spirit for
+which that age was remarkable, could hardly fail to attack so
+preposterous a custom; and its extinction was facilitated, both by the
+decline of the nobles who possessed the privilege, and by the rise of
+their natural opponents, the trading and commercial classes. The decay of
+the Scotch nobility, in the eighteenth century, may be traced to two
+special causes, in addition to those general causes, which were weakening
+the aristocracy nearly all over Europe. With the general causes, which
+were common to England and to most parts of the Continent, we are not now
+concerned. It is enough to say, that they were entirely dependent on that
+advance of knowledge, which, by increasing the authority of the
+intellectual class, undermines, and must eventually overthrow, mere
+hereditary and accidental distinctions. But those causes which were
+confined to Scotland, had a more political character, and though they
+were purely local, they harmonized with the whole train of events, and
+ought to be noticed, as links of a vast chain, which connects the present
+state of that singular country with its past history.
+
+  [371] On these 'hereditary or proprietary jurisdictions,' which conferred
+        the right, or, I would rather say, the power, of putting people to
+        death, see _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 425, vol.
+        ii. p. 402. The technical term for so monstrous a privilege, was
+        the right 'of pit and gallows.' _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
+        Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 94; and _Mackenzie's Laws and Customs of
+        Scotland in Matters Criminal_, pp. 70, 100, 187, 210. This meant,
+        that men were to be hung, and women to be drowned. See also
+        _Arnot's History of Edinburgh_, p. 224; _Fountainhall's Notes of
+        Scottish Affairs_, p. 139; _Hume's History of the House of
+        Douglas_, vol. i. p. 346; _Lettice's Scotland_, p. 271;
+        _Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. i. p. 417, vol. iv. p. 478, vol. vi.
+        pp. 195, 258, vol. viii. pp. 129, 348, vol. xiii. p. 563,
+        vol. xiv. p. 34, vol. xvii. pp. 442, 600, vol. xviii. p. 473.
+
+The first cause was the union of Scotland with England, in 1707, which
+struck a heavy blow at the Scotch aristocracy. By it, the legislature of
+the smaller country was absorbed in that of the larger, and the
+hereditary legislators suddenly sunk into insignificance. In the Scotch
+parliament, there were a hundred and forty-five peers, all of whom,
+except sixteen, were, by the Act of Union, deprived of the power of
+making laws.[372] These sixteen were sent off to London, and took their
+seats in the House of Lords, of which they formed a small and miserable
+fraction. On every subject, however important to their own country, they
+were easily outvoted; their manners, their gesticulations, and
+particularly their comical mode of pronouncing English, were openly
+ridiculed;[373] and the chiefs of this old and powerful aristocracy found
+themselves, to their utter amazement, looked on as men of no account, and
+they were often obliged to fawn and cringe at the levee of the minister,
+in order to procure a place for some needy dependent. Their friends and
+relations applied to them for offices, and generally applied in vain.
+Indeed, the Scotch nobles, being very poor, wanted for themselves more
+than the English government was inclined to give, and, in the eagerness
+of their clamour, they lost both dignity and reputation.[374] They were
+exposed to mortifying rebuffs, and their true position being soon known,
+weakened their influence at home, among a people already prepared to
+throw off their authority. To this, however, they were comparatively
+indifferent, as they looked for future fortune, not to Scotland, but to
+England. London became the centre of their intrigues and their
+hopes.[375] Those who had no seat in the House of Lords, longed to have
+one, and it was notorious, that the darling object of nearly every Scotch
+noble was to be made an English peer.[376] The scene of their ambition
+being shifted, they were gradually weaned from their old associations.
+Directly this was apparent, the foundation of their power was gone. From
+that moment, their real nationality vanished. It became evident that
+their patriotism was but a selfish passion. They ceased to love a country
+which could give them nothing, and, as a natural consequence, their
+country ceased to love them.
+
+  [372] Laing (_History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 345) says, that in 1706,
+        'the commons in the Scottish parliament were 160; the peers 145.'
+        Of these peers, the Treaty of Union declared that 'sixteen shall
+        be the number to sit and vote in the House of Lords.' _De Foe's
+        History of the Union between England and Scotland_, London, 1786,
+        4to, pp. 205, 538. The English House of Lords consisted of 179
+        members. See _The Lockhart Papers_, London, 1817, 4to, vol. i. pp.
+        343, 547. It was impossible to mistake the result of this sweeping
+        measure, by which, as was said at the time, 'Scotland was to
+        retrench her nobility.' _De Foe's History of the Union_, p. 495.
+        Compare p. 471: 'The nobility being thereby, as it were, degraded
+        of their characters.' In 1710, a Scotchman writes in his journal:
+        'It was one of the melancholyest sights to any that have any sense
+        of our antient Nobility, to see them going throu for votes, and
+        making partys, and giving their votes to others who once had their
+        oun vote; and I suspect many of them reu the bargain they made, in
+        giving their oun pouer away.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. p. 308.
+
+  [373] The Scotch, consequently, became so eager to do away with this
+        source of mirth, that even as late as the year 1761, when the
+        notorious lecturer, Sheridan, visited Edinburgh, 'such was the
+        rage for speaking with an English accent, that more than three
+        hundred gentlemen, among whom were the most eminent in the country
+        for rank and learning, attended him.' _Ritchie's Life of Hume_,
+        London, 1807, p. 94. It was, however, during about twenty years
+        immediately after the Union, that the Scotch members of
+        Parliament, both Lords and Commons, were most jeered at in London,
+        and were treated with marked disrespect, socially and politically.
+        Not only were they mocked and lampooned, but they were also made
+        tools of. In September 1711, Wodrow writes (_Analecta_, vol. i. p.
+        348, 4to, 1842): 'In the beginning of this (month), I hear a
+        generall dissatisfaction our Nobility, that wer at last
+        Parliament, have at their treatment at London. They complean they
+        are only made use of as tools among the English, and cast by when
+        their party designes are over.' The next year (1712), the Scotch
+        members of the House of Commons met together, and expressed their
+        'high resentment of the uncivil, haughty treatment they mett with
+        from the English.' _The Lockhart Papers_, London, 1817, 4to, vol.
+        i. p. 417. See, further, _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. ii.
+        p. 27. 'Without descending to rudeness, the polished
+        contemporaries of Wharton and St. John could madden the sensitive
+        and haughty Scots by light shafts of raillery, about their
+        pronunciation or knowledge of parliamentary etiquette.' Some
+        curious observations upon the way in which the Scotch pronounced
+        English, late in the seventeenth century, will be found in
+        _Morer's Short Account of Scotland_, London, 1702, pp. 13, 14. The
+        author of this book was chaplain to a Scotch regiment.
+
+  [374] Among many illustrations with which contemporary memoirs abound,
+        the following is by no means the worst. Burnet, as a Scotchman,
+        thinks proper to say that those of his countrymen who were sent to
+        parliament, 'were persons of such distinction, that they very well
+        deserved' the respect and esteem with which they were treated. To
+        which, Lord Dartmouth adds: 'and were very importunate to have
+        their deserts rewarded. A Scotch earl pressed Lord Godolphin
+        extremely for a place. He said there was none vacant. The other
+        said, his lordship could soon make one so, if he pleased. Lord
+        Godolphin asked him, if he expected to have any body killed to
+        make room? He said, No; but Lord Dartmouth commonly voted against
+        the court, and every body wondered that he had not been turned out
+        before now. Lord Godolphin told him, he hoped his lordship did not
+        expect that he should be the person to propose it; and advised him
+        never to mention it any more, for fear the queen should come to
+        hear of it; for if she did, his lordship would run great risk
+        never to have a place as long as she lived. But he could not
+        forbear telling every where, how ill the lord treasurer had used
+        him.' _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. v. p. 349, Oxford,
+        1823. Compare the account, in 1710, in _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol.
+        i. p. 293. 'Argyle is both picked (_i.e._ piqued) at Marlburrou,
+        and his brother Yla, for refusing him a regiment; and Godolphin
+        should have said to the queen that my Lord Yla was not to be
+        trusted with a regiment! The Earl of Marr was one of the greatest
+        cronnies Godolphine had, till the matter of his pension, after the
+        Secretary office was taken from him, came about. Godolphine caused
+        draw it during pleasure; Marr expected it during life, which the
+        Treasurer would not yield to, and therefore they brake.' The
+        history of the time is full of these wretched squabbles, which
+        show what the Scotch nobles were made of. Indeed, their rapacity
+        was so shameless, that, in 1711, several of them refused to
+        perform their legislative duties in London, unless they received
+        some offices which they expected. 'About the midle of this moneth,
+        I hear ther was a meeting of severall of our Scots Peers, at the
+        Viscount of Kilsyth's, where they concerted not to goe up to this
+        parliament till peremptorly writ for; and (also) some assurance be
+        given of the places they were made to hope for last session and
+        have missed.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. p. 365. In 1712, the
+        same Scotchman writes (_Analecta_, vol. ii. p. 8): 'Our Scots
+        Peers' secession from the House of Peers makes much noise; but
+        they doe not hold by it. They sometimes come and sometimes goe,
+        and _they render themselves base in the eyes of the English_.' See
+        also a letter 'concerning the Scots Peerage,' in _Somers' Tracts_,
+        vol. xii. p. 607, edit. Scott, London, 1814, 4to.
+
+  [375] A Scotch writer, twenty years after the Union, says: 'Most of our
+        gentlemen and people of quality, who have the best estates in our
+        country, live for the most part at London.' _Reasons for improving
+        the Fisheries and Linen Manufacture of Scotland_, London, 1727, p.
+        22. I do not know who wrote this curious little treatise; but the
+        author was evidently a native of Scotland. See p. 25. I have,
+        however, still earlier evidence to adduce. A letter from Wodrow,
+        dated 9th of August 1725, complains of 'the general sending our
+        youth of quality to England:' and a letter to him, in 1716,
+        describes the Anglicizing process going on among the Scotch
+        aristocracy, only nine years after the Union. 'Most of our Lords
+        and others here do so much depend on the English for their posts,
+        and _seeking somewhat or other_, that their mouths are almost
+        quite stopped; and really _most of them go into the English way in
+        all things_.' _Wodrow's Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 196, vol.
+        iii. p. 224. The Earl of Mar lost popularity in Scotland, on
+        account of the court he paid to Lord Godolphin; for, he 'appears
+        to have passed much more time in intrigues in London than among
+        the gardens of Alloa.' _Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites_, vol.
+        i. p. 36. Even Earl Ilay, in his anxiety to advance himself at the
+        English court, 'used to regret his being a Scots peer, and to wish
+        earnestly he was a commoner.' _Letters of Lord Grange_, in _The
+        Miscellany of the Spalding Club_, vol. iii. p. 39, Aberdeen, 4to,
+        1846.
+
+  [376] Indeed, their expectation ran so high, as to induce a hope, not
+        only that those Commissioners of the Union who were Scotch peers
+        should be made English ones, but that 'the whole nobility of
+        Scotland might in time be admitted.' _Laing's History of
+        Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 346. Compare _The Lockhart Papers_, vol. i.
+        pp. 298, 343: 'the Scots Peerage, many of whom had been bubled
+        with the hopes of being themselves created British Peers.' Also
+        _The Gordon Letters_, in _The Miscellany of the Spalding Club_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 227, 228.
+
+Thus it was that this great tie was severed. In this, as in all similar
+movements, there were, of course, exceptions. Some of the nobles were
+disinterested, and some of their dependents were faithful. But, looking
+at the Lowlands as a whole, there can be no doubt that, before the middle
+of the eighteenth century, that bond of affection was gone, which, in
+former times, made tens of thousands of Scotchmen ready to follow their
+superiors in any cause, and to sacrifice their lives at a nod. That
+spirit, which was once deemed ardent and generous, but which a deeper
+analysis shows to be mean and servile, was now almost extinct, except
+among the barbarous Highlanders, whose ignorance of affairs long
+prevented them from being influenced by the stream of events. That the
+proximate cause of this change was the Union, will probably be denied by
+no one who has minutely studied the history of the period. And that the
+change was beneficial, can only be questioned by those sentimental
+dreamers, with whom life is a matter rather of feeling than of judgment,
+and who, despising real and tangible interests, reproach their own age
+with its material prosperity, and with its love of luxury, as if they
+were the result of low and sordid desires unknown to the loftier temper
+of bygone days. To visionaries of this sort, it may well appear that the
+barbarous and ignorant noble, surrounded by a host of devoted retainers,
+and living with rude simplicity in his own dull and wretched castle,
+forms a beautiful picture of those unmercenary and uncalculating times,
+when men, instead of seeking for knowledge, or for wealth, or for
+comfort, were content with the frugal innocence of their fathers, and
+when, protection being accorded by one class, and gratitude felt by the
+other, the subordination of society was maintained, and its different
+parts were knit together by sympathy, and by the force of common
+emotions, instead of, as now, by the coarse maxims of a vulgar and
+selfish utility.
+
+Those, however, whose knowledge gives them some acquaintance with the
+real course of human affairs, will see that in Scotland, as in all
+civilized countries, the decline of aristocratic power forms an essential
+part of the general progress. It must, therefore, be esteemed a fortunate
+circumstance, that, among the Scotch, where that power had long been
+enormous, it was weakened in the eighteenth century, not only by general
+causes, which were operating elsewhere, but also by two smaller and more
+special causes. The first of these minor causes was, as we have just
+seen, the Union with England. The other cause was, comparatively
+speaking, insignificant, but still it produced decided effect,
+particularly in the northern districts. It consisted in the fact, that
+some of the oldest Highland nobles were concerned in the rebellion of
+1745, and that, when that rebellion was put down, those who escaped from
+the sword were glad to save their lives by flying abroad, leaving their
+dependents to shift for themselves.[377] They became attached to the
+court of the Pretender, or, at all events, intrigued for him. That,
+indeed, was their only chance, their estates at home being forfeited. For
+nearly forty years, several great families were in exile, and although,
+about 1784, they began to return,[378] other associations had been formed
+during their absence, and new ideas had arisen, both in their own minds,
+and in the minds of their retainers. A fresh generation had grown up, and
+fresh influences had been brought to bear. Strangers, with whom the
+people had no sympathy, had intruded upon the estates of the nobles, and
+though they might receive obedience, it was an obedience unaccompanied by
+deference. The real reverence was gone; the homage of the heart was no
+more. And as this state of things lasted for about forty years, it
+interrupted the whole train of thought; and the former habits were so
+completely broken, that, even when the chiefs were restored to their
+forfeited honours, they found that there was another part of their
+inheritance which they were unable to recover, and that they had lost for
+ever that unreserved submission, which, in times of yore, had been
+willingly paid to their fathers.[379]
+
+  [377] The Chevalier de Johnstone, in his plaintive remarks on the battle
+        of Culloden, says: 'The ruin of many of the most illustrious
+        families in Scotland immediately followed our defeat.'
+        _Johnstone's Memoirs of the Rebellion in 1745_, p. 211. He, of
+        course, could not perceive that, sad as such ruin was to the
+        individual sufferers, it was an immense benefit to the nation. Mr.
+        Skene, referring to the year 1748, says of the Highlanders: 'their
+        long-cherished ideas of clanship gradually gave way under the
+        absence and ruin of so many of their chiefs.' _Skene's
+        Highlanders_, vol. i. p. 147.
+
+  [378] 'About 1784, the exiled families began to return.' _Penny's
+        Traditions of Perth_, p. 41. See also _Macpherson's Annals of
+        Commerce_, vol. iv. p. 53. In 1784, 'a bill passed the Commons
+        without opposition,' to restore the 'Forfeited Estates' in the
+        north of Scotland. See _Parliamentary History_, vol. xxiv. pp.
+        1316-1322. On that occasion, Fox said (p. 1321) the proprietors
+        'had been sufficiently punished by forty years' deprivation of
+        their fortunes for the faults of their ancestors.'
+
+  [379] Dean Ramsay, in his _Reminiscences_ (5th edit. Edinburgh, 1859,
+        p. 57), notices that, owing to 'transfers of property and
+        extinction of old families in the Highlands, as well as from more
+        general causes,' the old clannish affection 'is passing away.' But
+        this intelligent observer has not indicated the connexion between
+        so important a fact and the Rebellion of 1745. In 1792, Heron
+        writes: 'The prejudices of clanship have almost died away.' ...
+        'The dependents of the family of Kenmure are still attached to its
+        representative with much of that affection and respect with which
+        the tribes of the Highlands have _till lately_ been accustomed to
+        adhere to their lord.' _Heron's Journey through the Western
+        Counties of Scotland_, 2nd edit. Perth, 1799, vol. i. p. 248,
+        vol. ii. p. 154. See also the remarks made, in the same year, in
+        _Lettice's Letters on a Tour through various parts of Scotland_,
+        London, 1794, p. 340. To trace the movement back still further,
+        Pennant writes, in 1769: 'But in many parts of the Highlands,
+        their character begins to be more faintly marked; they mix more
+        with the world; and _become daily less attached to their chiefs_.'
+        ... 'During the feudal reign, their love for their chieftain
+        induced them to bear many things, at _present intolerable_.' These
+        two important passages are in the 4th edition of _Pennant's Tour
+        in Scotland_, vol. i. p. 194, vol. ii. p. 307, Dublin, 1775. They
+        prove that, twenty-four years after the Rebellion of 1745, the
+        decay of affection was so manifest, as to strike a candid and
+        careful, but by no means philosophic, observer. For Pennant to
+        have discerned these changes, they must already have risen to the
+        surface. Other and corroborative evidence will be found in
+        _Sinclair's Account of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 545, Edinburgh,
+        1792; and vol. iii. pp. 377, 437, vol. xiii. p. 310, vol. xv.
+        p. 592, vol. xx. p. 33.
+
+Owing to these circumstances, the course of affairs in Scotland, during
+the eighteenth century, and especially during the first half of it, was
+marked by a more rapid decline of the influence of the higher ranks than
+was seen in any other country. It was, therefore, an easy task for the
+English government to procure a law, which, by abolishing hereditary
+jurisdictions, deprived the Scotch aristocracy, in 1748, of the last
+great ensign of their power.[380] The law, being suited to the spirit of
+the times, worked well; and in the Highlands, in particular, it was one
+immediate cause of the establishment of something like the order of a
+settled state.[381] But in this instance, as in every other, the real
+and overruling cause is to be found in the condition of the surrounding
+society. A few generations earlier, hardly any one would have thought of
+abolishing these mischievous jurisdictions, which were then deemed
+beneficial, and were respected, as belonging to the great families by
+natural and inalienable right. Such an opinion was the inevitable result
+of the state of things then existing. This being the case, it is certain
+that, if the legislature had, at that time, been so rash as to lay its
+hand on what the nation respected, popular sympathy would have been
+aroused, and the nobles would have been strengthened by what was intended
+to weaken them.[382] In 1748, however, matters were very different.
+Public opinion had changed; and this change of opinion was not only the
+cause of the new law, but was the reason of the new law being effective.
+And so it always is. They, indeed, whose knowledge is almost confined to
+what they see passing around them, and who, on account of their
+ignorance, are termed practical men, may talk as they will about the
+reforms which government has introduced, and the improvement to be
+expected from legislation. But whoever will take a wider and more
+commanding view of affairs, will soon discover that such hopes are
+chimerical. They will learn that lawgivers are nearly always the
+obstructors of society, instead of its helpers; and that, in the
+extremely few cases in which their measures have turned out well, their
+success has been owing to the fact, that, contrary to their usual custom,
+they have implicitly obeyed the spirit of their time, and have been, as
+they always should be, the mere servants of the people, to whose wishes
+they are bound to give a public and legal sanction.
+
+  [380] _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 535-537. _Struthers'
+        History of Scotland_, Glasgow, 1828, vol. ii. pp. 519-525.
+
+  [381] Macpherson (_Annals of Commerce_, vol. iii. p. 259) says, 'This
+        excellent statute may not unfitly be termed a new magna charta to
+        the free people of Scotland.'
+
+  [382] I cannot, therefore, agree with Macpherson, who asserts, in his
+        valuable work, that the abolition of these jurisdictions 'should
+        undoubtedly have been made an essential preliminary of the
+        consolidating union of the two kingdoms of England and Scotland,
+        concluded forty years before.' _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_,
+        vol. iii. p. 257. Compare _De Foe's History of the Union between
+        England and Scotland_, pp. 458, 459, London, 1786, 4to.
+
+Another striking peculiarity of Scotland, during the remarkable period
+we are now considering, was the sudden rise of trading and manufacturing
+interests. This preceded, by a whole generation, the celebrated statute
+of 1748, and was one of the causes of it, in so far as it weakened the
+great families, against whom that statute was directed. The movement may
+be traced back, as I have already noticed, to the end of the seventeenth
+century, and it was in active operation before the first twenty years of
+the eighteenth century had passed away. A mercantile and money-making
+spirit was diffused to an extent formerly unknown, and men becoming
+valued for their wealth as well as for their birth, a new standard of
+excellence was introduced, and new actors appeared on the scene.
+Heretofore, persons were respected solely for their parentage; now they
+were also respected for their riches. The old aristocracy, made uneasy by
+the change, did every thing they could to thwart and discourage these
+young and dangerous rivals.[383] Nor can we wonder at their feeling
+somewhat sore. The tendency which was exhibited, was, indeed, fatal to
+their pretensions. Instead of asking who was a man's father, the question
+became, how much he had got. And certainly, if either question is to be
+put, the latter is the more rational. Wealth is a real and substantial
+thing, which ministers to our pleasures, increases our comfort,
+multiplies our resources, and not unfrequently alleviates our pains. But
+birth is a dream and a shadow, which, so far from benefiting either body
+or mind, only puffs up its possessor with an imaginary excellence, and
+teaches him to despise those whom nature has made his superiors, and who,
+whether engaged in adding to our knowledge or to our wealth, are, in
+either case, ameliorating the condition of society, and rendering to it
+true and valuable service.
+
+  [383] In 1740, 'the rising manufacturing and trading interests of the
+        country' were 'looked down upon and discouraged by the feudal
+        aristocracy.' _Burton's Lives of Lovat and Forbes_, p. 361.
+
+This antagonism between the aristocratic and trading spirit, lies in the
+nature of things, and is essential, however it may be disguised at
+particular periods. Therefore it is, that the history of trade has a
+philosophic importance in reference to the progress of society, quite
+independent of practical considerations. On this account I have called
+the attention of the reader to what otherwise would be foreign to the
+objects of the present Introduction; and I will now trace, as briefly as
+possible, the beginning of that great industrial movement, to the
+extension of which the overthrow of the Scotch aristocracy is to be
+partly ascribed.
+
+The Union with England, which was completed in 1707, produced immediate
+and striking effects on trade. Its first effect was, to throw open to the
+Scotch a new and extensive commerce with the English colonies in America.
+Before the Union, no goods of any kind could be landed in Scotland from
+the American plantations, unless they had first been landed in England,
+and paid duty there; nor even, in that case, might they be conveyed by
+any Scotch vessel.[384] This was one of many foolish regulations by which
+our legislators interfered with the natural course of affairs, and
+injured the interests of their own country, as well as those of their
+neighbours. Formerly, however, such laws were considered to be extremely
+sagacious, and politicians were constantly contriving protective schemes
+of this sort, which, with the best intentions, inflicted incalculable
+harm. But if, as seems probable, one of their objects, in this instance,
+was to retard the improvement of Scotland, they were more than usually
+successful in effecting the purpose at which they aimed. For, the whole
+of the western coast, being cut off from direct intercourse with the
+American colonies, was debarred from the only foreign trade it could
+advantageously follow; since the European ports lay to the east, and
+could not be reached by the inhabitants of Western Scotland without a
+long circumnavigation, which prevented them from competing, on equal
+terms, with their countrymen, who, sailing from the other side, were
+already near the chief seats of commerce. The consequence was, that
+Glasgow and the other western ports remained almost stationary; having
+comparatively few means of gratifying that enterprising spirit, which
+rose among them late in the seventeenth century, and not daring to trade
+with those prosperous colonies which were just before them across the
+Atlantic, but from which they were entirely excluded by the jealous
+precautions of the English parliament.[385]
+
+  [384] 'Whereas Scotland had, before this, prohibited all the English
+        woollen manufactures, under severe penalties, and England, on the
+        other hand, had excluded the Scots from trading with Scots ships
+        to their colonies in America, directly from Scotland, and had
+        confiscated even their own English ships trading to the said
+        colonies from England, if navigated or manned with above one-third
+        Scots seamen,' &c. _De Foe's History of the Union_, p. 603. In
+        1696, the wise men in our English Parliament passed a law, 'that
+        on no pretence whatever any kind of goods from the English
+        American plantations should hereafter be put on shore, either in
+        the kingdoms of Ireland or Scotland, without being first landed in
+        England, and having also paid the duties there, under forfeiture
+        of ship and cargo.' _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. ii.
+        p. 684. Certainly, the more a man knows of the history of
+        legislation, the more he will wonder that nations should have been
+        able to advance in the face of the formidable impediments which
+        legislators have thrown in their way.
+
+  [385] 'A spirit for commerce appears to have been raised among the
+        inhabitants of Glasgow between the periods of 1660 and 1707, when
+        the union with England took place.' ... But, 'whatever their trade
+        was, at this time, it could not be considerable; the ports to
+        which they were obliged to trade, lay all to the eastward; the
+        circumnavigation of the island would, therefore, prove an almost
+        insurmountable bar to the commerce of Glasgow; the people upon the
+        east coast, from their situation, would be in possession of almost
+        the whole commerce of Scotland.' _Gibson's History of Glasgow_,
+        p. 205, Glasgow, 1777.
+
+When, however, by the Act of Union, the two countries became one, these
+precautions were discontinued, and Scotland was allowed to hold direct
+intercourse with America and the West India Islands. The result which
+this produced on the national industry, was almost instantaneous, because
+it gave vent to a spirit which had begun to appear among the people late
+in the seventeenth century, and because it was aided by those still more
+general causes, which, in most parts of Europe, predisposed that age to
+increased industry. The west of Scotland, being nearest to America, was
+the first to feel the movement. In 1707, the inhabitants of Greenock,
+without the interference of government, imposed on themselves a voluntary
+assessment, with the object of constructing a harbour. In this
+undertaking, they displayed so much zeal, that, by the year 1710, the
+whole of the works were completed; a pier and capacious harbour were
+erected, and Greenock was suddenly raised from insignificance to take an
+important part in the trade of the Atlantic.[386] For a while, the
+merchants were content to carry on their traffic with ships hired from
+the English. Soon, however, they became bolder; they began to build on
+their own account; and, in 1719, the first vessel belonging to Greenock
+sailed for America.[387] From that moment, their commerce increased so
+rapidly, that, by the year 1740, the tax which the citizens had laid on
+themselves sufficed, not only to wipe off the debt which had been
+incurred, but also to leave a considerable surplus available for
+municipal purposes.[388] At the same time, and by the action of the same
+causes, Glasgow emerged from obscurity. In 1718, its enterprising
+inhabitants launched in the Clyde the first Scotch vessel which ever
+crossed the Atlantic; thus anticipating the people of Greenock by one
+year.[389] Glasgow and Greenock became the two great commercial outlets
+of Scotland, and the chief centres of activity.[390] Comforts, and,
+indeed, luxuries, hitherto only attainable at enormous cost, began to be
+diffused through the country. The productions of the tropics could now be
+procured direct from the New World, which, in return, offered a rich and
+abundant market for manufactured goods. This was a further stimulus to
+Scotch industry, and its effects were immediately apparent. The
+inhabitants of Glasgow, finding a great demand among the Americans for
+linen, introduced its manufacture into their city in 1725, whence it
+extended to other places, and, in a short time, gave employment to
+thousands of workmen.[391] It is also from the year 1725, that Paisley
+dates its rise. So late as the beginning of the eighteenth century, this
+rich and prosperous city was still a straggling village, containing only
+a single street.[392] But, after the Union, its poor, and hitherto idle,
+inhabitants began to be moved by the activity which they saw on every
+side. Gradually, their views expanded; and the introduction among them,
+in 1725, of the manufacture of thread, was the first step in that great
+career in which they never stopped, until they had raised Paisley to be a
+vast emporium of industry, and a successful promoter of every art by
+which industry is nurtured.[393]
+
+  [386] 'The importance of the measure induced the inhabitants of Greenock
+        to make a contract with the superior, by which they agreed to an
+        assessment of 1_s._ 4_d._ sterling on every sack of malt, brewed
+        into ale, within the limits of the town; the money so levied to be
+        applied in liquidating the expence of forming a proper harbour at
+        Greenock. The work was begun at the epoch of the Union, in 1707;
+        and a capacious harbour, containing upwards of ten Scottish acres,
+        was formed by building an extensive circular pier, with a straight
+        pier, or tongue, in the middle, by which the harbour was divided
+        into two parts. This formidable work, the greatest of the kind, at
+        that time, in Scotland, incurred an expence of more than 100,000
+        marks Scots.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii. p. 807, London,
+        1824, 4to. _In M'Culloch's Geographical and Statistical
+        Dictionary_, London, 1849, vol. i. p. 930, it is stated, that 'the
+        inhabitants took the matter (1707) into their own hands, and
+        agreed with their superior to assess themselves at a certain rate,
+        to build a proper pier and harbour. The work was finished in 1710,
+        at an expence of 5,555_l._'
+
+  [387] 'The trade of Greenock has kept pace with the improvements made on
+        its harbour. The union of the kingdoms (1707) opened the colonies
+        to the enterprising inhabitants of this town, and generally of the
+        west of Scotland; but it was not till 1719 that the first vessel
+        belonging to Greenock crossed the Atlantic.' _M'Culloch's
+        Geographical and Statistical Dictionary_, vol. i. p. 930.
+
+  [388] 'Such was the effect of the new harbour in increasing the trade,
+        and the population, of the town, that the assessment, and port
+        dues, cleared off the whole debt before 1740, and left, in that
+        year, a clear surplus of 27,000 marks Scots, or 1,500_l._
+        sterling.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii. p. 807. 'After the
+        Union, however, the trade of the port increased so rapidly, that,
+        in the year 1740, the whole debt was extinguished, and there
+        remained a surplus, the foundation of the present town's funds, of
+        27,000 marks.' _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol.
+        v. p. 576, Edinburgh, 1793.
+
+  [389] 'By the Union, however, new views were opened up to the merchants
+        of the city; they thereby obtained the liberty of a free commerce
+        to America and the West Indies, from which they had been before
+        shut out; they chartered English vessels for these voyages, having
+        none at first fit for the purpose; sent out cargoes of goods for
+        the use of the colonies, and returned home laden with tobacco. The
+        business doing well, vessels were built belonging to the city, and
+        in the year 1718, the first ship, the property of Glasgow, crossed
+        the Atlantic.' _Denholm's History of Glasgow_, p. 405, 3rd edit.
+        Glasgow, 1804. Brown (_History of Glasgow_, vol. ii. p. 330,
+        Edinburgh, 1797) says, that the Glasgow merchants 'chartered
+        Whitehaven ships for many years:' but that, 'in 1716, a vessel of
+        sixty tons burden was launched at Crawford's dike, being the first
+        Clyde ship that went to the British Settlements in America with
+        goods and a supercargo.' But this date is probably two years too
+        early. Mr. M'Culloch, in his excellent _Geographical and
+        Statistical Dictionary_, London, 1849, vol. ii. p. 659, says: 'But
+        for a while, the merchants of Glasgow, who first embarked in the
+        trade to America, carried it on by means of vessels belonging to
+        English ports; and it was not till 1718 that a ship built in
+        Scotland (in the Clyde), the property of Scotch owners, sailed for
+        the American colonies.' Gibson, also (_History of Glasgow_, 1777,
+        p. 206), says: 'In 1718, the first vessel of the property of
+        Glasgow crossed the Atlantic.' And, to the same effect,
+        _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. v. p. 498,
+        Edinburgh, 1793.
+
+  [390] The progress was so rapid, that, in a work printed in 1732, it is
+        stated, that 'this city of Glasgow is a place of the greatest
+        trade in the kingdom, especially to the Plantations; from whence
+        they have twenty or thirty sail of ships every year, laden with
+        tobacco and sugar; an advantage this kingdom never enjoyed till
+        the Union. They are purchasing a harbour on the Frith, near
+        Alloway, to which they have but twelve miles by land; and then
+        they can re-ship their sugars and tobacco, for Holland, Germany,
+        and the Baltick Sea, without being at the trouble of sailing round
+        England or Scotland.' _Macky's Journey through Scotland_, pp. 294,
+        295, 2nd edit. London, 1732. The first edition of this book was
+        also printed in 1732. See _Watt's Bibliotheca Britannica_, vol. i.
+        p. 631 m., Edinburgh, 1824, 4to.
+
+  [391] Gibson, who was a Glasgow merchant, says, in his _History of
+        Glasgow_, p. 236, 'that the commerce to America first suggested
+        the idea of introducing manufactures into Glasgow, is to me very
+        evident; and that they were only attempted to be introduced about
+        the year 1725 is apparent.' Denholm (_History of Glasgow_, p. 412)
+        says: 'The linen manufacture, which began here in the year 1725,
+        was, for a long time, the staple, not only of this city, but of
+        the west of Scotland.' Compare _Heron's Journey through the
+        Western Counties of Scotland_, Perth, 1799, vol. ii. p. 412.
+
+  [392] 'Consisting only of one principal street about half a mile in
+        length.' _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. vii.
+        p. 62. But the local historian mentions, with evident pride, that
+        this one street contained 'handsome houses.' _Crawfurd's History
+        of the Shire of Renfrew_, part iii. p. 305, edit. Paisley, 1782,
+        4to.
+
+  [393] _Denholm's History of Glasgow_, pp. 546, 547; and _Sinclair's
+        Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp. 62-64. See also,
+        on the rise of Paisley, _Heron's Journey through the Western
+        Counties of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 399, 400; _Pennant's Tour in
+        Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 144; and _Crawfurd's History of the Shire
+        of Renfrew_, part iii. p. 321. At an earlier period, Paisley was
+        famous in a different way. In the middle ages it swarmed with
+        monks. Keith (_Catalogue of Scotch Bishops_, p. 252, Edinburgh,
+        1755, 4to) tells us that, 'it formerly was a Priory, and
+        afterwards changed into an Abbey of Black Monks.'
+
+Nor was it merely in the west, that this movement was displayed. In
+Scotland generally, the spirit of trade became so rife, that it began to
+encroach on the old theological spirit, which had long been supreme.
+Hitherto, the Scotch had cared for little except religious polemics. In
+every society, these had been the chief subjects of conversation; and on
+them, men had wasted their energies, without the least benefit either to
+themselves or to others. But, about this time it was observed, that the
+improvement of manufactures became a common topic of discourse.[394] Such
+a statement, made by a well-informed writer, who witnessed what he
+relates, is a curious proof of the change which was beginning, though
+very faintly, to steal over the Scotch mind. It shows that there was, at
+all events, a tendency to turn aside from subjects which are inaccessible
+to our understanding, and the discussion of which has no effect except to
+exasperate those who dispute, and to make them more intolerant than ever
+of theological opinions different from their own. Unhappily, there were,
+as I shall presently point out, other causes at work, which prevented
+this tendency from producing all the good that might have been expected.
+Still, so far as it went, it was a clear gain. It was a blow to
+superstition, inasmuch as it was an attempt to occupy the human mind with
+mere secular considerations. In a country like Scotland, this alone was
+extremely important. We must also add, that, though it was the effect of
+increased industry, it, as often happens, reacted upon, and
+strengthened, its cause. For, by diminishing, however little, the
+inordinate respect formerly paid to theological pursuits, it was, in the
+same proportion, an inducement to ambitious and enterprising men to
+abstain from those pursuits, and to engage in temporal matters, where
+ability, being less fettered by prejudice, has more scope, and enjoys
+more freedom of action. Of those men, some rose to the first rank in
+literature; while others, taking a different but equally useful turn,
+became as eminent in trade. Hence, Scotland, during the eighteenth
+century, possessed, for the first time, two powerful and active classes,
+whose aim was essentially secular--the intellectual class, and the
+industrial class. Before the eighteenth century, neither of these classes
+exercised an independent sway, or could, indeed, be said to have a
+separate existence. The intellect of the country was absorbed by the
+church; the industry of the country was controlled by the nobles. The
+effect which this change produced on the literature of Scotland will be
+traced in the last chapter of the present volume. Its effect on industry
+was equally remarkable, and, for the well-being of the nation, was
+equally valuable. But it does not possess that general scientific
+interest which belongs to the intellectual movement; and I shall,
+therefore, in addition to the evidence already given, confine myself to a
+few more facts illustrative of the history of Scotch industry down to the
+middle of the eighteenth century, by which time there was no longer any
+doubt that the flood of material prosperity had fairly set in.
+
+  [394] The author of _The Interest of Scotland Considered_, Edinburgh,
+        1733, says (p. xvi.) that since 1727, 'we have happily turned our
+        eyes upon the improvement of our manufactures, which is now a
+        common subject in discourse, and this contributes not a little to
+        its success.'
+
+During the seventeenth century, the only Scotch manufacture of any
+importance was that of linen, which, however, like every other branch of
+industry, was very backward, and was exposed to all sorts of
+discouragement.[395] But, after the Union, it received a sudden impetus,
+from two causes. One of these causes, as I have already noticed, was the
+demand from America, consequent upon the trade of the Atlantic being
+thrown open. The other cause was, the removal of the duty which England
+had imposed upon the importation of Scotch linen. These two
+circumstances, occurring nearly at the same time, produced such effect on
+the national industry, that De Foe, who had a wider knowledge of the
+details of trade than any man of that age, said that it seemed as if, for
+the future, the Scotch poor could never lack employment.[396]
+Unfortunately, this was not the case, and never will be, until society is
+radically changed. But the movement which provoked so bold a remark from
+so cautious an observer as De Foe, must have been very striking; and we
+know, from other sources, that, between 1728 and 1738, the manufacture of
+linen for exportation alone was more than doubled.[397] After that
+period, this and other departments of Scotch industry advanced with a
+constantly accelerating speed. It is mentioned, by a contemporary who was
+likely to be well informed, that, between 1715 and 1745, the trade and
+manufactures of Scotland increased more than they had done for ages
+before.[398] Such a statement, though valuable as corroborating other
+evidence, is too vague to be entirely relied on; and historians, who
+usually occupy themselves with insignificant details about courts and
+princes and statesmen, desert us in matters which are really important,
+so that it is now hardly possible to reconstruct the history of the
+Scotch people during this, the first epoch of their material prosperity.
+I have, however, gathered a few facts, which appear to rest on good
+authority, and which supply us with something like precise information as
+to dates. In 1739, the manufacture of linen was introduced into
+Kilbarchan,[399] and, in 1740, into Arbroath.[400] From the year 1742,
+the manufactures of Kilmarnock date their rise.[401] In 1748, the first
+linen was manufactured in Cullen;[402] and in the same year in
+Inverary.[403] In 1749, this great branch of industry and source of
+wealth was established, on a large scale, in Aberdeen;[404] while, about
+1750, it began to diffuse itself in Wemyss, in the county of Fife.[405]
+These things happening, within eleven years, in parts of the country so
+distant from each other, and so totally unconnected, indicate the
+existence of general causes, which governed the whole movement; though in
+this, as in all instances, every thing is popularly ascribed to the
+influence of a few powerful individuals. We have, however, other proofs
+that the progress was essentially national. Even in Edinburgh, where
+hitherto no claims had been respected except those of the nobles or
+clergy, the voice of this new trading interest began to be heard. In that
+poor and warlike capital, a society was now first established for the
+encouragement of manufactures; and we are assured that this was but a
+single manifestation of the enthusiasm which was generally felt on the
+subject.[406] Coinciding with this movement, and indeed forming part of
+it, we can discern the earliest symptoms of a monied class, properly so
+called. In 1749, there was established, at Aberdeen, the first county
+bank ever seen in Scotland; and, in the very same year, a similar
+establishment was formed at Glasgow.[407] These represented the east and
+the west, and, by the advances which they were able to make, each
+assisted the trade of its own district. Between eastern and western
+Scotland, the intercourse, as yet, was difficult and costly. But this
+likewise was about to be remedied by an enterprise, the mere conception
+of which would formerly have excited ridicule. After the Union, the idea
+arose of uniting the east with the west by a canal, which should join the
+Forth to the Clyde. The plan was deemed chimerical, and was abandoned. As
+soon, however, as the manufacturing and commercial classes had gained
+sufficient influence they adopted it, with that energy which is
+characteristic of their order, and which is more common among them than
+among any other rank of society. The result was, that, in 1768, the great
+work was fairly begun;[408] and the first step was taken towards what, in
+a material point of view, was an enterprise of vast importance, but, in a
+social and intellectual point of view, was of still superior value,
+inasmuch as, by supplying a cheap and easy transit through the heart of
+the most populous part of Scotland, it had a direct tendency to make
+different districts and different places feel that each had need of
+others, and thus encouraging the notion that all belonged to one common
+scheme, it assisted in diminishing local prejudice and assuaging local
+jealousy; while, in the same proportion, by enticing men to move out of
+the narrow circle in which they had habitually lived, it prepared them
+for a certain enlargement of mind, which is the natural consequence of
+seeing affairs under various aspects, and which is never found in any
+country in which the means of travelling are either very hazardous or
+very expensive.
+
+  [395] Morer, who was in Scotland in 1688 and 1689, says: 'But that which
+        employs great part of their land is hemp, of which they have
+        mighty burdens, and on which they bestow much care and pains to
+        dress and prepare it for making their linen, the most noted and
+        beneficial manufacture of the kingdom.' _Morer's Short Account of
+        Scotland_, London, 1702, pp. 3, 4.
+
+  [396] 'The duties upon linen from Scotland being taken off in England,
+        made so great a demand for Scots linen more than usual, that it
+        seemed the poor could want no employment.' _De Foe's History of
+        the Union between England and Scotland_, p. 604. Compare
+        _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. ii. p. 736: 'a prodigious
+        vent, not only in England, but for the American plantations.' This
+        concerns a later period.
+
+  [397] 'The surplus of linen made above the consumption, was, in 1728,
+        2,183,978 yards; in 1738, 4,666,011.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol.
+        i. p. 873. On the increase between 1728 and 1732, see the Table in
+        _The Interest of Scotland Considered_, Edinburgh, 1733, p. 97. In
+        a work published in 1732, it is stated that 'they make a great
+        deal of linnen all over the kingdom, not only for their own use,
+        but export it to England, and to the Plantations. In short, the
+        women are all kept employ'd, from the highest to the lowest of
+        them.' _Macky's Journey through Scotland_, London, 1732, p. 271.
+        This refers merely to the women of Scotland, whom Macky represents
+        as much more industrious than the men.
+
+  [398] In 1745, Craik writes to Lord Nithisdale, 'The present family have
+        now reigned over us these thirty years, and though during so long
+        a time they may have fallen into errors, or may have committed
+        faults, (as what Government is without?) yett I will defy the most
+        sanguine zealot to find in history a period equal to this in which
+        Scotland possessed so uninterrupted a felicity, in which liberty,
+        civil and religious, was so universally enjoyed by all people of
+        whatever denomination--nay, by the open and avowed ennemys of the
+        family and constitution, or a period in which all ranks of men
+        have been so effectually secured in their property. Have not
+        trade, manufactures, agriculture, and the spirit of industry in
+        our country extended themselves further during this period and
+        under this family than for ages before?' _Thomson's Memoirs of the
+        Jacobites_, London, 1845, vol. ii. pp. 60, 61.
+
+  [399] _Crawfurd's History of the Shire of Renfrew_, part ii. p. 114.
+
+  [400] _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. vii. p. 341,
+        compared with vol. xii. pp. 176, 177.
+
+  [401] _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii. p. 483.
+
+  [402] _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. xii. p. 145.
+
+  [403] _Ibid._ vol. v. p. 297.
+
+  [404] _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. ii. pp. 199, 200.
+
+  [405] _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. xvi. p. 520:
+        'About the year 1750.' I need hardly say, that some of these
+        dates, depending upon tradition, are given by the authors
+        approximatively.
+
+  [406] 'Betwixt the year 1750 and 1760, a great degree of patriotic
+        enthusiasm arose in Scotland to encourage arts and manufactures;
+        and the _Edinburgh Society_ was established in 1755 for the
+        express purpose of improving these.' _Bower's History of the
+        University of Edinburgh_, vol. iii. pp. 126, 7.
+
+  [407] 'The first county-bank that anywhere appeared, was the Aberdeen
+        Bank, which was settled in 1749: it was immediately followed by a
+        similar establishment in Glasgow during the same year.' _Chalmers'
+        Caledonia_, vol. iii. p. 9, 4to, 1824. Kennedy (_Annals of
+        Aberdeen_, 4to, 1818, vol. ii. p. 195) says: 'Banking was
+        originally projected in Aberdeen about the year 1752, by a few of
+        the principal citizens who were engaged in commerce and
+        manufactures. They commenced business, upon a limited scale, in an
+        office on the north side of the Castle Street, issued notes of
+        hand, of five pounds and of twenty shillings sterling, and
+        discounted bills and promissory notes, for the accommodation of
+        the public.' It is uncertain if Chalmers knew of this passage; but
+        he was a more accurate writer than Kennedy, and I, therefore,
+        prefer his authority. Besides, Kennedy vaguely says, 'about the
+        year 1752.'
+
+  [408] 'After having been frequently proposed, since the Union, this
+        canal was at length begun in 1768, and finished in 1790. The trade
+        upon it is already great, and is rapidly increasing.' _Sinclair's
+        Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 279, 280,
+        Edinburgh, 1792. See also vol. xii. p. 125; _Irving's History of
+        Dumbartonshire_, 1860, 4to, p. 247; and an interesting
+        contemporary notice in _Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire_,
+        Edinburgh, 1777, pp. 468-481. In 1767, Watt was employed as a
+        surveyor. See _Muirhead's Life of Watt_, 2nd edit. London, 1859,
+        p. 167.
+
+Such was the state of Scotland towards the middle of the eighteenth
+century; and surely a fairer prospect was never opened to any country.
+The land was at peace. It had nothing to fear, either from foreign
+invasion, or from domestic tyranny. The arts, which increase the comfort
+of man, and minister to his happiness, were sedulously cultivated; wealth
+was being created with unexampled speed, and the blessings which follow
+in the train of wealth were being widely diffused; while the insolence of
+the nobility was so effectually curbed, that industrious citizens could,
+for the first time, feel their own independence, could know that what
+they earned, that likewise they should enjoy, and could hold themselves
+erect, and with a manly brow, in the presence of a class before whom they
+had long crouched in abject submission.
+
+Besides this, a great literature now arose, a literature of rare and
+surpassing beauty. To narrate the intellectual achievements of the Scotch
+during the eighteenth century, in a manner at all commensurate with their
+importance, would require a separate treatise, and I cannot now stop even
+to mention what all educated persons are at least partly acquainted with;
+each student recognizing the value of what was done in his own pursuit.
+In the last chapter of this volume, I shall, however, attempt to give
+some idea of the general results considered as a whole; at present, it is
+enough to say, that in every branch of knowledge this once poor and
+ignorant people produced original and successful thinkers. What makes
+this the more remarkable, is its complete contrast to their former state.
+Down even to the beginning of the eighteenth century, Scotland could only
+boast of two authors whose works have benefited mankind. They were
+Buchanan and Napier. Buchanan was the first political writer who held
+accurate views respecting government, and who clearly defined the true
+relation between the people and their rulers. He placed popular rights on
+a solid basis, and vindicated, by anticipation, all subsequent
+revolutions. Napier, equally bold in another department, succeeded, by a
+mighty effort of genius, in detecting, and pushing to its extreme
+consequence, a law of the progression of numbers, which is so simple and
+yet so potent, that it unravels the most tedious and intricate
+calculations, and, thus economizing the labours of the brain, has saved
+an enormous and incalculable waste. These two men were, indeed, great
+benefactors of their species; but they stand alone, and if all the other
+authors Scotland produced down to the close of the seventeenth century
+had never been born, or if, being born, they had never written, society
+would have lost nothing, but would be in exactly the same position as it
+now is.
+
+Early, however, in the eighteenth century, a movement was felt all over
+Europe, and in that movement Scotland participated. A spirit of inquiry
+was abroad, so general and so searching, that no country could entirely
+escape from its action. Sanguine men were excited, and even grave men
+were stirred. It seemed as if a long night were about to close. Light
+broke forth where before there was nothing but darkness. Opinions which
+had stood the test of ages were suddenly questioned; and in every
+direction doubts sprung up, and proofs were demanded. The human mind,
+waxing bold, would not be satisfied with the old evidence. Things were
+examined at their foundation, and the basis of every belief was jealously
+scrutinized. For a time, this was confined to the higher intellects; but
+soon the movement spread, and, in the most advanced countries, worked
+upon nearly all classes. In England and in France, the result was
+extremely beneficial. It might have been hoped, that in Scotland
+likewise, the popular mind would gradually have become enlightened. But
+not so. Time rolled on; one generation succeeded another; the eighteenth
+century passed away; the nineteenth century came; and still the people
+made no sign. The gloom of the middle ages was yet upon them. While all
+around was light, the Scotch, enveloped in mist, crept on, groping their
+way, dismally and with fear. While other nations were shaking off their
+old superstitions, this singular people clung to theirs with undiminished
+tenacity. Now, indeed, their grasp is gradually slackening, but with
+extreme slowness, and threatening reactions frequently appear. This, as
+it always has been, and still is, the curse of Scotland, so also is it
+the chief difficulty with which the historian of Scotland has to contend.
+Everywhere else, when the rise of the intellectual classes, and that of
+the trading and manufacturing classes, have accompanied each other, the
+invariable result has been, a diminution of the power of the clergy, and,
+consequently, a diminution of the influence of superstition. The
+peculiarity of Scotland is, that, during the eighteenth century, and even
+down to the middle of the nineteenth century, the industrial and
+intellectual progress has continued without materially shaking the
+authority of the priesthood.[409] Strange and unequal combination! The
+country of bold and enterprising merchants, of shrewd manufacturers, of
+far-seeing men of business, and of cunning artificers; the country, too,
+of such fearless thinkers as George Buchanan, David Hume, and Adam Smith,
+is awed by a few noisy and ignorant preachers, to whom it allows a
+license, and yields a submission, disgraceful to the age, and
+incompatible with the commonest notions of liberty. A people, in many
+respects very advanced, and holding upon political subjects enlightened
+views, do, upon all religious subjects, display a littleness of mind, an
+illiberality of sentiment, a heat of temper, and a love of persecuting
+others, which shows that the Protestantism of which they boast has done
+them no good; that, in the most important matters, it has left them as
+narrow as it found them; and that it has been unable to free them from
+prejudices which make them the laughing-stock of Europe, and which have
+turned the very name of the Scotch Kirk into a by-word and a reproach
+among educated men.
+
+  [409] I will quote, in a single passage, the opinions of an eminent
+        German and of an eminent Scotchman. 'Dr. Spurzheim, when he last
+        visited Scotland, remarked that the Scotch appeared to him to be
+        the most priest-ridden nation in Europe; Spain and Portugal not
+        excepted. _After having seen other countries, I can understand the
+        force of this observation._' _Notes on the United States of North
+        America by George Combe_, vol. iii. p. 32, Edinburgh, 1841.
+
+I shall now endeavour to explain how all this arose, and how such
+apparent inconsistencies are to be reconciled. That they may be
+reconciled, and that the inconsistencies are merely apparent and not
+real, will be at once admitted by whoever is capable of a scientific
+conception of history. For, in the moral world, as in the physical world,
+nothing is anomalous; nothing is unnatural; nothing is strange. All is
+order, symmetry, and law. There are opposites, but there are no
+contradictions. In the character of a nation, inconsistency is
+impossible. Such, however, is still the backward condition of the human
+mind, and with so evil and jaundiced an eye do we approach the greatest
+problems, that not only common writers, but even men from whom better
+things might be hoped, are on this point involved in constant confusion,
+perplexing themselves and their readers by speaking of inconsistency, as
+if it were a quality belonging to the subject which they investigate,
+instead of being, as it really is, a measure of their own ignorance. It
+is the business of the historian to remove this ignorance, by showing
+that the movements of nations are perfectly regular, and that, like all
+other movements, they are solely determined by their antecedents. If he
+cannot do this, he is no historian. He may be an annalist, or a
+biographer, or a chronicler, but higher than that he cannot rise, unless
+he is imbued with that spirit of science which teaches, as an article of
+faith, the doctrine of uniform sequence; in other words, the doctrine
+that certain events having already happened, certain other events
+corresponding to them will also happen. To seize this idea with firmness,
+and to apply it on all occasions, without listening to any exceptions, is
+extremely difficult, but it must be done by whoever wishes to elevate the
+study of history from its present crude and informal state, and do what
+he may towards placing it in its proper rank, as the head and chief of
+all the sciences. Even then, he cannot perform his task unless his
+materials are ample, and derived from sources of unquestioned
+credibility. But if his facts are sufficiently numerous; if they are very
+diversified; if they have been collected from such various quarters that
+they can check and confront each other, so as to do away with all
+suspicion of their testimony being garbled; and if he who uses them
+possesses that faculty of generalization, without which nothing great can
+be achieved, he will hardly fail in bringing some part of his labours to
+a prosperous issue, provided he devotes all his strength to that one
+enterprise, postponing to it every other object of ambition, and
+sacrificing to it many interests which men hold dear. Some of the most
+pleasurable incentives to action, he must disregard. Not for him, are
+those rewards which, in other pursuits, the same energy would have
+earned; not for him, the sweets of popular applause; not for him, the
+luxury of power; not for him, a share in the councils of his country; not
+for him, a conspicuous and honoured place before the public eye. Albeit
+conscious of what he could do, he may not compete in the great contest;
+he cannot hope to win the prize; he cannot even enjoy the excitement of
+the struggle. To him, the arena is closed. His recompense lies within
+himself, and he must learn to care little for the sympathy of his
+fellow-creatures, or for such honours as they are able to bestow. So far
+from looking for these things, he should rather be prepared for that
+obloquy which always awaits those, who, by opening up new veins of
+thought, disturb the prejudices of their contemporaries. While ignorance,
+and worse than ignorance, is imputed to him, while his motives are
+misrepresented, and his integrity impeached, while he is accused of
+denying the value of moral principles, and of attacking the foundation of
+all religion, as if he were some public enemy, who made it his business
+to corrupt society, and whose delight it was to see what evil he could
+do; while these charges are brought forward, and repeated from mouth to
+mouth, he must be capable of pursuing in silence the even tenor of his
+way, without swerving, without pausing, and without stepping from his
+path to notice the angry outcries which he cannot but hear, and which he
+is more than human if he does not long to rebuke. These are the
+qualities, and these the high resolves, indispensable to him, who, on the
+most important of all subjects, believing that the old road is worn out
+and useless, seeks to strike out a new one for himself, and, in the
+effort, not only perhaps exhausts his strength, but is sure to incur the
+enmity of those who are bent on maintaining the ancient scheme
+unimpaired. To solve the great problem of affairs; to detect those
+hidden circumstances which determine the march and destiny of nations;
+and to find, in the events of the past, a key to the proceedings of the
+future, is nothing less than to unite into a single science all the laws
+of the moral and physical world. Whoever does this, will build up afresh
+the fabric of our knowledge, re-arrange its various parts, and harmonize
+its apparent discrepancies. Perchance, the human mind is hardly ready for
+so vast an enterprise. At all events, he who undertakes it will meet with
+little sympathy, and will find few to help him. And let him toil as he
+may, the sun and noontide of his life shall pass by, the evening of his
+days shall overtake him, and he himself have to quit the scene, leaving
+that unfinished which he had vainly hoped to complete. He may lay the
+foundation; it will be for his successors to raise the edifice. Their
+hands will give the last touch; they will reap the glory; their names
+will be remembered when he is forgotten. It is, indeed, too true, that
+such a work requires, not only several minds, but also the successive
+experience of several generations. Once, I own, I thought otherwise.
+Once, when I first caught sight of the whole field of knowledge, and
+seemed, however dimly, to discern its various parts and the relation they
+bore to each other, I was so entranced with its surpassing beauty, that
+the judgment was beguiled, and I deemed myself able, not only to cover
+the surface, but also to master the details. Little did I know how the
+horizon enlarges as well as recedes, and how vainly we grasp at the
+fleeting forms, which melt away and elude us in the distance. Of all that
+I had hoped to do, I now find but too surely how small a part I shall
+accomplish. In those early aspirations, there was much that was fanciful;
+perhaps there was much that was foolish. Perhaps, too, they contained a
+moral defect, and savoured of an arrogance which belongs to a strength
+that refuses to recognize its own weakness. Still, even now that they are
+defeated and brought to nought, I cannot repent having indulged in them,
+but, on the contrary, I would willingly recall them, if I could. For,
+such hopes belong to that joyous and sanguine period of life, when alone
+we are really happy; when the emotions are more active than the judgment;
+when experience has not yet hardened our nature; when the affections are
+not yet blighted and nipped to the core; and when the bitterness of
+disappointment not having yet been felt, difficulties are unheeded,
+obstacles are unseen, ambition is a pleasure instead of a pang, and the
+blood coursing swiftly through the veins, the pulse beats high, while the
+heart throbs at the prospect of the future. Those are glorious days; but
+they go from us, and nothing can compensate their absence. To me, they
+now seem more like the visions of a disordered fancy, than the sober
+realities of things that were, and are not. It is painful to make this
+confession; but I owe it to the reader, because I would not have him to
+suppose that either in this, or in the future volumes of my History, I
+shall be able to redeem my pledge, and to perform all that I promised.
+Something, I hope to achieve, which will interest the thinkers of this
+age; and something, perhaps, on which posterity may build. It will,
+however, only be a fragment of my original design. In the two last
+chapters I have attempted, and in the two next chapters I shall still
+further attempt, to solve a curious problem in the history of Scotland,
+which is intimately connected with other problems of a yet graver import:
+but though the solution will, I believe, be complete, the evidence of the
+solution will, most assuredly, be imperfect. I regret to add, that such
+imperfection is henceforth an essential part of my plan. It is essential,
+because I despair of supplying those deficiencies in my knowledge, of
+which I grow more sensible in proportion as my views become more
+extensive. It is also essential, because, after a fair estimate of my own
+strength, of the probable duration of my life, and of the limits to which
+industry can safely be pushed, I have been driven to the conclusion, that
+this Introduction, which I had projected as a solid foundation on which
+the history of England might subsequently be raised, must either be
+greatly curtailed, and consequently shorn of its force, or that, if not
+curtailed, there will hardly be a chance of my being able to narrate,
+with the amplitude and fulness of detail which they richly deserve, the
+deeds of that great and splendid nation with which I am best acquainted,
+and of which it is my pride to count myself a member. It is with the
+free, the noble, and the high-minded English people, that my sympathies
+are most closely connected; on them my affections naturally centre; from
+their literature, and from their example, my best lessons have been
+learnt; and it is now the most cherished and the most sacred desire of my
+heart, that I may succeed in writing their history, and in unfolding the
+successive phases of their mighty career, while I am yet somewhat equal
+to the task, and before my faculties have begun to dwindle, or the power
+of continuous attention has begun to decay.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER IV.
+
+  AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+The remaining part of this volume, I purpose to devote to an attempt to
+unravel still further that two-fold paradox, which forms the prominent
+peculiarity of the history of Scotland. The paradox consists, as we have
+seen, in the fact, first, that the same people have long been liberal in
+politics, and illiberal in religion; and, secondly, that the brilliant,
+inquisitive, and sceptical literature which they produced in the
+eighteenth century, was unable to weaken their superstition, or to instil
+into them wiser and larger maxims on religious matters. From an early
+period, there were, as I have endeavoured to show, many circumstances
+which predisposed the Scotch to superstition, and, so far, had a general
+connexion with the subject before us. But the remarkable phenomenon with
+which we are immediately concerned, may, I think, be traced to two
+distinct causes. The first cause was, that, for a hundred and twenty
+years after the establishment of Protestantism, the rulers of Scotland
+either neglected the Church or persecuted it, thereby driving the clergy
+into the arms of the people, from whom alone they could obtain sympathy
+and support. Hence an alliance between the two parties, more intimate
+than would otherwise have been possible; and hence, too, the rise of that
+democratic spirit which was the necessary consequence of such an union,
+and which the clergy encouraged, because they were opposed and thwarted
+by the upper classes. So far, the result was extremely beneficial, as it
+produced a love of independence and a hatred of tyranny, which, twice
+during the seventeenth century, saved the country from the yoke of a
+cruel despotism. But these very circumstances, which guarded the people
+against political despotism, exposed them all the more to ecclesiastical
+despotism. For, having no one to trust except their preachers, they
+trusted them entirely and upon all subjects. The clergy gradually became
+supreme, not only in spiritual matters, but also in temporal ones. Late
+in the sixteenth century, they had been glad to take refuge among the
+people; before the middle of the seventeenth century, they ruled the
+people. How shamefully they abused their power, and how, by encouraging
+the worst kind of superstition, they prolonged the reign of ignorance,
+and stopped the march of society, will be related in the course of this
+chapter; but, in fairness to them, we ought to acknowledge, that the
+religious servitude into which the Scotch fell during the seventeenth
+century, was, on the whole, a willing one, and that, mischievous as it
+was, it had at least a noble origin, inasmuch as the influence of the
+Protestant clergy is mainly to be ascribed to the fearlessness with which
+they came forward as leaders of the people, at a period when that post
+was full of danger, and when the upper classes were ready to unite with
+the crown in destroying the last vestiges of national liberty.
+
+To trace the operation of this cause of Scotch superstition, will be the
+business of the present chapter; while, in the next and concluding
+chapter, I shall examine the other cause, which I have as yet hardly
+mentioned. This latter inquiry will involve some considerations
+respecting the philosophy of method, still imperfectly appreciated among
+us, and on which the history of the Scotch mind will throw considerable
+light. For, it will appear, that, during the eighteenth century, the
+ablest Scotchmen, with hardly an exception, adopted a method of
+investigating truth, which cut them off from the sympathies of their
+countrymen, and prevented their works from producing the effect which
+they might otherwise have done. The result was, that though a very
+sceptical literature was produced, scepticism made no progress, and
+therefore superstition was undiminished. The highly-educated minds,
+indeed, were affected; but they formed a class apart, and there were no
+means of communication between them and the people. That this was owing
+to the method which literary men employed, I hope to prove in the next
+chapter; and if I succeed in doing so, it will be evident, that I have
+been guilty of no exaggeration in terming this the second great cause of
+the prolongation of Scotch superstition, since it was sufficiently
+powerful to prevent the intellectual classes from exercising their
+natural functions as the disturbers of old opinions.
+
+We have already seen, that almost immediately after the Reformation,
+ill-feeling arose between the upper classes and the spiritual leaders of
+the Protestant church, and that this ill-feeling increased until, in
+1580, it vented itself by the abolition of episcopacy. This bold and
+decisive measure made the breach irreparable. The preachers had now
+committed themselves too far to recede, even if they had desired to do
+so; and from that moment, uniting themselves heartily with the people,
+they took up a position which they have never since abandoned. During the
+remaining twenty-three years that James was in Scotland, they were
+occupied in exciting the people against their rulers; and as they became
+more democratic, so did the crown and nobles grow more hostile, and
+display, for the first time, a disposition to combine together in defence
+of their common interests. In 1603, James ascended the throne of England,
+and the struggle began in earnest. It lasted, with few interruptions,
+eighty-five years, and, during its continuance, the Presbyterian clergy
+never wavered; they were always steady to the good cause; always on the
+side of the people. This greatly increased their influence; and what
+favoured it still more was, that, besides being the champions of popular
+liberty, they were also the champions of national independence. When
+James I. and the two Charles's attempted to force episcopacy upon
+Scotland, the Scotch rejected it, not only because they hated the
+institution, but also because they looked on it as the mark of a foreign
+domination, which they were determined to resist. Their nearest and most
+dangerous enemy was England; and they spurned the idea of receiving
+bishops who must, in the first instance, be consecrated in London, and
+who, it was certain, would never have been admitted into Scotland unless
+England had been the stronger country. It was, therefore, on patriotic,
+as well as religious, grounds, that the Scotch clergy, during the
+seventeenth century, struggled against episcopacy;[410] and when they
+overthrew it, in 1638, their bold and determined conduct associated, in
+the popular mind, the love of country with the love of the church.
+Subsequent events strengthened this association.[411] In 1650, Cromwell
+invaded Scotland, overthrew the Scotch in the battle of Dunbar, and
+intrusted to Monk the task of curbing their spirit, by building
+fortresses, and establishing a long chain of military posts.[412] The
+nation, cowed and broken, gave way, and, for the first time for three
+centuries, felt the pressure of a foreign yoke. The clergy alone remained
+firm.[413] Cromwell, who knew that they were the chief obstacle to
+completing his conquest, hated them, and did every thing he could to ruin
+them.[414] But their power was too deeply seated to be shaken. From their
+pulpits, they continued to influence and animate the people. In face of
+the invaders, and in spite of them, the Scotch church continued to hold
+its General Assemblies, until the summer of 1653. Then, indeed, they had
+to yield to brute force; and the people, to their unutterable grief,
+beheld the venerated representatives of the Scotch kirk driven from their
+place of meeting by English soldiers, and led like criminals through the
+streets of Edinburgh.[415]
+
+  [410] In 1638, one of the most eminent of the Scotch clergy writes: 'Our
+        maine feare' is 'to have our religion lost, our throats cutted,
+        our poore countrey made ane English province, to be disposed upon
+        for ever hereafter at the will of a Bishope of Canterburie.'
+        _Baillie's Letters and Journals_, vol. i. p. 66. Compare p. 450.
+        'This kirk is a free and independant kirk, no less then the
+        kingdom is a free and independant kingdom; and as our own Patriots
+        can best judge what is for the good of the kingdom, so our own
+        Pastors should be most able to judge what form of worship
+        beseemeth our Reformation, and what serveth most for the good of
+        the People.' Two generations later, one of the most popular
+        arguments against the Union was, that it might enable the English
+        to force episcopacy upon Scotland. See _De Foe's History of the
+        Union between England and Scotland_, pp. 222, 284, 359. 'The
+        danger of the Church of Scotland, from the suffrages of English
+        bishops,' &c.
+
+  [411] The hatred which the Scotch naturally felt against the English for
+        having inflicted so much suffering upon them, was intense about
+        the middle of the seventeenth century, notwithstanding the
+        temporary union of the two nations against Charles. In 1652, 'the
+        criminal record is full of cases of murder of English soldiers.
+        They were cut off by the people whenever a fitting opportunity
+        occurred, and were as much detested in Scotland as the French
+        soldiers were in Spain during the Peninsular war.' _The
+        Spottiswoode Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 98, Edinburgh, 1845. See
+        also p. 167: 'a nationall quarrell, and not for the Stuarts.'
+
+  [412] _Browne's History of the Highlands_, vol. ii. pp. 75-77: 'the
+        English army was augmented to twenty thousand men, and citadels
+        erected in several towns, and a long train of military stations
+        drawn across the country to curb the inhabitants.'
+
+  [413] Clarendon, under the year 1655, says, 'Though Scotland was
+        vanquished, and subdued, to that degree, that there was no place
+        nor person who made the least show of opposing Cromwell; who, by
+        the administration of Monk, made the yoke very grievous to the
+        whole nation; yet the preachers kept their pulpit license; and,
+        more for the affront that was offered to presbytery, than the
+        conscience of what was due to majesty, many of them presumed to
+        pray for the king; and generally, though secretly, exasperated the
+        minds of the people against the present government.' _Clarendon's
+        History of the Rebellion_, p. 803.
+
+  [414] And, what they must have felt very acutely, he would not go to hear
+        them preach. A writer of that time informs us that, even in 1648,
+        when Cromwell was in Edinburgh, 'he went not to their churches;
+        but it is constantle reported that ewerie day he had sermons in
+        his oune ludginge, himself being the preacher, whensoewer the
+        spirit came upon him; which took him lyk the fitts of an ague,
+        somtyms twise, sometyms thryse in a day.' _Gordon's Britane's
+        Distemper_, p. 212. In 1650, according to another contemporary,
+        'he made stables of all the churches for hes horsses quhersoeuer
+        he came, and burned all the seatts and pewes in them; riffled the
+        ministers housses, and distrayed ther cornes.' _Balfour's Annales
+        of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 88. The clergy, on the other hand,
+        employing a resource with which their profession has always been
+        familiar, represented Cromwell as opposing Providence, because he
+        was opposing them. Rutherford (_Religious Letters_, reprinted
+        Glasgow, 1824, p. 346) says, that he fought 'against the Lord's
+        secret ones;' and Row (_Continuation of Blair's Autobiography_, p.
+        335), under the year 1658, triumphantly observes: 'In the
+        beginning of September this year, the Protector, that old fox,
+        died. It was observed, as a remarkable cast of divine providence,
+        that he died upon the 3d of September, which he, glorying of
+        routing of our armies at Dunbar and Worcester on that day, used to
+        call _his day_. On that same very day the Just Judge called him to
+        an account,' &c.
+
+  [415] See contemporary notices of this, in _Nicoll's Diary_, p. 110; and
+        in _The Diary of Mr. John Lamont of Newton_, pp. 56, 57. But the
+        best account is that given by Baillie, in a letter to Calamy,
+        dated Glasgow, 27th July 1653. He writes: 'That on the 20th of
+        July last, when our Generall Assemblie was sett in the ordinarie
+        tyme and place, Lieutenant-Colonell Cotterall besett the church
+        with some rattes of musqueteirs and a troup of horse; himself
+        (after our fast, wherein Mr. Dickson and Mr. Dowglas had two
+        gracious sermons) entered the Assemblie-house, and immediately
+        after Mr. Dickson the Moderator his prayer, required audience;
+        wherein he inquired, If we did sitt there by the authority of the
+        Parliament of the Commonwealth of England? or of the
+        Commanders-in-chiefe of the English forces? or of the English
+        Judges in Scotland? The Moderator replyed, That we were ane
+        Ecclesiasticall synod, ane Spirituall court of Jesus Christ, which
+        medled not with anything Civile; that our authoritie wes from God,
+        and established by the lawes of the land yet standing unrepealed;
+        that, by the Solemn League and Covenant, the most of the English
+        army stood obliedged to defend our Generall Assemblie. When some
+        speeches of this kind had passed, the Lieutenant-Colonell told us,
+        his order was to dissolve us; whereupon he commanded all of us to
+        follow him, else he would drag us out of the rowme. When we had
+        entered a Protestation of this unheard-of and unexampled violence,
+        we did ryse and follow him; he ledd us all through the whole
+        streets a myle out of the towne, encompassing us with
+        foot-companies of musqueteirs, and horsemen without; all the
+        people gazing and mourning as at the saddest spectacle they had
+        ever seen. When he had ledd us a myle without the towne, he then
+        declared what further he had in commission, That we should not
+        dare to meet any more above three in number; and that against
+        eight o'clock to-morrow, we should depart the towne, under paine
+        of being guiltie of breaking the publick peace: And the day
+        following, by sound of trumpet, we were commanded off towne under
+        the paine of present imprisonment. Thus our Generall Assemblie,
+        the glory and strength of our Church upon earth, is, by your
+        souldiarie, crushed and trod under foot, without the least
+        provocatione from us, at this time, either in word or deed.'
+        _Baillie's Letters and Journals_, vol. iii. pp. 225, 226.
+
+Thus it was that in Scotland, after the latter part of the sixteenth
+century, every thing tended to increase the reputation of the clergy, by
+raising them to the foremost rank among the defenders of their country.
+And it was but natural that the spiritual classes, finding themselves in
+the ascendant, should conduct the contest according to views habitual to
+their profession, and should be anxious for religious advantages, rather
+than for temporal benefits. The war which the Scotch waged against
+Charles I. partook more of the character of a crusade than any war ever
+carried on by a Protestant nation.[416] The main object was, to raise up
+presbyters, and to destroy bishops. Prelacy was the accursed thing, and
+that must be rooted out at every hazard. To this, all other
+considerations were subordinate.[417] The Scotch loved liberty, and hated
+England. Yet, even these two passions, notwithstanding their strength,
+were as nothing, in comparison with their intense desire to extend and to
+propagate, if need be at the point of the sword, their own Presbyterian
+polity. This was their first and paramount duty. They fought, indeed, for
+freedom, but, above all, they fought for religion. In their eyes, Charles
+was the idolatrous head of an idolatrous church, and that church they
+were resolved to destroy. They felt that their cause was holy, and they
+went forth full of confidence, convinced that the sword of Gideon was
+drawn on their side, and that their enemies would be delivered up to
+them.
+
+  [416] In August 1640, the army marched into England; and 'it was very
+        refreshfull to remark, that after we came to ane quarter at night,
+        there was nothing almost to be heard throughout the whole army but
+        singing of Psalms, prayer, and reading of Scripture by the
+        souldiers in their severall hutts.' _Select Biographies_, edited
+        by Mr. Tweedie for the Wodrow Society, vol. i. p. 163. 'The most
+        zealous among them boasted, they should carry the triumphant
+        banners of the covenant to Rome itself.' _Arnot's History of
+        Edinburgh_, p. 124. In 1644, the celebrated divine, Andrew Cant,
+        was appointed by the Commissioners of the General Assembly, 'to
+        preach at the opening of the Parliament, wherein he satisfied
+        their expectation fully. For, the main point he drove at in his
+        sermon, was to state an opposition betwixt King Charles and King
+        Jesus (as he was pleased to speak) and upon that account to press
+        resistance to King Charles for the interest of King Jesus. It may
+        be wondered that such doctrine should have relish'd with men
+        brought up in the knowledge of the Scriptures; and yet, such was
+        the madness of the times, that none who preach'd in public since
+        the beginning of the Troubles, had been so cried up as he was for
+        that sermon.' _Guthry's Memoirs_, pp. 136, 137.
+
+  [417] 'The rooting out of prelacy and the wicked hierarchy therein so
+        obviously described, is the main duty.' _Naphtali, or the
+        Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland_, pp. 53, 54. This refers to
+        the Covenant of 1643. So, too, the continuator of _Row's History
+        of the Kirk_, p. 521, says, under the year 1639, that the object
+        of the war was, 'to withstand the prelaticall faction and
+        malignant, countenanced by the kinge in his owne persone.' Compare
+        the outbreak of the Reverend Samuel Rutherford, against 'the
+        accursed and wretched prelates, the Antichrist's first-born, and
+        the first fruit of his foul womb.' _Rutherford's Religious
+        Letters_, p. 179.
+
+The rebellion, therefore, against Charles, which, on the part of the
+English, was essentially secular,[418] was, on the part of the Scotch,
+essentially religious. This was because with us, the laymen were stronger
+than the clergy; while with them, the clergy were stronger than the
+laymen. In 1643, both nations having united against the king, it was
+thought advisable that an intimate alliance should be concluded; but, in
+the negotiations which followed, it is noticed, by a contemporary
+observer, that though the English merely wished for a civil league, the
+Scotch demanded a religious covenant.[419] And as they would only
+continue the war on condition that this was granted, the English were
+obliged to give way. The result was the Solemn League and Covenant, by
+which what seemed a cordial union was effected between the two
+countries.[420] Such a compact was, however, sure to be short-lived, as
+each party had different objects; the aim of the English being
+political, while that of the Scotch was religious. The consequences of
+this difference were soon apparent. In January 1645, negotiations having
+been opened with the king, commissioners met at Uxbridge, with the view
+of concluding a peace. The attempt failed, as might have been expected,
+seeing that, not only were the pretensions of the king irreconcilable
+with those of his opponents, but that the pretensions of his opponents
+were irreconcilable with each other. At Uxbridge, during the conferences,
+the Scotch expressed their readiness to concede to him what he required,
+if he would gratify them in regard to the Church; while the English,
+occupying themselves with civil and political questions, cared less, says
+Clarendon, for what concerned the Church than for anything else.[421] A
+better illustration could hardly be found of the secular character of the
+English rebellion, as compared with the spiritual character of the Scotch
+rebellion. Indeed, the Scotch, so far from concealing this, boasted of
+it, and evidently thought that it proved how superior they were to their
+worldly-minded neighbours. In February 1645, the General Assembly issued
+an address to the nation, including not only those who were at home, but
+also those who served in armies out of Scotland. In this document, which,
+proceeding from such a quarter, necessarily exercised great influence,
+political considerations, as having to do merely with the temporal
+happiness of men, are treated as insignificant, and almost despicable.
+That Rupert was defeated, and that York and Newcastle were taken, were
+but trifling matters. They were only the means of accomplishing an end,
+and that end was the reformation of religion in England, and the
+establishment there of the pure Presbyterian polity.[422]
+
+  [418] Our civil war was not religious; but was a struggle between the
+        Crown and the Parliament. See a note in _Buckle's History of
+        Civilization_, vol. i. p. 359.
+
+  [419] In September 1643, Baillie, writing an account of the proceedings
+        of the Westminster Assembly in the preceding month, says, 'In our
+        committees also we had hard enough debates. The English were for a
+        civill League, we for a religious Covenant.' Letter to Mr. William
+        Spang, dated 22nd September 1643, in _Baillie's Letters and
+        Journals_, vol. ii. p. 90.
+
+  [420] 'The Solemn League and Covenant,' which 'is memorable as the first
+        approach towards an intimate union between the kingdoms, but,
+        according to the intolerant principles of the age, a federal
+        alliance was constructed on the frail and narrow basis of
+        religious communion.' _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp.
+        258, 259. The passage, however, which I have quoted, in the last
+        note, from Baillie, shows that England was not responsible for the
+        intolerant principles, or, consequently, for the narrow basis.
+
+  [421] The Chancellor of Scotland 'did as good as conclude "that if the
+        king would satisfy them in the business of the Church, they would
+        not concern themselves in any of the other demands."' ... 'And it
+        was manifest enough, by the private conferences with other of the
+        commissioners, that the parliament took none of the points in
+        controversy less to heart, or were less united in, than in what
+        concerned the Church.' _Clarendon's History of the Rebellion_,
+        edit. Oxford, 1843, p. 522. See also p. 527: 'that the Scots would
+        insist upon the whole government of the Church, and in all other
+        matters would defer to the king.'
+
+  [422] See this extraordinary document in _Acts of the General Assembly of
+        the Church of Scotland from 1638 to 1842_, pp. 122-128, Edinburgh,
+        1843. It is entitled 'A solemne and seasonable warning to the
+        noblemen, barons, gentlemen, burrows, ministers, and commons of
+        Scotland; as also to armies without and within this kingdom.' In
+        it (p. 123) occurs the following passage: 'And for our part, our
+        forces sent into that kingdom, in pursuance of that Covenant, have
+        been so mercifully and manifestly assisted and blessed from heaven
+        (though in the mids of many dangers and distresses, and much want
+        and hardship), and have been so farre instrumentall to the foyling
+        and scattering of two principall armies; first, the Marquesse of
+        Newcastle his army; and afterwards Prince Rupert's and his
+        together; and to the reducing of two strong cities, York and
+        Newcastle, that we have what to answer the enemy that reproacheth
+        us concerning that businesse, and that which may make iniquitie it
+        self to stop her mouth. But which _is more unto us than all
+        victories or whatsomever temporall blessing_, the reformation of
+        religion in England, and uniformity therein between both kingdoms
+        (a principal end of that Covenant), is so far advanced, that the
+        English Service-Book with the Holy-Dayes and many other ceremonies
+        contained in it, together with the Prelacy, the fountain of all
+        these, are abolished and taken away by ordinance of parliament,
+        and a directory for the worship of God in all the three kingdoms
+        agreed upon in the Assemblies, and in the Parliaments of both
+        kingdoms, without a contrary voice in either; the government of
+        the kirk by congregational elderships, classical presbyteries,
+        provincial and national assemblies, is agreed upon by the Assembly
+        of Divines at Westminster, which is also voted and concluded in
+        both Houses of the Parliament of England.'
+
+A war, undertaken with such holy objects, and conceived in so elevated a
+spirit, was supposed to be placed under the immediate protection of the
+Deity, on whose behalf it was carried on. In the language of the time, it
+was a war for God, and for God's church. Every victory that was obtained,
+was the result, not of the skill of the general, nor of the valour of
+the troops, but was an answer to prayer.[423] When a battle was lost, it
+was either because God was vexed at the sins of the people,[424] or else
+to show them that they must not trust to the arms of the flesh.[425]
+Nothing was natural; all was supernatural. The entire course of affairs
+was governed, not by their own antecedents, but by a series of miracles.
+To assist the Scotch, winds were changed, and storms were lulled. Such
+intelligence as was important for them to receive, was often brought by
+sea; and, on those occasions, it was expected that, if the wind were
+unfavourable, Providence would interfere, would shift it from one quarter
+to another, and, when the news had safely arrived, would allow it to
+return to its former direction.[426]
+
+  [423] In 1644, 'God ansuered our Wednesday's prayers: Balfour and Waller
+        had gotten a glorious victorie over Forth and Hopton, and routed
+        them totallie, horse and foot.' _Baillie's Letters and Journals_,
+        vol. ii. p. 155. In the same year, thanksgivings being offered at
+        Aberdeen for the victory of Leslie over Rupert, 'oure minister Mr.
+        William Strathauchin declairit out of pulpit that this victory wes
+        miraculous, wrocht by the fynger of God.' _Spalding's History of
+        the Troubles_, vol. ii. p. 254. In 1648, the Commissioners of the
+        General Assembly, in an address to the Prince of Wales, stated
+        that the Deity had been 'fighting for his people;' meaning by his
+        people, the Scotch people. They added, that the fact of their
+        enemies having been repulsed, was a proof of 'how sore the Lord
+        hath been displeased with their way.' _Clarendon State Papers_,
+        vol. ii. p. 424, Oxford, 1773, folio.
+
+  [424] Two Scotch notices are now before me of the fatal battle of Dunbar.
+        According to one, the defeat was intended to testify against 'the
+        great sin and wickedness' of the people. _Naphtali, or the
+        Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland_, p. 75. According to the
+        other, it was owing to the anger of the Deity at the Scotch
+        showing any favour to the partizans of Charles. For, says the
+        Reverend Alexander Shields, 'both at that time, and since that
+        time, the Lord never countenanced an expedition where that
+        malignant interest was taken in unto the state of the quarrel.
+        Upon this, our land was invaded by Oliver Cromwell, who defeat our
+        army at Dunbar, where the anger of the Lord was evidently seen to
+        smoke against us, for espousing that interest.' _Shields' Hind let
+        loose_, p. 75. These opinions were formed after the battle. Before
+        the battle, a different hypothesis was broached. Sir Edward
+        Walker, who was in Scotland at the time, tells us, that the clergy
+        assured the people that 'they had an army of saints, and that they
+        could not be beaten.' _Journal of Affairs in Scotland in 1650_, in
+        _Walker's Historical Discourses_, London, 1705, folio, p. 165.
+
+  [425] 'Each new victory of Montrose was expressly attributed to the
+        admonitory "indignation of the Lord" against his chosen people for
+        their sin, in "trusting too much to the arm of flesh."' _Napier's
+        Life of Montrose_, Edinburgh, 1840, p. 283. Compare _Guthrie's
+        Considerations contributing unto the Discovery of the Dangers that
+        threaten Religion_, pp. 274, 275, reprinted Edinburgh, 1846.
+        Guthrie was at the height of his reputation in the middle of the
+        seventeenth century. Lord Somerville says of the Scotch, when they
+        were making war against Charles I., that it was 'ordinary for
+        them, dureing the wholl tyme of this warre, to attribute ther
+        great successe to the goodnesse and justice of their cause, untill
+        Divyne Justice trysted them with some crosse dispensatione, and
+        then you might have heard this language from them, that it pleased
+        the Lord to give his oune the heavyest end of the tree to bear,
+        that the saints and people of God must still be sufferers while
+        they are here away; that that malignant party was God's rod to
+        punish them for their unthankfullnesse,' &c. _Somerville's Memorie
+        of the Somervilles_, vol. ii. pp. 351, 352.
+
+  [426] Baillie mentions, in 1644, an instance of these expectations being
+        fulfilled. He says (_Letters and Journals_, vol. ii. p. 138),
+        'These things were brought in at a very important nick of time, by
+        God's gracious providence: Never a more quick passage from Holy
+        Island to Yarmouth in thirtie houres; they had not cast anchor
+        halfe an houre till the wind turned contrare.' Compare p. 142: 'If
+        this were past, we look for a new lyfe and vigoure in all
+        affaires, especiallie if it please God to send a sweet northwind,
+        carrying the certain news of the taking of Newcastle, which we
+        dailie expect.'
+
+It was in this way that, in Scotland, every thing conspired to strengthen
+that religious element which the force of circumstances had, at an early
+period, made prominent, and which now threatened to absorb all the other
+elements of the national character. The clergy were supreme; and habits
+of mind natural and becoming to themselves, were diffused among all
+classes. The theories of a single profession outweighed those of all
+other professions; and not only war, but also trade, literature, science,
+and art, were held of no account unless they ministered to the general
+feeling. A state of society so narrow and so one-sided, has never been
+seen in any other country equally civilized. Nor did there appear much
+chance of abating this strange monopoly. As the seventeenth century
+advanced, the same train of events was continued; the clergy and the
+people always making common cause against the crown, and being, by the
+necessity of self-preservation, forced into the most intimate union with
+each other. Of this, the preachers availed themselves to strengthen their
+own influence; and for upwards of a century their exertions stopped all
+intellectual culture, discouraged all independent inquiry, made men in
+religious matters fearful and austere, and coloured the whole national
+character with that dark hue, which, though now gradually softening, it
+still retains.
+
+The Scotch, during the seventeenth century, instead of cultivating the
+arts of life, improving their minds, or adding to their wealth, passed
+the greater part of their time in what were called religious exercises.
+The sermons were so long and so frequent, that they absorbed all leisure,
+and yet the people were never weary of hearing them. When a preacher was
+once in the pulpit, the only limit to his loquacity was his strength.
+Being sure of a patient and reverential audience, he went on as long as
+he could. If he discoursed for two hours without intermission, he was
+valued as a zealous pastor, who had the good of his flock at heart; and
+this was about as much as an ordinary clergyman could perform, because,
+in uttering his sentiments, he was expected to display great vehemence,
+and to evince his earnestness by toiling and sweating abundantly.[427]
+This boundary was, however, often passed by those who were equal to the
+labour; and Forbes, who was vigorous as well as voluble, thought nothing
+of preaching for five or six hours.[428] But, in the ordinary course of
+nature, such feats were rare; and, as the people were in these matters
+extremely eager, an ingenious contrivance was hit upon whereby their
+desires might be satisfied. On great occasions, several clergymen were
+present in the same church, in order that, when one was fatigued, he
+might leave the pulpit, and be succeeded by another, who, in his turn,
+was followed by a third; the patience of the hearers being apparently
+inexhaustible.[429] Indeed, the Scotch, by the middle of the seventeenth
+century, had grown accustomed to look up to their minister as if he were
+a god, and to dwell with rapture upon every word that dropt from his
+lips. To hear a favourite preacher, they would incur any fatigue, and
+would undertake long journeys without sleep or food.[430] Their power of
+attention was marvellous. The same congregation would sometimes remain
+together for ten hours, listening to sermons and prayers, interspersed
+with singings and readings.[431] In an account of Scotland in 1670, it is
+stated that, in a single church in Edinburgh, thirty sermons were
+delivered every week.[432] Nor is this at all unlikely, considering the
+religious enthusiasm of the age. For, in those times, the people
+delighted in the most harassing and ascetic devotions. Thus, for
+instance, in 1653, when the sacrament was administered, they pursued the
+following course. On Wednesday, they fasted, and listened to prayers and
+sermons for more than eight hours. On Saturday they heard two or three
+sermons; and on Sunday, the number of sermons was so great that they
+stayed in church more than twelve hours; while, to conclude the whole,
+three or four additional ones were preached on Monday by way of
+thanksgiving.[433]
+
+  [427] No one, perhaps, carried this further than John Menzies, the
+        celebrated professor of divinity at Aberdeen. 'Such was his
+        uncommon fervour in the pulpit, that, we are informed, he "used to
+        change his shirt always after preaching, and to wet two or three
+        napkins with tears every sermon."' Note in _Wodrow's
+        Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 222. James Forbes, also, was 'an able
+        and zealous preacher, who after every sermon behooved to change
+        his shirt, he spoke with such vehemency and sweating.' _Select
+        Biographies_, published by the Wodrow Society, vol. i. p. 333.
+        Lord Somerville, who wrote in 1679, mentions 'their thundering
+        preachings.' _Memorie of the Somervilles_, vol. ii. p. 388. A
+        traditionary anecdote, related by the Dean of Edinburgh, refers to
+        a later period, but is characteristic of the class. 'Another
+        description I have heard of an energetic preacher more forcible
+        than delicate--"Eh, our minister had a great power o' watter, for
+        he grat, and spat, and swat like mischeef."' _Reminiscences of
+        Scottish Life and Character_, by E. B. Ramsay, Dean of Edinburgh,
+        p. 201.
+
+  [428] He 'was a very learned and pious man; he had a strange faculty of
+        preaching five or six hours at a time.' _Burnet's History of his
+        own Time_, vol. i. p. 38. Even early in the eighteenth century,
+        when theological fervour was beginning to decline, and sermons
+        were consequently shorter, Hugh Thomson came near to Forbes. 'He
+        was the longest preacher ever I heard, and would have preached
+        four (or) five hours, and was not generally under two hours; that
+        almost every body expected.' ... 'He was a piouse good man, and a
+        fervent affectionat preacher, and, when I heard him, he had a vast
+        deal of heads, and a great deal of matter, and generally very good
+        and practicall, but very long.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. iv.
+        p. 203.
+
+  [429] In 1653, Lamont casually mentions, in his journal, that 'the one
+        came doune from the pulpit and the other went vp, in the tyme that
+        the psalme after the first sermon was singing, so that ther was no
+        intermission of the exercise, nether were the peopell dismissed
+        till both sermons were ended.' _The Diary of Mr. John Lamont of
+        Newton_, p. 58. Burnet (_History of his own Time_, vol. i. p. 92)
+        says, 'I remember in one fast day there were six sermons preached
+        without intermission. I was there myself, and not a little weary
+        of so tedious a service.'
+
+  [430] When Guthrie preached at Fenwick, 'his church, although a large
+        country one, was overlaid and crowded every Sabbath-day, and very
+        many, without doors, from distant parishes, such as Glasgow,
+        Paisley, Hamilton, Lanerk, Kilbryde, Glasford, Strathaven,
+        Newmills, Egelsham and many other places, who hungered for the
+        pure gospel preached, and got a meal by the word of his ministry.
+        It was their usual practice to come to Fenwick on Saturday, and to
+        spend the greatest part of the night in prayer to God, and
+        conversation about the great concerns of their souls, to attend
+        the public worship on the Sabbath, to dedicate the remainder of
+        that holy day in religious exercises, and then to go home on
+        Monday the length of ten, twelve or twenty miles without grudging
+        in the least at the long way, want of sleep or other refreshments;
+        neither did they find themselves the less prepared for any other
+        business through the week.' _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_, 2nd
+        edit., Glasgow, 1781, p. 311. One woman went forty miles to hear
+        Livingstone preach. See her own statement, in _Wodrow's Analecta_,
+        vol. ii. p. 249.
+
+  [431] Spalding gives the following account of what happened at Aberdeen
+        in 1644. 'So heir in Old Abirdene, upone the sevint of July, we
+        had ane fast, entering the churche be nyne houris, and continewit
+        praying and preiching whill tua houris. Efter sermon, the people
+        sat still heiring reiding whill efternone's sermon began and
+        endit, whiche continewit till half hour to sex. Then the prayer
+        bell rang to the evening prayeris, and continewit whill seven.'
+        _Spalding's History of the Troubles_, vol. ii. p. 244, edit.
+        Edinburgh, 1829, 4to. See also p. 42: 'the people keipit churche
+        all day.' This was also at Aberdeen, in 1642.
+
+  [432] 'Out of one pulpit now they have thirty sermons per week, all
+        under one roof.' _A Modern Account of Scotland_, in _The Harleian
+        Miscellany_, vol. vi. p. 138, edit. Park, London, 1810, 4to.
+
+  [433] 'But where the greatest part was more sound, they gave the
+        sacrament with a new and unusual solemnity. On the Wednesday
+        before, they held a fast day, with prayers and sermons for about
+        eight or ten hours together: on the Saturday they had two or three
+        preparation sermons: and on the Lord's day they had so very many,
+        that the action continued above twelve hours in some places: and
+        all ended with three or four sermons on Monday for thanksgiving.'
+        _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. i. p. 108.
+
+Such eagerness, and yet such patience, indicate a state of society
+altogether peculiar, and for which we find no parallel in the history of
+any civilized country. This intense desire to hear whatever the preachers
+had to say, was, in itself, a homage of the most flattering kind, and was
+naturally accompanied by a belief that they were endowed with a light
+which was withheld from their less gifted countrymen. It is not
+surprising that the clergy, who, at no period, and in no nation, have
+been remarkable for their meekness, or for a want of confidence in
+themselves, should, under circumstances so eminently favourable to their
+pretensions, have been somewhat elated, and should have claimed an
+authority even greater than that which was conceded to them. And as this
+is intimately connected with the subsequent history of Scotland, it will
+be necessary to collect some evidence respecting their conduct, which
+will have the further advantage of exhibiting the true character of
+spiritual domination, and of showing how it works, not only on the
+intellectual, but also on the practical, life of a people.
+
+According to the Presbyterian polity, which reached its height in the
+seventeenth century, the clergyman of the parish selected a certain
+number of laymen on whom he could depend, and who, under the name of
+elders, were his councillors, or rather the ministers of his authority.
+They, when assembled together, formed what was called the Kirk-Session,
+and this little court, which enforced the decisions uttered in the
+pulpit, was so supported by the superstitious reverence of the people,
+that it was far more powerful than any civil tribunal. By its aid, the
+minister became supreme. For, whoever presumed to disobey him was
+excommunicated, was deprived of his property, and was believed to have
+incurred the penalty of eternal perdition.[434] Against such weapons, in
+such a state of society, resistance was impossible. The clergy interfered
+with every man's private concerns, ordered how he should govern his
+family, and often took upon themselves the personal control of his
+household.[435] Their minions, the elders, were everywhere; for each
+parish was divided into several quarters, and to each quarter one of
+these officials was allotted, in order that he might take special notice
+of what was done in his own district.[436] Besides this, spies were
+appointed, so that nothing could escape their supervision.[437] Not only
+the streets, but even private houses, were searched, and ransacked, to
+see if any one was absent from church while the minister was
+preaching.[438] To him, all must listen, and him all must obey. Without
+the consent of his tribunal, no person might engage himself, either as a
+domestic servant, or as a field labourer.[439] If any one incurred the
+displeasure of the clergy, they did not scruple to summon his servants
+and force them to state whatever they knew respecting him, and whatever
+they had seen done in his house.[440] To speak disrespectfully of a
+preacher was a grievous offence;[441] to differ from him was a
+heresy;[442] even to pass him in the streets without saluting him, was
+punished as a crime.[443] His very name was regarded as sacred, and not
+to be taken in vain. And that it might be properly protected, and held in
+due honour, an Assembly of the Church, in 1642, forbad it to be used in
+any public paper unless the consent of the holy man had been previously
+obtained.[444]
+
+  [434] 'The power of those kirk-sessions, which are now private
+        assemblages, in whose meetings and proceedings the public take no
+        interest whatever, is defined to be the cognizance of parochial
+        matters and cases of scandal; but in the sixteenth and seventeenth
+        centuries, especially during the Covenanting reign of terror after
+        the outbreak of the Civil War against Charles I., the
+        kirk-sessions of Scotland were the sources of excessive tyranny
+        and oppression--were arbitrary, inquisitorial, and revengeful, to
+        an extent which exceeds all belief. It is truly stated by the
+        author of the "Memoirs of Locheill"--"Every parish had a tyrant,
+        who made the greatest Lord in his district stoop to his authority.
+        The kirk was the place where he kept his court; the pulpit his
+        throne or tribunal from whence he issued out his terrible decrees;
+        and twelve or fourteen sour ignorant enthusiasts, under the title
+        of Elders, composed his council. If any, of what quality soever,
+        had the assurance to disobey his orders, the dreadful sentence of
+        excommunication was immediately thundered out against him, his
+        goods and chattels confiscated and seized, and he himself being
+        looked upon as actually in the possession of the devil, and
+        irretrievably doomed to eternal perdition."' Introduction to _The
+        Kirk-Session Register of Perth_, in _The Spottiswoode Miscellany_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 229-230, Edinburgh, 1845. In regard to the perdition
+        which the sentence of excommunication was supposed to involve, one
+        of the most influential Scotch divines of that time merely
+        expresses the prevailing notion, when he asserts, that whoever was
+        excommunicated was thereby given up to Satan. 'That he who is
+        excommunicated may be truly said to be delivered to Sathan is
+        undeniable.' _Gillespie's Aaron's Rod Blossoming, or the Divine
+        Ordinance of Church Government Vindicated_, 1646, 4to, p. 239.
+        'Excommunication, which is a shutting out of a Church-member from
+        the Church, whereby Sathan commeth to get dominion and power over
+        him.' _Ibid._ p. 297. 'Sure I am an excommunicate person may truly
+        be said to be delivered to Sathan.' p. 424.
+
+  [435] Clarendon, under the year 1640, emphatically says (_History of the
+        Rebellion_, p. 67), 'The preacher reprehended the husband,
+        governed the wife, chastised the children, and insulted over the
+        servants, in the houses of the greatest men.' The theory was, that
+        'ministers and elders must be submitted unto us as fathers.'
+        _Shields' Enquiry into Church Communion_, 2nd edit., Edinburgh,
+        1747, p. 66. In the middle of the seventeenth century, one of the
+        most famous of the Scotch preachers openly asserted the right of
+        his profession to interfere in family matters, on the ground that
+        such was the custom in the time of Joshua. 'The Ministers of God's
+        house have not only the ministry of holy things, as Word and
+        Sacraments, committed to their charge, but also the power of
+        ecclesiastical government to take order with scandalous offences
+        within the familie; both these are here promised to Joshua and the
+        Priests.' _Hutchison's Exposition of the Minor Prophets_, vol.
+        iii. p. 72, London, 1654. In 1603, the Presbytery of Aberdeen took
+        upon themselves to order that every master of a house should keep
+        a rod, that his family, including his servants, might be beaten if
+        they used improper language. 'It is concludit that thair salbe in
+        ewerie houss a palmar.' _Selections from the Records of the Kirk
+        Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_, printed for the
+        Spalding Club, 4to, Aberdeen, 1846, p. 194. It also appears
+        (p. 303) that, in 1674, the clergyman was expected to exercise
+        supervision over all visitors to private houses; since he ought to
+        be informed, 'iff ther be anie persone receaved in the familie
+        without testimoniall presented to the minister.'
+
+  [436] In 1650, it was ordered, 'That everie paroche be divydit in
+        severall quarteris, and each elder his owne quarter, over which he
+        is to have speciall inspectioun, and that everie elder visit his
+        quarter once everie month at least, according to the act of the
+        Generall Assemblie, 1649, and in thair visitatioun tak notice of
+        all disorderlie walkeris, especiallie neglectouris of God's
+        worship in thair families, sueareris, haunteris of aill houses,
+        especiallie at vnseasonable tymes, and long sitteris thair, and
+        drinkeris of healthis; and that he dilate these to the Sessioun.'
+        _Selections from the Minutes of the Synod of Fife_, printed for
+        the Abbotsford Club, Edinburgh, 1837, 4to, p. 168. 'The elders
+        each one in his own quarter, for trying the manners of the
+        people.' _The Government and Order of the Church of Scotland_,
+        Edinburgh, 1690, p. 14. This scarce little volume is reprinted
+        from the edition of 1641. See the advertisement at the beginning.
+
+  [437] In 1652, the Kirk-Session of Glasgow 'brot boyes and servants
+        before them, for breaking the Sabbath, and other faults. They had
+        clandestine censors, and gave money to some for this end.'
+        _Wodrow's Collections_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 74, Glasgow, 1848,
+        4to.
+
+  [438] 'It is thocht expedient that ane baillie with tua of the sessioun
+        pas throw the towne everie Sabboth day, and nott sic as thay find
+        absent fra the sermones ather afoir or efter none; and for that
+        effect that thay pas and _sersche sic houss as they think maist
+        meit_, and pas athort the streittis.' _Selections from the Records
+        of the Kirk Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 26.
+        'To pas throw the towne to caus the people resort to the hering of
+        the sermones.' p. 59. 'Ganging throw the towne on the ordinar
+        preiching dayes in the weik, als weill as on the Saboth day, to
+        caus the people resort to the sermones.' p. 77. See also p. 94;
+        and _Wodrow's Collections_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 37: 'the Session
+        allous the searchers to go into houses and apprehend absents from
+        the kirk.'
+
+  [439] 'Another peculiarity was the supervision wielded over the movements
+        of people to such a degree that they could neither _obtain lodging
+        nor employment_ except by a licence from the Kirk-Session, or, by
+        defying this police court, expose themselves to fine and
+        imprisonment.' _Lawson's Book of Perth_, p. xxxvii. Edinburgh,
+        1847.
+
+  [440] In 1652, Sir Alexander Irvine indignantly writes, that the
+        presbytery of Aberdeen, 'when they had tried many wayes, bot in
+        vaine, to mak probable this their vaine imaginatione, they, at
+        lenthe, when all other meanes failed thame, by ane unparalelled
+        barbaritie, enforced my serwandis to reweall upon oathe what they
+        sawe, herd, or knewe done within my house, beyond which no
+        Turkische inquisitione could pase.' _The Miscellany of the
+        Spalding Club_, vol. iii. p. 206, Aberdeen, 1846, 4to.
+
+  [441] In 1656, a servant was ordered to be brought before the
+        Kirk-Session of Aberdeen 'for her rayleing againest Mr. Andrew
+        Cant, minister, in saying that becaus the said Mr. Andrew spak
+        againest Yuill, he spak lyke ane old fool.' _Selections from the
+        Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_,
+        p. 138. In 1642, the Presbytery of Lanark had up a certain James
+        Baillie, because he stated the extremely probable circumstance,
+        'that two fooles mett togither, when the Minister and his sone
+        mett togither.' _Selections from the Registers of the Presbytery
+        of Lanark_, printed for the Abbotsford Club, Edinburgh, 1839, 4to,
+        p. 30.
+
+  [442] In 1644, 'If you dissent from them in a theological tenet, it is
+        heresy.' _Presbytery Displayed_, 1644, p. 39, reprinted London,
+        1663, 4to. In 1637, 'If ye depart from _what I taught you in a
+        hair-breadth_ for fear or favour of men, or desire of ease in this
+        world, I take heaven and earth to witness, that ill shall come
+        upon you in end.' _Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 116. In
+        1607, 'Mr. William Cowper, Minister, complained upon Robert Keir
+        that he had disdainfully spoken of his doctrine. The (Kirk)
+        Session ordained him to be warned to the morrow.' _Lawson's Book
+        of Perth_, p. 247.
+
+  [443] In 1619, a man was summoned before the Kirk-Session of Perth,
+        because, among other things, he would not perform 'that civil duty
+        of salutation, as becomes him to his pastor;' but 'passed by him
+        without using any kind of reverence.' _The Chronicle of Perth_,
+        Edinburgh, 1831, 4to, p. 80. The complaint was preferred by the
+        minister himself. Indeed, the Scotch clergy took these things so
+        much to heart, that they set up a theory to the effect that
+        whoever showed them any disrespect, was prompted thereto by Satan.
+        'It is Satan's great engine to draw men to contemne God and his
+        word, under pretext of disrespect and prejudice against the
+        Messengers only.' ... 'It may let us see their guilt who despise
+        most eminent ordinary Messengers.' _Hutcheson's Exposition of the
+        Minor Prophets_, vol. i. pp. 205, 233.
+
+  [444] The General Assembly of Saint Andrews, in 1642, passed 'an act
+        against using ministers' names in any of the public papers,
+        without their own consent.' _Stevenson's History of the Church of
+        Scotland_, p. 503.
+
+These and similar proceedings, being upheld by public opinion, were
+completely successful. Indeed, they could hardly have been otherwise,
+seeing that it was generally believed that whoever gainsaid the clergy,
+would be visited, not only with temporal penalties, but also with
+spiritual ones. For such a crime, there was punishment here, and there
+was punishment hereafter. The preachers willingly fostered a delusion by
+which they benefited. They told their hearers, that what was spoken in
+the pulpit was binding upon all believers, and was to be regarded as
+immediately proceeding from the Deity.[445] This proposition being
+established, other propositions naturally followed. The clergy believed
+that they alone were privy to the counsels of the Almighty, and that, by
+virtue of this knowledge, they could determine what any man's future
+state would be.[446] Going still further, they claimed the power, not
+only of foretelling his future state, but also of controlling it; and
+they did not scruple to affirm that, by their censures, they could open
+and shut the kingdom of heaven.[447] As if this were not enough, they
+also gave out that a word of theirs could hasten the moment of death, and
+by cutting off the sinner in his prime, could bring him at once before
+the judgment-seat of God.[448]
+
+  [445] 'Directions for a believer's walk, given by Christ's ministers from
+        his word, are his own, and are accounted by him as if he did
+        immediately speak them himself.' _Durham's Exposition of the Song
+        of Solomon_, p. 102. I quote from the Glasgow reprint of 1788.
+        That my references may be easily verified, and any error, if error
+        there be, detected, I mention that the exact edition used will, in
+        every case, be found specified in the List of Authors at the
+        beginning of this work. But, if it will give the reader any
+        additional confidence, I will venture to observe, that I am always
+        scrupulously careful in reference to quotations, having looked out
+        each passage afresh, as the sheets came from the printers hands.
+        Some of the circumstances narrated in this chapter are so
+        monstrous, that I hope to be excused in saying that I have taken
+        all possible pains to secure their literal accuracy.
+
+  [446] 'Yea, such was their arrogance, that, as if they had been privy to
+        the councils of God, or the dispensers of his vengeance to the
+        world, they presumed to pronounce upon their future state, and
+        doomed them, both body and soul, to eternal torments.' _Wishart's
+        Memoirs of the Marquis of Montrose_, p. 237. 'Ye heard of me the
+        whole counsel of God. _Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 16. 'I
+        am free from the blood of all men; for I have communicated to you
+        the whole counsel of God.' _Ibid._ p. 191. 'This is the great
+        business of Gospel Ministers, to declare the whole counsel of
+        God.' _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, p. 4. 'Asserting
+        that he had declared the whole counsel of God, and had keeped
+        nothing back.' _Life of the Rev. A. Peden_, p. 41, in vol. i. of
+        _Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana_.
+
+  [447] 'The power of the keys is given to the Ministers of the church,
+        wherewith not only by the preaching of the word, but also to
+        church censures (sic) they open and shut the kingdom of heaven.'
+        _Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error_, p. 282. 'To preach the
+        Word, impugne, rebuik, admonishe, exhort and correct, and that
+        under no less paine then casting both bodie and soull into
+        eternall hell's fire.' _Forbes' Certaine Records touching the
+        Estate of the Kirk_, p. 519. 'The next words, "Whatsoever ye shall
+        bind on Earth shall be bound in Heaven," being spoken to the
+        Apostles, and in them to other Ministers of Jesus Christ.'
+        _Gillespie's Aaron's Rod Blossoming_, p. 366. 'The keys of the
+        kingdom of Heaven' ... 'are committed and intrusted to the pastors
+        and other ruling officers of the Church.' _Ibid._ p. 260.
+
+  [448] 'Gird up the loins of your mind, and make you ready for meeting
+        the Lord; I have often summoned you, and now I summon you again,
+        to compear before your Judge, to make a reckoning of your life.'
+        _Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 235. 'Mr. Cameron, musing a
+        little, said, "You, and all who do not know my God in mercy, shall
+        know him in his judgments, which shall be sudden and surprising in
+        a few days upon you; and I, as a sent servant of Jesus Christ,
+        whose commission I bear, and whose badge I wear upon my breast,
+        give you warning, and leave you to the justice of God."
+        Accordingly, in a few days after, the said Andrew, being in
+        perfect health, took his breakfast plentifully, and before he rose
+        fell a-vomiting, and vomited his heart's blood in the very vessel
+        out of which he had taken his breakfast; and died in a most
+        frightful manner.' _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_, p. 406.
+
+Utterly horrible as such a pretension now appears, it was made, not only
+with impunity, but with advantage; and numerous instances are recorded,
+in which the people believed that it was strictly enforced. The
+celebrated John Welsh, sitting one night at table, round which a party
+were assembled at supper, began to discourse to the company respecting
+the state of their souls. Those who were present listened with humility;
+but to this general feeling there was one exception. For, it so happened
+that a Roman Catholic was in the room, and he, of course, disagreed with
+the opinions expressed by the Presbyterian divine. If he had been a
+cautious man, he would have kept his disagreement to himself; but being a
+hot-headed youth, and being impatient at seeing a single person engross
+the conversation, he lost his temper, and not only ridiculed Welsh, but
+actually made faces at him. Thereupon, Welsh charged the company to take
+heed, and see what the Lord was about to do to him who mocked. Scarcely
+had this threat been uttered, when it was carried into execution. He who
+had dared to jest at the minister, suddenly fell, sank under the table,
+and died there in presence of the whole party.[449]
+
+  [449] 'Sitting at supper with the Lord Ochiltree (who was uncle to
+        Mr. Welsh's wife), as his manner was, he entertained the company
+        with godly and edifying discourse, which was well received by all
+        the company save only one debauched Popish young gentleman, who
+        sometimes laughed, and sometimes mocked and made faces; whereupon
+        Mr. Welsh brake out into a sad abrupt charge upon all the company
+        to be silent, and observe the work of the Lord upon that profane
+        mocker, which they should presently behold; upon which immediately
+        the profane wretch sunk down and died beneath the table, but never
+        returned to life again, to the great astonishment of all the
+        company.' _History of Mr. John Welsh, Minister of the Gospel at
+        Ayr_, in _Select Biographies_, vol. i. p. 29. 'Mr. Welsh being by
+        the Captaine, set at the upper end, intertained the company with
+        grave and edifying discourse which all delighted to hear, save
+        this young Papist, who, with laughter and derision, laboured to
+        silence him, which was little regarded by Mr. Welsh. But after
+        supper, while the guests sate a little, this youth stood up at the
+        lower end of the table, and while Mr. Welsh proceeded from grave
+        to gracious entertainment of his company, the youth came to that
+        height of insolence as with the finger to point at him and with
+        the face to make flouting grimaces, whereby he grieved the holy
+        man, so as on a suddain he was forced to a silence. The whole
+        company, who had heard him with delight, were silent with him.
+        Within a little, Mr. Welsh, as moved by the spirit of God, broke
+        forth into these words: "Gentlemen, the spirit of God is provoked
+        against us, and I shall intreat you not to be afraid to see what
+        God shall do among you before you rise from the table, for he will
+        smite some of you with death before you go hence." All were
+        silently astonished, waiting to see the issue with fear. And while
+        every man feared himselfe, except the insolent youth, he fel down
+        dead suddenly at the foot of the table to shew the power of God's
+        jealousie against the mockers of his Spirit and the offers of his
+        grace.' _Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture_, pp. 374, 375.
+
+This happened early in the seventeenth century, and being bruited abroad,
+it became a great terror to all evil-doers. But, after a time, its effect
+appears to have been weakened; since another man was equally rash some
+forty or fifty years afterwards. It seems that a Scotch clergyman of
+considerable repute, Mr. Thomas Hog, was, like Welsh, sitting at supper,
+when it so chanced that the servants forgot to lay the knives. Mr. Hog,
+thinking the opportunity a favourable one, observed that such
+forgetfulness was of little moment, and that, while we thought so much of
+our comforts here, it was far more necessary to consider our condition
+hereafter. A gentleman present, amused, either by the manner of Mr. Hog,
+or by the skill with which he introduced the topics of his own
+profession, was unable to restrain himself, and burst out into a violent
+fit of laughter. The minister, however, was not to be checked, and he
+continued after such a fashion, that the laughter was repeated louder
+than ever. At length Mr. Hog turned round, and told his merry comrade
+that very shortly he should seek for mercy, but find it not. That same
+night, the scoffer was taken ill, and in great alarm sent for Mr. Hog. It
+was, however, useless. Before the clergyman could reach his room, the
+sinner was lying dead, a lost and ruined man.[450]
+
+  [450] 'When they sat doun to supper, it seems, knives were forgote; and
+        when the servant was rebuked, Mr. Hogg said, there was noe matter,
+        for he had one in his pocket, and it was a necessary companion for
+        a travailer; and, as his use was upon evry thing, he took occasion
+        to raise a spirituall discourse from it: "If we wer soe carefull
+        about accommodations in our way here, what care should we take in
+        our spirituall journey!" and the like; at which the factour takes
+        a kink of laughing. Mr. Hogg looked at him with a frown, and went
+        on in his discourse. Within a little, at somewhat or other, he
+        laughed out yet louder, and Mr. Hogg stoped a litle, and looked
+        him very stern in the face, and went on in his discourse, upon the
+        free grace of God; and, at some expression or other, the man fell
+        a laughing and flouting very loud: Upon which Mr. Hogg stoped, and
+        directed his discourse to him, to this purpose: "Alace!" sayes he,
+        "my soul is afflicted to say what I must say to you, sir, and I am
+        constrained and pressed in spirit to say it, and cannot help it.
+        Sir, you nou dispise the grace of God, and mock at it; but I tell
+        you, in the name of the Lord, that the time is coming, and that
+        very shortly, when you (will) seek ane offer of grace, but shall
+        not find it!" Upon which the man arose, laughing and flouting, and
+        went to his room. After he was away, the lady asked Mr. Hogg, What
+        he thought would come upon him? He answered, he kneu noe more then
+        he had said, and that he was constrained and oblidged to say it
+        against his inclination; and he could not accompt for some of
+        these impressions he sometimes felt, and after Providences would
+        clear, and that shortly; but what it was, when, or where, he kneu
+        not. The man told some of the servants that a phanatick Minister
+        had been pronouncing a curse on him, but he did not value him nor
+        it either. After Mr. Hogg had been somtime with the lady, he went
+        to his room; and after he had, as he used to doe, spent some time
+        in prayer, he putt off his cloaths, and just as he was stepping
+        into his bedd, a servant comes and knocks at the dore and cryes,
+        "For the Lord's sake, Mr. Hogg, come doun staires, presently, to
+        the factour's room!" He put on his cloaths, as quickly as
+        possible, and came doun, but the wretch was dead before he reached
+        him!' _Analecta, or Materials for a History of Remarkable
+        Providences, mostly relating to Scotch Ministers and Christians_,
+        by the Rev. Robert Wodrow, vol. i. pp. 265, 266. Compare _The Life
+        of Mr. Thomas Hog_, in _Howie's Biographia_, p. 543, where a
+        version is given, slightly different, but essentially the same.
+
+Nor was it merely in private houses that such examples were made.
+Sometimes the clergyman denounced the offender from the pulpit, and the
+punishment was as public as the offence. It is said that Gabriel Semple,
+when preaching, had a strange habit of putting out his tongue, and that
+this excited the mirth of a drunken man, who went into the church, and,
+by way of derision, put out his tongue also. But, to his horror, he
+found that, though he could put it out, he could not draw it in again.
+The result was, that the tongue stiffened; it lost all sensibility;
+and, paralysis coming on, the man died a few days after his
+transgression.[451]
+
+  [451] 'He tells me, that when in the South country, he heard this story,
+        which was not doubted about Geddart' (i.e. Jedburgh): 'Mr. Gabriel
+        Semple had gote a habite, when speaking and preaching, of putting
+        out his tongue, and licking his lipps very frequently. Ther was a
+        fellou that used to ape him, in a way of mock; and one day, in a
+        druken caball, he was aping him and putting out his tongue; and it
+        turned stiffe and sensless, and he could not drau it in again, but
+        in a feu dayes dyed. This accompt is soe odd, that I wish I may
+        have it confirmed from other hands.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. ii.
+        p. 187.
+
+Occasionally, the penalty was less severe, though the miracle was equally
+conspicuous. In 1682, a certain woman took upon herself to scold the
+famous divine, Peden, who was justly regarded as one of the great lights
+of the Scotch Church. 'I wonder,' said that eminent man, 'I wonder your
+tongue is not sore with so much idle clatter.' She indignantly replied,
+that she had never suffered, either from a sore tongue, or from a sore
+mouth. He told her that she soon would. And the consequence of his saying
+so was, that her tongue and gums swelled to that degree, that for some
+days she was unable to take her usual food.[452]
+
+  [452] 'About the same time, wading Douglas-water very deep,' (he) 'came
+        to a house there; the good wife of the house insisted (as most
+        part of women do not keep a bridle-hand) in chiding of him; which
+        made him to fret, and said, I wonder that your tongue is not sore
+        with so much idle clatter. She said, I never had a sore tongue nor
+        mouth all my days. He said, It will not be long so. Accordingly,
+        her tongue and gooms swelled so, that she could get no meat taken
+        for some days.' _Account of the Life and Death of Mr. Walter
+        Smith_, p. 93, in vol. ii. of _Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana_.
+
+She escaped with her life; others were more sharply handled. A clergyman
+was interrupted in the midst of his sermon by three gentlemen leaving the
+church. It is not stated that there was any thing offensive in their
+manner; but their object in going was to amuse themselves at some fair or
+race, and the minister, no doubt, thought that they should have been
+content with the gratification of hearing him. At all events, he was
+dissatisfied, and, after the sermon was over, he censured their conduct,
+and threatened them with the divine displeasure. His words were
+remembered, and, to the awe of his parishioners, every tittle was
+fulfilled. Of the three gentlemen, all died violent deaths; one of them
+broke his neck by falling from his horse, and another was found in his
+room with his throat cut.[453]
+
+  [453] 'I hear from Lady Henriett Campbell, who was present at a
+        Communion at Jeddart (Jedburgh), some years before Mr. Gabriel
+        Semple's death, that, either on the fast day, or Saturnday, ther
+        wer three gentlmen either in the parish or noturely knouen
+        thereabout, who rose in the time of the last sermon, and with
+        their servants went out of (the church), either to some fair or
+        some race, not farr off. After sermon, when Mr. Semple rose to
+        give the ordinary advertisments, he began with taking nottice of
+        this, and said, he had remarked three gentlmen rise in time of
+        sermon, and contemptuously and boldly leave God's service to goe
+        to a fair, or race, as he supposed; but sayes, "It's born in upon
+        me, and I am perswaded of it, the Lord will not suffer them to goe
+        off time, without some remarkable judgment, and I am much mistaken
+        if the most part that have seen them committ the sin, will not
+        hear of the punishment of such open despite to the ordinances of
+        Christ." This peremptoryness did very much surprize Lady
+        H(enriett), and coming home from sermon with my Lord Lothian and
+        his Lady, in coach, she expressed her surprize at it. My Lord
+        Lothian said, "The Minister is a man of God, and I am perswaded
+        not one word of his will fall to the ground!" Within some feu
+        moneths, my Lord or my Lady, writing to Lady H(enriett), signifyed
+        to her, that one of these gentlmen was found in his room, (if I
+        forgett not), with his throat cutt; and a second, being drunk,
+        fell off his horse, and broke his neck; and some while after, shee
+        heard the third had dyed some violent death.' _Wodrow's Analecta_,
+        vol. i. pp. 344, 345.
+
+Cases of this sort were frequent during the seventeenth century; and as
+in that credulous age they were firmly believed and widely circulated,
+the power of the clergy was consolidated by them. The Laird of Hilton
+once ventured to pull a minister out of a pulpit which was not his own,
+and into which he had unlawfully intruded. 'For the injury you have done
+to the servant of God,' cried the enraged preacher, 'you shall be brought
+into this church like a sticked sow.' And so indeed he was. Yet a little
+while, and Hilton became entangled in a quarrel, was run through the
+body, and his corpse, still bleeding, was carried into the very church
+where the outrage had been committed.[454]
+
+  [454] 'In the time of sermon, the Laird of Hiltoun comes in, and charges
+        him in the midst of his work, to come out of (the) pulpite, in the
+        king's name. Mr. Douglasse refused; whereupon the Laird comes to
+        the pulpit, and pulls him out by force! When he sau he behoved to
+        yeild, he said, "Hiltoun, for this injury you have done to the
+        servant of God, knou what you are to meet with! In a litle time
+        you shall be brought into this very church, like a sticked sou!"
+        And in some litle time after, Hilton was run throu the body, and
+        dyed by, if I mistake not, Annandale's brother, either in a douell
+        or a drunken toilzie, and his corpes wer brought in, all bleeding,
+        into that church. "Touch not mine annoynted, and doe my prophets
+        noe harm!"' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. ii. p. 154. In the same work
+        (vol. iv. p. 268) the Reverend Mr. Wodrow writes, that he had been
+        subsequently informed, 'that the story is very true about the
+        denuntiation upon the Laird of Hiltoun, as I have (I think)
+        published it; and ther is a man yet alive who was witness to it,
+        and in the church at the time.'
+
+Even when a clergyman was in prison, he retained the same power. His
+authority was delegated to him from on high, and no temporal misfortune
+could curtail it. In 1673, the Reverend Alexander Peden, when in
+confinement, heard a young girl laughing at him outside the door of his
+room, while he was engaged in those vociferous devotions for which he was
+celebrated. The mirth of the poor child cost her dear. Peden denounced
+against her the judgment of God. In consequence of that denunciation, the
+wind blew her from a rock on which she was walking, and swept her into
+the sea, where she was quickly drowned.[455]
+
+  [455] 'While prisoner in the Bass, one Sabbath morning, being about the
+        publick worship of God, a young lass, about the age of thirteen or
+        fourteen years, came to the chamber-door, mocking with loud
+        laughter: He said, Poor thing, thou mocks and laughs at the
+        worship of God; but ere long, God shall write such a sudden,
+        surprising judgment on thee, that shall stay thy laughing, and
+        thou shalt not escape it. Very shortly thereafter, she was walking
+        upon the rock, and there came a blast of wind, and sweeped her off
+        the rock into the sea, where she was lost.' _Life and Death of Mr.
+        Alexander Peden_, p. 43, in vol. i. of _Walker's Biographia
+        Presbyteriana_. See also _Howie's Biographia Presbyteriana_,
+        p. 487.
+
+Sometimes the vengeance of the clergy extended to the innocent offspring
+of the man who had offended them. A certain minister, whose name has not
+been preserved, met with opposition in his parish, and fell into
+pecuniary and other difficulties. He applied for aid to a trader, who,
+being wealthy, ought, he thought, to afford him assistance. The trader,
+however, thought otherwise, and refused. Upon this, the clergyman
+declared that God would visit him. The result was, that his business not
+only declined, but his mind became impaired, and he died an idiot. He had
+two sons and two daughters. Both his sons went mad. One of his daughters,
+likewise, lost her reason. The other daughter being married, even her
+husband became destitute, and the children of that marriage became
+beggars, that the heinous crime might be visited to the third
+generation.[456]
+
+  [456] 'He (Mr. Fordyce, in Aberdeen) tells me this following accompt,
+        which he had from personall observation: When he lived near
+        Frazerburge, in the North, there was a minister settled there,
+        _jure devoluto_, the toun being biggotted against Presbytery to a
+        pitch, and only two or three that had any seeming liking that way.
+        After the Minister is setled, he expected much encouragement from
+        one Ougstoun, I think his name was, who had professed much respect
+        for him in that way. A while after, in some difficulty, the
+        Minister came to him, and desired his countenance and assistance
+        in the difficulty. He at first put the Minister off with delay:
+        and within a litle plainly mocked him, and would doe nothing. The
+        Minister came from him to my informer, who lived a litle from the
+        place, and gave him ane account (of) what had befallen him, and
+        said, "I expected much from that man, and reaconed upon his help
+        and assistance, in soe comfortless a setlement as I have ventured
+        on; and he has not only disappointed me, but mocked me!" And the
+        Minister was like to sink under the thoughts of this carriage; and
+        after some silence, he said, very peremptorly, "I am much
+        mistaken, yea, I'le say it, God hath sent me, and spoken by me.
+        God will visite that man, and something more than ordinary will
+        befall him and his!" My informer was very much stunned and greived
+        at such a peremptory declaration. However, it was accomplished, to
+        my informer's personall knowledge. The man was a trader, who was
+        very rich, worth near four or five thousand pounds sterling in
+        stock. He had two sons and two daughters. Within some litle time,
+        one of his sons turned distracted, and I think continues soe
+        still. The other son, in some distemper, turned silly, and litle
+        better, and dyed. His daughters, one was maryed, and her husband
+        lost all his stock at sea, twice or thrice; his goodfather stocked
+        him once or twice, and all was still lost, and they and their
+        children are miserable. The other daughter fell into a distemper,
+        wherein she lost her reason. The man himself, after that time,
+        never throve; his means wasted away insensibly; and throu all
+        things, he fell under melancholy, and turned silly, and dyed
+        stupide. All this fell out in some feu years after what passed
+        above; and my relator kneu all this particularly, and had occasion
+        to be upon the man's bussiness and affairs.' _Wodrow's Analecta_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 175, 176. See also, in another work by this eminent
+        Scotch divine, an account of what happened, when 'a rash young
+        man' having destroyed the property of a clergyman, named Boyd, 'it
+        was observed that that family did never thrive afterwards, but
+        were in a decaying condition till they are reduced almost to
+        nothing.' _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of Ministers of the
+        Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. part. i. p. 215.
+
+To prosecute a minister, or even to assert one's rights against him
+before a civil tribunal, was not only a hazard, but a certain ruin. About
+the year 1665, James Fraser was sued in a court of law for a large sum of
+money, said to be due from his father's estate. As usually happens in
+these cases, the party sued, considered that he was unjustly treated, and
+that his opponent had no right to make the claim. So far, all was
+natural. But the peculiarity was, that Fraser, against whom the action
+was brought, was a young man preparing for the ministry, and, therefore,
+under the immediate protection of Providence. Such an one was not to be
+vexed with impunity; and we are assured by Fraser himself that God
+specially interposed to prevent his ruin; that one of his opponents was
+made unable to appear in court, and that the Lord, laying his hand upon
+the others, put them to death, in order that every obstacle might be at
+once removed.[457]
+
+  [457] See Fraser's Life of Himself, in vol. ii. of _Select Biographies_,
+        edited by the Rev. W. K. Tweedie. 'Nothing now remained of all my
+        father's great fortune but a small wadset of sixteen chalders,
+        liferented likewise by my mother. And about the same time a new
+        (though an unjust) adversary charges both her and me for 36,000
+        merks, and a reduction of our rights; so that our whole livelihood
+        was either gone or at the stake. For four years did this adversary
+        vex us, and was like to have undone us as to our temporal
+        condition, had not the Lord prevented.' p. 196. 'I, ignorant what
+        defences to make, had in my company a registrate horning, which I
+        accidentally and without premeditation (God putting it in my mind
+        at the same time) did cast in, by which he, being the king's
+        rebel, was incapacitate from pursuing me. And the Lord so ordered
+        it that he never after compeared to trouble me, by which means I
+        was delivered from a loss and a fashery, and had but one court to
+        wait upon.' p. 202. 'My condition during this time was a wrestling
+        condition with the sons of Zeruiah that were too strong for me;
+        little or no overcoming, yet violent wrestling.' ... 'For I
+        humbled myself under the sense of the calamities of our family,
+        and my own particular wants; I besought him to keep us from utter
+        destruction. And the Lord was pleased to hear; _he destroyed by
+        death my chief adversaries_, I found shifts to pay my many petty
+        debts, gained our law-action, and was restored to some of my
+        ancient possessions again.' pp. 227, 228.
+
+While stories of this sort were generally believed, it was but natural
+that an opinion should grow up that it was dangerous to meddle with a
+minister, or in any way to interfere with his conduct.[458] The clergy,
+intoxicated by the possession of power, reached to such a pitch of
+arrogance, that they did not scruple to declare, that whoever respected
+Christ, was bound, on that very account, to respect them.[459] They
+denounced the judgments of God upon all who refused to hear the opinions
+they propounded in their pulpits.[460] Nor did this apply merely to
+persons who usually formed their audience. Such was their conceit, and so
+greedy were they after applause, that they would not allow even a
+stranger to remain in their parish, unless he, too, came to listen to
+what they chose to say.[461] Because they had adopted the Presbyterian
+polity, they asserted that the Almighty had never failed to punish every
+one who tried to supersede it;[462] and as this was the perfection of the
+church, those who were blind to its merits, were given over to wrath, and
+were, indeed, the slaves of Satan.[463] The clergy, who held this
+language respecting their opponents, exhausted the choicest epithets of
+praise on themselves, and on their own pursuits. When one of them got
+into the pulpit, or took a pen in his hand, he seemed as if he could not
+find words strong enough to express his sense of the surpassing
+importance of that class of which he was himself a member.[464] They
+alone knew the truth; they alone were able to inform and enlighten
+mankind. They had their instruction direct from heaven; they were, in
+fact, the ambassadors of Christ; from him they received their
+appointment; and since no one else could reward them, so no one else had
+a right to rule them.[465] As they were messengers sent by the Almighty,
+they were rightly termed angels, and it was the duty of the people to
+listen to their minister, as if he really were an angel who had descended
+upon earth.[466] His parishioners, therefore, were bound, not only to
+acknowledge him and provide for him, but also to submit to him.[467]
+Indeed, no one could refuse obedience, who considered who the clergy
+were, and what functions they performed. Besides being ambassadors and
+angels, they were watchmen, who spied out every danger, and whose
+sleepless vigilance protected the faithful.[468] They were the joy and
+delight of the earth. They were musicians, singing the songs of
+sweetness; nay, they were sirens, who sought to allure men from the evil
+path, and save them from perishing.[469] They were chosen arrows, stored
+up in the quiver of God.[470] They were burning lights and shining
+torches. Without them, darkness would prevail; but their presence
+illumined the world, and made things clear.[471] Hence they were called
+stars, which title also expressed the eminence of their office, and its
+superiority over all others.[472] To make this still more apparent,
+prodigies were vouchsafed, and strange lights might occasionally be seen,
+which, hovering round the form of the minister, confirmed his
+supernatural mission.[473] The profane wished to jest at these things,
+but they were too notorious to be denied; and there was a well-known
+case, in which, at the death of a clergyman, a star was miraculously
+exhibited in the firmament, and was seen by many persons, although it was
+then midday.[474]
+
+  [458] 'So hazardous a thing it is to meddle with Christ's sent
+        servants.' _Life of Mr. William Guthrie, Minister at Fenwick_, by
+        the Rev. William Dunlop, reprinted in _Select Biographies_, vol.
+        ii. p. 62. To arrest a clergyman on a civil or criminal process,
+        was an act full of danger, inasmuch as the Deity would hardly fail
+        to avenge it. This applied even to the officers who executed the
+        arrest, as well as to him by whom it was ordered. See, for
+        instance, _Some Remarkable Passages of the Life and Death of Mr.
+        John Semple, Minister of the Gospel_, p. 171 (in _Walker's
+        Biographia Presbyteriana_, vol. i.). 'Some time thereafter, he gat
+        orders to apprehend Mr. Semple; he intreated to excuse him, for
+        Mr. Semple was the minister and man he would not meddle with; for
+        he was sure, if he did that, some terrible mischief would suddenly
+        befal him. Mr. Arthur Coupar, who was Mr. Semple's precentor, told
+        these passages to a Reverend Minister in the church, yet alive,
+        worthy of all credit, who told me.' Durham boasts that, 'when
+        Ministers have most to do, and _meet with most opposition_, God
+        often furnisheth them accordingly with more boldnesse, gifts, and
+        assistance than ordinary. Christ's witnesses are a terrible party;
+        for as few as these witnesses are, none of their opposits do gain
+        at their hand; _whoever hurteth them shall in this manner be
+        killed_. Though they be despicable in sackcloth, yet _better
+        oppose a king in his strength, and giving orders from his throne
+        covered in cloath of state, than them_: though they may burn some
+        and imprison others, yet their opposers will pay sickerly for it.
+        This is not because of any worth that is in them, or for their own
+        sake; But 1. for His sake and for His authority that sendeth them.
+        2. for the event of their word, which will certainly come to
+        passe, and that more terribly, and as certainly, as ever any
+        temporall judgement was brought on by Moses or Elias.' _Durham's
+        Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 416.
+
+  [459] 'These who are trusted by Christ to be keepers of the vineyard,
+        and his ministers, ought also to be respected by the people over
+        whom they are set; and Christ allows this on them. Where Christ is
+        respected and gets his due, there the keepers will be respected
+        and get their due.' _Durham's Exposition of the Song of Solomon_,
+        pp. 450, 451. Fergusson complacently says, that to affront a
+        clergyman by not believing his statement, or 'message,' as he
+        terms it, is a 'dishonour done to God.' _Fergusson's Exposition of
+        the Epistles of Paul_, p. 422.
+
+  [460] 'As it is true concerning vs, that necessitie lyeth vpon vs to
+        preach, and woe will bee to vs if wee preach not; so it is true
+        concerning you, that a necessitie lyeth vpon you to heare, and
+        _woe will be to you if you heare not_.' _Cowper's Heaven Opened_,
+        p. 156.
+
+  [461] The following order was promulgated by the Kirk-Session of Aberdeen
+        on the 12th July 1607. 'The said day, in respect it wes delatit to
+        the sessioun that thair is sindrie landvart gentillmen and vtheris
+        cum to this towne, quha mackis thair residence thairin, and
+        resortis not to the preching nather on Saboth nor vlk dayes;
+        thairfor, it is ordanit that thrie elderis of everie quarter
+        convene with the ministrie in the sessioun hous, immediatlie efter
+        the ending of the sermone on Tuysday nixt, and thair tak vp the
+        names of the gentillmen and vtheris skipperis duelling in this
+        burgh, quha kepis nocht the Kirk, nor resortis not to the hering
+        of Godis word; and thair names being taken vp, ordains ane off the
+        ministeris, with a baillie, to pas vnto thame and admoneis thame
+        to cum to the preichingis, and keip the Kirk, vthervayes to remowe
+        thame aff the towne.' _Selections from the Records of the Kirk
+        Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 58. It was not
+        enough to go occasionally to church; the attendance must be
+        regular; otherwise the clergy were dissatisfied, and punished the
+        delinquents. In the Presbytery Book of Strathbogie it is recorded
+        that, on the 29th September 1649, 'Mr. Johne Reidfurd being posed
+        quhat diligence he had vsed to the Lady Frendraught, reported,
+        shoe had hard three sermons, and so, as he thought, shoe intended
+        to continow ane hearer. The bretheren, considering her long
+        continowed contumacie and delay of her process, by _heiring a
+        sermon now and then_, thought not _that kind of heiring
+        satufactorie_, quherfor Mr. Robert Watson, and Mr. Robert Irving,
+        ver ordained to goe with Mr. Johne Reidfurd, and requyre the said
+        Lady to subscryv the Covenant, quherby shoe might testifie her
+        conformitie vith the Kirk of Scotland, quhilk, if shoe refused,
+        the said Mr. Johne vas ordained to pronounce the sentence of
+        excommunicatioun against hir before the Provinciall Assemblie, as
+        he vold be answerable therto.' _Extracts from the Presbytery Book
+        of Strathbogie_, p. 115. Neither distance, nor illness, might be
+        pleaded as a valid excuse. Under no circumstances, would the
+        preachers tolerate the affront of any one displaying an
+        unwillingness to hear their sermons. In 1650, 'compeired the Lord
+        Oliphant, being summondit for not keeping his parish kirk of
+        Abercherdour, vho declared his inabilitie of bodie many tymes, and
+        the want of houses for accommodating him and his familie so farr
+        distant from the same, vas the onlie caus, quhilk he promised to
+        amend in tym comming. Mr. John Reidfurd ordained to report the
+        same to the presbytrie, and vpon his continowed absence, to
+        processe him.' _Presbytery Book of Strathbogie_, p. 149. See more
+        on this subject in _Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark_, pp. 5,
+        33, 67; _Minutes of the Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar_,
+        pp. 67, 68, 90, 153; _Minutes of the Synod of Fife_, pp. 18, 55,
+        132; and _Spalding's History of the Troubles_, vol. ii. p. 57.
+        Spalding also mentions (p. 114) that at Aberdeen, in 1643, the
+        clergy discoursed every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, in the
+        afternoon; on which occasions, 'the people is compellit to attend
+        their Lectureis, or ther cryit out against.'
+
+  [462] 'And it may be truly said, as the Church of Scotland hath had no
+        detractors, but such as were ignorant of her, or misinformed about
+        her, or whom faction, partiality, prejudice, wickedness, or love
+        of unlawful liberty did inspire; so no person or party hath
+        endeavoured hithertil to root out Presbytery, but the Lord hath
+        made it a burdensome stone unto them.' _Naphtali_, sig. B 2 rev.
+        'The Lord's wrath shall so meet his enemies in the teeth,
+        wheresoever they turn, that they shall be forced to forsake their
+        pursuing of the Church.' _Dickson's Explication of the First Fifty
+        Psalms_, p. 115.
+
+  [463] 'The true children of the Kirk are indeed the excellent ones of
+        the earth, and princes indeed, wherever they live, in comparison
+        of all other men who are but the beastly slaves of Satan.'
+        _Dickson's Explication of the First Fifty Psalms_, p. 312. Another
+        high authority carefully identifies 'the true religion' with 'the
+        true presbyterial profession.' See _An Enquiry into Church
+        Communion by Mr. Alexander Shields, Minister of the Gospel at
+        Saint Andrews_, p. 126. His remark applies to the 'Burgess-oaths.'
+
+  [464] Fergusson gives an ingenious turn to this, and says that it was
+        their duty to praise their own profession, not for their own sake,
+        but for the sake of others. 'It is the duty of Christ's ministers
+        to commend and magnify their office, not for gaining praise and
+        esteem to themselves, 2 Cor. iii. 1, but that the malice of Satan
+        and his instruments may be hereby frustrated, 2 Cor. xi. 12, who
+        labours to bring that sacred calling into contempt; that so it may
+        have the less of success upon people's hearts.' _Fergusson's
+        Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 180.
+
+  [465] 'Neither is there any mediate authoritie betweene the Lord and his
+        ambassadours, in the affaires of their message; he only sendeth
+        them; he alone gives them to be pastors and doctors, etc.; he
+        alone shall judge them; he alone shall reward them; to him alone
+        they must give an accompt of their dispensation; and he himselfe
+        alone doth immediatlie rule them by his spirit and word.' _Forbes'
+        Certaine Records touching the Estate of the Kirk_, p. 435. In
+        reference to these amazing pretensions, the Scotch clergy were
+        constantly terming themselves the ambassadors of the Deity;
+        thereby placing themselves infinitely above all other men. See,
+        for instance, _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the
+        Revelation_, pp. 86, 100, 160. _Durham's Law Unsealed_, pp. 85,
+        96. _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, p. 402.
+        _Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, pp. 17, 273.
+        _Shields' Enquiry into Church Communion_, p. 72. _Binning's
+        Sermons_, vol. ii. p. 118, vol. iii. p. 178. _Abernethy's Physicke
+        for the Soule_, p. 122. _Monro's Sermons_, p. 207. _Gillespie's
+        Aaron's Rod Blossoming_, pp. 240, 413. _Cowper's Heaven Opened_,
+        p. 166. _Rutherford's Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty
+        of Conscience_, p. 41. _Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error_, p.
+        274. _Gray's Great and Precious Promises_, pp. 50, 74. _Fleming's
+        Fulfilling of the Scripture_, p. 429. _Cockburn's Jacob's Vow, or
+        Man's Felicity and Duty_, p. 401. _Hutcheson's Exposition of the
+        Book of Job_, pp. 461, 479.
+
+  [466] 'Ministers are called Angels, because they are God's Messengers,
+        intrusted by Him with a high and heavenly imployment; and it is a
+        title that should put Ministers in mind of their duty, to do God's
+        will on earth as the Angels do it in heaven, in a spiritual and
+        heavenly way, cheerfully, willingly and readily: and it _should
+        put people in mind of their duty, to take this word off Ministers
+        hands, as from Angels_.' _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the
+        Revelation_, p. 496. 'Therefore are Ministers called Angels, and
+        Angels, Ministers,' p. 596. Cockburn says that this is the reason
+        why 'we should behave ourselves decently and reverently' in
+        church; 'for if the presence of Kings overawe us, how much more
+        should the presence of God and Angels.' _Cockburn's Jacob's Vow,
+        or Man's Felicity and Duty_, p. 356. Another Scotch divine asserts
+        that he and his brethren are able to instruct the angels, and free
+        them from their ignorance. See the audacious passage in
+        _Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 180: '_This
+        may commend the ministers of the gospel not a little unto men_,
+        and beget reverence in them towards the same, that even the
+        blessed angels are in some sort bettered by it, and that it is
+        therefore respected by them: for Paul commendeth his office from
+        this, that by occasion thereof "unto the principalities and
+        powers, was made known the manifold wisdom of God." Though angels
+        be most knowing creatures, as enjoying the immediate sight and
+        presence of God, Matt. xviii. 10, yet _they are ignorant of some
+        things, which, by God's way of dispensing the Gospel to his
+        church, they come to a more full knowledge off_.' After this, it
+        is a slight matter to find Monro insisting that 'the people should
+        consider our character as the most difficult and most sacred.'
+        _Monro's Sermons_, p. 202.
+
+  [467] 'He is obliged to minister unto them in the gospel; and they are
+        obliged to submit to him, strengthen him, acknowledge him,
+        communicate to him in all good things, and to provide for him,'
+        &c. _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 90.
+        That the clergy are 'rulers and governors,' and that their
+        business is 'ruling and watching over the flock,' is likewise
+        affirmed in _Gillespie's Aaron's Rod Blossoming_, pp. 172, 313.
+        Compare _The Correspondence of the Rev. Robert Wodrow_, vol. i. p.
+        181: 'rule over the people and speak the word;' and _Rutherford's
+        Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty of Conscience_, p. 41:
+        'the commanding power in the Ambassadour of Christ.' See also the
+        'reverential estimation' inculcated in _Boston's Sermons_, p. 186.
+
+  [468] 'Called watchmen by a name borrowed from the practice of centinels
+        in armies or cities.' They are 'Satan's greatest eyesores.'
+        _Hutcheson's Exposition of the Minor Prophets_, vol. ii. p. 158,
+        vol. iii. p. 208. 'They being made watchmen, do thereby become the
+        butt of Satan's malice.' ... 'The Enemy's principal design is sure
+        to be against the watchman, because he prevents the surprising of
+        his people by Satan,' at least 'tis his business to do so.'
+        _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, p. 24. Compare
+        _Guthrie's Considerations contributing unto the Discovery of the
+        Dangers that threaten Religion_, p. 259; _Fergusson's Exposition
+        of the Epistles of Paul_, pp. 97, 106; _Durham's Exposition of the
+        Song of Solomon_, pp. 278, 443, and _Wodrow's Correspondence_,
+        vol. i. pp. 84, 244.
+
+  [469] One of the most popular of the Scotch preachers in the seventeenth
+        century, actually ranks himself, in this respect, as doing the
+        same work as the Son of God. 'Christ and his ministers are the
+        musicians that do apply their songs to catch men's ears and
+        hearts, if so be they may stop their course and not perish. These
+        are blessed syrens that do so.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. iii. p.
+        265.
+
+  [470] Rutherford terms himself, 'a chosen arrow hid in his quiver.'
+        _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_, p. 230. To read the coarse
+        materialism contained in this and other extracts, will, I know,
+        shock, and so far offend, many pure and refined minds, whose
+        feelings I would not needlessly wound. But no one can understand
+        the history of the Scotch intellect, who refuses to enter into
+        these matters; and it is for the reader to choose whether or not
+        he will remain ignorant of what I, as an historian, am bound to
+        disclose. His remedy is easy. He has only either to shut the book,
+        or else to pass on at once to the next chapter.
+
+  [471] 'The Lord calleth men to be preachers, and hath them in his hand
+        as starres, holding them out sometime to one part of the world,
+        and sometime to another, that we may communicate light to them
+        that are sitting in darkness.' _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 360.
+
+  [472] 'Ministers are called Stars, for these reasons: I. To signifie and
+        point out the eminence and dignity of the office, that it is a
+        glorious and shineing office. II. To point out what is the
+        especiall end of this office; It is to give light: as the use of
+        Stars is to give light to the world; so it's Ministers main
+        imployment to shine and give light to others; to make the world,
+        which is a dark night, to be lightsome.' _Durham's Commentarie
+        upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 43. See also pp. 151, 368;
+        and _Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error_, p. 176.
+
+  [473] The Rev. James Kirton says of the Rev. John Welsh, that some one
+        who observed him walking, 'saw clearly a strange light surround
+        him, and heard him speak strange words about his spiritual joy.'
+        _Select Biographies_, edited by the Rev. W. K. Tweedie, vol. i.
+        p. 12. But more than this remains to be told. The hearts of the
+        Scotch clergy were so lifted up with pride, that they
+        believed--horrible to relate--that they had audible and verbal
+        communications from the Almighty God, which bystanders could hear.
+        One of these stories, relating also to Welsh, will be found, as
+        tradition handed it down, in _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_,
+        p. 148. I cannot quote such blasphemy; and those who doubt my
+        statement had better refer to the second edition of Howie's work,
+        published at Glasgow in 1781. It may probably be met with in the
+        British Museum.
+
+  [474] 'Mr. Johne M'Birnie at Aberdeen, (but first at the South Ferrie,
+        over aganis the Castell of Broughtie,) a most zealous and painfull
+        pastor, a great opposer of hierarchie. He was a shyning torch and
+        a burning starre; wherefore the Lord miraculouslie made, at his
+        death, a starre to appeare in heaven at the noonetyde of the day;
+        whilk many yit alive testifies that they did evidentlie see it (at
+        Whitsunday 1609).' _Row's History of the Kirk of Scotland_,
+        p. 421.
+
+Nor was this to be regarded as a solitary occurrence. On the contrary, it
+usually happened, that when a Scotch minister departed from this life,
+the event was accompanied by portents, in order that the people might
+understand that something terrible was going on, and that they were
+incurring a serious, perhaps an irretrievable, loss. Sometimes the
+candles would be mysteriously extinguished, without any wind, and without
+any one touching them.[475] Sometimes, even when the clergyman was
+preaching, the supernatural appearance of an animal would announce his
+approaching end in face of the congregation, who might vainly mourn what
+they were unable to avert.[476] Sometimes the body of the holy man would
+remain for years unchanged and undecayed; death not having the power over
+it which it would have had over the corpse of a common person.[477] On
+other occasions, notice was given to him of his death, years before it
+occurred;[478] and, to strike greater awe into the public mind, it was
+remarked, that when one minister died, others were taken away at the same
+time, so that, the bereavement being more widely felt, men might, by the
+magnitude of the shock, be rendered sensible of the inestimable value of
+those preachers whose lives were happily spared.[479]
+
+  [475] Mr. James Stirling, minister of Barony, Glasgow, writes respecting
+        his father, Mr. John Stirling, minister at Kilbarchan, that the
+        'day he was burryed ther wer two great candles burning in the
+        chamber, and they did go out most surprisingly without any wind
+        causing them to go out.' _Analecta, or Materials for a History of
+        Remarkable Providences_, by the Rev. Robert Wodrow, vol. iii.
+        p. 37.
+
+  [476] 'This night, Glanderston told me, that it was reported for a truth
+        at Burroustoness, that about six weeks since Mr. David Williamson
+        was preaching in his own church in Edinburgh, and in the midle of
+        the sermon, a ratton came and sat doun on his Bible. This made him
+        stope; and after a little pause, he told the congregation that
+        this was a message of God to him, and broke off his sermon, and
+        took a formall fareweel of his people, and went home, and
+        continoues sick.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. p. 12.
+
+  [477] 'The same person' (_i.e._ the Rev. Mr. White) 'adds, that some
+        years ago, when Mr. Bruce's grave was opened, to lay in his
+        grandchild, his body was almost fresh and uncorrupted, to the
+        great wonder of many; and if I right remember, the grave was again
+        filled up, and another made. The fresh body had no noisome smell.
+        It was then nearly eighty years after he was buried. My informer
+        was minister of Larbert when this happened.' _Wodrow's Life of
+        Bruce_, p. 150, prefixed to _Bruce's Sermons_.
+
+  [478] 'He' (John Lockhart) 'tells me Mr. Robert Paton, minister at
+        Barnweel, his father-in-lau, had a particular for-notice, seven or
+        eight years before, of his death: That he signifyed so much to my
+        informer.' ... 'When my informer came, he did not apprehend any
+        hazard, and signifyed so much to his father-in-lau, Mr. Paton. He
+        answered, 'John, John, I am to dye at this time; and this is the
+        time God warned me of, as I told you.' In eight or ten dayes he
+        dyed. Mr. Paton was a man very much (beloved) and mighty in
+        prayer.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. iii. p. 451. Compare the case
+        of Henderson (in _Wodrow's Correspondence_, vol. iii. p. 33),
+        where the notice was much shorter, but 'all fell out as he had
+        foretold.'
+
+  [479] 'Generally, I observe that Ministers' deaths are not single, but
+        severall of them together.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. iii. p. 275.
+
+It was, moreover, generally understood, that a minister, during his abode
+in this world, was miraculously watched over and protected. He was
+peculiarly favoured by angels, who, though they did good offices to all
+members of the true church, were especially kind to the clergy;[480] and
+it was well known, that the celebrated Rutherford, when only four years
+old, having fallen into a well, was pulled out by an angel, who came
+there for the purpose of saving his life.[481] Another clergyman, who was
+in the habit of oversleeping himself, used to be roused to his duty in
+the morning, by three mysterious knocks at his door, which, if they did
+not produce a proper effect, were repeated close to his bed. These knocks
+never failed on Sunday, and on days when he had to administer the
+communion; and they lasted during the whole of his ministry, until he
+became old and infirm, when they entirely ceased.[482]
+
+  [480] The Rev. William Row (in his _Continuation of Blair's
+        Autobiography_, p. 153) says, 'Without all doubt, though it cannot
+        be proven from Scripture, that every one has a tutelar angel, yet
+        it is certain that the good angels do many good offices to the
+        people of God, _especially to his ministers and ambassadors_,
+        which we do not see, and do not remark or know.'
+
+  [481] 'Mr. James Stirling, and Mr. Robert Muir, and severall others in
+        the company, agreed on this accompt of Mr. Rutherford. When about
+        four years old, he was playing about his father's house, and a
+        sister of his, somewhat older than he, with him. Mr. Rutherford
+        fell into a well severall fathoms deep, and not full, but faced
+        about with heuen stone, soe that it was not possible for any body
+        to get up almost, far less a child. When he fell in, his sister
+        ran into the house near by, and told that Samuell was fallen into
+        the well; upon which his father and mother ran out, and found him
+        sitting on the grasse beside the well; and when they asked him,
+        Hou he gote out? he said, after he was once at the bottome, he
+        came up to the tope, and ther was a bonny young man pulled him out
+        by the hand. Ther was noe body near by at the time; and soe they
+        concluded it was noe doubt ane angell. The Lord had much to doe
+        with him.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. p. 57. See also vol. iii.
+        pp. 88, 89, where this circumstance is again mentioned as 'a
+        tradition anent him' in the place of his birth.
+
+  [482] 'Mr. William Trail, minister at ****, tells me that his father,
+        Mr. William Trail, minister at Borthwick, used every morning, when
+        he had publick work on his hand, to hear three knocks at his
+        chamber dore; and if, throu wearynes, or heaviness, he did sitt
+        these, ther wer ordinarily three knocks at his bed-head, which he
+        never durst sitt, but gott up to his work. This was ordinarily
+        about three in the morning. This, at first, in his youth, frighted
+        him; but at lenth it turned easy to him, and he believed these
+        knocks and awaknings proceed from a good art. That these never
+        failed him on Sabbaths and at Communions, when he was obliged to
+        rise early: That when he turned old and infirm, towards the close
+        of his dayes, they intirely ceased and left him.' _Wodrow's
+        Analecta_, vol. ii. p. 307. This work, in four quarto volumes, is
+        invaluable for the history of the Scotch mind; being a vast
+        repertory of the opinions and traditions of the clergy, during the
+        seventeenth, and early part of the eighteenth, century. Wodrow was
+        a man of ability, certainly above the average; his honesty is
+        unimpeachable, as the jealous scrutiny which the episcopalians
+        have made of his great work on the History of the Church of
+        Scotland, decisively proves; and he was in the constant habit of
+        personal and epistolary communication with the leading characters
+        of his age. I have, therefore, freely used his _Analecta_; also
+        his _Collections upon the Lives of Ministers_, which is likewise
+        in four quarto volumes; and his _Correspondence_, in three thick
+        octavo volumes. It would be difficult to find a more competent
+        witness respecting the sentiments of his ecclesiastical brethren.
+        It would be impossible to find a more candid one.
+
+By the propagation of these and similar stories, in a country already
+prepared for their reception, the Scotch mind became imbued with a belief
+in miraculous interposition, to an extent which would be utterly
+incredible if it were not attested by a host of contemporary and
+unimpeachable witnesses. The clergy, partly because they shared in the
+general delusion, and partly because they derived benefit from it, did
+every thing they could to increase the superstition of their countrymen,
+and to familiarize them with notions of the supernatural world, such as
+can only be paralleled in the monastic legends of the middle ages.[483]
+How they laboured to corrupt the national intellect, and how successful
+they were in that base vocation, has been hitherto known to no modern
+reader; because no one has had the patience to peruse their interminable
+discourses, commentaries, and the other religious literature in which
+their sentiments are preserved. As, however, the preachers were, in
+Scotland, more influential than all other classes put together, it is
+only by comparing their statements with what is to be found in the
+general memoirs and correspondence of the time, that we can at all
+succeed in reconstructing the history of a period, which, to the
+philosophic student of the human mind, is full of great, though
+melancholy, interest. I shall, therefore, make no apology for entering
+into still further details respecting these matters; and I hope to put
+the reader in possession of such facts as will connect the past history
+of Scotland with its present state, and will enable him to understand why
+it is, that so great a people are, in many respects, still struggling in
+darkness, simply because they still live under the shadow of that long
+and terrible night, which for more than a century, covered the land. It
+will also appear, that their hardness and moroseness of character, their
+want of gaiety, and their indifference to many of the enjoyments of life,
+are traceable to the same cause, and are the natural product of the
+gloomy and ascetic opinions inculcated by their religious teachers. For,
+in that age, as in every other, the clergy, once possessed of power,
+showed themselves harsh and unfeeling masters. They kept the people in a
+worse than Egyptian bondage, inasmuch as they enslaved mind as well as
+body, and not only deprived men of innocent amusements, but taught them
+that those amusements were sinful. And so thoroughly did they do their
+work, that, though a hundred and fifty years have elapsed since their
+supremacy began to wane, the imprint of their hands is everywhere
+discernible. The people still bear the marks of the lash; the memory of
+their former servitude lives among them; and they crouch before their
+clergy as they did of old, abandoning their rights, sacrificing their
+independence, and yielding up their consciences, to the dictates of an
+intolerant and ambitious priesthood.
+
+  [483] In illustration of this, a volume might be filled with extracts
+        from the writings of the Scotch divines of the seventeenth
+        century. The following passage is, perhaps, as good as any. 'Yea,
+        it can hardly be instanced any great change, or revolution in the
+        earth, which hath not had some such extraordinary herald going
+        before. Can the world deny how sometimes these prodigious signes
+        have been shaped out to point at the very nature of the stroke
+        then imminent, by a strange resemblance to the same, such as a
+        flaming sword in the air, the appearance of armies fighting even
+        sometimes upon the earth, to the view of many most sober and
+        judicious onlookers, also showers of blood, the noise of drummes,
+        and such like, which are known usually to go before warr and
+        commotions.' _Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture_, 1681,
+        p. 216.
+
+Of all the means of intimidation employed by the Scotch clergy, none was
+more efficacious than the doctrines they propounded respecting evil
+spirits and future punishment. On these subjects they constantly uttered
+the most appalling threats. The language, which they used, was calculated
+to madden men with fear, and to drive them to the depths of despair. That
+it often had this consequence, and produced most fatal results, we shall
+presently see. And, what made it more effectual was, that it completely
+harmonized with those other gloomy and ascetic notions which the clergy
+inculcated, and according to which, pleasures being regarded as sinful,
+sufferings were regarded as religious. Hence that love of inflicting
+pain, and that delight in horrible and revolting ideas, which
+characterized the Scotch mind during the seventeenth century. A few
+specimens of the prevailing opinions will enable the reader to understand
+the temper of the time, and to appreciate the resources which the Scotch
+clergy could wield, and the materials with which they built up the fabric
+of their power.
+
+It was generally believed, that the world was overrun by evil spirits,
+who not only went up and down the earth, but also lived in the air, and
+whose business it was to tempt and hurt mankind.[484] Their number was
+infinite, and they were to be found at all places and in all seasons. At
+their head was Satan himself, whose delight it was to appear in person,
+ensnaring or terrifying every one he met.[485] With this object, he
+assumed various forms. One day, he would visit the earth as a black
+dog;[486] on another day, as a raven;[487] on another, he would be heard
+in the distance, roaring like a bull.[488] He appeared sometimes as a
+white man in black clothes;[489] and sometimes he came as a black man in
+black clothes, when it was remarked that his voice was ghastly, that he
+wore no shoes, and that one of his feet was cloven.[490] His stratagems
+were endless. For, in the opinion of divines, his cunning increased with
+his age; and having been studying for more than five thousand years, he
+had now attained to unexampled dexterity.[491] He could, and he did,
+seize both men and women, and carry them away through the air.[492]
+Usually, he wore the garb of laymen, but it was said, that, on more than
+one occasion, he had impudently attired himself as a minister of the
+gospel.[493] At all events, in one dress or other, he frequently appeared
+to the clergy, and tried to coax them over to his side.[494] In that, of
+course, he failed; but, out of the ministry, few, indeed, could withstand
+him. He could raise storms and tempests; he could work, not only on the
+mind, but also on the organs of the body, making men hear and see
+whatever he chose.[495] Of his victims, some he prompted to commit
+suicide,[496] others to commit murder.[497] Still, formidable as he was,
+no Christian was considered to have attained to a full religious
+experience, unless he had literally seen him, talked to him, and fought
+with him.[498] The clergy were constantly preaching about him, and
+preparing their audience for an interview with their great enemy. The
+consequence was, that the people became almost crazed with fear. Whenever
+the preacher mentioned Satan, the consternation was so great, that the
+church resounded with sighs and groans.[499] The aspect of a Scotch
+congregation in those days, is, indeed, hard for us to conceive. Not
+unfrequently the people, benumbed and stupefied with awe, were rooted to
+their seats by the horrible fascination exercised over them, which
+compelled them to listen, though they are described as gasping for
+breath, and with their hair standing on end.[500] Such impressions were
+not easily effaced. Images of terror were left on the mind, and followed
+the people to their homes, and in their daily pursuits. They believed
+that the devil was always, and literally, at hand; that he was haunting
+them, speaking to them, and tempting them. There was no escape. Go where
+they would, he was there. A sudden noise, nay, even the sight of an
+inanimate object, such as a stone, was capable of reviving the
+association of ideas, and of bringing back to the memory the language
+uttered from the pulpit.[501]
+
+  [484] Durham, after mentioning 'old abbacies or monasteries, or castles
+        when walls stand and none dwelleth in them,' adds, 'If it be
+        asked, If there be such a thing, as the haunting of evill spirits
+        in these desolate places? We answer 1. That there are evill
+        spirits rangeing up and down through the earth is certain, even
+        though hell be their prison properly, yet have they a sort of
+        dominion and abode both in the earth and air; partly, as a piece
+        of their curse, this is laid on them to wander; partly as their
+        exercise to tempt men, or bring spirituall or temporall hurt to
+        them,' &c. _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_,
+        p. 582. So, too, Hutcheson (_Exposition of the Book of Job_, p.
+        9): 'We should remember that we sojourn in a world where Devils
+        are, and do haunt among us;' and Fleming (_Fulfilling of the
+        Scripture_, p. 217): 'But the truth itself is sure, that such a
+        party is at this day, encompassing the earth, and trafficking up
+        and down there, to prove which by arguments were to light a candle
+        to let men see that it is day, while it is known what _ordinary
+        familiar converse many have therewith_.' One of their favourite
+        abodes was the Shetland Islands, where, in the middle of the
+        seventeenth century, 'almost every family had a Brouny or evil
+        spirit so called.' See the account given by the Rev. John Brand,
+        in his work entitled _A Brief Description of Orkney, Zetland,
+        Pightland-Firth, and Caithness_, pp. 111, 112, Edinburgh, 1701.
+
+  [485] 'There is not one whom he assaulteth not.' _Abernethy's Physicke
+        for the Soule_, p. 101. 'On the right hand and on the left.'
+        _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 273. Even early in the eighteenth
+        century, the 'most popular divines' in Scotland, affirmed that
+        Satan 'frequently appears clothed in a corporeal substance.'
+        _Memoirs of Charles Lee Lewes, written by Himself_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 29, 30, London, 1805.
+
+  [486] 'This night James Lochheid told me, that last year, if I mistake
+        not, at the Communion of Bafrou, he was much helped all day. At
+        night, when dark somewhat, he went out to the feilds to pray; and
+        a terrible slavish fear came on him, that he almost lost his
+        senses. Houever, he resolved to goe on to his duty. By (the time)
+        he was at the place, his fear was off him; and lying on a
+        knou-side, a black dogg came to his head and stood. He said he
+        kneu it to be Satan, and shooke his hand, but found nothing, it
+        evanishing.' ... 'Lord help against his devices, and strenthen
+        against them!' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. p. 24. The _Registers
+        of the Presbytery of Lanark_, p. 77, contain a declaration, in
+        1650, that 'the devill appeared like a little whelpe,' and
+        afterwards, 'like a brown whelpe.'
+
+  [487] The celebrated Peden was present when 'there came down the
+        appearance of a raven, and sat upon one man's head.' ...
+        Thereupon, 'going home, Mr. Peden said to his land-lord, I always
+        thought there was Devilry among you, but I never thought that he
+        did appear visibly among you, till now I have seen it. O, for the
+        Lord's sake quit this way,' _The Life and Death of Mr. Alexander
+        Peden, late Minister of the Gospel at New Glenluce in Galloway_,
+        pp. 111, 112, in vol. i. of _Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana_.
+
+  [488] 'I heard a voice just before me on the other side of the hedge,
+        and it seemed to be like the groaning of an aged man. It continued
+        so some time. I knew no man could be there; for, on the other side
+        of the hedge, where I heard the groaning, there was a great stank
+        or pool. I nothing doubted but it was Satan, and I guessed his
+        design; but still I went on to beg the child's life. At length he
+        roared and made a noise like a bull, and that very loud. From all
+        this I concluded, that I had been provoking God some way or other
+        in the duty, and that he was angry with me, and had let the enemy
+        loose on me, and might give him leave to tear me in pieces. This
+        made me intreat of God, to shew me wherefore he contended, and
+        begged he would rebuke Satan. The enemy continued to make a noise
+        like a bull, and seemed to be coming about the hedge towards the
+        door of the summer-seat, bellowing as he came along.' _Stevenson's
+        Rare, Soul-Strengthening, and Comforting Cordial for Old and Young
+        Christians_, p. 29. This book was published, and prepared for the
+        press, by the Rev. William Cupples. See Mr. Cupples' letter at the
+        beginning.
+
+  [489] In 1684, with 'black cloaths, and a blue band, and white
+        handcuffs.' _Sinclair's Satan's Invisible World Discovered_, p. 8.
+
+  [490] 'He observed one of the black man's feet to be cloven, and that the
+        black man's apparel was black, and that he had a blue band about
+        his neck, and white hand-cuffs, and that he had hoggers upon his
+        legs without shoes; and that the black man's voice was hollow and
+        ghastly.' _Satan's Invisible World Discovered_, p. 9. 'The devil
+        appeared in the shape of a black man,' p. 31. See also _Brand's
+        Description of Orkney_, p. 126: 'all in black.'
+
+  [491] 'The acquired knowledge of the Devill is great, hee being an
+        advancing student, and still learning now above five thousand
+        yeares.' _Rutherford's Christ Dying and Drawing Sinners to
+        Himselfe_, p. 204. 'He knowes very well, partly by the quicknesse
+        of his nature, and partly by long experience, being now very neere
+        six thousand yeeres old.' _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 219. 'Hee,
+        being compared with vs, hath many vantages; as that he is more
+        subtill in nature, being of greater experience, and more ancient,
+        being now almost sixe thousand yeeres old.' _Ibid._ p. 403. 'The
+        diuell here is both diligent and cunning, and (now almost of sixe
+        thousand yeeres) of great experience.' _Abernethy's Physicke for
+        the Soule_, p. 142. 'Satan, such an ingenious and experimented
+        spirit.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. i. p. 67. 'His great sleight
+        and cunning.' _Ibid._ p. 110. Other eulogies of his skill may be
+        seen in _Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 475;
+        and in _Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture_, p. 45. A
+        'minister,' whose name is not mentioned, states that he is 'of an
+        excellent substance, of great natural parts, long experience, and
+        deep understanding.' _Sinclair's Satan's Invisible World
+        Discovered_, p. 78.
+
+  [492] In Professor Sinclair's work (_Satan's Invisible World
+        Discovered_, p. 141), we find, in 1684, 'an evident instance, that
+        the devil can transport the bodies of men and women through the
+        air. It is true, he did not carry her far off, but not for want of
+        skill and power.' Late in the seventeenth century, it was
+        generally believed that one of Satan's accomplices was literally
+        'strangled in his chair by the devil, least he should make a
+        confession to the detriment of the service.' _Crawfurd's History
+        of the Shire of Renfrew_, part iii. p. 319.
+
+  [493] See the account of a young preacher being deceived in this way, in
+        _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. pp. 103, 104. The Rev. Robert Blair
+        detected the cheat, and 'with ane awful seriousness appearing in
+        his countenance, began to tell the youth his hazard, and that the
+        man whom he took for a Minister was the Divel, who had trepanned
+        him, and brought him into his net; advised him to be earnest with
+        God in prayer, and likewise not to give way to dispair, for ther
+        was yet hope.' The preacher had, on this occasion, been so far
+        duped as to give the devil 'a written promise' to do whatever he
+        was requested. As soon as the Rev. Mr. Blair ascertained this
+        fact, he took the young man before the Presbytery, and narrated
+        the circumstance to the members. 'They were all strangely affected
+        with it, and resolved unanimously to dispatch the Presbitry
+        business presently, and to stay all night in town, and on the
+        morrow to meet for prayer in one of the most retired churches of
+        the Presbitry, acquainting none with their business, (but) taking
+        the youth alongst with them, whom they keeped alwise close by
+        them. Which was done, and after the Ministers had prayed all of
+        them round, except Mr. Blair, who prayed last, in time of his
+        prayer there came a violent rushing of wind upon the church, so
+        great that they thought the church should have fallen down about
+        their ears, and with that the youth's paper and covenant' (_i.e._
+        the covenant which he had signed at the request of Satan) 'droops
+        down from the roof of the church among the Ministers.'
+
+  [494] 'The devil strikes at them, that in them he may strike at the
+        whole congregation.' _Boston's Sermons_, p. 186. Fleming
+        (_Fulfilling of the Scripture_, p. 379) gives an account of his
+        appearing to one of the Scotch clergy. Compare _Wodrow's
+        Analecta_, vol. iv. p. 110. In 1624, Bruce writes, 'I heard his
+        voice as vively as ever I heard any thing, not being sleeping, but
+        waking.' _Life of Bruce_, p. 8, prefixed to _Bruce's Sermons_. The
+        only remedy was immediate resistance. 'It is the duty of called
+        ministers to go on with courage in the work of the Lord,
+        notwithstanding of any discouragement of that kind, receiving
+        manfully the first onset chiefly of Satan's fury, as knowing their
+        ceding to him will make him more cruel.' _Fergusson's Exposition
+        of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 74. In the seventeenth century, the
+        Scotch clergy often complimented each other on having baffled him,
+        and thereby put him in a passion. Thus, in 1626, Dickson writes to
+        Boyd: 'The devil is mad against you, he fears his kingdom.' _Life
+        of Robert Boyd, in Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of
+        Ministers_, vol. ii. part i. p. 238. See also pp. 165, 236.
+
+  [495] 'He can delude ears, eyes, &c., either by misrepresenting external
+        objects, or by inward disturbing of the faculties and organes,
+        whereby men and women may, and do often, apprehend that they hear,
+        see, &c. such and such things, which, indeed, they do not.'
+        _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 128.
+        'Raise tempests.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. i. p. 122. 'His power
+        and might, whereby through God's permission, he doth raise up
+        storms, commove the elements, destroy cattle,' &c. _Fergusson's
+        Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 264. 'Hee can work
+        curiously and strongly on the walls of bodily organs, on the shop
+        that the understanding soule lodgeth in, and on the necessary
+        tooles, organs, and powers of fancie, imagination, memory,
+        humours, senses, spirits, bloud,' &c. _Rutherford's Christ Dying_,
+        p. 212. Semple, giving notice of his intention to administer the
+        sacrament, told the congregation 'that the Devil would be so
+        envious about the good work they were to go about, that he was
+        afraid he would be permitted to raise a storm in the air with a
+        speat of rain, to raise the waters, designing to drown some of
+        them; but it will not be within the compass of his power to drown
+        any of you, no not so much as a dog.' _Remarkable Passages of the
+        Life and Death of Mr. John Semple_, _Minister of the Gospel_, pp.
+        168, 169, in vol. i. of _Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana_.
+
+  [496] _Sinclair's Satan's Invisible World Discovered_, p. 137. _Memoirs
+        of the Life and Experiences of Marion Laird of Greenock, with a
+        Preface by the Rev. Mr. Cock_, pp. 43, 44, 45, 84, 85, 172, 222,
+        223.
+
+  [497] 'I shall next show how the murderer Satan visibly appeared to a
+        wicked man, stirred him up to stab me, and how mercifully I was
+        delivered therefrom.' _The Autobiography of Mr. Robert Blair,
+        Minister of St. Andrews_, p. 65. See also _Fleming's Fulfilling of
+        the Scripture_, pp. 379, 380.
+
+  [498] 'One Mr. Thomas Hogg, a very popular presbyterian preacher in the
+        North, asked a person of great learning, in a religious
+        conference, whether or not he had seen the Devil? It was answered
+        him, "That he had never seen him in any visible appearance."
+        "Then, I assure you," saith Mr. Hogg, "that you can never be happy
+        till you see him in that manner; that is, until you have both a
+        personal converse and combat with him."' _Scotch Presbyterian
+        Eloquence_, pp. 28, 29.
+
+  [499] 'Ye go to the kirk, and when ye hear the devil or hell named in
+        the preaching, ye sigh and make a noise.' _The Last and Heavenly
+        Speeches of John, Viscount Kenmure_, in _Select Biographies_,
+        vol. i. p. 405.
+
+  [500] Andrew Gray, who died in 1656, used such language, 'that his
+        contemporary, the foresaid Mr. Durham, observed, That many times
+        he caused the very hairs of their head to stand up.' _Howie's
+        Biographia Scoticana_, p. 217. James Hutcheson boasted of this
+        sort of success. 'As he expressed it, "I was not a quarter of ane
+        hour in upon it, till I sau a dozen of them all gasping before
+        me." He preached with great freedome _all day_, and fourteen or
+        twenty dated their conversion from that sermon.' _Wodrow's
+        Analecta_, vol. i. p. 131. When Dickson preached, 'many were so
+        choaked and taken by the heart, that through terrour, the spirit
+        in such a measure convincing them of sin, in hearing of the word
+        they have been made to fall over, and thus carried out of the
+        church.' _Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture_, p. 347. There
+        was hardly any kind of resource which these men disdained.
+        Alexander Dunlop 'entered into the ministry at Paislay, about the
+        year 1643 or 1644.' ... 'He used in the pulpit, to have a kind of
+        a groan at the end of some sentences. Mr. Peebles called it a holy
+        groan.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. iii. pp. 16, 21.
+
+  [501] A schoolmaster, recording his religious experiences (_Wodrow's
+        Analecta_, vol. i. p. 246), says: 'If any thing had given a knock,
+        I would start and shiver, the seeing of a dogg made me affrayed,
+        the seeing of a stone in the feild made me affrayed, and as I
+        thought a voice in my head saying, "It's Satan."'
+
+Nor is it strange that this should be the case. All over Scotland, the
+sermons were, with hardly an exception, formed after the same plan, and
+directed to the same end. To excite fear, was the paramount object.[502]
+The clergy boasted, that it was their special mission to thunder out the
+wrath and curses of the Lord.[503] In their eyes, the Deity was not a
+beneficent being, but a cruel and remorseless tyrant. They declared that
+all mankind, a very small portion only excepted, were doomed to eternal
+misery. And when they came to describe what that misery was, their dark
+imaginations revelled and gloated at the prospect. In the pictures which
+they drew, they reproduced and heightened the barbarous imagery of a
+barbarous age. They delighted in telling their hearers, that they would
+be roasted in great fires, and hung up by their tongues.[504] They were
+to be lashed with scorpions, and see their companions writhing and
+howling around them.[505] They were to be thrown into boiling oil and
+scalding lead.[506] A river of fire and brimstone, broader than the
+earth, was prepared for them;[507] in that, they were to be immersed;
+their bones, their lungs, and their liver, were to boil, but never be
+consumed.[508] At the same time, worms were to prey upon them; and while
+these were gnawing at their bodies, they were to be surrounded by devils,
+mocking and making pastime of their pains.[509] Such were the first
+stages of suffering, and they were only the first. For the torture,
+besides being unceasing, was to become gradually worse. So refined was
+the cruelty, that one hell was succeeded by another; and, lest the
+sufferer should grow callous, he was, after a time, moved on, that he
+might undergo fresh agonies in fresh places, provision being made that
+the torment should not pall on the sense, but should be varied in its
+character, as well as eternal in its duration.[510]
+
+  [502] Only those who are extensively read in the theological literature
+        of that time, can form an idea of this, its almost universal
+        tendency. During about a hundred and twenty years, the Scotch
+        pulpits resounded with the most frightful denunciations. The sins
+        of the people, the vengeance of God, the activity of Satan, and
+        the pains of hell, were the leading topics. In this world,
+        calamities of every kind were announced as inevitable; they were
+        immediately at hand; that generation, perhaps that year, should
+        not pass away without the worst evils which could be conceived,
+        falling on the whole country. I will merely quote the opening of a
+        sermon which is now lying before me, and which was preached, in
+        1682, by no less a man than Alexander Peden. 'There is three or
+        four things that I have to tell you this day; and the first is
+        this, A bloody sword, a bloody sword, a bloody sword, for thee, O
+        Scotland, that shall reach the most part of you to the very heart.
+        And the second is this, Many a mile shall ye travel in thee, O
+        Scotland! and shall see nothing but waste places. The third is
+        this, The most fertile places in thee, O Scotland! shall be waste
+        as the mountain tops. And fourthly, The women with child in thee,
+        O Scotland! shall be dashed in pieces. And fifthly, There hath
+        been many conventicles in thee, O Scotland! but ere it be long,
+        God shall have a conventicle in thee, that shall make thee
+        Scotland tremble. Many a preaching hath God wared on thee, O
+        Scotland! but ere it be long God's judgments shall be as frequent
+        in Scotland as these precious meetings, wherein he sent forth his
+        faithful servants to give faithful warning in his name of their
+        hazard in apostatizing from God, and in breaking all his noble
+        vows. God sent out a Welsh, a Cameron, a Cargill, and a Semple to
+        preach to thee; but ere long God shall preach to thee by a bloody
+        sword.' _Sermons by Eminent Divines_, pp. 47, 48.
+
+  [503] To 'thunder out the Lord's wrath and curse.' _Durham's Commentarie
+        upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 191. 'It is the duty of
+        Ministers to preach judgments.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the
+        Minor Prophets_, vol. i. p. 93. 'If ministers when they threaten
+        be not the more serious and fervent, the most terrible threatening
+        will but little affect the most part of hearers.' _Fergusson's
+        Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 421.
+
+  [504] The clergy were not ashamed to propagate a story of a boy who, in
+        a trance, had been mysteriously conveyed to hell, and thence
+        permitted to revisit the earth. His account, which is carefully
+        preserved by the Rev. Robert Wodrow (_Analecta_, vol. i. p. 51)
+        was, that 'ther wer great fires and men roasted in them, and then
+        cast into rivers of cold water, and then into boyling water;
+        others hung up by the tongue.'
+
+  [505] 'Scortched in hell-fire and hear the howling of their
+        fellow-prisoners, and see the ugly devils, the bloody scorpions
+        with which Satan lasheth miserable soules.' _Rutherford's Christ
+        Dying_, pp. 491, 492.
+
+  [506] 'Boiling oil, burning brimstone, scalding lead.' _Sermons by
+        Eminent Divines_, p. 362.
+
+  [507] 'A river of fire and brimstone broader than the earth.'
+        _Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 35. 'See the poor wretches
+        lying in bundles, boiling eternally in that stream of brimstone.'
+        _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, p. 53.
+
+  [508] 'Tongue, lungs, and liver, bones and all, shall boil and fry in a
+        torturing fire.' _Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 17. 'They
+        will be universal torments, every part of the creature being
+        tormented in that flame. When one is cast into a fiery furnace,
+        the fire makes its way into the very bowels, and leaves no member
+        untouched: what part then can have ease, when the damned swim in a
+        lake of fire burning with brimstone?' _Boston's Human Nature in
+        its Four-fold State_, p. 458.
+
+  [509] 'While wormes are sporting with thy bones, the devils shall make
+        pastime of thy paines.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_, p.
+        97. 'They will have the society of devils in their torments, being
+        shut up with them in hell.' _Boston's Human Nature in its
+        Four-fold State_, p. 442. 'Their ears filled with frightful
+        yellings of the infernal crew.' _Ibid._ p. 460.
+
+  [510] This fundamental doctrine of the Scotch divines is tersely summed
+        up in _Binning's Sermons_, vol. iii. p. 130: 'You shall go out of
+        one hell into a worse; eternity is the measure of its continuance,
+        and the degrees of itself are answerable to its duration.' The
+        author of these sermons died in 1653.
+
+All this was the work of the God of the Scotch clergy.[511] It was not
+only his work, it was his joy and his pride. For, according to them, hell
+was created before man came into the world; the Almighty, they did not
+scruple to say, having spent his previous leisure in preparing and
+completing this place of torture, so that, when the human race appeared,
+it might be ready for their reception.[512] Ample, however, as the
+arrangements were, they were insufficient; and hell, not being big enough
+to contain the countless victims incessantly poured into it, had, in
+these latter days, been enlarged.[513] There was now sufficient room. But
+in that vast expanse there was no void, for the whole of it reverberated
+with the shrieks and yells of undying agony.[514] They rent the air with
+horrid sound, and, amid their pauses, other scenes occurred, if possible,
+still more excruciating. Loud reproaches filled the ear: children
+reproaching their parents, and servants reproaching their masters. Then,
+indeed, terror was rife, and abounded on every side. For, while the child
+cursed his father, the father, consumed by remorse, felt his own guilt;
+and both children and fathers made hell echo with their piercing screams,
+writhing in convulsive agony at the torments which they suffered, and
+knowing that other torments more grievous still were reserved for
+them.[515]
+
+  [511] And, according to them, the barbarous cruelty was the natural
+        result of His Omniscience. It is with pain, that I transcribe the
+        following impious passage. 'Consider, Who is the contriver of
+        these torments. There have been some very exquisite torments
+        contrived by the wit of men, the naming of which, if ye understood
+        their nature, were enough to fill your hearts with horror; but
+        _all these fall as far short of the torments ye are to endure, as
+        the wisdom of man falls short of that of God_.' ... '_Infinite
+        wisdom has contrived that evil_.' _The Great Concern of Salvation,
+        by the late Reverend Mr. Thomas Halyburton_, edit. Edinburgh,
+        1722, p. 154.
+
+  [512] 'Men wonder what he could be doing all that time, if we may call
+        it time which hath no beginning, and how he was employed.' ...
+        'Remember that which a godly man answered some wanton curious wit,
+        who, in scorn, demanded the same of him--"He was preparing hell
+        for curious and proud fools," said he.' _Binning's Sermons_,
+        vol. i. p. 194.
+
+  [513] 'Hell hath inlarged itselfe.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the
+        Soule_, p. 146.
+
+  [514] 'Eternal shriekings.' _Sermons by Eminent Divines_, p. 394.
+        'Screakings and howlings.' _Gray's Great and Precious Promises_,
+        p. 20. 'O! the screechs and yels that will be in hell.' _Durham's
+        Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 654. 'The
+        horrible scrieches of them who are burnt in it.' _Cowper's Heaven
+        Opened_, p. 175.
+
+  [515] 'When children and servants shall go, as it were, in sholes to the
+        Pit, cursing their parents and their masters who brought them
+        there. And parents and masters of families shall be in multitudes
+        plunged headlong in endless destruction, because they have not
+        only murdered their own souls, but also imbrued their hands in the
+        blood of their children and servants. O how doleful will the
+        reckoning be amongst them at that day! When the children and
+        servants shall upbraid their parents and masters. "Now, now, we
+        must to the Pit, and we have you to blame for it; your cursed
+        example and lamentable negligence has brought us to the Pit."' ...
+        'And on the other hand, how will the shrieks of parents fill every
+        ear? "I have damn'd myself, I have damn'd my children, I have
+        damn'd my servants. While I fed their bodies, and clothed their
+        backs, I have ruined their souls, and brought double damnation on
+        myself."' _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, pp. 527, 528.
+        See this further worked out in _Boston's Human Nature in its
+        Four-fold State_, pp. 378, 379: 'curses instead of salutations,
+        and tearing of themselves, and raging against one another, instead
+        of the wonted embraces.'
+
+Even now such language freezes the blood, when we consider what must have
+passed through the minds of those who could bring themselves to utter it.
+The enunciation of such ideas unfolds the character of the men, and lays
+bare their inmost spirit. We shudder, when we think of the dark and
+corrupted fancy, the vindictive musings, the wild, lawless, and uncertain
+thoughts which must have been harboured by those who could combine and
+arrange the different parts of this hideous scheme. No hesitation, no
+compunction, no feelings of mercy, ever seem to have entered their
+breasts. It is evident, that their notions were well matured; it is
+equally evident, that they delighted in them. They were marked by a unity
+of conception, and were enforced with a freshness and vigour of language,
+which shows that their heart was in their work. But before this could
+have happened, they must have been dead to every emotion of pity and
+tenderness. Yet, they were the teachers of a great nation, and were, in
+every respect, the most influential persons in that nation. The people,
+credulous and grossly ignorant, listened and believed. We, at this
+distance of time, and living in another realm of thought, can form but a
+faint conception of the effect which these horrible conceits produced
+upon them. They were convinced that, in this world, they were incessantly
+pursued by the devil, and that he, and other evil spirits, were
+constantly hovering around them, in bodily and visible shape, tempting
+them, and luring them on to destruction. In the next world, the most
+frightful and unheard-of punishments awaited them; while both this world
+and the next were governed by an avenging Deity, whose wrath it was
+impossible to propitiate. No wonder that, with these ideas before them,
+their reason should often give way, and that a religious mania should set
+in, under whose influence they, in black despair, put an end to their
+lives.[516]
+
+  [516] William Vetch, 'preaching in the town of Jedburg to a great
+        congregation, said, "There are two thousand of you here to day,
+        but I am sure fourscore of you will not be saved;" upon which,
+        three of his ignorant hearers being in despair, despatch'd
+        themselves soon after.' _Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence_, p. 23.
+        See also the life, or rather panegyric, of Vetch in _Howie's
+        Biographia Scoticana_, where this circumstance is not denied, but,
+        on the contrary, stated to be no 'disparagement to him,' p. 606.
+        The frame of mind which the teachings of the clergy encouraged,
+        and which provoked self-murder, is vividly depicted by Samuel
+        Rutherford, the most popular of all the Scotch divines of the
+        seventeenth century. 'Oh! hee lieth down, and hell beddeth with
+        him; hee sleepeth, and hell and hee dreame together; hee riseth,
+        and hell goeth to the fields with him; hee goes to his garden,
+        there is hell.' ... 'The man goes to his table, O! hee dare not
+        eat, hee hath no right to the creature; to eat is sin and hell; so
+        hell is in every dish. To live is sinne, _hee would faine chuse
+        strangling_; every act of breathing is sin and hell. Hee goes to
+        church, there is a dog as great as a mountaine before his eye:
+        Here be terrors.' _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, 1647, 4to, pp. 41,
+        42. Now, listen to the confessions of two of the tortured victims
+        of the doctrines enunciated by the clergy; victims who, after
+        undergoing ineffable agony, were more than once, according to
+        their own account, tempted to put an end to their lives. 'The
+        cloud lasted for two years and some months.' ... 'The arrows of
+        the Almighty did drink up my spirits; night and day his hand lay
+        heavy upon me, so that even my bodily moisture was turned into the
+        drought of summer. When I said sometimes that my couch would ease
+        my complaint, I was filled with tossings to the dawning of the
+        day.' ... 'Amidst all my downcastings, I had the roaring lion to
+        grapple with, who likes well to fish in muddy waters. He strongly
+        suggested to me that I should not eat, because I had no right to
+        food; or if I ventured to do it, the enemy assured me, that the
+        wrath of God would go down with my morsel; and that I had
+        forfeited a right to the divine favour, and, therefore, had
+        nothing to do with any of God's creatures.' ... 'However, so
+        violent were the temptations of the strong enemy, that I
+        frequently forgot to eat my bread, and durst not attempt it; and
+        when, through the persuasion of my wife, I at any time did it, the
+        enemy through the day did buffet me in a violent way, assuring me
+        that the wrath of God had gone over with what I had taken.' ...
+        'The enemy after all did so pursue me, that he violently suggested
+        to my soul, that, some time or other, God would suddenly destroy
+        me as with a thunderclap: which so filled my soul with fear and
+        pain, that, every now and then, I looked about me, to receive the
+        divine blow, still expecting it was a coming; yea, many a night I
+        durst not sleep, lest I had awakened in everlasting flames.'
+        _Stevenson's Rare Cordial_, pp. 11-13. Another poor creature,
+        after hearing one of Smiton's sermons, in 1740, says, 'Now, I saw
+        myself to be a condemned criminal; but I knew not the day of my
+        execution. I thought that there was nothing between me and hell,
+        but the brittle thread of natural life.' ... 'And in this dreadful
+        confusion, I durst not sleep, lest I had awakened in everlasting
+        flames.' ... 'And Satan violently assaulted me to take away my own
+        life, seeing there was no mercy for me.' ... 'Soon after this, I
+        was again violently assaulted by the tempter to take away my own
+        life; he presented to me a knife therewith to do it; no person
+        being in the house but myself. The enemy pursued me so close, that
+        I could not endure so much as to see the knife in my sight, but
+        laid it away.' ... 'One evening, as I was upon the street, Satan
+        violently assaulted me to go into the sea and drown myself; it
+        would be the easiest death. Such a fear of Satan then fell upon
+        me, as made my joints to shake, so that it was much for me to walk
+        home; and when I came to the door, I found nobody within; I was
+        afraid to go into the house, lest Satan should get power over me.'
+        _Memoirs of the Life and Experiences of Marion Laird of Greenock_,
+        pp. 13, 14, 19, 45, 223, 224.
+
+Little comfort, indeed, could men then gain from their religion. Not only
+the devil, as the author of all evil, but even He whom we recognise as
+the author of all good, was, in the eyes of the Scotch clergy, a cruel
+and vindictive being, moved with anger like themselves. They looked into
+their own hearts, and there they found the picture of their God.
+According to them, He was a God of terror, instead of a God of love.[517]
+To Him they imputed the worst passions of their own peevish and irritable
+nature. They ascribed to Him, revenge, cunning, and a constant
+disposition to inflict pain. While they declared that nearly all mankind
+were sinners beyond the chance of redemption, and were, indeed,
+predestined to eternal ruin, they did not scruple to accuse the Deity of
+resorting to artifice against these unhappy victims; lying in wait for
+them, that He might catch them unawares.[518] The Scotch clergy taught
+their hearers, that the Almighty was so sanguinary, and so prone to
+anger, that He raged even against walls and houses and senseless
+creatures, wreaking His fury more than ever, and scattering desolation on
+every side.[519] Sooner than miss His fell and malignant purpose, He
+would, they said, let loose avenging angels, to fall upon men and upon
+their families.[520] Independently of this resource, He had various ways
+whereby He could at once content Himself and plague His creatures, as was
+particularly shown in the devices which He employed to bring famine on a
+people.[521] When a country was starving, it was because God, in His
+anger, had smitten the soil, had stopped the clouds from yielding their
+moisture, and thus made the fruits of the earth to wither.[522] All the
+intolerable sufferings caused by a want of food, the slow deaths, the
+agony, the general misery, the crimes which that misery produced, the
+anguish of the mother as she saw her children wasting away and could give
+them no bread, all this was His act, and the work of His hands.[523] In
+His anger, He would sometimes injure the crops by making the spring so
+backward, and the weather so cold and rainy, as to insure a deficiency in
+the coming harvest.[524] Or else, he would deceive men, by sending them a
+favourable season, and, after letting them toil and sweat in the hope of
+an abundant supply, He would, at the last moment, suddenly step in, and
+destroy the corn just as it was fit to be reaped.[525] For, the God of
+the Scotch Kirk was a God who tantalized His creatures as well as
+punished them; and when He was provoked, He would first allure men by
+encouraging their expectations, in order that their subsequent misery
+might be more poignant.[526]
+
+  [517] Binning says, that 'since the first rebellion' (that is, the fall
+        of Adam), 'there is nothing to be seen but the terrible
+        countenance of an angry God.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. iii.
+        p. 254.
+
+  [518] 'He will, as it were, lie in wait to take all advantages of
+        sinners to undo them.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
+        Prophets_, vol. i. p. 247.
+
+  [519] 'His wrath rages against walls, and houses, and senselesse
+        creatures more now then at that time' (_i.e._ at the time when the
+        Old Testament was written). 'See what desolation he hath wrought
+        in Ireland, what eating of horses, of infants, and of killed
+        souldiers, hath beene in that land, and in Germany.' _Rutherford's
+        Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty of Conscience_,
+        pp. 244, 245.
+
+  [520] 'Albeit there were no earthly man to pursue Christ's enemies; yet
+        avenging angels, or evil spirits shall be let forth upon them and
+        their families to trouble them.' _Dickson's Explication of the
+        First Fifty Psalms_, p. 229.
+
+  [521] 'God hath many wayes and meanes whereby to plague man, and _reach
+        his contentments_.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
+        Prophets_, vol. i. p. 286. 'God hath variety of means whereby to
+        plague men, and to bring upon them any affliction he intendeth
+        against them; and particularly he hath several wayes whereby to
+        bring on famine. He can arme all his creatures to cut off men's
+        provision, one of them after another; he can make the change of
+        aire, and small insects do that worke when he pleaseth.' _Ibid._,
+        vol. i. p. 422. The same divine, in another elaborate treatise,
+        distinctly imputes to the Deity a sensation of pleasure in
+        injuring even the innocent. 'When God sends out a scourge, of
+        sword, famine, or pestilence, suddenly to overthrow and cut people
+        off, not only are the wicked reached thereby (which is here
+        supposed), but even the innocent, that is such as are righteous
+        and free of gross provocations; for, in any other sense, none are
+        innocent, or free of sin, in this life. Yea, further, in trying of
+        the innocent by these scourges, _the Lord seems to act as one
+        delighted with it_, and little resenting the great extremities
+        wherewith they are pressed.' _Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book
+        of Job_, 1669, folio, p. 123. Compare p. 359. 'It pleaseth the
+        Lord to exercise great variety in afflicting the children of men,'
+        &c. But, after all, mere extracts can give but a faint idea of the
+        dark and malignant spirit which pervades these writings.
+
+  [522] 'The present dearth and famine quhilk seases vpon many, quhairby
+        God his heavie wrath is evidentlie perceaved to be kindlit against
+        vs.' _Selections from the Minutes of the Synod of Fife_, p. 98.
+        'Smiting of the fruits of the ground.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on
+        the Minor Prophets_, vol. i. p. 277. 'Makes fruits to wither.'
+        _Ibid._, vol. ii. p. 183. 'Hee restraines the clouds, and bindeth
+        up the wombe of heaven, in extreme drought.' _Rutherford's Christ
+        Dying_, p. 52. 'Sometime hee maketh tho heauen aboue as brasse,
+        and the earth beneath as iron; so that albeit men labour and sow,
+        yet they receiue no increase: sometime againe hee giues in due
+        season the first and latter raine, so that the earth renders
+        abundance, but the Lord by blasting windes, or by the caterpillar,
+        canker-worme and grasse-hopper doth consume them, who come out as
+        exacters and officers sent from God to poind men in their goods.'
+        _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 433.
+
+  [523] 'Under the late dearth this people suffered greatly, the poor were
+        numerous, and many, especially about the town of Kilsyth, were at
+        the point of starving; yet, as I frequently observed to them, I
+        could not see any one turning to _the Lord who smote them_, or
+        crying to him because of their sins, while _they howled upon their
+        beds for bread_.' _Robe's Narratives of the Extraordinary Work of
+        the Spirit of God_, p. 68.
+
+  [524] _Nicoll's Diary_, pp. 152, 153. Much rain in the autumn, was 'the
+        Lord's displeasure upon the land.' _Minutes of the Presbyteries of
+        Saint Andrews and Cupar_, p. 179.
+
+  [525] 'Men sweat, till, sow much, and the sun and summer, and clouds,
+        warme dewes and raines smile upon cornes and meddowes, yet God
+        steppeth in betweene the mouth of the husbandman and the sickle,
+        and blasteth all.' _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, p. 87. Compare
+        _Baillie's Letters_, vol. iii. p. 52, on the 'continuance of very
+        intemperate rain upon the corns,' as one of the 'great signs of
+        the wrath of God.'
+
+  [526] 'When the Lord is provoked, he can not only send an affliction,
+        but so order it, by faire appearances of a better lot, and
+        heightening of the sinners expectation and desire, as may make it
+        most sad.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor Prophets_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 9, 10.
+
+Under the influence of this horrible creed, and from the unbounded sway
+exercised by the clergy who advocated it, the Scotch mind was thrown into
+such a state, that, during the seventeenth, and part of the eighteenth,
+century, some of the noblest feelings of which our nature is capable, the
+feelings of hope, of love, and of gratitude, were set aside, and were
+replaced by the dictates of a servile and ignominous fear. The physical
+sufferings to which the human frame is liable, nay, even the very
+accidents to which we are casually exposed, were believed to proceed, not
+from our ignorance, nor from our carelessness, but from the rage of the
+Deity. If a fire chanced to break out in Edinburgh, the greatest alarm
+was excited, because it was the voice of God crying out against a
+luxurious and dissolute city.[527] If a boil or a sore appeared on your
+body, that, too, was a divine punishment, and it was more than doubtful
+whether it might lawfully be cured.[528] The small-pox, being one of the
+most fatal as well as one of the most loathsome of all diseases, was
+especially sent by God; and, on that account, the remedy of inoculation
+was scouted as a profane attempt to frustrate His intentions.[529] Other
+disorders, which, though less terrible, were very painful, proceeded from
+the same source, and all owed their origin to the anger of the
+Almighty.[530] In every thing, His power was displayed, not by increasing
+the happiness of men, nor by adding to their comforts, but by hurting and
+vexing them in all possible ways. His hand, always raised against the
+people, would sometimes deprive them of wine by causing the vintage to
+fail;[531] sometimes, would destroy their cattle in a storm;[532] and
+sometimes, would even make dogs bite their legs when they least expected
+it.[533] Sometimes, He would display His wrath by making the weather
+excessively dry;[534] sometimes, by making it equally wet.[535] He was
+always punishing; always busy in increasing the general suffering, or, to
+use the language of the time, making the creature smart under the
+rod.[536] Every fresh war was the result of His special interference; it
+was not caused by the meddling folly or insensate ambition of statesmen,
+but it was the immediate work of the Deity, who was thus made responsible
+for all the devastations, the murders, and other crimes more horrible
+still, which war produces.[537] In the intervals of peace, which, at that
+period, were very rare, He had other means of vexing mankind. The shock
+of an earthquake was a mark of His displeasure;[538] a comet was a sign
+of coming tribulation;[539] and when an eclipse appeared, the panic was
+so universal, that persons of all ranks hastened to church to deprecate
+His wrath.[540] What they heard there, would increase their fear, instead
+of allaying it. For the clergy taught their hearers, that even so
+ordinary an event as thunder, was meant to excite awe, and was sent for
+the purpose of showing to men with how terrible a master they had to
+deal.[541] Not to tremble at thunder, was, therefore, a mark of impiety;
+and, in this respect, man was unfavourably contrasted with the lower
+animals, since they were invariably moved by this symptom of divine
+power.[542]
+
+  [527] In 1696, there was a fire in Edinburgh; whereupon Moncrief, in his
+        sermon next day, 'told us, "That God's voice was crying to this
+        city, and that he was come to the very ports, and was crying over
+        the walls to us; that we should amend our ways, lest he should
+        come to our city, and consume us in a terrible manner." I cannot
+        tell what this Dispensation of Providence wrought on me,' &c.
+        _Memoirs or Spiritual Exercises of Elizabeth West, written by her
+        own Hand_, pp. 41, 42. See also, at pp. 122, 123, the account of
+        another conflagration, where it is said, 'there was much of God to
+        be seen in this fire.' Compare a curious passage in _Calderwood's
+        History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp. 455, 456.
+
+  [528] The Rev. James Fraser had a boil, and afterwards a fever. 'During
+        this sickness he miraculously allayed the pain of my boil, and
+        speedily, and that without means, cured it; for however I bought
+        some things to prevent it, yet, looking on it as a punishment from
+        God, I knew not if I could be free to take the rod out of his
+        hand, and to counterwork him.' _Memoirs of the Rev. James Fraser
+        of Brea, Minister of the Gospel at Culross, written by Himself_,
+        in _Select Biographies_, vol. ii. p. 223. Durham declaims against
+        'Sinful shunning and shifting off suffering;' and Rutherford says,
+        'No man should rejoice at weakness and diseases; but I think we
+        may have a sort of gladness at boils and sores, because, without
+        them, Christ's fingers, as a slain Lord, should never have touched
+        our skin.' _Durham's Law Unsealed_, p. 160; _Rutherford's
+        Religious Letters_, p. 265. I do not know what effect these
+        passages may produce upon the reader; but it makes my flesh creep
+        to quote them. Compare _Stevenson's Rare, Soul-strengthening, and
+        Comforting Cordial_, p. 35.
+
+  [529] It was not until late in the eighteenth century, that the Scotch
+        clergy gave up this notion. At last, even they became influenced
+        by the ridicule to which their superstition exposed them, and
+        which produced more effect than any argument could have done. The
+        doctrines, however, which they and their predecessors had long
+        inculcated, had so corrupted the popular mind, that instances
+        will, I believe, be found even in the nineteenth century, of the
+        Scotch deeming precautions against small-pox to be criminal, or,
+        as they called it, flying in the face of Providence. The latest
+        evidence I can at this moment put my hand on, is in a volume
+        published in 1797. It is stated by the Rev. John Paterson, that,
+        in the parish of Auldearn, in the county of Nairn, 'Very few have
+        fallen a sacrifice to the small-pox, though the people are in
+        general averse to inoculation, from the general gloominess of
+        their faith, which teaches them, that all diseases which afflict
+        the human frame are instances of the Divine interposition, for the
+        punishment of sin; any interference, therefore, on their part,
+        they deem an usurpation of the prerogative of the Almighty.'
+        _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. xix. p. 618,
+        Edinburgh, 1797. See also vol. xiv. p. 52, Edinburgh, 1795. This
+        is well said. No doubt, so abject, and so pernicious, a
+        superstition among the people, was the result of 'the general
+        gloominess of their faith.' But the Rev. John Paterson has
+        forgotten to add, that the gloominess of which he complains, was
+        in strict conformity with the teachings of the most able, the most
+        energetic, and the most venerated of the Scotch clergy. Mr.
+        Paterson renders scant justice to his countrymen, and should
+        rather have praised the tenacity with which they adhered to the
+        instructions they had long been accustomed to receive.
+
+  [530] The Rev. John Welsh, when suffering from a painful disorder, and
+        also from other troubles, writes: 'My douleurs ar impossible to
+        expresse.' ... 'It is the Lord's indignation.' See his letter, in
+        _Miscellany of the Wodrow Society_, vol. i. p. 558. See also
+        _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 128. A pain in one's side was the
+        work of 'the Lord' (_Memoirs of Marion Laird_, p. 95); so was a
+        sore throat (_Wast's Memoirs_, p. 203); and so was the fever in
+        pleurisy. _Robe's Narratives of the Extraordinary Work of the
+        Spirit of God_, p. 66.
+
+  [531] In January 1653, 'This tyme, and mony monethis befoir, thair wes
+        great skairshtie of wynes. In this also appered Godis justice
+        toward this natioun for abusing of that blissing many yeiris
+        befoir.' _Nicoll's Diary_, p. 105.
+
+  [532] This idea was so deeply rooted, that we actually find a public
+        fast and humiliation ordered, on account of 'this present uncouth
+        storme of frost and snaw, quhilk hes continewit sa lang that the
+        bestiall ar dieing thik fauld.' _Records of the Kirk Session,
+        Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 82.
+
+  [533] 'There was a dog bit my leg most desperately. I no sooner received
+        this, but I saw the hand of God in it.' _Wast's Memoirs_, p. 114.
+
+  [534] 'The evident documentis of Goddis wrath aganes the land, be the
+        extraordinarie drouth.' _Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery,
+        and Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 78.
+
+  [535] 'The hynous synnes of the land produced much takines of Godis
+        wraith; namelie, in this spring tyme, for all Februar and a great
+        pairt of Marche wer full of havie weittis.' _Nicoll's Diary_,
+        p. 152.
+
+  [536] _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, p. 85. _Fleming's
+        Fulfilling of the Scripture_, pp. 101, 149, 176. _Balfour's _,
+        vol. i. p. 169. _Boston's Sermons_, p. 52. _Boston's Human Nature
+        in its Four-fold State_, pp. 67, 136. _Memoirs of Marion Laird_,
+        pp. 63, 90, 113, 163. _Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of Job_,
+        pp. 62, 91, 140, 187, 242, 310, 449, 471, 476, 527, 528.
+
+  [537] 'War is one of the sharp scourges whereby God punisheth wicked
+        nations; and it cometh upon a people, not accidentally, but _by
+        the especial providence of God_, who hath peace and war in his own
+        hand.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor Prophets_, vol. ii.
+        p. 3. In 1644, 'Civill war wracks Spaine, and lately wracked
+        Italie: it is coming by appearance shortlie upon France. The just
+        Lord, who beholds with patience the wickednesse of nations, at
+        last _arises in furie_.' ... 'The Swedish and Danish fleets, after
+        a hott fight, are making for a new onsett: great blood is feared
+        shall be shortly shed there, both by sea and land. The _anger of
+        the Lord_ against all christendome is great.' _Baillie's Letters
+        and Journals_, vol. ii. pp. 190, 223.
+
+  [538] 'Earthquakes, whereby God, when he is angry, overthrows and
+        overturns very mountains.' _Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of
+        Job_, p. 114. 'The ministris and sessioun convening in the
+        sessioun hous, considdering the fearfull erthquak that wes
+        yisternicht, the aucht of this instant, throughout this haill
+        citie about nine houris at evin, to be a document that God is
+        angrie aganes the land and aganes this citie in particular, for
+        the manifauld sinnis of the people,' &c. _Records of the Kirk
+        Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 64.
+
+  [539] 'Whatever natural causes may be adduced for those alarming
+        appearances, the system of comets is yet so uncertain, and they
+        have so frequently preceded desolating strokes and turns in public
+        affairs, that they seem designed in providence to stir up sinners
+        to seriousness. Those preachers from heaven, when God's messengers
+        were silenced, neither prince nor prelate could stop.' _Wodrow's
+        History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 421.
+
+  [540] 'People of all sortes rane to the churches to deprecat God's
+        wrath.' _Balfour's Annales_, vol. i. p. 403. This was in 1598.
+
+  [541] 'By it, he manifests his power and shows himself terrible.'
+        _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 33.
+        Compare _Row's History of the Kirk_, p. 333; and a passage in
+        _Laird's Memoirs_, p. 69, which shows how greedily their credulous
+        hearers imbibed such notions: 'There were several signal evidences
+        that the Lord's righteous judgments were abroad in the earth;
+        great claps of thunder,' &c.
+
+  [542] 'The stupidity and senselessnesse of man is greater than that of
+        the brute creatures, which are all more moved with the thunder,
+        then the hearts of men for the most part.' _Dickson's Explication
+        of the First Fifty Psalms_, p. 193. Hutcheson makes a similar
+        remark concerning earthquakes. 'The shaking and trembling of
+        insensible creatures, when God is angry, serves to condemn men,
+        who are not sensible of it, nor will stoop under his hand.'
+        _Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of Job_, p. 115.
+
+These visitations, eclipses, comets, earthquakes, thunder, famine,
+pestilence, war, disease, blights in the air, failures in the crops, cold
+winters, dry summers, these, and the like, were, in the opinion of the
+Scotch divines, outbreaks of the anger of the Almighty against the sins
+of men; and that such outbreaks were incessant is not surprising, when we
+consider that, in the same age, and according to the same creed, the most
+innocent, and even praiseworthy, actions were deemed sinful, and worthy
+of chastisement. The opinions held on this subject are not only curious,
+but extremely instructive. Besides forming an important part of the
+history of the human mind, they supply decisive proof of the danger of
+allowing a single profession to exalt itself above all other professions.
+For, in Scotland, as elsewhere, directly the clergy succeeded in
+occupying a more than ordinary amount of public attention, they availed
+themselves of that circumstance to propagate those ascetic doctrines,
+which, while they strike at the root of human happiness, benefit no one
+except the class which advocates them. That class, indeed, can hardly
+fail to reap advantage from a policy, which, by increasing the
+apprehensions to which the ignorance and timidity of men make them too
+liable, does also increase their eagerness to fly for support to their
+spiritual advisers. And the greater the apprehension, the greater the
+eagerness. Of this, the Scotch clergy, who were perfect masters of their
+own art, were well aware. Under their influence, a system of morals was
+established, which, representing nearly every act as sinful, kept the
+people in perpetual dread, lest unwittingly they were committing some
+enormous offence, which would bring upon their heads a signal and
+overwhelming punishment.
+
+According to this code, all the natural affections, all social pleasures,
+all amusements, and all the joyous instincts of the human heart were
+sinful, and were to be rooted out. It was sinful for a mother to wish to
+have sons;[543] and, if she had any, it was sinful to be anxious about
+their welfare.[544] It was a sin to please yourself, or to please others;
+for, by adopting either course, you were sure to displease God.[545] All
+pleasures, therefore, however slight in themselves, or however lawful
+they might appear, must be carefully avoided.[546] When mixing in
+society, we should edify the company, if the gift of edification had been
+bestowed upon us; but we should by no means attempt to amuse them.[547]
+Cheerfulness, especially when it rose to laughter, was to be guarded
+against; and we should choose for our associates grave and sorrowful men,
+who were not likely to indulge in so foolish a practice.[548] Smiling,
+provided it stopped short of laughter, might occasionally be allowed;
+still, being a carnal pastime, it was a sin to smile on Sunday.[549] Even
+on week-days, those who were most imbued with religious principles hardly
+ever smiled, but sighed, groaned, and wept.[550] A true Christian would
+be careful, in his movements, to preserve invariable gravity, never
+running, but walking soberly, and not treading out in a brisk and lively
+manner, as unbelievers are wont to do.[551] So, too, if he wrote to a
+friend, he must beware lest his letter should contain any thing like
+jocoseness; since jesting is incompatible with a holy and serious
+life.[552]
+
+  [543] Lady Colsfeild 'had born two or three daughters, and was sinfully
+        anxious after a son, to heir the estate of Colsfeild.' _Wodrow's
+        Analecta_, vol. iii. p. 293.
+
+  [544] Under the influence of this terrible creed, the amiable mother of
+        Duncan Forbes, writing to him respecting his own health and that
+        of his brother, speaks 'of my sinful God-provoking anxiety, both
+        for your souls and bodies.' _Burton's Lives of Lovat and Forbes_,
+        p. 724. The theological theory, underlying and suggesting this,
+        was, that 'grace bridles these affections.' _Boston's Human Nature
+        in its Four-fold State_, p. 184. Hence its rigid application on
+        days set apart for religious purposes. The Rev. Mr. Lyon (_History
+        of Saint Andrews_, vol. i. p. 458) mentions that some of the
+        Scotch clergy, in drawing up regulations for the government of a
+        colony, inserted the following clause: 'No husband shall kiss his
+        wife, and no mother shall kiss her child on the Sabbath day.'
+
+  [545] 'The more you please yourselves and the world, the further you are
+        from pleasing God.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. ii. p. 55. Elsewhere
+        (vol. ii. p. 45): 'Amity to ourselves is enmity to God.'
+
+  [546] 'Pleasures are most carefully to be auoided: because they both
+        harme and deceiue.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_, p. 251.
+        At p. 268, the same authority says, 'Beate downe thy body, and
+        bring it to subiection by abstaining, not only from vnlawfull
+        pleasures, but also from lawfull and indifferent delights.'
+
+  [547] According to _Hutcheson's Exposition of Job_, p. 6, 'there is no
+        time wherein men are more ready to miscarry, and discover any
+        bitter root in them, then when they are about the liberal use of
+        the creatures, and amidst occasions of mirth and cheerfulness.'
+        How this doctrine ripened, cannot be better illustrated than from
+        the sentiments entertained, so late as the early part of the
+        eighteenth century, by Colonel Blackader, a Scotch officer, who
+        was also an educated man, who had seen much of the world, and
+        might, to some degree, be called a man of the world. In December
+        1714, he went to a wedding, and, on his return home, he writes: 'I
+        was cheerful, and perhaps gave too great a swing to raillery, but
+        I hope not light or vain in conversation. I desire always to have
+        my speech seasoned with salt, and ministering profit to the
+        hearers. Sitting up late, and merry enough, though I hope
+        innocent; but I will not justify myself.' _The Life and Diary of
+        Lieut.-Col. J. Blackader, by Andrew Crichton_, p. 453. On another
+        occasion (p. 511), in 1720, he was at an evening party. 'The young
+        people were merry. I laid a restraint upon myself for fear of
+        going too far, and joined but little, only so as not to show
+        moroseness or ill-breeding. We sat late, but the conversation was
+        innocent, and no drinking but as we pleased. However, much time is
+        spent; which I dare not justify. _In all things we offend._' At p.
+        159, he writes, 'I should always be mixing something that may
+        edify in my discourse;' and, says his biographer (p. 437),
+        'Conversation, when it ceased to accomplish this object, he
+        regarded as _degenerating into idle entertainment_, which ought to
+        be checked rather than encouraged.'
+
+  [548] 'Frequent the gravest company, and the fellowship of those that are
+        sorrowfull.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_, p. 416. Compare
+        the attacks on 'too much carnal mirth and laughter,' in _Durham's
+        Law Unsealed_, p. 323; in _Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture_,
+        p. 226; and in _Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_,
+        p. 227. See also _Gray's Spiritual Warfare_, p. 42. Cowper says,
+        'Woe be unto them that now laugh, for assuredly they shall weepe,
+        the end of their joy shall be endleese mourning and gnashing of
+        teeth, they shall shed tears abundantly with Esau, but shall find
+        no place for mercy.' _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 271. Hutcheson,
+        in a train of unusual liberality, permits occasional laughter. He
+        says, 'There is a faculty of laughing given to men, which
+        certainly is given for use, at least at sometimes; and diversions
+        are sometime needfull for men who are serious and employed in
+        weighty affairs.' ... 'And particularly, laughter is sometimes
+        lawful for magistrates and others in publick charge, not only that
+        they may recreate themselves, but that, thereby, and by the like
+        insinuating carriage, they may gain the affection of the people.'
+        _Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of Job_, edit. folio, 1669,
+        pp. 389, 390.
+
+  [549] In 1650, when Charles II. was in Scotland, 'the clergy reprehended
+        him very sharply, if he smiled on those days' (Sundays).
+        _Clarendon's History of the Rebellion_, book xiii. p. 747, edit.
+        Oxford, 1843.
+
+  [550] It is said of Donald Cargill, that, 'his very countenance was
+        edifying to beholders; often sighing with deep groans.' _A Cloud
+        of Witnesses for the Royal Prerogatives of Jesus Christ_, p. 423.
+        The celebrated James Durham was 'a person of the utmost gravity,
+        and scarce smiled at anything.' _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_, p.
+        226. Of Livingston, we are told 'that he was a very affectionate
+        person, and weeped much; that it was his ordinary way, and might
+        be observed almost every Sabbath, that when he came into the
+        pulpite he sate doun a litle, and looked first to the one end of
+        the kirk, and then to the other; and then, ordinarly, the tear
+        shott in his eye, and he weeped, and oftimes he began his preface
+        and his work weeping.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. ii. p. 249. James
+        Alexander 'used to weep much in prayer and preaching; he was every
+        way most savoury.' _Ibid._, vol. iii. p. 39. As to the Rev. John
+        Carstairs, 'his band in the Sabbath would have been all wett, as
+        if it had been douked, with tears, before he was done with his
+        first prayer.' p. 48. Aird, minister of Dalserf, 'weeping much'
+        (_Ibid._, vol. iii. p. 56), 'Mr. James Stirling tells me he was a
+        most fervent, affectionat, weeping preacher.' p. 172; and the Rev.
+        Alexander Dunlop was noted for what was termed 'a holy groan,'
+        vol. iii. p. 21. See also, on weeping as a mark of religion,
+        _Wast's Memoirs_, pp. 83, 84; and _Robe's Narrative of the
+        Extraordinary Work of the Spirit of God_, pp. 21, 31, 75, 150. One
+        passage from the most popular of the Scotch preachers, I hesitate
+        as to the propriety of quoting; but it is essential that their
+        ideas should be known, if the history of Scotland is to be
+        understood. Rutherford, after stating whom it is that we should
+        seek to imitate, adds: 'Christ did never laugh on earth that we
+        read of, but he wept.' _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, 1647, 4to, p.
+        525. I publish this with no irreverent spirit; God forbid that I
+        should. But I will not be deterred from letting this age see the
+        real character of a system which aimed at destroying all human
+        happiness, exciting slavish and abject fear, and turning this
+        glorious world into one vast theatre of woe.
+
+  [551] 'Walk with a sober pace, not "tinkling with your feet."' _Memoirs
+        of the Rev. James Fraser, written by Himself_, in _Select
+        Biographies_, vol. ii. p. 280. 'It is somewhat like this, or less
+        than this, which the Lord condemneth, _Isa._ iii. 16, 'Walking
+        and mincing, or tripping and making a tinkling with their feet.'
+        What is that but disdaining the grave way of walking, to affect
+        an art in it? as many do now in our days; and shall this be
+        displeasing to the Lord, and not the other? seeing he loveth, and
+        is best pleased with, the native way of carrying the body.'
+        _Durham's Law Unsealed_, p. 324. 'The believer hath, or at least
+        ought to have, and, if he be like himself, will have, a well
+        ordered walk, and will be in his carriage stately and princely.'
+        _Durham's Exposition of the Song of Solomon_, p. 365.
+
+  [552] 'At home, writing letters to a friend. My vein is inclined to jest
+        and humour. The letter was too comical and jocose; and after I had
+        sent it away, I had a check that it was too light, and jesting
+        foolishly. I sent and got it back, and destroyed it. My temper
+        goes too far that way, and I ought to check it, and be more on my
+        guard, and study edification in every thing.' _Crichton's Life and
+        Diary of Blackader_, pp. 536, 537. Even amongst young children,
+        from eight years old and upwards, toys and games were bad; and it
+        was a good sign when they were discarded. 'Some very young, of
+        eight and nine years of age, some twelve and thirteen. They still
+        inclined more and more to their duty, so that they meet three
+        times a day, in the morning, at night, and at noon. Also they have
+        forsaken all their childish fancies and plays; so these that have
+        been awakened are known by their countenance and conversation,
+        their walk and behaviour.' _Robe's Narratives of the Extraordinary
+        Work of the Spirit of God_, pp. 79, 80.
+
+It was, moreover, wrong to take pleasure in beautiful scenery; for a
+pious man had no concern with such matters, which were beneath him, and
+the admiration of which should be left to the unconverted.[553] The
+unregenerate might delight in these vanities, but they who were properly
+instructed, saw Nature as she really was, and knew that as she, for about
+five thousand years, had been constantly on the move, her vigour was
+well-nigh spent, and her pristine energy had departed.[554] To the eye
+of ignorance, she still seemed fair and fresh; the fact, however, was,
+that she was worn out and decrepit; she was suffering from extreme old
+age; her frame, no longer elastic, was leaning on one side, and she soon
+would perish.[555] Owing to the sin of man, all things were getting
+worse, and nature was degenerating so fast, that already the lilies were
+losing their whiteness, and the roses their smell.[556] The heavens were
+waxing old;[557] the very sun, which lighted the earth, was becoming
+feeble.[558] This universal degeneracy was sad to think of; but the
+profane knew it not. Their ungodly eyes were still pleased by what they
+saw. Such was the result of their obstinate determination to indulge the
+senses, all of which were evil; the eye being, beyond comparison, the
+most wicked. Hence, it was especially marked out for divine punishment;
+and, being constantly sinning, it was afflicted with fifty-two different
+diseases, that is, one disease for each week in the year.[559]
+
+  [553] 'To the unmortified man, the world smelleth like the garden of
+        God' ... 'the world is not to him an ill-smelled stinking corps.'
+        _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, p. 498. But those who were properly
+        mortified, knew that 'the earth is but a potter's house' (_Ibid._,
+        p. 286); 'an old thred-bare-worn case' (_Ibid._, p. 530); a 'smoky
+        house' (_Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 100); a 'plaistered,
+        rotten world' (_Ibid._, p. 132); and 'an ashy and dirty earth'
+        (_Ibid._, p. 169). 'The earth also is spotted (like the face of a
+        woman once beautifull, but now deformed with scabs of leprosie)
+        with thistles, thornes, and much barren wilderness.' _Cowper's
+        Heaven Opened_, p. 255.
+
+  [554] 'Wearinesse and motion is laid on Moon and Sunne, and all
+        creatures on this side of the Moon. Seas ebbe and flow, and that's
+        trouble; winds blow, rivers move, heavens and stars these five
+        thousand yeares, except one time, have not had sixe minutes rest.'
+        ... 'The Sunne that never rests, but moves as swiftly in the night
+        as in the day.' _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, pp. 12, 157. 'This is
+        the world's old age; it is declining; albeit it seem a fair and
+        beautiful thing in the eyes of them who know no better, and unto
+        them who are of yesterday and know nothing, it looks as if it had
+        been created yesterday; yet the truth is, and a believer knows, it
+        is near the grave.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. iii. p. 372.
+
+  [555] 'This, then, I say, is the state all things ye see are in,--it is
+        their old age. The creation now is an old rotten house that is all
+        dropping through and leaning to the one side.' _Binning's
+        Sermons_, vol. iii. p. 398.
+
+  [556] 'The lilies and roses, which, no doubt, had more sweetnesse of
+        beauty and smell, before the sin of man made them vanity-sick.'
+        _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, p. 185.
+
+  [557] 'The heavens that are supposed to be incorruptible, yet they wax
+        old as doth a garment.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. i. p. 95.
+
+  [558] 'The neerer the sun drawes to the end of his daily course, the
+        lesse is his strength, for we see the Sunne in the evening decayes
+        in heat; so it is, the longer by reuolution he turnes about in his
+        sphere, he waxes alway the weaker; and, to vse the similitude of
+        the holy spirit, as a garment the older it groweth becomes the
+        lesse beautifull.' _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 255.
+
+  [559] 'It is so delicate by nature, that since it was the first sense
+        that offended, it is, aboue all the rest, made subject (as a
+        condigne punishment) to as many maladies, as there are weekes in a
+        yeere.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_, p. 501. The Scotch
+        divines were extremely displeased with our eyes. Rutherford
+        contemptuously calls them 'two clay windows.' _Rutherford's Christ
+        Dying_, p. 570. Gray, going still further, says, 'these cursed
+        eyes of ours.' _Gray's Great and Precious Promises_, p. 53.
+
+On this account, it was improper to care for beauty of any kind; or, to
+speak more accurately, there was no real beauty. The world afforded
+nothing worth looking at, save and except the Scotch Kirk, which was
+incomparably the most beautiful thing under heaven.[560] To look at that
+was a lawful enjoyment, but every other pleasure was sinful. To write
+poetry, for instance, was a grievous offence, and worthy of especial
+condemnation.[561] To listen to music was equally wrong; for men had no
+right to disport themselves in such idle recreation. Hence the clergy
+forbade music to be introduced even during the festivities of a
+marriage;[562] neither would they permit, on any occasion, the national
+entertainment of pipers.[563] Indeed, it was sinful to look at any
+exhibition in the streets, even though you only looked at it from your
+own window.[564] Dancing was so extremely sinful, that an edict,
+expressly prohibiting it, was enacted by the General Assembly, and read
+in every church in Edinburgh.[565] New Year's Eve had long been a period
+of rejoicing in Scotland, as in other parts of Europe. The Church laid
+her hands on this also, and ordered that no one should sing the songs
+usual on that day, or should admit such singers into his own private
+house.[566]
+
+  [560] 'The true visible Kirk where God's ordinances are set up, as he
+        hath appointed, where his word is purely preached, is the most
+        beautifull thing under heaven.' _Dickson's Explication of the
+        First Fifty Psalms_, p. 341.
+
+  [561] I have one very late, and, on that account, very curious, instance
+        of the diffusion of this feeling in Scotland. In 1767, a vacancy
+        occurred in the mastership of the grammar-school of Greenock. It
+        was offered to John Wilson, the author of 'Clyde.' But, says his
+        biographer, 'the magistrates and minister of Greenock thought fit,
+        before they would admit Mr. Wilson to the superintendance of the
+        grammar school, to stipulate that he should abandon "the profane
+        and unprofitable art of poem-making."' _Lives of Eminent Scotsmen
+        by the Society of Ancient Scots_, 1821, vol. v. p. 169.
+
+  [562] 'Sept. 22. 1649.--The quhilk day the Sessioune caused mak this
+        act, that ther sould be no pypers at brydels, and who ever sould
+        have a pyper playing at their brydell on their mariage day, sall
+        loose their consigned money, and be farder punisched as the
+        Sessioune thinks fitt.' _Extracts from the Registers of the
+        Presbytery of Glasgow, and of the Kirk Sessions of the Parishes of
+        Cambusnethan Humbie and Stirling_, p. 34. This curious volume is a
+        quarto, and without date; unless, indeed, one of the title-pages
+        is wanting in my copy.
+
+  [563] See the Minutes of the Kirk Session of Glasgow, in _Wodrow's
+        Collections upon the Lives of Ministers_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 76;
+        also the case of 'Mure, pyper,' in _Selections from the Minutes of
+        the Presbyteries of Saint Andrews and Cupar_, p. 72.
+
+  [564] This notion lingered on, probably to the beginning of this
+        century; certainly to late in the last. In a work published in
+        Scotland in 1836, it is stated, that a clergyman was still alive,
+        who was 'severely censured,' merely because, when Punch was
+        performing, 'the servant was sent out to the showman to request
+        him to come below the windows of her master's house, that the
+        clergyman and his wife might enjoy the sight.' _Traditions of
+        Perth by George Penny_, Perth, 1836, p. 124.
+
+  [565] '17 Feb. 1650. Ane act of the commissioun of the Generall Assemblie
+        wes red in all the churches of Edinburgh dischargeing promiscuous
+        dansing.' _Nicoll's Diary_, p. 3. See also _Acts of the General
+        Assembly of the Church of Scotland_, 1638-1842, p. 201; _Register
+        of the Kirk Session of Cambusnethan_, p. 35; _Minutes of the
+        Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar_, pp. 55, 181; _Minutes of
+        the Synod of Fife_, pp. 150, 169, 175; and a choice passage in _A
+        Collection of Sermons by Eminent Divines_, p. 51.
+
+  [566] See _Selections from the Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery,
+        and Synod of Aberdeen_, pp. 77, 78, forbidding any one to 'giwe
+        ony meatt or drink to these sangsteris or lat thame within thair
+        houss.' The singers were to be 'put in prisoun.'
+
+At the christening of a child, the Scotch were accustomed to assemble
+their relations, including their distant cousins, in whom, then as now,
+they much abounded. But this caused pleasure, and pleasure was sinful. It
+was, therefore, forbidden; the number of guests was limited; and the
+strictest supervision was exercised by the clergy, to prevent the
+possibility of any one being improperly happy on such occasions.[567]
+
+  [567] In 1643 the Presbytery of St. Andrews ordered that 'because of the
+        great abuse that is likewayes among them by conveening multitudes
+        at baptismes and contracts, the ministers and sessions are
+        appointed to take strict order for restraineing these abuses, that
+        in number they exceid not sixe or seven. As also ordaines that the
+        hostlers quho mak such feists salbe censured by the sessions.'
+        _Minutes of the Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar_, p. 11. See
+        also _Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery, and Synod of
+        Aberdeen_, pp. 109, 110, complaining of the custom 'that everie
+        base servile man in the towne, when he has a barne to be baptesed,
+        invitis tuelff or sextene persones to be his gossopes and
+        godfatheris to his barne,' &c.; and enacting 'that it shall not be
+        lesume to any inhabitant within this burt quhasoever, to invite
+        any ma persones to be godfatheris to thair barne in ony tyme
+        cumming bot tua or four at the most, lyk as the Kirk officier is
+        expresslie commandit and prohibitt that from hence furth he tak vp
+        no ma names to be godfatheris, nor giwe any ma vp to the redar bot
+        four at the most, vnder all hiest censure he may incur be the
+        contrairie, and this ordinance to be intimat out of pulpitt, that
+        the people pretend no ignorance thairof.'
+
+Not only at baptisms, but also at marriages, the same spirit was
+displayed. In every country, it has been usual to make merry at
+marriages; partly from a natural feeling, and partly, perhaps, from a
+notion that a contract so often productive of misery, might, at all
+events, begin with mirth. The Scotch clergy, however, thought otherwise.
+At the weddings of the poor, they would allow no rejoicing;[568] and at
+the weddings of the rich, it was the custom for one of them to go for the
+express purpose of preventing an excess of gaiety. A better precaution
+could hardly be devised; but they did not trust exclusively to it. To
+check the lusts of the flesh, they, furthermore, took into account the
+cookery, the choice of the meats, and the number of the dishes. They
+were, in fact, so solicitous on these points, and so anxious that the
+nuptial feast should not be too attractive that they fixed its cost, and
+would not allow any person to exceed the sum which they thought proper
+to name.[569]
+
+  [568] They forbade music and dancing; and they ordered that not more
+        than twenty-four persons should be present. See the enactment, in
+        1647, respecting 'Pennie bryddells,' in _Minutes of the
+        Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar_, p. 117. In 1650, 'The
+        Presbyterie being sadly weghted with the report of the
+        continwance, and exhorbitant and unnecessarly numerous confluences
+        of people at pennie brydles, and of inexpedient and wnlawfull
+        pypeing and dancing at the same, so scandalous and sinfull in this
+        tyme of our Churches lamentable conditioun; and being apprehensive
+        that ministers and Kirk Sessiouns have not bein so vigilant and
+        active (as neid werre), for repressing of these disorders, doe
+        therfor most seriously recommend to ministers and Kirk Sessiouns
+        to represse the same.' _Ibid._ pp. 169, 170. See, further,
+        _Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark_, p. 29; and _Extracts from
+        the Presbytery Book of Strathbogie_, pp. 4, 144.
+
+  [569] See two curious instances of limitation of price, in _Irving's
+        History of Dumbartonshire_, p. 567; and in _Wodrow's Collections
+        upon the Lives of Ministers_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 34.
+
+Nothing escaped their vigilance. For, in their opinion, even the best man
+was, at his best time, so full of turpitude, that his actions could not
+fail to be wicked.[570] He never passed a day without sinning, and the
+smallest sin deserved eternal wrath.[571] Indeed, every thing he did was
+sinful, no matter how pure his motives.[572] Man had been gradually
+falling lower and lower, and had now sunk to a point of debasement, which
+made him inferior to the beasts that perish.[573] Even before he was
+born, and while he was yet in his mother's womb, his guilt began.[574]
+And when he grew up, his crimes multiplied thick and fast; one of the
+most heinous of them being the practice of teaching children new
+words,--a horrible custom, justly visited by divine wrath.[575] This,
+however, was but one of a series of innumerable and incessant offences;
+so that the only wonder was, that the earth could restrain herself at the
+hideous spectacle which man presented, and that she did not open her
+mouth, as of old, and swallow him even in the midst of his
+wickedness.[576] For, it was certain, that in the whole creation, there
+was nothing so deformed and monstrous as he.[577]
+
+  [570] 'What a vile, haughty, and base creature he is--how defiled and
+        desperately wicked his nature--how abominable his actions; in a
+        word, what a compound of darkness and wickedness he is--a heap of
+        defiled dust, and a mass of confusion--a sink of impiety and
+        iniquity, _even the best of mankind_, those of the rarest and most
+        refined extraction, _take them at their best estate_.' _Binning's
+        Sermons_, vol. ii. p. 302. Compare _Boston's Human Nature in its
+        Four-fold State_, pp. 26, 27.
+
+  [571] 'The least sin cannot but deserve God's wrath and curse eternally.'
+        _Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error_, p. 71. 'All men, even the
+        regenerate, sin daily.' _Ibid._ p. 153.
+
+  [572] 'Our best works have such a mixture of corruption and sin in them,
+        that they deserve his curse and wrath.' _Ibid._ p. 130.
+
+  [573] 'But now, falling away from God, hee hath also so farre degenerated
+        from his owne kind, that he is become inferiour to the beasts.'
+        _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 251. 'O! is not man become so brutish
+        and ignorant, that he may be sent unto the beasts of the field to
+        be instructed of that which is his duty?' _Gray's Spiritual
+        Warfare_, p. 28. 'Men are naturally more bruitish than beasts
+        themselves.' _Boston's Human Nature in its Four-fold State_,
+        p. 58. 'Worse than the beast of the field.' _Halyburton's Great
+        Concern of Salvation_, p. 71.
+
+  [574] 'Infants, even in their mother's belly, have in themselves
+        sufficient guilt to deserve such judgments;' _i.e._ when women
+        with child are 'ript up.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
+        Prophets_, vol. i. p. 255.
+
+  [575] 'And in our speech, our Scripture and old Scots names are gone out
+        of request; instead of _Father_ and _Mother_, _Mamma_ and _Papa_,
+        training children to speak nonsense, and what they do not
+        understand. These few instances, amongst many that might be given,
+        are additional causes of God's wrath.' _The Life and Death of Mr.
+        Alexander Peden, late Minister of the Gospel at New Glenluce, in
+        Galloway_, in _Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana_, vol. i. p. 140.
+
+  [576] 'Yea, if the Lord did not restraine her, shee would open her mouth
+        and swallow the wicked, as she did Corah, Dathan, and Abiram.'
+        _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 257. Compare _Hutcheson's Exposition
+        on the Minor Prophets_, vol. i. p. 507.
+
+  [577] 'There is nothing so monstrous, so deformed in the world, as man.'
+        _Binning's Sermons_, vol. i. p. 234. 'There is not in all the
+        creation such a miserable creature as man.' _Ibid._ vol. iii. p.
+        321. 'Nothing so miserable.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_,
+        p. 37.
+
+Such being the case, it behoved the clergy to come forward, and to guard
+men against their own vices, by controlling their daily actions, and
+forcing them to a right conduct. This they did vigorously. Aided by the
+elders, who were their tools and the creatures of their power, they, all
+over Scotland, organized themselves into legislative bodies, and, in the
+midst of their little senate, they enacted laws which the people were
+bound to obey. If they refused, woe be to them. They became unruly sons
+of the Church, and were liable to be imprisoned, to be fined, or to be
+whipped,[578] or to be branded with a hot iron,[579] or to do penance
+before the whole congregation, humbling themselves, bare-footed, and
+with their hair cut on one side,[580] while the minister, under pretence
+of rebuking them, enjoyed his triumph.[581] All this was natural enough.
+For the clergy were the delegates of heaven, and the interpreters of its
+will. They, therefore, were the best judges of what men ought to do; and
+any one whom they censured was bound to submit with humility and
+repentance.[582]
+
+  [578] 'December 17th, 1635. Mention made of a correction house, which
+        the Session ordeans persons to be taken to, both men and women,
+        and appoints them to be whipt every day during the Session's
+        will.' _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of Ministers_, vol.
+        ii. part ii. p. 67.
+
+  [579] On the 22nd October 1648, the Kirk Session of Dunfermline ordered
+        that a certain Janet Robertson 'shall be cartit and scourged
+        through the town, and markit with an hot iron.' _Chalmers' History
+        of Dunfermline_, p. 437.
+
+  [580] 'As they punish by pecuniary fines, so corporally too, by
+        imprisoning the persons of the delinquents, using them
+        disgracefully, carting them through cities, making them stand in
+        logges, as they call them, pillaries (which in the country
+        churches are fixed to the two sides of the main door of the Parish
+        Church), cutting the halfe of their hair, shaving their beards,
+        &c., and it is more than ordinary, by their "original" and "proper
+        power," to banish them out of the bounds and limits of the parish,
+        or presbytery, as they list to order it.' _Presbytery Displayd_,
+        p. 4.
+
+  [581] The Scotch clergy of the seventeenth century were not much given
+        to joking; but on one of these occasions a preacher is said to
+        have hazarded a pun. A woman, named Ann Cantly, being made to do
+        penance, 'Here' (said the minister), 'Here is one upon the stool
+        of repentance, they call her _Cantly_; she saith herself, she is
+        an honest woman, but I trow _scantly_.' _Scotch Presbyterian
+        Eloquence_, p. 125. From what I have read of Scotch theology, I
+        can bear testimony to the accuracy of this book, so far as its
+        general character is concerned. Indeed, the author, through fear
+        of being entirely discredited, has often rather understated his
+        case.
+
+  [582] As Durham says, in his _Exposition of the Song of Solomon_,
+        p. 451, 'It is no burden to an honest believer to acknowledge
+        Christ's ministers, to obey their doctrine, and submit to their
+        censures.'
+
+The arbitrary and irresponsible tribunals, which now sprung up all over
+Scotland, united the executive authority with the legislative, and
+exercised both functions at the same time. Declaring that certain acts
+ought not to be committed, they took the law into their own hands, and
+punished those who had committed them. According to the principles of
+this new jurisprudence, of which the clergy were the authors, it became a
+sin for any Scotchman to travel in a Catholic country.[583] It was a sin
+for any Scotch innkeeper to admit a Catholic into his inn.[584] It was a
+sin for any Scotch town to hold a market either on Saturday or on Monday,
+because both days were near Sunday.[585] It was a sin for a Scotch woman
+to wait at a tavern;[586] it was a sin for her to live alone;[587] it was
+also a sin for her to live with unmarried sisters.[588] It was a sin to
+go from one town to another on Sunday, however pressing the business
+might be.[589] It was a sin to visit your friend on Sunday;[590] it was
+likewise sinful either to have your garden watered,[591] or your beard
+shaved.[592] Such things were not to be tolerated in a Christian land. No
+one, on Sunday, should pay attention to his health, or think of his body
+at all. On that day, horse-exercise was sinful;[593] so was walking in
+the fields, or in the meadows, or in the streets, or enjoying the fine
+weather by sitting at the door of your house.[594] To go to sleep on
+Sunday, before the duties of the day were over, was also sinful, and
+deserved church censure.[595] Bathing, being pleasant as well as
+wholesome, was a particularly grievous offence; and no man could be
+allowed to swim on Sunday.[596] It was, in fact, doubtful whether
+swimming was lawful for a Christian at any time, even on week-days, and
+it was certain that God had, on one occasion, shown His disapproval, by
+taking away the life of a boy while he was indulging in that carnal
+practice.[597]
+
+  [583] A man, named Alexander Laurie, was brought before the Kirk Session
+        of Perth, 'and being inquired by the minister if, in his last
+        being out of this country, he had been in Spain, answered that he
+        was in Portugal, but was never present at mass, neither gave
+        reverence to any procession, and that he was never demanded by any
+        concerning his religion. The said Alexander being removed and
+        censured, it was thought good by the (Kirk) Session that he should
+        be admonished not to travel in these parts again, except that they
+        were otherwise reformed in religion.' _Extracts from the
+        Kirk-Session Register of Perth_, in _The Spottiswoode Miscellany_,
+        vol. ii. p. 274. Still earlier, that is, in 1592, the clergy
+        attempted to interfere even with commerce, 'allegeing that the
+        marchands could not mak vayage in Spayne without danger of their
+        sawlis, and tharefore willit thayme in the nayme of God to
+        absteyne.' _The Historie of King James the Sext_, p. 254.
+
+  [584] See the case of Patrick Stewart, and Mr. Lawson's note upon it, in
+        _Lawson's Book of Perth_, p. 238. In this instance, the 'Roman
+        Catholic gentleman' had been excommunicated, which made matters
+        still worse.
+
+  [585] The Presbytery of Edinburgh, 'by their transcendent sole
+        authority, discharged any market to be kept on Monday; the reason
+        was, because it occasioned the travelling of men and horse the
+        Lord's-day before, which prophaned the Sabbath.' _Presbytery
+        Displayd_, p. 10. In 1650, Saturday was also taken in by another
+        ecclesiastical senate. 'The Presbyterie doe appoint the severall
+        brethren in burghes, to deale with such as have not changed ther
+        Mondayes and Satterdayes mercats to other dayes of the weeke, that
+        they may doe the same _primo quoque tempore_.' _Minutes of the
+        Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar_, p. 53.
+
+  [586] In 1650, 'For "the down-bearing of sin," women were not allowed to
+        act as waiters in taverns, but "allenarly men-servands and boys."'
+        _Chambers' Annals_, vol. ii. p. 196. This order 'wes red and
+        publictlie intimat in all the kirkis of Edinburgh.' _Nicoll's
+        Diary_, p. 5.
+
+  [587] 'Forsameikle as dilatation being made, that Janet Watson holds an
+        house by herself where _she may give occasion of slander_,
+        therefore Patrick Pitcairn, elder, is ordained to admonish her in
+        the session's name, either to marry, or then pass to service,
+        otherwise that she will not be suffered to dwell by herself.'
+        _Kirk-Session Records of Perth_, in _The Chronicle of Perth_,
+        p. 86.
+
+  [588] 'Ordains the two sisters, Elspith and Janet Stewart, that they be
+        not found in the house again with their sister, but every one of
+        them shall go to service, or where they may be best entertained
+        without slander, under the penalty of warding their persons and
+        banishment of the town.' _Kirk-Session Register_, in _Lawson's
+        Book of Perth_, p. 169.
+
+  [589] 'Compeirit William Kinneir, and confest his travelling on the
+        Sabbath day, which he declairit was out of meer necessitie,
+        haveing two watters to croce, and ane tempestuos day, quhilk
+        moowit him to fear that he wold not get the watters crost, and so
+        his credit might faill. He was sharpelie admonished, and promist
+        newer to doe the lyke again.' _Selections from the Records of the
+        Kirk-Session of Aberdeen_, p. 136.
+
+  [590] 'Compearit Thomas Gray, and confest that one Sunday in the
+        morning, he went to Culter to visit a friend, and stayed thair all
+        night. The sessioune warnit him, _apud acta_, to the next day, and
+        appointed Patrick Gray, his master, to be cited to the next day,
+        to give furder informatioune in the matter. (Sharply rebuked
+        before the pulpit.)' _Selections from the Records of the
+        Kirk-Session of Aberdeen_, p. 146.
+
+  [591] 'It was reported that Margaret Brotherstone did water her kaill
+        wpon the Sabbath day, and thairwpon was ordained to be cited.' ...
+        'Compeired Margaret Brotherstone, and confessed her breach of
+        Sabbath in watering of her kaill, and thairwpon ordained to give
+        evidence in publick of her repentance the next Lord's day.'
+        _Extracts from the Register of the Kirk-Session of Humbie_, p. 42.
+
+  [592] Even so late as the middle of the eighteenth century, 'clergymen
+        were sometimes libelled' ... 'for shaving' on Sunday. _Sinclair's
+        Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. xvi. p. 34, Edinburgh,
+        1795. At an earlier period, no one might be shaved on that day.
+        See _The Spottiswoode Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 276; and _Lawson's
+        Book of Perth_, pp. 224, 225.
+
+  [593] 'Compeired John Gordon of Avachie, and confessed that he had
+        transgressed in travailing on the Sabbath day with horse, going
+        for a milston. Referred to the session of Kinor for censure.'
+        _Extracts from the Presbytery Book of Strathbogie_, p. 236. See
+        also the case mentioned in _Letters from a Gentleman in the North
+        of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 172; 'This riding on horseback of a
+        Sunday was deemed a great scandal.'
+
+  [594] In 1647, the punishment was ordered of whoever was guilty of
+        'sitting or walking idle upon the streetes and feildes' on Sunday.
+        _Selections from the Minutes of the Synod of Fife_, p. 152. In
+        1742, 'sitting idle at their doors' and 'sitting about doors' was
+        profane. _Robe's Naratives of the Extraordinary Work of the Spirit
+        of God_, pp. 109, 110. In 1756, at Perth, 'to stroll about the
+        fields, or even to walk upon the inches, was looked upon as
+        extremely sinful, and an intolerable violation of the fourth
+        commandment.' _Penny's Traditions of Perth_, p. 36.
+
+  [595] In 1656, 'Cite Issobell Balfort, servand to William Gordone,
+        tailyeor, beeing found sleeping at the Loche side on the Lord's
+        day in tyme of Sermon.' _Selections from the Records of the
+        Kirk-Session of Aberdeen_. p. 137. It was a sin even for children
+        to feel tired of the interminable sermons which they were forced
+        to hear. Halyburton, addressing the young people of his
+        congregation, says, 'Have not you been glad when the Lord's day
+        was over; or, at least, _when the preaching was done_, that ye
+        might get your liberty. Has it not been a burden to you, to sit so
+        long in the church? Well, _this is a great sin_.' See this
+        noticeable passage, in _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_,
+        p. 100.
+
+  [596] In 1719, the Presbytery of Edinburgh indignantly declares, 'Yea,
+        some have arrived at that height of impiety, as not to be ashamed
+        of washing in waters, and swimming in rivers upon the holy
+        Sabbath.' _Register of Presbytery of Edinburgh, 29th April 1719_,
+        in _Arnot's History of Edinburgh_, p. 204.
+
+  [597] So late as 1691, the Kirk-Session of Glasgow attempted to prevent
+        all boys from swimming, whatever the day might be. But as the
+        Church was then on the decline, it was necessary to appeal to the
+        civil authority for help. What the result was, I have not been
+        able to ascertain. There is, however, a curious notice, in
+        _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of Ministers_, vol. ii. part
+        ii. p. 77, stating that, on 'August 6th, 1691, the Session
+        recommends it to the magistrates to think on some overtures for
+        discharging boyes from swimming, in regard one was lately lost.' I
+        have met with other evidence respecting this; but I cannot
+        remember the passages.
+
+That it was a sin to cleanse one's body, might, indeed, have been taken
+for granted; seeing that the Scotch clergy looked on all comforts as
+sinful in themselves, merely because they were comforts.[598] The great
+object of life was, to be in a state of constant affliction.[599]
+Whatever pleased the senses, was to be suspected.[600] A Christian must
+beware of enjoying his dinner; for none but the ungodly relished their
+food.[601] By a parity of reasoning, it was wrong for a man to wish to
+advance himself in life, or in any way to better his condition.[602]
+Either to make money, or to save it, was unsuited to Christians; and even
+to possess much of it was objectionable, because it not only ministered
+to human pleasures, but encouraged those habits of foresight and of
+provision for the future, which are incompatible with complete
+resignation to the Divine will. To wish for more than was necessary to
+keep oneself alive, was a sin as well as a folly, and was a violation of
+the subjection we owe to God.[603] That it was contrary to His desire,
+was, moreover, evident, from the fact that He bestowed wealth liberally
+upon misers and covetous men; a remarkable circumstance, which, in the
+opinion of Scotch divines, proved that He was no lover of riches,
+otherwise He would not give them to such base and sordid persons.[604]
+
+  [598] The Rev. James Fraser says, 'The world is a dangerous thing and a
+        great evil, and the comforts of it a hell.' _Select Biographies_,
+        vol. ii. p. 220. Compare _Gray's Spiritual Warfare_, p. 22.
+
+  [599] 'It is good to be continually afflicted here.' _Select
+        Biographies_, vol. ii. p. 220. Gray, advocating the same doctrine,
+        sums up his remarks by a suggestion, that, 'I think David had
+        never so sweet a time as then, when he was pursued as a partridge
+        by his son Absalom.' _Gray's Great and Precious Promises_, p. 14.
+
+  [600] 'Suspect that which pleaseth the senses.' _Abernethy's Physicke
+        for the Soule_, p. 63.
+
+  [601] Durham, in his long catalogue of sins, mentions as one, 'the
+        preparing of meat studiously, that is, when it is too riotously
+        dressed, for pleasing men's carnal appetite and taste, or palate,
+        by the fineness of it, and other curiosities of that kind.'
+        _Durham's Law Unsealed_, p. 333. See also p. 48, on
+        'palate-pleasers;' and Dickson's opinion of the 'rarest dishes and
+        best meats.' _Dickson's Explication of the Psalms_, p. 84.
+        According to another of the Scotch divines, whoever makes one good
+        meal and has enough left for a second, is in imminent peril. 'He
+        that is full, and hath enough to make him fuller, will easily deny
+        God, and be exalted against him: his table shall be a snare to his
+        body, and a snare to his soule.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the
+        Soule_, p. 421.
+
+  [602] For, says Abernethy (_Physicke for the Soule_, p. 488), 'men are
+        loth to lend their eare to the Word, when they abound in
+        prosperity.' So, too, Hutcheson, in his _Exposition of the Book of
+        Job_, p. 387: 'Such is the weakness even of godly men, that they
+        can hardly live in a prosperous condition, and not be overtaken
+        with some security, carnal confidence, or other miscarriage.'
+
+  [603] See this theory worked out in _Cockburn's Jacob's Vow, or Man's
+        Felicity and Duty_, pp. 71-75. He says, 'And certainly to crave
+        and be desirous of more than what is competent for the maintenance
+        and support of our lives, is both inconsistent with that
+        dependence and subjection we owe to God, and doth also bespeak a
+        great deal of vanity, folly, and inconsiderateness.' Boston,
+        striking at the very foundation of that practice of providing for
+        the future, which is the first and most important maxim in all
+        civil wisdom, and which peculiarly distinguishes civilized nations
+        from barbarians, asks his hearers, 'Why should men rack their
+        heads with cares how to provide for to-morrow, while they know not
+        if they shall then need anything?' _Boston's Human Nature in its
+        Four-fold State_, p. 300. Hutcheson thinks that those who are
+        guilty of such impious prudence, deserve to be starved. 'When men
+        are not content with food and rayment, but would still heap up
+        more, it is just with God to leave them not so much as bread; and
+        to suffer men to have an evil eye upon them, and to pluck at them,
+        even so long as they have meat.' _Hutcheson's Exposition of the
+        Book of Job_, p. 296. Binning, going still further, threatens
+        eternal ruin. 'Ye may have things necessary here,--food and
+        raiment; and if ye seek more, if ye will be rich, and will have
+        superfluities, then ye shall fall into many temptations, snares,
+        and hurtful lusts which shall drown you in perdition.' _Binning's
+        Sermons_, vol. iii. p. 355.
+
+  [604] 'If God loved riches well, do ye think he would give them so
+        liberally, and heap them up upon some base covetous wretches?
+        Surely no.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. iii. p. 366. Gray, in his
+        zeal against wealth, propounds another doctrine, which I do not
+        remember to have seen elsewhere. He says, 'All that the owner of
+        riches hath, is, the seeing of them; which a man, who is a passer
+        by, may likeways have, though he be not possessor of them.'
+        _Gray's Spiritual Warfare_, p. 128. I hope that the reader will
+        not suspect me of having maliciously invented any of these
+        passages. The books from which they are quoted, are, with only two
+        or three exceptions, all in my library, and may be examined by
+        persons who are curious in such matters.
+
+To be poor, dirty, and hungry, to pass through life in misery, and to
+leave it with fear, to be plagued with boils, and sores, and diseases of
+every kind, to be always sighing and groaning, to have the face streaming
+with tears, and the chest heaving with sobs, in a word, to suffer
+constant affliction, and to be tormented in all possible ways; to undergo
+these things was deemed a proof of goodness, just as the contrary was a
+proof of evil. It mattered not what a man liked; the mere fact of his
+liking it, made it sinful. Whatever was natural, was wrong. The clergy
+deprived the people of their holidays, their amusements, their shows,
+their games, and their sports; they repressed every appearance of joy,
+they forbade all merriment, they stopped all festivities, they choked up
+every avenue by which pleasure could enter, and they spread over the
+country an universal gloom.[605] Then, truly, did darkness sit on the
+land. Men, in their daily actions and in their very looks, became
+troubled, melancholy, and ascetic. Their countenance soured, and was
+downcast. Not only their opinions, but their gait, their demeanour, their
+voice, their general aspect, were influenced by that deadly blight which
+nipped all that was genial and warm. The way of life fell into the sear
+and yellow leaf; its tints gradually deepened; its bloom faded, and
+passed off; its spring, its freshness, and its beauty, were gone; joy and
+love either disappeared or were forced to hide themselves in obscure
+corners, until at length the fairest and most endearing parts of our
+nature, being constantly repressed, ceased to bear fruit, and seemed to
+be withered into perpetual sterility.
+
+  [605] 'The absence of external appearances of joy in Scotland, in
+        contrast with the frequent holidayings and merry-makings of the
+        continent, has been much remarked upon. We find in the records of
+        ecclesiastical discipline clear traces of the process by which
+        this distinction was brought about. To the puritan kirk of the
+        sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, every outward demonstration
+        of natural good spirits was a sort of sin, to be as far as
+        possible repressed.' ... 'The whole sunshine of life was, as it
+        were, squeezed out of the community.' _Chambers' Annals of
+        Scotland_, vol. i. p. 336, vol. ii. p. 156.
+
+Thus it was, that the national character of the Scotch was, in the
+seventeenth century, dwarfed and mutilated. With nations, as with
+individuals, the harmony and free development of life can only be
+attained by exercising its principal functions boldly and without fear.
+Those functions are of two kinds; one set of them increasing the
+happiness of the mind, another set increasing the happiness of the body.
+If we could suppose a man completely perfect, we should take for granted
+that he would unite these two forms of pleasure in the highest degree,
+and would extract, both from body and mind, every enjoyment consistent
+with his own happiness, and with the happiness of others. But, as no such
+character is to be found, it invariably occurs, that even the wisest of
+us are unable to hold the balance; we, therefore, err, some in
+over-indulging the body, some in over-indulging the mind. Comparing one
+set of indulgences with the other, there can be no doubt that the
+intellectual pleasures are, in many respects, superior to the physical;
+they are more numerous, more varied, more permanent, and more ennobling;
+they are less liable to cause satiety in the individual, and they produce
+more good to the species. But for one person who can enjoy intellectual
+pleasures, there are at least a hundred who can enjoy physical pleasures.
+The happiness derived from gratifying the senses, being thus diffused
+over a wider area, and satisfying, at any given moment, a greater number
+of persons than the other form of happiness is capable of, does, on that
+account, possess an importance which many who call themselves
+philosophers are unwilling to recognize. Too often have philosophic and
+speculative thinkers, by a foolish denunciation of such pleasures, done
+all in their power to curtail the quantity of happiness of which humanity
+is susceptible. Forgetting that we have bodies as well as minds, and
+forgetting, too, that in an immense majority of instances the body is
+more active than the mind, that it is more powerful, that it plays a more
+conspicuous part, and is fitted for greater achievements, such writers
+commit the enormous error of despising that class of actions to which
+ninety-nine men out of every hundred are most prone, and for which they
+are best fitted. And for committing this error they pay the penalty of
+finding their books unread, their systems disregarded, and their scheme
+of life adopted, perhaps, by a small class of solitary students, but shut
+out from that great world of reality for which it is unsuited, and in
+which it would produce the most serious mischief.
+
+If, then, we review the history of opinion in connexion with the history
+of action, we may probably say, that the ascetic notions of philosophers,
+such, for instance, as the doctrines of the Stoics, and similar theories
+of mortification, have not worked the harm which might have been
+expected, and have not succeeded in abridging, to any perceptible extent,
+the substantial happiness of mankind. There are, I apprehend, two reasons
+why they have failed. In the first place, these philosophers have, with
+hardly an exception, had little real acquaintance with human nature, and
+have, therefore, been unable to touch those chords, and appeal to those
+hidden motives, by influencing which one man gains over another to his
+side. And, in the second place, they, fortunately for us, have never
+possessed authority, and have, therefore, been unable either to enforce
+their doctrine by penalties, or to recommend it by rewards.
+
+But, though philosophers have failed in their effort to lessen the
+pleasures of mankind, there is another body of men, who, in making the
+same attempt, have met with far greater success. I mean, of course, the
+theologians, who, considered as a class, have, in every country and in
+every age, deliberately opposed themselves to gratifications which are
+essential to the happiness of an overwhelming majority of the human race.
+Raising up a God of their own creation, whom they hold out as a lover of
+penance, of sacrifice, and of mortification, they, under this pretence,
+forbid enjoyments which are not only innocent, but praiseworthy. For,
+every enjoyment by which no one is injured, is innocent; and every
+innocent enjoyment is praiseworthy, because it assists in diffusing that
+spirit of content and of satisfaction which is favourable to the practice
+of benevolence towards others. The theologians, however, for reasons
+which I have already stated, cultivate an opposite spirit, and, whenever
+they have possessed power, they have always prohibited a large number of
+pleasurable actions, on the ground that such actions are offensive to the
+Deity. That they have no warrant for this, and that they are simply
+indulging in peremptory assertions on subjects respecting which we have
+no trustworthy information, is well known to those who, impartially, and
+without preconceived bias, have studied their arguments, and the evidence
+which they adduce. On this, however, I need not dilate; for, inasmuch as
+men are, almost every year, and certainly every generation, becoming more
+accustomed to close and accurate reasoning, just in the same proportion
+is the conviction spreading, that theologians proceed from arbitrary
+assumptions, for which they have no proof, except by appealing to other
+assumptions, equally arbitrary and equally unproven. Their whole system
+reposes upon fear, and upon fear of the worst kind; since, according to
+them, the Great Author of our being has used His omnipotence in so cruel
+a manner as to endow his creatures with tastes, instincts, and desires,
+which He not only forbids them to gratify, but which, if they do gratify,
+shall bring on themselves eternal punishment.
+
+What the theologians are to the closet, that are the priests to the
+pulpit. The theologians work upon the studious, who read; the clergy act
+upon the idle, who listen. Seeing, however, that the same man often
+performs both offices, and seeing, too, that the spirit and tendency of
+each office are the same, we may, for practical purposes, consider the
+two classes as identical; and, putting them together, and treating them
+as a whole, it must be admitted by whoever will take a comprehensive view
+of what they have actually done, that they have been, not only the most
+bitter foes of human happiness, but also the most successful ones. In
+their high and palmy days, when they reigned supreme, when credulity was
+universal and doubt unknown, they afflicted mankind in every possible
+way; enjoining fasts, and penances, and pilgrimages, teaching their
+simple and ignorant victims every kind of austerity, teaching them to
+flog their own bodies, to tear their own flesh, and to mortify the most
+natural of their appetites. This was the state of Europe in the middle
+ages. It is still the state of every part of the world where the
+priesthood are uncontrolled. Such ascetic and self-tormenting observances
+are the inevitable issue of the theological spirit, if that spirit is
+unchecked. Now, and owing to the rapid march of our knowledge, it is
+constantly losing ground, because the scientific and secular spirit is
+encroaching on its domain. Therefore, in our time, and especially in our
+country, its most repulsive features are disguised, and it is forced to
+mask its native ugliness. Among our clergy, a habit of grave and decent
+compromise has taken the place of that bold and fiery war which their
+predecessors waged against a sensual and benighted world. Their threats
+have perceptibly diminished. They now allow us a little pleasure, a
+little luxury, a little happiness. They no longer tell us to mortify
+every appetite, and to forego every comfort. The language of power has
+departed from them. Here and there, we find vestiges of the ancient
+spirit; but this is only among uneducated men, addressing an ignorant
+audience. The superior clergy, who have a character to lose, are grown
+cautious; and, whatever their private opinion may be, they rarely venture
+on those terrific denunciations with which their pulpits once resounded,
+and which, in times of yore, made the people shrink with fear, and
+humbled every one except him by whom the denunciation was uttered.
+
+Still, though much of this has vanished, enough remains to show what the
+theological spirit is, and to justify a belief, that nothing but the
+pressure of public opinion prevents it from breaking out into its former
+extravagance. Many of the clergy persist in attacking the pleasures of
+the world, forgetting that, not only the world, but all which the world
+contains, is the work of the Almighty, and that the instincts and
+desires, which they stigmatise as unholy, are part of his gifts to man.
+They have yet to learn, that our appetites, being as much a portion of
+ourselves as any other quality we possess, ought to be indulged,
+otherwise the whole individual is not developed. If a man suppresses part
+of himself, he becomes maimed and shorn. The proper limit to
+self-indulgence is, that he shall neither hurt himself nor hurt others.
+Short of this, everything is lawful. It is more than lawful; it is
+necessary. He who abstains from safe and moderate gratification of the
+senses, lets some of his essential faculties fall into abeyance, and
+must, on that account, be deemed imperfect and unfinished. Such an one is
+incomplete; he is crippled; he has never reached his full stature. He may
+be a monk; he may be a saint; but a man he is not. And now, more than
+ever, do we want true and genuine men. No previous age has had so much
+work to do, and, to accomplish that work, we need robust and vigorous
+natures, whose every function has been freely exercised without let or
+hindrance. Never before, was the practice of life so arduous; never were
+the problems presented to the human mind so numerous, or so complicated.
+Every addition to our knowledge, every fresh idea, opens up new
+difficulties, and gives birth to new combinations. Under this accumulated
+pressure, we shall assuredly sink, if we imitate the credulity of our
+forefathers, who allowed their energies to be cramped and weakened by
+those pernicious notions, which the clergy, partly from ignorance, and
+partly from interest, have, in every age, palmed on the people, and have,
+thereby, diminished the national happiness, and retarded the march of
+national prosperity.
+
+In the same way, we constantly hear of the evils of wealth, and of the
+sinfulness of loving money; although it is certain that, after the love
+of knowledge, there is no one passion which has done so much good to
+mankind as the love of money. It is to the love of money that we owe all
+trade and commerce; in other words, the possession of every comfort and
+luxury which our own country is unable to supply. Trade and commerce have
+made us familiar with the productions of many lands, have awakened
+curiosity, have widened our ideas by bringing us in contact with nations
+of various manners, speech, and thought, have supplied an outlet for
+energies which would otherwise have been pent up and wasted, have
+accustomed men to habits of enterprise, forethought, and calculation,
+have, moreover, communicated to us many arts of great utility, and have
+put us in possession of some of the most valuable remedies with which we
+are acquainted, either to save life or to lessen pain. These things we
+owe to the love of money. If theologians could succeed in their desire to
+destroy that love, all these things would cease, and we should relapse
+into comparative barbarism. The love of money, like all our appetites, is
+liable to abuse; but to declaim against it as evil in itself, and, above
+all, to represent it as a feeling, the indulgence of which provokes the
+wrath of God, is to betray an ignorance, natural, perhaps, in former
+ages, but shameful in our time, particularly when it proceeds from men
+who give themselves out as public teachers, and profess that it is their
+mission to enlighten the world.
+
+Injurious, however, as all this is to the best interests of society, it
+is nothing in comparison with the doctrines formerly advocated by the
+Scotch divines. What their ideas were, I have shown from their own
+sermons, the reading of which has been the most painful literary task I
+ever undertook, since, in addition to the narrowness and the dogmatism
+which even the best of such compositions contain, there is, in these
+productions, a hardness of heart, an austerity of temper, a want of
+sympathy with human happiness, and a hatred of human nature, such as have
+rarely been exhibited in any age, and, I rejoice to think, have never
+been exhibited in any other Protestant country. These things, I have
+resuscitated from the oblivion in which they had long been buried, partly
+because it was necessary to do so in order to understand the history of
+the Scotch mind, and partly because I desired to show what the tendency
+of theologians is, when that tendency is uncontrolled. Protestants,
+generally, are too apt to suppose that there is something in their creed
+which protects them against those hurtful extravagances which have been,
+and, to a certain extent, still are, practised in the Catholic Church.
+Never was a greater mistake. There is but one protection against the
+tyranny of any class; and that is, to give that class very little power.
+Whatever the pretensions of any body of men may be, however smooth their
+language, and however plausible their claims, they are sure to abuse
+power, if much of it is conferred on them. The entire history of the
+world affords no instance to the contrary. In Catholic countries, France
+alone excepted, the clergy have more authority than in Protestant
+countries. Therefore, in Catholic countries, they do more harm than in
+Protestant countries, and their peculiar views are developed with greater
+freedom. The difference depends, not on the nature of the creed, but on
+the power of the class. This is very apparent in Scotland, where the
+clergy, being supreme, did, Protestants though they were, imitate the
+ascetic, the unsocial, and the cruel doctrines, which, in the Catholic
+Church, gave rise to convents, fastings, scourgings, and all the other
+appliances of an uncouth and ungenial superstition.
+
+Indeed, the Scotch divines, in some of their theories, went beyond any
+section of the Catholic Church, except the Spanish. They sought to
+destroy, not only human pleasures, but also human affections. They held
+that our affections are necessarily connected with our lusts, and that we
+must, therefore, wean ourselves from them as earthly vanities.[606] A
+Christian had no business with love or sympathy. He had his own soul to
+attend to, and that was enough for him. Let him look to himself. On
+Sunday, in particular, he must never think of benefiting others; and the
+Scotch clergy did not hesitate to teach the people, that on that day it
+was sinful to save a vessel in distress, and that it was a proof of
+religion to leave ship and crew to perish.[607] They might go; none but
+their wives and children would suffer, and that was nothing in comparison
+with breaking the Sabbath. So, too, did the clergy teach, that on no
+occasion must food or shelter be given to a starving man, unless his
+opinions were orthodox.[608] What need for him to live? Indeed, they
+taught that it was a sin to tolerate his notions at all, and that the
+proper course was, to visit him with sharp and immediate punishment.[609]
+Going yet further, they broke the domestic ties, and set parents against
+their offspring. They taught the father to smite the unbelieving child,
+and to slay his own boy sooner than allow him to propagate error.[610] As
+if this were not enough, they tried to extirpate another affection, even
+more sacred and more devoted still. They laid their rude and merciless
+hands on the holiest passion of which our nature is capable, the love of
+a mother for her son. Into that sanctuary, they dared to intrude; into
+that, they thrust their gaunt and ungentle forms. If a mother held
+opinions of which they disapproved, they did not scruple to invade her
+household, take away her children, and forbid her to hold communication
+with them.[611] Or if, perchance, her son had incurred their displeasure,
+they were not satisfied with forcible separation, but they laboured to
+corrupt her heart, and harden it against her child, so that she might be
+privy to the act. In one of these cases, mentioned in the records of the
+church of Glasgow, the Kirk-Session of that town summoned before them a
+woman, merely because she had received into her house her own son, after
+the clergy had excommunicated him. So effectually did they work upon her
+mind, that they induced her to promise, not only that she would shut her
+door against her child, but that she would aid in bringing him to
+punishment. She had sinned in loving him; she had sinned, even, in giving
+him shelter; but, says the record, 'she promised not to do it again, and
+to tell the magistrates when he comes next to her.'[612]
+
+  [606] 'A Christian should mortifie his affections, which are his
+        predominant lusts, to which our affections are so much joined, and
+        our soul doth so much go out after.' _Gray's Spiritual Warfare_,
+        p. 29. 'That blessed work of weaning of affections from all things
+        that are here.' _Gray's Great and Precious Promises_, p. 86.
+
+  [607] 'One of our more northern ministers, whose parish lies along the
+        coast between Spey and Findorn, made some fishermen do penance for
+        sabbath-breaking, in going out to sea, though purely with
+        endeavour to save a vessel in distress by a storm.' _Letters from
+        a Gentleman in the North of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 173.
+
+  [608] 'The master of a family may, and ought to, deny an act of humanity
+        or hospitality to strangers that are false teachers.'
+        _Rutherford's Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty of
+        Conscience_, p. 176. 'The Holy Ghost forbiddeth the master of
+        every Christian family to owne a hereticke as a guest.' _Ibid._,
+        p. 219. See also p. 235.
+
+  [609] 'We hold that tolleration of all religions is not farre from
+        blasphemy.' _Rutherford's Free Disputation against Pretended
+        Liberty of Conscience_, p. 20. 'If wolves be permitted to teach
+        what is right in their own erroneous conscience, and there be no
+        "Magistrate to put them to shame," _Judg._ xviii. 7, and no King
+        to punish them, then godlinesse and all that concernes the first
+        Table of the Law must be marred.' _Ibid._, p. 230. 'Wilde and
+        atheisticall liberty of conscience,' p. 337. 'Cursed toleration,'
+        p. 400. See also, in the same work (pp. 110, 244), Rutherford's
+        remarks on the murder of Servetus. In 1645, Baillie, who was then
+        in London, writes, 'The Independents here plead for a tolleration
+        both for themselfes and other sects. My Dissuasive is come in time
+        to doe service here. We hope God will assist us to remonstrate the
+        wickedness of such an tolleration.' And on account of the
+        Independents wishing to show common charity towards persons who
+        differed in opinions from themselves, Baillie writes next year
+        (1646), 'The Independents has the least zeale to the truth of God
+        of any men we know.' _Baillie's Letters and Journals_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 328, 361. Blair, who was in London in 1649, was sorely vexed
+        with 'the most illegal, irreligious, and wicked proceedings and
+        actings of the sectarian army;' one of their crimes being the
+        attempt 'to ruin religion by their toleration.' _Continuation of
+        the Autobiography of Mr. Robert Blair, Minister of St. Andrews_,
+        p. 213. For other evidence of this persecuting spirit, see
+        _Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error_, pp. 159, 163, 199-202;
+        _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_, p. 215; _Durham's Exposition
+        of the Song of Solomon_, p. 147; _Durham's Commentarie upon the
+        Book of the Revelation_, pp. 141, 143, 330; and _Shields' Hind let
+        loose_, p. 168.
+
+  [610] 'A third benefit (which is a branch of the former), is zeal in the
+        godly against false teachers, who shall be so tender of the truth
+        and glory of God, and the safety of the Church (all which are
+        endangered by error), that it shall overcome natural affection in
+        them; so that parents shall not _spare their own children_, being
+        seducers, but shall either by an heroick act (such as was in
+        Phinehas, _Numb._ XXV. 8), _themselves judge him worthy to die,
+        and give sentence and execute it_, or cause him to be punished, by
+        bringing him to the Magistrate,' &c.... 'The toleration of a false
+        religion in doctrine or worship, and the exemption of the
+        erroneous from civil punishment, is no more lawful under the New
+        Testament than it was under the Old.' _An Exposition of the
+        Prophecie of Zechariah_, in _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
+        Prophets_, vol. iii. p. 203, 8vo. 1654.
+
+  [611] _Selections from the Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark_,
+        pp. x. 33, 56, 63, 65, 73.
+
+  [612] I copy the exact words from _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives
+        of Ministers of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 71.
+        An order had been previously obtained from the government,
+        'requiring the magistrates to expell furth of the Toun all
+        excomunicated persons.'
+
+She promised not to do it again. She promised to forget him, whom she had
+born of her womb and suckled at her breast. She promised to forget her
+boy, who had ofttimes crept to her knees, who had slept in her bosom, and
+whose tender frame she had watched over and nursed. All the dearest
+associations of the past, all that the most exquisite form of human
+affection can give or receive, all that delights the memory, all that
+brightens the prospect of life, all vanished, all passed away from the
+mind of this poor woman, at the bidding of her spiritual masters. At one
+fell swoop, all were gone. So potent were the arts of these men, that
+they persuaded the mother to conspire against her son, that she might
+deliver him up to them. They defiled her nature, by purging it of its
+love. From that day her soul was polluted. She was lost to herself, as
+well as lost to her son. To hear of such things is enough to make one's
+blood surge again, and raise a tempest in our inmost nature. But to have
+seen them, to have lived in the midst of them, and yet not to have
+rebelled against them, is to us utterly inconceivable, and proves in how
+complete a thraldom the Scotch were held, and how thoroughly their minds,
+as well as their bodies, were enslaved.
+
+What more need I say? What further evidence need I bring to elucidate the
+real character of one of the most detestable tyrannies ever seen on the
+earth? When the Scotch Kirk was at the height of its power, we may search
+history in vain for any institution which can compete with it, except the
+Spanish Inquisition. Between these two, there is a close and intimate
+analogy. Both were intolerant, both were cruel, both made war upon the
+finest parts of human nature, and both destroyed every vestige of
+religions freedom. One difference, however, there was, of vast
+importance. In political matters, the Church, which was servile in Spain,
+was rebellious in Scotland. Hence the Scotch always had one direction in
+which they could speak and act with unrestrained liberty. In politics,
+they found their vent. There, the mind was free. And this was their
+salvation. This saved them from the fate of Spain, by securing to them
+the exercise of those faculties which otherwise would have lain dormant,
+if, indeed, they had not been entirely destroyed by that long and
+enfeebling servitude in which their clergy retained them, and from which,
+but for this favourable circumstance, no escape would have been open.
+
+
+
+
+                                CHAPTER V.
+
+  AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+To complete the history and analysis of the Scotch mind, I have now to
+examine the peculiar intellectual movement which appeared in the
+eighteenth century, and which, for several reasons, deserves careful
+attention. It was essentially a reaction against that theological spirit
+which predominated during the seventeenth century. Such a reaction would
+hardly have been possible, except for the fact which I have already
+noticed, namely, that the political activity which produced the rebellion
+against the Stuarts, saved the Scotch mind from stagnating, and prevented
+that deep slumber into which the progress of superstition would naturally
+have thrown it. The long and stubborn conflict with a despotic
+government, kept alive a certain alertness and vigour of understanding,
+which survived the struggle that gave it birth. When the contest was
+ended, and peace was restored, the faculties which, for three
+generations, had been exercised in resisting the executive authority,
+sought other employment, and found another field in which they could
+disport themselves. Hence it was, that the boldness which, in the
+seventeenth century, was practical, became, in the eighteenth century,
+speculative, and produced a literature, which attempted to unsettle
+former opinions, and to disturb the ancient landmarks of the human mind.
+The movement was revolutionary, and bore the same relation to
+ecclesiastical tyranny, which the previous movement had borne to
+political tyranny. But this new rebellion had one striking
+characteristic. In nearly every other country, when the intellect has
+fairly arrayed itself against the exclusive pretensions of the Church,
+it has happened that the secular philosophy, which has been engendered,
+has been an inductive philosophy, taking for its basis individual and
+specific experience, and seeking, by that means, to overthrow the general
+and traditional notions, on which all church power is founded. The plan
+has been, to refuse to accept principles which could not be substantiated
+by facts; while the opposite and theological plan is, to force the facts
+to yield to the principles. In the former case, experience precedes
+theory; in the latter case, theory precedes experience, and controls it.
+In theology, certain principles are taken for granted; and, it being
+deemed impious to question them, all that remains for us is to reason
+from them downwards. This is the deductive method. On the other hand, the
+inductive method will concede nothing, but insists upon reasoning
+upwards, and demands that we shall have the liberty of ascertaining the
+principles for ourselves. In a complete scheme of our knowledge, and when
+all our resources are fully developed and marshalled into order, as they
+must eventually be, the two methods will be, not hostile, but
+supplementary, and will be combined into a single system. At present,
+however, we are very far from such a result; and not only is every mind
+more prone to one method than to another, but we find, historically, that
+different ages and different countries have been characterised by the
+extent to which one of these two schemes has predominated; and we also
+find, that a study of this antagonism is the surest way of understanding
+the intellectual condition of any period.
+
+That the inductive philosophy is even more marked by its secular
+tendencies than by its scientific ones, will be evident to whoever
+observes the epochs in which it has been most active, and has possessed
+most adherents. Of this, the history of the French mind, in the
+eighteenth century, affords a good instance, where, after the death of
+Louis XIV., we may clearly trace the connexion between the growth of the
+inductive method, and the subsequent overthrow of the Gallican Church. In
+England, too, the rise of the Baconian philosophy, with its determination
+to subordinate ancient principles to modern experience, was the heaviest
+blow which has ever been inflicted on the theologians, whose method is to
+begin, not with experience, but with principles, which are said to be
+inscrutable, and which we are bound to believe without further
+difficulty. And I need hardly remind the reader, that scarcely was that
+philosophy established among us, when it produced those bold inquiries
+which quickly ended in the downfall of the English Church under Charles
+I. From that terrible defeat, our clergy did, for a time, partly rally;
+but as their apparent success, in the reign of Charles II., was owing to
+political changes, and not to social ones, they were unable to recover
+their hold over society, and, unless the nation should retrograde, there
+is no possibility that they ever should recover it. Over the inferior
+order of minds, they still wield great influence; but the Baconian
+philosophy, by bringing their favourite method into disrepute, has sapped
+the very base of their system. From the moment that their mode of
+investigation was discredited, the secret of their power was gone. From
+the moment that men began to insist on inquiring into the validity of
+first principles, instead of accepting them without inquiry, and humbly
+submitting to them as matters of faith and of necessary belief; from that
+moment, the theologians, driven from one post to another, and constantly
+receding before the pressure of advancing knowledge, have been forced to
+abandon entrenchment after entrenchment, until what they have retained of
+their former territory is hardly worth the struggle. As a last resource,
+they, at the close of the eighteenth century, determined to use the
+weapons of their opponents; and Paley and his successors, enlarging the
+scheme which Ray and Derham had feebly sketched, endeavoured, by a
+skilful employment of the inductive method, to compensate their party for
+the failure of the deductive one. But their project, though ably
+conceived, has come to naught. It is now generally admitted, that nothing
+can be made of it, and that it is impossible to establish the old
+theological premises by a chain of inductive reasoning. Respecting this,
+the most eminent philosophers agree with the most eminent theologians;
+and, since the time of Kant in Germany, and of Coleridge in England,
+none of our ablest men, even among divines themselves, have recurred to a
+plan which Paley, indeed, pursued with vigour, but of which our
+Bridgewater Treatises, our Prize-Essays, and such schoolboy productions,
+are poor and barren imitations.[613] No great thinkers now follow this
+course in matters of religion. On the contrary, they prefer the safer, as
+well as the more philosophic, method, of dealing with these subjects on
+transcendental grounds, frankly confessing that they elude the grasp of
+that inductive philosophy which, in the department of science, has
+achieved such signal triumphs.
+
+  [613] Of course, I say this merely in reference to their theological
+        bearings. Some of the Bridgewater Treatises, such as Bell's,
+        Buckland's, and Prout's, had great scientific merit at the time of
+        their appearance, and may even now be studied with advantage; but
+        the religious portion of them is pitiable, and shows either that
+        their heart was not in their work, or else that the subject was
+        too wide for them. At all events, it is to be hoped that we shall
+        never again see men of equal eminence hiring themselves out as
+        paid advocates, and receiving fees to support particular opinions.
+        It is truly disgraceful that such great speculative questions,
+        instead of being subjected to fair and disinterested argument,
+        with a view of eliciting the truth, should be turned into a
+        pecuniary transaction, in which any one of much money and little
+        wit, can bribe as many persons as he likes, to prejudice the
+        public ear in favour of his own theories.
+
+The opposition of these two methods, and the inapplicability of the
+inductive method to theological pursuits being thus apparent, it is not
+strange that the Scotch should have adopted one of the methods with great
+zeal, and to the almost complete exclusion of the other. Scotland, being
+essentially theological, followed the theological plan. The intellectual
+history of that country, in the seventeenth century, is almost entirely
+the history of theology. With the single exception of Napier, who was
+born in the middle of the sixteenth century, all the most vigorous
+thinkers were divines. In physical science, scarcely anything was
+done.[614] There was no poetry, no drama, no original philosophy, no
+fine compositions, no secular literature, now worth reading.[615] The
+only men of real influence were the clergy. They governed the nation and
+the pulpit was the chief engine of their power. From the pulpit, they
+moved all classes and all sorts intellects; the highest as well as the
+lowest. There, they instructed them, and threatened them; saying whatever
+they liked, and knowing that what they said would be believed.[616] But
+all their sermons, and all their controversial writings, are eminently
+deductive; not of them attempts an inductive argument. The idea of such a
+thing never entered their heads. They assumed the truth of their own
+religion and moral notions, most of which they had borrowed from
+antiquity; they made those notions the major premises of their
+syllogisms, and from them they reasoned downwards till they obtained
+their conclusions. They never suspected that premises, taken from ancient
+times might be the result of the inductions of those times and that, as
+knowledge advanced, the inductions might need revising. They assumed,
+that God has given us first principles, and that He, having revealed them
+it would ill become us to scrutinize them. That He had revealed them,
+they took for granted, and deemed it unnecessary to prove.[617] Their
+method being entirely deductive, all they were concerned with was to
+beware that no error crept in between the premises and the conclusions.
+And this part of their task they accomplished with great ability. They
+were acute dialecticians, and rarely blundered in what is termed the
+formal part of logic. In dealing with their premises after they obtained
+them, they were extremely skilful; how they obtained them, they were very
+heedless. That was a point they never examined with anything approaching
+to impartiality. According to their method, all that was requisite was,
+to draw inferences from what had been supernaturally communicated. On the
+other hand, the inductive method would have taught them that the first
+question was, whether or not they had been supernaturally communicated?
+They, as deductive reasoners, assumed the very preliminaries which
+inductive reasoners would have disputed. They proceeded from generals to
+particulars, instead of from particulars to generals. And they would not
+allow either themselves or others to sift the general propositions, which
+were to cover and control the particular facts. It was enough for them
+that the wider propositions were already established, and were to be
+treated according to the rules of the old and syllogistic logic. Indeed,
+they were so convinced of the impropriety of the inductive method, that
+they did not hesitate to assert, that it was by means of the syllogism
+that the Deity communicated His wishes to man.[618]
+
+  [614] 'It is humiliating to have to remark, that the notices of comets
+        which we derive from Scotch writers down to this time (1682)
+        contain nothing but accounts of the popular fancies regarding
+        them. Practical astronomy seems to have then been unknown in our
+        country; and hence, while in other lands, men were carefully
+        observing, computing, and approaching to just conclusions
+        regarding these illustrious strangers of the sky, our diarists
+        could only tell us how many _yards_ long they seemed to be, what
+        _effects_ were apprehended from them in the way of war and
+        pestilence, and how certain pious divines "improved" them for
+        spiritual edification. Early in this century Scotland had produced
+        one great philosopher, who had supplied his craft with the
+        mathematical instruments by which complex problems, such as the
+        movement of comets, were alone to be solved. It might have been
+        expected that the country of Napier, seventy years after his time,
+        would have had many sons capable of applying his key to such
+        mysteries of nature. But no one had arisen--nor did any rise for
+        fifty years onward, when at length Colin Maclaurin unfolded in the
+        Edinburgh University the sublime philosophy of Newton. There could
+        not be a more expressive signification of the character of the
+        seventeenth century in Scotland. Our unhappy contentions about
+        external religious matters had absorbed the whole genius of the
+        people, rendering to us the age of Cowley, of Waller, and of
+        Milton, as barren of elegant literature, as that of Horrocks, of
+        Halley, and of Newton, was of science.' _Chambers' Domestic Annals
+        of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 444, 445.
+
+  [615] 'Thus, during the whole seventeenth century, the English were
+        gradually refining their language and their taste; in Scotland,
+        the former was much debased, and the latter almost entirely lost.'
+        _History of Scotland_, book viii., in _Robertson's Works_, p. 260.
+
+        'But the taste and science, the genius and the learning of the
+        age, were absorbed in the gulph of religious controversy. At a
+        time when the learning of Selden, and the genius of Milton,
+        conspired to adorn England, the Scots were reduced to such writers
+        as Baillie, Rutherford, Guthrie, and the two Gillespies.' _Laing's
+        History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 510. 'From the Restoration down
+        to the Union, the only author of eminence whom Scotland produced
+        was Burnet.' _Ibid._, vol. iv. p. 406.
+
+        'The seventeenth century, fatal to the good taste of Italy, threw
+        a total night over Scotland.' ... 'Not one writer who does the
+        least credit to the nation flourished during the century from 1615
+        to 1715, excepting Burnet, whose name would, indeed, honour the
+        brightest period. In particular, no poet whose works merit
+        preservation arose. By a singular fatality, the century which
+        stands highest in English history and genius, is one of the
+        darkest in those of Scotland.' _Ancient Scotish Poems, edited by
+        John Pinkerton_, vol. i. pp. iii. iv., London, 1786.
+
+  [616] Ray, who visited Scotland in 1661, could not suppress a little
+        professional envy, when he saw how much higher ecclesiastics were
+        rated there than in England. He says, 'the people here frequent
+        their churches much better than in England, and have their
+        ministers in more esteem and veneration.' _Ray's Memorials, edited
+        by Dr. Lankester for the Ray Society_, p. 161.
+
+  [617] 'Believing ignorance is much better than rash and presumptuous
+        knowledge. Ask not a reason of these things, but rather adore and
+        tremble at the mystery and majesty of them.' _Binning's Sermons_,
+        vol. i. p. 143. Even Biblical criticism was prohibited; and
+        Dickson says of the different books of the Bible, 'We are not to
+        trouble ourselves about the name of the writer, or time of writing
+        of any part thereof, especially because God of set purpose
+        concealeth the name sundry times of the writer, and the time when
+        it was written.' _Dickson's Explication of the Psalms_, p. 291.
+
+  [618] 'Christ from heaven proposeth a syllogism to Saul's fury.'
+        _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, p. 180. 'The conclusion of a
+        practical syllogism, whereby the believer concluded from the
+        Gospel that he shall be saved.' _Durham's Law Unsealed_, p. 97.
+        'All assurance is by practical syllogism, the first whereof must
+        needs be a Scripture truth.' _Gray's Precious Promises_, p. 139.
+
+It was naturally to be expected, that the clergy, holding these views
+respecting the best means of arriving at truth, should do all in their
+power to bring over the nation to their side, and should labour to make
+their own method of investigation entirely supersede the opposite method.
+Nor was this a very difficult task. The prevailing credulity was one
+great point in their favour, inasmuch as it made men more willing to
+accept propositions than to scrutinise them. When the propositions were
+accepted, nothing was left but to reason from them; and the most active
+intellects in Scotland, being constantly engaged in this process,
+acquired complete mastery over it, and the dexterity they displayed
+increased its repute. Besides this, the clergy, who were its zealous
+champions, had monopolized all the sources of education, both public and
+private. In no other Protestant country, have they exercised such control
+over the universities; not only the doctrines taught, but also the mode
+of teaching them, being, in Scotland, placed under the supervision of the
+Church.[619] This power they, of course, used to propagate their own plan
+of obtaining truth; and, as long as their power remained undiminished, it
+was hardly possible that the opposite, or inductive, plan should gain a
+hearing. Over grammar-schools, the clergy possessed an authority fully
+equal to that which they had in the universities.[620] They also
+appointed and removed, at their own pleasure, teachers of every grade,
+from village schoolmasters to tutors in private families.[621] In this
+way, each generation, as it arose, was brought under their influence, and
+made subject to their notions. Taking the mind of Scotland while it was
+young and flexible, they bent it to their own method. Hence, that method
+became supreme; it reigned every where; not a voice was lifted up against
+it; and no one had an idea that there was more than one path by which
+truth could be reached, or that the human understanding was of any use,
+except to deal deductively with premisses, which were not to be
+inductively examined.
+
+  [619] Bower (_History of the University of Edinburgh_, vol. i. p. 217)
+        says, 'The history of the universities and of the church is, in
+        modern Europe, and perhaps in every other civilized portion of the
+        globe, very nearly connected. They are more nearly connected in
+        Scotland than in any other civilized country called Protestant;
+        because the General Assembly have the legal power of inquiring
+        into the economy of the institutions, both as it respects the mode
+        of teaching, and the doctrines, whether religious, moral, or
+        physical, which are taught.' Spalding, under the year 1639, gives
+        an instance of the power of the General Assembly in 'the College
+        of Old Aberdeen.' _Spalding's History of the Troubles_, vol. i. p.
+        178. See also, on the authority exercised by the General Assembly
+        over the universities, a curious little book, called _The
+        Government and Order of the Church of Scotland_, Edinburgh, 1690,
+        p. 25.
+
+  [620] In 1632, the 'ministers' of Perth were greatly displeased because
+        John Row was made master of the grammar-school without their
+        consent. _The Chronicle of Perth_, p. 33, where it is stated that,
+        consequently, 'thair wes much outcrying in the pulpett.'
+
+  [621] See, for instance, _Minutes of the Presbyteries of St. Andrews and
+        Cupar_, pp. 66, 83, 84, 118. One of the entries is, that in
+        January 1648, 'The Presbyterie ordained that all young students,
+        who waittes on noblemen or gentlemen within thir bounds, aither to
+        teach ther children, or catechise and pray in ther families, to
+        frequent the Presbyterie, that the brether may cognosce what they
+        ar reading, and what proficiencie they make in ther studies, and
+        to know also ther behaviour in the said families, and of their
+        affectione to the Covenant and present religione.' p. 118. Compare
+        _Selections from the Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark_,
+        pp. 56, 65.
+
+The inductive or analytic spirit being thus unknown, and the deductive or
+synthetic spirit being alone favoured, it happened that, when, early in
+the eighteenth century, the circumstances already mentioned gave rise to
+a great intellectual movement, that movement, though new in its results,
+was not new in the method by which the results were obtained. A secular
+philosophy was, indeed, established, and the ablest men, instead of being
+theological, became scientific. But so completely had the theological
+plan occupied Scotland, that even philosophers were unable to escape from
+its method, and, as I am about to show, the inductive method exercised no
+influence over them. This most curious fact is the key to the history of
+Scotland in the eighteenth century, and explains many events which would
+otherwise appear incompatible with each other. It also suggests an
+analogy with Germany, where the deductive method has, for a long period,
+been equally prevalent, owing to precisely the same causes. In both
+countries, the secular movement of the eighteenth century was unable to
+become inductive; and this intellectual affinity between two such
+otherwise different nations, is, I have no doubt, the principal reason
+why the Scotch and German philosophies have so remarkably acted and
+reacted upon each other; Kant and Hamilton being the most finished
+specimens of their intercourse. To this, England forms a complete
+contrast. For more than a hundred and fifty years after the death of
+Bacon, the greatest English thinkers, Newton and Harvey excepted, were
+eminently inductive; nor was it until the nineteenth century that signs
+were clearly exhibited of a counter-movement, and an attempt was made to
+return in some degree to the deductive method.[622] This we are, in many
+respects, justified in doing, because, in the progress of our knowledge,
+we have, by a long course of induction, arrived at several conclusions
+which we may safely treat deductively; that is to say, we may make them
+the major premisses of new arguments. The same process has been seen in
+France, where the exclusively inductive philosophy of the eighteenth
+century preceded a partial resuscitation of deductive philosophy in the
+nineteenth century. In Scotland, however, there have been no such
+vicissitudes. In that country, men have always been deductive; even the
+most original thinkers being unable to liberate themselves from the
+universal tendency, and being forced to accept a method which time had
+consecrated, and which was interwoven with all the associations of the
+national mind.
+
+  [622] This I have already touched upon in the first volume, pp. 808,
+        809. Hereafter, and in my special history of the English mind, I
+        shall examine it carefully and in detail. The revival of the old
+        logic is a great symptom of it. Works like those of Whately, De
+        Morgan, and Mansel, could not have been produced in tho eighteenth
+        century, or, at all events, if by some extraordinary combination
+        of events they had been produced, they would have found no
+        readers. As it is, they have exercised a very extensive and very
+        salutary influence; and, although Archbishop Whately was not well
+        acquainted with the history of formal logic, his exposition of its
+        ordinary processes is so admirably clear, that he has probably
+        contributed more than any other man towards impressing his
+        contemporaries with a sense of the value of deductive reasoning.
+        He has, however, not done sufficient justice to the opposite
+        school, and has, indeed, fallen into the old academical error of
+        supposing that all reasoning is by syllogism. We might just as
+        well say that all movement is by descent.
+
+To understand the investigation into which we are about to enter, the
+reader must firmly seize, and keep before his eyes, the essential
+difference between deduction, which reasons from principles, and
+induction, which reasons to principles. He must remember, that induction
+proceeds from the smaller to the greater; deduction, from the greater to
+the smaller. Induction is from particulars to generals, and from the
+senses to the ideas; deduction is from generals to particulars, and from
+the ideas to the senses. By induction, we rise from the concrete to the
+abstract; by deduction, we descend from the abstract to the concrete.
+Accompanying this distinction, there are certain qualities of mind,
+which, with extremely few exceptions, characterize the age, nation, or
+individual, in which one of these methods is predominant. The inductive
+philosopher is naturally cautious, patient, and somewhat creeping; while
+the deductive philosopher is more remarkable for boldness, dexterity, and
+often rashness. The deductive thinker invariably assumes certain
+premisses, which are quite different from the hypotheses essential to the
+best induction. These premisses are sometimes borrowed from antiquity;
+sometimes they are taken from the notions which happen to prevail in the
+surrounding society; sometimes they are the result of a man's own
+peculiar organization; and sometimes, as we shall presently see, they are
+deliberately invented, with the object of arriving, not at truth, but at
+an approximation to truth. Finally, and to sum up the whole, we may say
+that a deductive habit, being essentially synthetic, always tends to
+multiply original principles or laws; while the tendency of an inductive
+habit is to diminish those laws by gradual and successive analysis.
+
+These being the two fundamental divisions of human inquiry, it is surely
+a most remarkable fact in the history of Scotland, that, during the
+eighteenth century, all the great thinkers belonged to the former
+division, and that, in the very few instances of induction which their
+works contain, it is evident, from the steps they subsequently took, that
+they regarded such inductions as unimportant in themselves, and as only
+valuable in so far as they supplied the premisses for another and
+deductive investigation. As the various departments of our knowledge have
+never yet been co-ordinated and treated as a whole, probably no one is
+aware of the universality of this movement in Scotland, and of the extent
+to which it pervaded every science, and governed every phase of thought.
+To prove, therefore, the force with which it acted, I now purpose to
+examine its working in all the principal forms of speculation, whether
+physical or moral, and to show that in each the same method was adopted.
+In doing this, I must, for the sake of clearness, proceed according to a
+natural arrangement of the different topics; but I will, whenever it is
+possible, also follow the chronological order in which the Scotch mind
+unfolded itself; so that we may understand, not only the character of
+that remarkable literature, but likewise the steps of its growth, and the
+astonishing vigour with which it emancipated itself from the shackles
+which superstition had imposed.
+
+The beginning of the great secular philosophy of Scotland is undoubtedly
+due to Francis Hutcheson.[623] This eminent man, though born in Ireland,
+was of Scotch family, and was educated in the University of Glasgow,
+where he received the appointment of Professor of Philosophy in the year
+1729.[624] By his lectures, and by his works, he diffused a taste for
+bold inquiries into subjects of the deepest importance, but concerning
+which it had previously been supposed nothing fresh was to be learned;
+the Scotch having hitherto been taught, that all truths respecting our
+own nature, which were essential to be known, had been already revealed.
+Hutcheson, however, did not fear to construct a system of morals
+according to a plan entirely secular, and no example of which had been
+exhibited in Scotland before his time. The principles from which he
+started, were not theological, but metaphysical. They were collected from
+what he deemed the natural constitution of the mind, instead of being
+collected, as heretofore, from what had been supernaturally communicated.
+He, therefore, shifted the field of study. Though he was a firm believer
+in revelation, he held that the best rules of conduct could be
+ascertained without its assistance, and could be arrived at by the
+unaided wit of man; and that, when arrived at, they were, in their
+aggregate, to be respected as the Law of Nature.[625] This confidence in
+the power of the human understanding was altogether new in Scotland, and
+its appearance forms an epoch in the national literature. Previously, men
+had been taught that the understanding was a rash and foolish thing,
+which ought to be repressed, and which was unfit to cope with the
+problems presented to it.[626] Hutcheson, however, held that it was quite
+able to deal with them, but that, to do so, it must be free and
+unfettered. Hence, he strenuously advocated that right of private
+judgment which the Scotch Kirk had not only assailed, but had almost
+destroyed. He insisted that each person had a right to form his opinion
+according to the evidence he possessed, and that, this right being
+inalienable, none but weak minds would abstain from exercising it.[627]
+Every one was to judge according to his own light, and nothing could be
+gained by inducing men to profess sentiments contrary to their
+convictions.[628] So far, however, was this from being understood, that
+we found all the little sects quarrelling among themselves, and abusing
+each other, merely because their views were different. It was strange to
+hear how the professors of one creed would stigmatize the professors of
+other creeds as idolatrous, and would demand that penalties should be
+inflicted on them. In point of fact, all had much that was good; and
+their only real evil was, this love of persecution.[629] But the vulgar
+deemed every one a heretic who did not believe what they believed; and
+this way of thinking had been too much countenanced by the clergy, many
+of whom felt their vanity offended at the idea of laymen pretending to be
+wiser than their spiritual teachers, and venturing to disagree with what
+they said.[630]
+
+  [623] See a letter from Sir James Mackintosh to Parr, in _Mackintosh's
+        Memoirs_, London, 1835, vol. i. p. 334. 'To Hutcheson the taste
+        for speculation in Scotland, and all the philosophical opinions
+        (except the Berkleian Humism) may be traced.' M. Cousin (_Histoire
+        de la Philosophie_, premiere serie, vol. iv. p. 35, Paris, 1846)
+        observes, that before Hutcheson 'il n'avait paru en Ecosse ni un
+        ecrivain ni un professeur de philosophie un peu remarquable.'
+
+  [624] _Tytler's Memoirs of Kames_, Edinburgh, 1814, vol. i. p. 223.
+        _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. iii. London, 1755, 4to.
+
+  [625] 'The intention of Moral Philosophy is to direct men to that course
+        of action which tends most effectually to promote their greatest
+        happiness and perfection; as far as it can be done by observations
+        and conclusions discoverable from the constitution of nature,
+        without any aids of supernatural revelation: these maxims or rules
+        of conduct are therefore reputed as laws of nature, and the system
+        or collection of them is called the LAW OF NATURE.' _Hutcheson's
+        Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 1.
+
+  [626] 'The natural understanding is the most whorish thing in the
+        world.' ... 'The understanding, even in the search of truth
+        amongst the creatures, is a rash, precipitate, and unquiet thing.'
+        _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, p. 181. 'Innocent Adam,' indeed, says
+        Boston, 'Innocent Adam had a stock of gracious abilities, whereby
+        he might have, by the force of moral considerations, brought
+        himself to perform duty aright. But where is that with us?'
+        _Boston's Sermons_, p. 65.
+
+  [627] 'A like natural right every intelligent being has about his own
+        opinions, speculative or practical, to judge according to the
+        evidence that appears to him. This right appears from the very
+        constitution of the rational mind, which can assent or dissent
+        solely according to the evidence presented, and naturally desires
+        knowledge. The same considerations show this right to be
+        unalienable: it cannot be subjected to the will of another: though
+        where there is a previous judgment formed concerning the superior
+        wisdom of another, or his infallibility, the opinion of this
+        other, to a weak mind, may become sufficient evidence. As to
+        opinions about the Deity, religion, and virtue, this right is
+        further confirmed by all the noblest desires of the soul; as there
+        can be no virtue, but rather impiety in not adhering to the
+        opinions we think just, and in professing the contrary.'
+        _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. pp. 295, 296. See also
+        vol. ii. p. 311. 'Every rational creature has a right to judge for
+        itself in these matters: and as men must assent according to the
+        evidence that appears to them, and cannot command their own assent
+        in opposition to it, this right is plainly unalienable.'
+
+  [628] 'Thus no man can really change his sentiments, judgments, and
+        inward affections, at the pleasure of another, nor can it tend to
+        any good to make him profess what is contrary to his heart.'
+        _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. pp. 261, 262.
+
+  [629] 'Arians and Socinians are idolaters and denyers of God, say the
+        orthodox. They retort upon the orthodox, that they are Tritheists;
+        and so do other sects; and thus they spirit up magistrates to
+        persecute. While yet it is plain that in all these sects there are
+        all the same motives to all social virtues from a belief of a
+        moral providence, the same acknowledgments that the goodness of
+        God is the source of all the good we enjoy or hope for, and the
+        same gratitude and resignation to him recommended. Nor do any of
+        their schemes excite men to vices, except that horrid tenet, too
+        common to most of them, the right of persecuting.' _Hutcheson's
+        Moral Philosophy_, vol. ii. p. 316. See also vol. i. p. 160; and
+        _Hutcheson's Inquiry into our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue_, London,
+        1738, p. 283.
+
+  [630] 'We all know the notions entertained by the vulgar concerning all
+        hereticks; we know the pride of schoolmen and many ecclesiasticks;
+        how it galls their insolent vanity that any man should assume to
+        himself to be wiser than they in tenets of religion by differing
+        from them.' _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 167.
+
+Such large views of liberty were far in advance of the country in which
+they were propounded, and could exercise no influence, except over a few
+thinking men. These, and similar doctrines, were, however, repeated by
+Hutcheson, in his lectures, every year.[631] And strange, indeed, they
+must have seemed. To those who received them, they were utterly
+subversive of the prevailing theological spirit, which regarded
+toleration as impious, and which, seeking to confine the human mind
+within the limits of foregone conclusions, deemed it a duty to chastise
+those who overstepped them. In opposition to this, Hutcheson let in the
+elements of inquiry, of discussion, and of doubt. There is also another
+point in which his philosophy is memorable, as the beginning of the great
+rebellion of the Scotch intellect. We saw, in the last chapter, how
+successfully the teachers of the people had inculcated doctrines of the
+darkest asceticism, and how naturally those doctrines had arisen out of
+the enormous authority possessed by the Church. Against such notions,
+Hutcheson set his face strenuously. He rightly supposed, that an
+admiration of every kind of beauty, so far from being sinful, is
+essential to a complete and well-balanced mind; and the most original
+part of his philosophy consists of the inquiries which he made into the
+working and origin of our ideas on that subject. Hitherto, the Scotch
+had been taught that the emotions which beauty excites, were owing to the
+corruption of our nature, and ought to be repressed. Hutcheson, on the
+other hand, insisted that they were good in themselves; that they were
+part of the general scheme of human affairs, and that they deserved a
+special and scientific study.[632] And with such skill did he investigate
+them, that, in the opinion of one of the highest living authorities, he
+is the originator of all subsequent inquiries into these matters; his
+being the first attempt to deal with the subject of beauty in a broad and
+comprehensive spirit.[633]
+
+  [631] 'As he had occasion every year in the course of his lectures to
+        explain the origin of government, and compare the different forms
+        of it, he took peculiar care, while on that subject, to inculcate
+        the importance of civil and religious liberty to the happiness of
+        mankind.' _Leechman's Life of Hutcheson_, p. xxxv., prefixed to
+        Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy.
+
+  [632] 'The ideas of beauty and harmony, like other sensible ideas, are
+        necessarily pleasant to us, as well as immediately so.'
+        _Hutcheson's Inquiry into our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue_, p. 11.
+        'Our sense of beauty seems designed to give us positive pleasure.'
+        p. 71. 'Beauty gives a favourable presumption of good moral
+        dispositions.' p. 257. 'But it is plain we have not in our power
+        the modelling of our senses or desires, to form them for a private
+        interest; they are fixed for us by the Author of our nature,
+        subservient to the interest of the system; so that each individual
+        is made, previously to his own choice, a member of a great body,
+        and affected with the fortunes of the whole; or at least of many
+        parts of it; nor can he break himself off at pleasure.'
+        _Hutcheson's Essay on the Passions_, pp. 105, 106.
+
+  [633] 'Fille de la scholastique, la philosophie moderne est demeuree
+        longtemps etrangere aux graces, et les _Recherches_ d'Hutcheson
+        presentent, je crois, le premier traite special sur le beau, ecrit
+        par un moderne. Elles ont paru en 1725. Cette date est presque
+        celle de l'avenement de l'esthetique dans la philosophie
+        europeenne. L'ouvrage du pere Andre, en France, est de 1741, celui
+        de Baumgarten, en Allemagne, est de 1750. Ce n'est pas un petit
+        honneur a Hutcheson d'avoir le premier soumis l'idee du beau a une
+        analyse methodique et reguliere.' _Cousin, Histoire de la
+        Philosophie_, premiere serie, vol. iv. p. 84.
+
+Not only in speculative views, but also in practical recommendations,
+Hutcheson displayed the same tendency; every where endeavouring to break
+down that gloomy fabric which superstition had built up.[634] His
+predecessors, and, indeed, nearly all his contemporaries who exercised
+much influence, represented pleasure as immoral, and opposed themselves
+to the fine arts, which they considered dangerous, as ministering to our
+pleasures, and thereby distracting our minds from serious concerns.
+Hutcheson, however, declared that the fine arts were to be cherished;
+for, he said, they are not only agreeable, but also reputable, and to
+employ our time with them is honourable.[635] That such is the case is
+obvious enough to us, but it was long, indeed, since similar language had
+been heard in Scotland from a great public teacher, and it was completely
+opposed to the prevailing notions. But Hutcheson went even further. Not
+content with raising his voice in favour of wealth,[636] which the Scotch
+clergy stigmatized as one of the most pernicious and carnal of all
+things, he fearlessly asserted that all our natural appetites are lawful,
+and that the gratification of them is consistent with the highest
+virtue.[637] In his eyes, they were lawful, because they were natural;
+while, according to the theological theory, their being natural made them
+unlawful. And here lies the fundamental difference between the practical
+views of Hutcheson and those previously received. He, like every great
+thinker since the seventeenth century, loved human nature, and respected
+it; but he neither loved nor respected those who unduly trammelled it,
+and thereby weakened its vigour, as well as impaired its beauty. He
+placed more confidence in mankind, than in the rulers of mankind. The
+Scotch divines, who preceded him, were the libellers of their species;
+they calumniated the whole human race. According to them, there was
+nothing in us but sin and corruption; and, therefore, all our desires
+were to be checked. It is the peculiar glory of Hutcheson, that he was
+the first man in Scotland who publicly combated these degrading notions.
+With a noble and lofty aim did he undertake his task. Venerating the
+human mind, he was bent on vindicating its dignity against those who
+disputed its titles. Unhappily, he could not succeed; the prejudices of
+his time were too strong. Still, he did all that was in his power. He
+opposed the tide which he was unable to stem; he attacked what it was
+impossible to destroy; and he cast from his philosophy, with vehement
+scorn, those base prejudices, which, by aspersing all that is great and
+magnanimous, had long blinded the eyes of their contemporaries, and, by
+bringing into fresh prominence the old and mischievous dogma of moral
+degeneracy, had represented our nature as a compound of vices, and had
+been unable to see how many virtues we really possess, how much of the
+spirit of self-sacrifice, and of free disinterested benevolence has
+always existed; how much of good even the worst of us retain; and how,
+among the ordinary and average characters of whom the world is composed,
+the desire of benefiting others is more frequent than the desire of
+hurting them, kindness is more common than cruelty, and the number of
+good deeds does, on the whole, far outweigh the number of bad ones.[638]
+
+  [634] In his _Inquiry into Beauty and Virtue_, p. 107, he so completely
+        opposed the prevailing notions, as to assert that 'our perception
+        of pleasure is necessary, and nothing is advantageous or naturally
+        good to us, but what is apt to raise pleasure, mediately, or
+        immediately.' Compare what he says at p. 91 respecting
+        'superstitious prejudices against actions apprehended as offensive
+        to the Deity.'
+
+  [635] 'Hence a taste for the ingenious arts of musick, sculpture,
+        painting, and even for the manly diversions, is reputable.'
+        _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 83. At p. 129 he says,
+        that in them 'our time is agreeably and honourably employed.' See
+        also vol. ii. p. 115.
+
+  [636] 'Wealth and power are truly useful, not only for the natural
+        conveniences or pleasures of life, but as a fund for good
+        offices.' _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 104. Compare
+        _Hutcheson on Beauty and Virtue_, pp. 93-95; and his _Essay on the
+        Passions and Affections_, pp. 8, 9, 99. 'How weak also are the
+        reasonings of some recluse moralists, who condemn in general all
+        pursuits of wealth or power, as below a perfectly virtuous
+        character; since wealth and power are the most effectual means,
+        and the most powerful instruments, even of the greatest virtues,
+        and most generous actions.'
+
+  [637] 'The chief happiness of any being must consist in the full
+        enjoyment of all the gratifications its nature desires and is
+        capable of.' _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 100. 'The
+        highest sensual enjoyments may be experienced by those who employ
+        both mind and body vigorously in social virtuous offices, and
+        allow all the natural appetites to recur in their due seasons.' p.
+        121. 'Nay, as in fact it is for the good of the system that every
+        desire and sense natural to us, even those of the lowest kinds,
+        should be gratified as far as their gratification is consistent
+        with the nobler enjoyments, and in a just subordination to them;
+        there seems a natural notion of _right_ to attend them all.' pp.
+        254, 255.
+
+  [638] ''Tis pleasant to observe how those authors who paint out our
+        nature as a compound of sensuality, selfishness, and cunning,
+        forget themselves on this subject in their descriptions of youth,
+        when the natural temper is less disguised than in the subsequent
+        parts of life. 'Tis made up of many keen, inconstant passions,
+        many of them generous; 'tis fond of present pleasure, but 'tis
+        also profusely kind and liberal to favourites; careless about
+        distant interests of its own; full of confidence in others;
+        studious of praise for kindness and generosity; prone to
+        friendships, and void of suspicion.' _Hutcheson's Moral
+        Philosophy_, vol. ii. p. 11. 'Men are often subject to anger, and
+        upon sudden provocations do injuries to each other, and that only
+        from self love without malice; but the greatest part of their
+        lives is employed in offices of natural affection, friendship,
+        innocent self love, or love of a country.' _Hutcheson's Essay on
+        the Passions_, pp. 97, 98. And at p. 165: 'There are no doubt many
+        furious starts of passion, in which malice may seem to have place
+        in our constitution; but how seldom and how short, in comparison
+        of years spent in fixed kind pursuits of the good of a family, a
+        party, a country?' ... 'Here men are apt to let their imaginations
+        run out upon all the robberies, piracies, murders, perjuries,
+        frauds, massacres, assassinations, they have ever either heard of,
+        or read in history; thence concluding all mankind to be very
+        wicked; as if a court of justice were the proper place for making
+        an estimate of the morals of mankind, or an hospital of the
+        healthfulness of a climate. Ought they not to consider that the
+        number of honest citizens and farmers far surpasses that of all
+        sorts of criminals in any state; and that the innocent or kind
+        actions of even criminals themselves, surpass their crimes in
+        numbers? That it is the rarity of crimes, in comparison of
+        innocent or good actions, which engages our attention to them, and
+        makes them be recorded in history; while incomparably more honest,
+        generous, domestic actions are overlooked, only because they are
+        so common; as one great danger, or one month's sickness, shall
+        become a frequently repeated story, during a long life of health
+        and safety.'
+
+Thus much as to the tendency of Hutcheson's philosophy.[639] We have now
+to ascertain his method, that is to say, the plan which he adopted in
+order to obtain his results. This is a very important part of our present
+inquiry; and we shall find that, in the study of moral philosophy, as in
+the study of all subjects not yet raised to sciences, there are not only
+two methods, but that each method leads to different consequences. If we
+proceed by induction, we arrive at one conclusion; if we proceed by
+deduction, we arrive at another. This difference in the results, is
+always a proof that the subject, in which the difference exists, is not
+yet capable of scientific treatment, and that some preliminary
+difficulties have to be removed, before it can pass from the empirical
+stage into the scientific one. As soon as those difficulties are got rid
+of, the results obtained by induction, will correspond with those
+obtained by deduction; supposing, of course, that both lines of argument
+are fairly managed. In such case, it will be of no importance whether we
+reason from particulars to generals, or from generals to particulars.
+Either plan will yield the same consequences, and this agreement between
+the consequences, proves that our investigation is, properly speaking,
+scientific. Thus, for instance, in chemistry, if, by reasoning
+deductively from general principles, we could always predict what would
+happen when we united two or more elements, even supposing those elements
+were new to us; and if, by reasoning inductively from each element, we
+could arrive at the same conclusion, one process would corroborate the
+other, and, by their mutual verification, the science would be complete.
+In chemistry, we cannot do this; therefore, chemistry is not yet a
+science, although, since the introduction into it, by Dalton, of the
+ideas of weight and number, there is every prospect of its becoming one.
+On the other hand, astronomy is a science, because, by employing the
+deductive weapon of mathematics, we can compute the motions and
+perturbations of bodies; and, by employing the inductive weapon of
+observation, the telescope reveals to us the accuracy of our previous,
+and, as it were, foregone, inferences. The fact agrees with the idea; the
+particular event confirms the general principle; the principle explains
+the event; and their unanimity authorizes us to believe that we must be
+right, since, proceed as we may, the conclusion is the same; and the
+inductive plan, of striking averages, harmonizes with the deductive plan,
+of reasoning from ideas.
+
+  [639] In 1731, Wodrow, who was the last really great specimen of the old
+        Presbyterian divines, and who was not a little shocked at the
+        changes he saw going on around him, writes: 'When Dr. Calamy heard
+        of Mr. Hutcheson's being called to Glasgow, he smiled, and said, I
+        think to Thomas Randy, that he was not for Scotland, as he thought
+        from his book; and that he would be reckoned there as unorthodox
+        as Mr. Simson. The Doctor has a strange way of fishing out privat
+        storyes and things that pass in Scotland.' _Wodrow's Analecta_,
+        vol. iv. p. 227. It is interesting to compare with this, the
+        remarks which that worldly-minded clergyman, the Rev. Alexander
+        Carlyle, has made upon Hutcheson. See _Carlyle's Autobiography_,
+        Edinburgh, 1860, 2d edit. pp. 82-85.
+
+But, in the study of morals there is no such harmony. Partly from the
+force of prejudice, and partly from the complexity of the subject, all
+attempts at a scientific investigation of morals have failed. It is not,
+therefore, surprising that, in this field, the inductive inquirer arrives
+at one conclusion, and the deductive inquirer at another. The inductive
+inquirer endeavours to attain his object by observing the actions of men,
+and subjecting them to analysis, in order to learn the principles which
+regulate them. The deductive inquirer, beginning at the other end,
+assumes certain principles as original, and reasons from them to the
+facts which actually appear in the world. The former proceeds from the
+concrete to the abstract; the latter, from the abstract to the concrete.
+The inductive moralist looks at the history of past society, or at the
+condition of the present, and takes for granted that the first step is,
+to assemble the facts, and then to generalize them. The deductive
+inquirer, using the facts rather to illustrate his principles, than to
+suggest them, appeals, in the first place, not to external facts, but to
+internal ideas, and he makes those ideas the major premiss of a
+syllogistic argument. Both parties agree, that we have the power of
+judging some actions to be right, and others to be wrong. But as to how
+we get that power, and as to what that power is, they are at utter
+variance. The inductive philosopher says, that its object is happiness,
+that we get it by association, and that it is due to the action and
+reaction of social causes, which are susceptible of analysis. The
+deductive philosopher says, that this power of distinguishing between
+right and wrong, aims, not at happiness, but at truth; that it is
+inherent, that it cannot be analyzed, that it is a primary conviction,
+and that we may assume it and reason from it, but can never hope to
+explain it by reasoning to it.
+
+It requires but a slight acquaintance with the works of Hutcheson to see
+that he belongs to the latter of these two schools. He assumes, that all
+men have what he terms a moral faculty, which, being an original
+principle, does not admit of analysis.[640] He further assumes, that the
+business of this faculty is to regulate all our powers.[641] From these
+two assumptions, he reasons downwards to the visible facts of our
+conduct, and deductively constructs the general scheme of life. His plan
+being entirely synthetic, he depreciates the analytic method, and
+complains of it as an artful attempt to diminish the number of our
+perceptive powers.[642] The truth is, that every such diminution would
+have taken away some of his original principles, and would thereby have
+prevented him from using them as the major premisses of separate
+arguments. And if you deprive a deductive reasoner of his major
+premisses, you leave him nothing on which to stand. Hutcheson, therefore,
+like all the philosophers of his school, was extremely jealous of the
+invasions of the inductive spirit, with its constant tendency to attack
+convictions supposed to be primary, and seek to resolve them into their
+elements. He repulsed such encroachments upon his major premisses,
+because the power and beauty of his method were displayed in reasoning
+from the premisses, and not in reasoning to them. According to him, the
+moral faculty, and the authority which it exercised, were impervious to
+analysis; it was impossible to track them higher, or to resolve them into
+simpler constituents; and it was in vain that many attempted to refer
+them to circumstances external to themselves, such as education, custom,
+or the association of ideas.[643]
+
+  [640] In his _Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 52, he calls it 'an original
+        determination or sense in our nature, not capable of being
+        referred to other powers of perception.'
+
+  [641] 'This moral sense from its very nature appears to be designed for
+        regulating and controlling all our powers.' _Hutcheson's Moral
+        Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 61.
+
+  [642] See, in his _Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 79, his complaint
+        against those who 'would reduce all our perceptive powers to a
+        very small number, by one artful reference or another.'
+
+  [643] ''Tis in vain here to alledge instruction, education, custom, or
+        association of ideas, as the original of moral approbation.'
+        _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 57. Compare his work on
+        _Beauty and Virtue_, p. 84.
+
+Hence, the judgments which men pass upon the conduct of others, or of
+themselves, are, in their origin, altogether inexplicable; each judgment
+being merely a different form of one great moral faculty. Inasmuch,
+however, as that faculty escapes observation, and is only known by its
+results, it is evident that, for all purposes of reasoning, the judgments
+must be deemed primary, and arguments are to be constructed from them, as
+if they were the ultimate and highest conditions of our nature. In this
+way, Hutcheson was led to that love of multiplying original principles,
+which Sir James Mackintosh has justly noticed as a characteristic of his
+philosophy, and, after him, of the Scotch philosophy in general;[644]
+though the distinguished author of this remark has failed to perceive
+that such characteristic was but a single part of a far larger scheme,
+and was intimately connected with those habits of deductive thought which
+a long train of preceding circumstances had indelibly imprinted on the
+Scotch mind.
+
+  [644] 'To him may also be ascribed that proneness to multiply ultimate
+        and original principles in human nature, which characterised the
+        Scottish School till the second extinction of a passion for
+        metaphysical speculation in Scotland.' _Mackintosh's Dissertation
+        on Ethical Philosophy_, edit. Whewell, Edinburgh, 1837, p. 208.
+
+In Hutcheson, the tendency was so strong, as to make him believe, that,
+by arguing from a certain number of original principles, he could
+construct the theory and explain the march of human affairs, with little
+or no aid from the experience of the past, or, indeed, of the present.
+His views, for instance, respecting the nature and objects of
+legislation, criminal, as well as civil, might have been written by a
+recluse who had never quitted his hermitage, and whose purity was still
+unsoiled by the realities of the world. Starting from the so-called
+nature of things, his first steps were ideal, and from them he sought to
+advance to the actual. In his account of the duties of life, as they
+existed before the power of government was consolidated, he quotes no
+evidence to show what really happened among barbarous tribes who were in
+that state; but he contents himself with deductive inferences from the
+principles he had previously laid down.[645] Difficult questions relating
+to the laws of property, are treated in the same manner; that is to say,
+the conclusions respecting them are arrived at on speculative grounds,
+and not by comparing how the different enactments have worked in
+different countries.[646] Experience is either shut out, or made
+subordinate to theory; and facts are adduced to illustrate the inference,
+but not to suggest it. So, too, the proper relation between the people
+and their rulers, and the amount of liberty which the people should
+possess, instead of being inductively generalized from an historical
+inquiry into the circumstances which had produced most happiness, might,
+in the opinion of Hutcheson, be ascertained by reasoning from the nature
+of government, and from the ends for which it was instituted.[647]
+
+  [645] See his ingenious chapter, entitled 'A deduction of the more
+        special laws of nature and duties of life, previous to civil
+        government, and other adventitious states.' _Moral Philosophy_,
+        vol. i. p. 227; and compare vol. ii. pp. 294-309, 'How civil power
+        is acquired.'
+
+  [646] See, for example, his remarks on 'the right of possession.' _Moral
+        Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 344; on 'rights by mortgage,' p. 350; and
+        on inheritance, p. 356.
+
+  [647] In his _Moral Philosophy_, vol. ii. pp. 346, 347, he sums up a
+        long argument on 'the nature of civil laws,' by saying: 'Thus the
+        general duties of magistrates and subjects are discoverable from
+        the nature of the trust committed to them, and the end of all
+        civil power.'
+
+The next great attempt to study the actions of men scientifically, and to
+generalize the principles of their conduct without the intervention of
+supernatural ideas, was made by Adam Smith, who, in 1759, published his
+_Theory of Moral Sentiments_, and, in 1776, his _Wealth of Nations_. To
+understand the philosophy of this, by far the greatest of all the Scotch
+thinkers, both works must be taken together, and considered as one;
+since they are, in reality, the two divisions of a single subject. In
+the _Moral Sentiments_, he investigates the sympathetic part of human
+nature; in the _Wealth of Nations_, he investigates its selfish part. And
+as all of us are sympathetic as well as selfish; in other words, as all
+of us look without as well as within, and as this classification is a
+primary and exhaustive division of our motives to action, it is evident,
+that if Adam Smith had completely accomplished his vast design, he would
+at once have raised the study of human nature to a science, leaving
+nothing for subsequent inquirers except to ascertain the minor springs of
+affairs, all of which would find their place in this general scheme, and
+be deemed subordinate to it. In his attempt to perform this prodigious
+task, and to traverse the enormous field which he saw lying before him,
+he soon perceived that an inductive investigation was impossible, because
+it would require the labour of many lives even to assemble the materials
+from which the generalization was to be made. Moved by this reflection,
+and, probably, moved still more by the intellectual habits which
+prevailed around him, he resolved on adopting the deductive method
+instead of the inductive; but, in seeking for the premisses from which he
+was to reason, and on which his structure was to be built, he resorted to
+a peculiar artifice, which is perfectly valid, and which he had an
+undoubted right to employ, though, to make it available, requires such
+delicate tact, and involves so many refinements, that extremely few
+writers have used it with effect on social questions either before or
+since.
+
+The plan to which I allude is, that when any subject becomes unmanageable
+by the inductive method, whether from the impossibility of experimenting
+upon it, or from its extreme natural complexity, or from the presence of
+immense and bewildering details collected around it, we may, in all such
+cases, make an imaginary separation of inseparable facts; and reason upon
+trains of events which have no real and independent existence, and which
+are nowhere to be found except in the mind of the inquirer. A result
+obtained in this way, cannot be strictly true; but, if we have reasoned
+accurately, it will be as near truth as were the premisses from which we
+started. To make it perfectly true, we must confront it with other
+results, which we have arrived at in a similar way, and from the same
+subject. These separate inferences may eventually be cooerdinated into a
+single system; so that, while each inference contains only an imperfect
+truth, the whole of the inferences, when put together, will contain
+perfect truth.
+
+Such hypothetical arguments are evidently based upon an intentional
+suppression of facts; and the artifice is necessary, because, without the
+suppression, the facts would be unmanageable. Each argument leads to a
+conclusion which approximates to truth; hence, whenever the premisses are
+so comprehensive as almost to exhaust the facts to which they refer, the
+conclusion will be so near to complete truth as to be of the greatest
+value, even before it is cooerdinated with other conclusions drawn from
+the same department of inquiry.
+
+Geometry exhibits the most perfect example of this logical stratagem. The
+object of the geometrician is, to generalize the laws of space; in other
+words, to ascertain the necessary and universal relations of its various
+parts. Inasmuch, however, as space would have no parts unless it were
+divided, the geometrician is forced to assume such a division; and he
+takes the simplest possible form of it, a division by lines. Now, a line
+considered as a fact, that is, as it is found in the actual world, must
+always have two qualities, length and breadth. However slight these
+qualities may be, every line has them both. But if the geometrician took
+both into consideration, he would find himself in the presence of a
+problem too complicated for the resources of the human understanding to
+deal with; or, at all events, too complicated for the present resources
+of our knowledge. He, therefore, by a scientific artifice, deliberately
+strikes off one of these qualities, and asserts that a line is length
+without breadth. He knows that the assertion is false, but he also knows
+that it is necessary. For, if you deny it, he can prove nothing. If you
+insist upon his letting into his premisses the idea of breadth, he is
+unable to proceed, and the whole fabric of geometry falls to the ground.
+Since, however, the breadth of the faintest line is so slight as to be
+incapable of measurement, except by an instrument used under the
+microscope, it follows that the assumption, that there can be lines
+without breadth, is so nearly true, that our senses, when unassisted by
+art, cannot detect the error. Formerly, and until the invention of the
+micrometer, in the seventeenth century, it was impossible to detect it at
+all. Hence, the conclusions of the geometrician approximate so close to
+truth, that we are justified in accepting them as true. The flaw is too
+minute to be perceived. But that there is a flaw, appears to me certain.
+It appears certain, that whenever something is kept back in the
+premisses, something must be wanting in the conclusion. In all such
+cases, the field of inquiry has not been entirely covered; and part of
+the preliminary facts being suppressed, it must, I think, be admitted,
+that complete truth is unattainable, and that no problem in geometry has
+yet been exhaustively solved.[648]
+
+  [648] That is, so far as the facts are concerned. Geometry, considered
+        in the most elevated manner, rests on ideas, and from that point
+        of view is impregnable, unless the axioms can be overthrown. But
+        if geometricians will insist on having definitions as well as
+        axioms, they gain, no doubt, increased clearness, but they lose
+        something in accuracy. I apprehend that, without definitions,
+        geometry could not be a science of space, but would be a science
+        of magnitudes, ideally conceived and consequently as pure as
+        ratiocination could make it. This does not touch the question as
+        to the empirical origin of the axioms.
+
+Still, the amazing triumphs effected in this branch of mathematics, show
+how powerful a weapon that form of deduction is, which proceeds by an
+artificial separation of facts, in themselves inseparable. So little,
+however, is the philosophy of the method understood, that when, late in
+the eighteenth century, political economy assumed a scientific form, many
+persons, who were otherwise well instructed, reproached its cultivators
+with their hard-heartedness; such objectors being unable to see, that the
+science could not be constructed if it were necessary to take in the
+whole range of generous and benevolent affections. The political
+economist aims at discovering the laws of wealth, which are far too
+complicated to be studied under every aspect. He, therefore, selects one
+of those aspects, and generalizes the laws as they are exhibited in the
+selfish parts of human nature. And he is right in doing so, simply
+because men, in the pursuit of wealth, consider their own gratification
+oftener than the gratification of others. Hence, he, like the
+geometrician, blots out one part of his premisses, in order that he may
+manipulate the remaining part with greater ease. But we must always
+remember, that political economy, though a profound and beautiful
+science, is only a science of one department of life, and is founded upon
+a suppression of some of the facts in which all large societies abound.
+It suppresses, or, what comes to the same thing, it ignores, many high
+and magnanimous feelings which we could ill afford to lose. We are not,
+therefore, to allow its conclusions to override all other conclusions. We
+may accept them in science, and yet reject them in practice. Thus, the
+political economist, when confining himself to his own department, says,
+with good reason, that it is both absurd and mischievous for government
+to undertake to supply the working-classes with employment. This
+assertion, he, as a political economist, can prove; and yet,
+notwithstanding its scientific truth, it may be practically right for a
+government to do the exact opposite. It may be right for a government to
+supply the employment, when the people are so ignorant as to demand it,
+and when, at the same time, they are so powerful as to plunge the country
+into anarchy if the demand is refused. Here, the view of the politician
+takes in all the premisses of which the political economist had only
+taken in a portion. In the same way, as a matter of economic science, it
+is wrong for any one to relieve the poor; since nothing is better
+established, than that to relieve poverty increases it, by encouraging
+improvidence. But, in spite of this, the antagonistic principle of
+sympathy will come into play, and will, in some minds, operate with such
+force, as to make it advisable, that he who feels it should give alms,
+because, if he abstains from giving them, the violence which he does to
+his own nature may inflict more mischief on himself, than his bestowal of
+charity would inflict on the general interests of society.
+
+It will not, I hope, be considered that, in these remarks, I have
+digressed from the main argument of the present chapter, since, although,
+in making them, I have aimed at clearing up a general question respecting
+the nature of scientific proof, I have only done so with the more
+particular object of illustrating the philosophy of Adam Smith, and of
+explaining the method which that most profound and original thinker
+pursued. We shall now be able to see how entirely his plan was deductive,
+and what a peculiar form of deduction it was. In his two great works, he
+first lays down certain ideas, and from them he marches on to the facts
+of the external world. And, in each work, he reasons from only part of
+his premisses; supplying the other part in the other work. None of us are
+exclusively selfish, and none of us are exclusively sympathetic. But Adam
+Smith separates in speculation qualities which are inseparable in
+reality. In his _Moral Sentiments_, he ascribes our actions to sympathy;
+in his _Wealth of Nations_, he ascribes them to selfishness. A short view
+of these two works will prove the existence of this fundamental
+difference, and will enable us to perceive that each is supplementary to
+the other; so that, in order to understand either, it is necessary to
+study both.
+
+In the _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, Adam Smith lays down one great
+principle from which he reasons, and to which all the others are
+subordinate. This principle is, that the rules which we prescribe to
+ourselves, and which govern our conduct, are solely arrived at by
+observing the conduct of others.[649] We judge ourselves, because we had
+previously judged them. Our notions are obtained from without, and not
+from within. If, therefore, we lived entirely alone, we could have no
+idea of merit or demerit, and it would be impossible for us to form an
+opinion as to whether our sentiments were right or wrong.[650] To acquire
+this knowledge, we must look abroad. Inasmuch, however, as we have no
+direct experience of what other persons actually feel, we can only gain
+the information by conceiving what we should feel if we were in their
+place.[651] Hence, all men are, in imagination, constantly changing
+situations with others; and though the change is ideal, and lasts but for
+a moment, it is the foundation of that great and universal impulse which
+is called Sympathy.[652]
+
+  [649] 'Our continual observations upon the conduct of others, insensibly
+        lead us to form to ourselves certain general rules concerning what
+        is fit and proper either to be done or to be avoided.' ... 'It is
+        thus that the general rules of morality are formed. They are
+        ultimately founded upon experience of what, in particular
+        instances, our moral faculties, our natural sense of merit and
+        propriety, approve or disapprove of. We do not originally approve
+        or condemn particular actions; because, upon examination, they
+        appear to be agreeable or inconsistent with a certain general
+        rule. The general rule, on the contrary, is formed by finding from
+        experience that all actions of a certain kind, or circumstanced in
+        a certain manner, are approved of or disapproved of.' _Smith's
+        Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. pp. 219, 220. At p. 153: 'We
+        either approve or disapprove of our own conduct according as we
+        feel that, when we place ourselves in the situation of another
+        man, and view it, as it were, with his eyes and from his station,
+        we either can or cannot entirely enter into and sympathize with
+        the sentiments and motives which influenced it.'
+
+  [650] 'Were it possible that a human creature could grow up to manhood
+        in some solitary place, without any communication with his own
+        species, he could no more think of his own character, of the
+        propriety or demerit of his own sentiments and conduct, of the
+        beauty or deformity of his own mind, than of the beauty and
+        deformity of his own face.' _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_,
+        vol. i. p. 154. 'Our first moral criticisms are exercised upon the
+        characters and conduct of other people.' p. 156.
+
+  [651] 'As we have no immediate experience of what other men feel, we can
+        form no idea of the manner in which they are affected, but by
+        conceiving what we ourselves should feel in the like situation.'
+        _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 2.
+
+  [652] 'That imaginary change of situation, upon which their sympathy is
+        founded, is but momentary.' _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_,
+        vol. i. p. 21. Compare vol. ii. p. 206.
+
+By proceeding from these premisses, a vast number of social phenomena may
+be explained. We naturally sympathize with joy more than with
+sorrow.[653] Hence, that admiration for prosperous and successful
+persons, which is quite independent of any benefit we expect from them;
+and hence, too, the existence of different ranks and of social
+distinctions, all of which emanate from the same source.[654] Hence,
+also, the feeling of loyalty, which is a product, not of reason, nor of
+fear, nor of a sense of public convenience, but rather of sympathy with
+those above us, begetting an extraordinary compassion for even their
+ordinary sufferings.[655] Custom and fashion play a great part in the
+world, but they owe their origin entirely to sympathy;[656] and so do the
+various systems of philosophy which have flourished at different times,
+the disagreement between which depends on the fact, that each philosopher
+has sympathized with different ideas, some sympathizing with the notion
+of fitness or congruity, some with that of prudence, some with that of
+benevolence, and every one developing the conception paramount in his own
+mind.[657] To sympathy, again, we must ascribe the establishment of
+rewards and punishments, and the whole of our criminal laws, none of
+which would have existed but for our disposition to sympathize with those
+who either do good or suffer harm; for the circumstance of society being
+protected by penal laws, is a subsequent and subordinate discovery,
+which confirms our sense of their propriety, but did not suggest it.[658]
+The same principle causes the difference of character exhibited by
+different classes, such as the irritability of poets, compared with the
+coolness of mathematicians;[659] it likewise causes that social
+difference between the sexes, which makes men more remarkable for
+generosity, and women for humanity.[660] All these results illustrate the
+workings of sympathy, and are the remote, but still the direct,
+operations of that principle. Indeed, we can trace to it some of the
+minutest divisions of character; pride and vanity, for instance, being
+dependent on it, although those two passions are often confused together,
+and are sometimes strangely blended in the same mind.[661]
+
+  [653] 'I will venture to affirm that, when there is no envy in the case,
+        our propensity to sympathize with joy is much stronger than our
+        propensity to sympathize with sorrow.' _Smith's Theory of Moral
+        Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 58. 'It is because mankind are disposed to
+        sympathize more entirely with our joy than with our sorrow, that
+        we make parade of our riches, and conceal our poverty.' p. 65.
+
+  [654] 'Upon this disposition of mankind to go along with all the
+        passions of the rich and the powerful, is founded the distinction
+        of ranks, and the order of society. Our obsequiousness to our
+        superiors more frequently arises from our admiration for the
+        advantages of their situation, than from any private expectations
+        of benefit from their good will.' _Smith's Theory of Moral
+        Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 69. See also vol. ii. p. 72.
+
+  [655] See the striking remarks in _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i.
+        p. 70-72.
+
+  [656] _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. ii. pp. 23 seq.
+
+  [657] _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. ii. pp. 131-244. This sketch of
+        the different systems of philosophy is perhaps the ablest part of
+        the book, notwithstanding two or three errors which it contains.
+
+  [658] _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. pp. 89, 92, 115,
+        116. The utmost which he will concede to the notion of social
+        convenience, is that 'we frequently have occasion to confirm our
+        natural sense of the propriety and fitness of punishment, by
+        reflecting how necessary it is for preserving the order of
+        society.' p. 122.
+
+  [659] _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. pp. 172-174.
+
+  [660] 'Humanity is the virtue of a woman, generosity of a man. The fair
+        sex, who have commonly much more tenderness than ours, have seldom
+        so much generosity.' _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol.
+        ii. p. 19. Sufficient facts have not yet been collected to enable
+        us to test the truth of this remark, and the loose experience of
+        individual observers is worth very little on so wide a subject.
+        Still, I venture to doubt the truth of Adam Smith's distinction. I
+        suspect that women are, on the whole, more generous than men, as
+        well as more tender. But to establish a proposition of this sort,
+        would require the most extensive research, made by a careful and
+        analytic mind; and, at present, there is not even any tolerably
+        good work on the mental characteristics which distinguish the
+        sexes, and there never will be one until physiology is united with
+        biography.
+
+  [661] _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. ii. pp. 115-122.
+
+Sympathy, then, is the main-spring of human conduct. It arises, not so
+much from witnessing the passions of other persons, as from witnessing
+the situation which excites those passions.[662] To this single process
+we are indebted, not only for the highest principles, but also for the
+deepest emotions. For, the greatest affection of which we are capable, is
+merely sympathy fixed into habit; and the love which exists between the
+nearest relations, is not inherent, but is derived from this mighty and
+controlling principle, which governs the whole course of affairs.[663]
+
+  [662] 'Sympathy, therefore, does not arise so much from the view of the
+        passion, as from that of the situation which excites it.' _Smith's
+        Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 6.
+
+  [663] 'What is called affection, is, in reality, nothing but habitual
+        sympathy.' _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. ii. p. 63.
+        'In some tragedies and romances, we meet with many beautiful and
+        interesting scenes, founded upon what is called the force of
+        blood, or upon the wonderful affection which near relations are
+        supposed to conceive for one another, even before they know that
+        they have any such connection. This force of blood, however, I am
+        afraid, exists nowhere but in tragedies and romances.' p. 66.
+
+By this bold hypothesis, Adam Smith, at one stroke, so narrowed the field
+of inquiry, as to exclude from it all considerations of selfishness as a
+primary principle, and only to admit its great antagonist, sympathy. The
+existence of the antagonism, he distinctly recognizes. For, he will not
+allow that sympathy is in any way to be deemed a selfish principle.[664]
+Although he knew that it is pleasurable, and that all pleasure contains
+an element of selfishness, it did not suit the method of his philosophy
+to subject the principle of sympathy to such an inductive analysis as
+would reveal its elements. His business was, to reason from it, and not
+to it. Concentrating his energy upon the deductive process, and
+displaying that dialectic skill which is natural to his countrymen, and
+of which he himself was one of the most consummate masters the world has
+ever seen, he constructed a system of philosophy, imperfect indeed,
+because the premisses were imperfect, but approaching truth as closely as
+it was possible for any one to do who abstained from giving due
+consideration to the selfish part of human nature. Into the workings of
+its sympathetic part, he looked with a minuteness, and he reasoned from
+it with a subtlety, which make his work the most important that has ever
+been written on this interesting subject. But, inasmuch as his plan
+involved a deliberate suppression of preliminary and essential facts, the
+results which he obtained do not strictly correspond to those which are
+actually observed in the world.[665] This, however, as I have shown, is
+not a valid objection; since such discrepancy between the ideal and the
+actual, or between the abstract and the concrete, is the necessary
+consequence of that still early condition of our knowledge, which forces
+us to study complicated questions piecemeal, and to raise them to
+sciences by separate and fragmentary investigations.
+
+  [664] 'Sympathy, however, cannot, in any sense, be regarded as a selfish
+        principle.' _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. ii. p. 206. In
+        vol. i. p. 9, he complains of 'those who are fond of deducing all
+        our sentiments from certain refinements of self-love.'
+
+  [665] This is noticed by Sir James Mackintosh, whose sketch of Adam Smith
+        is hasty, and somewhat superficial, but who, nevertheless, truly
+        observes, that Smith 'has exposed himself to objections founded on
+        experience, to which it is impossible to attempt any answer.'
+        _Mackintosh's Dissertation on Ethical Philosophy_, pp. 239, 240.
+        See also a letter from Hume to Adam Smith, in _Burton's Life and
+        Correspondence of Hume_, vol. ii. p. 60.
+
+That Adam Smith saw this necessity, and that his seeing it was the cause
+of the method he pursued, is evident from the fact, that in his next
+great work he followed the same plan, and, though he argued from new
+premisses, he carefully avoided arguing from any of the old ones.
+Convinced that, in his theory of morals, he had reasoned as accurately as
+possible from the principles supplied by sympathy, his capacious and
+insatiable mind, deeming that nothing had been done while aught remained
+to do, urged him to pass on to the opposite passion of selfishness, and
+treat it in the same manner, so that the whole domain of thought might be
+covered. This he did in his _Wealth of Nations_, which, though even a
+greater work than his _Moral Sentiments_, is equally one-sided, in
+reference to the principles which it assumes. It assumes that selfishness
+is the main regulator of human affairs, just as his previous work had
+assumed sympathy to be so. Between the two works there elapsed an
+interval of seventeen years; the _Wealth of Nations_ not being published
+till 1776. But what shows that to their author both were part of a single
+scheme, is the notable circumstance, that, so early as 1753, he had laid
+down the principles which his later work contains.[666] This was while
+his former work was still in meditation, and before it had seen the
+light. It is, therefore, clear, that the study which he made, first of
+one passion, and then of its opposite, was not a capricious or accidental
+arrangement, but was the consequence of that vast idea which presided
+over all his labours, and which, when they are rightly understood, gives
+to them a magnificent unity. And a glorious object of ambition it was.
+His aspiring and comprehensive genius, sweeping the distant horizon, and
+taking in the intermediate space at a glance, sought to traverse the
+whole ground in two separate and independent directions, indulging the
+hope, that, by supplying in one line of argument the premisses which were
+wanting in the other, their opposite conclusions would be compensatory
+rather than hostile, and would serve as a broad and permanent basis on
+which one great science of human nature might be safely built.
+
+  [666] 'Mr. Smith's political lectures, comprehending the fundamental
+        principles of his "Inquiry," were delivered at Glasgow as early as
+        the year 1752 or 1753.' _Dugald Stewart's Life of Adam Smith_,
+        p. lxxviii., prefixed to _Smith's Posthumous Essays_, London, 4to,
+        1795.
+
+The _Wealth of Nations_ is, as I have elsewhere observed,[667] probably
+the most important book which has ever been written, whether we consider
+the amount of original thought which it contains, or its practical
+influence. Its practical recommendations were extremely favourable to
+those doctrines of freedom which the eighteenth century ushered in; and
+this secured to them an attention which otherwise they would not have
+received. While, therefore, the _Wealth of Nations_ was the proximate
+cause of a great change in legislation,[668] a deeper analysis will show,
+that the success of the book, and, consequently, the alteration of the
+laws, depended upon the operation of more remote and general causes. It
+must also be confessed, that those same causes predisposed the mind of
+Adam Smith to the doctrines of liberty, and gave him a sort of prejudice
+in favour of conclusions which limited the interference of the
+legislator. Thus much he borrowed from his age; but one thing he did not
+borrow. His wide and organizing mind was all his own. This would have
+made him great under any circumstances; to make him powerful, required a
+peculiar conjunction of events. That conjunction he enjoyed, and he
+turned it to good account. The influence of his contemporaries was enough
+to make him liberal; his own capacity was enough to make him
+comprehensive. He had, in a most remarkable degree, that exuberance of
+thought, which is one of the highest forms of genius, but which leads
+those who possess it into distant excursions, which, though they have one
+common aim, are often stigmatized as digressions, simply because they who
+criticize are unable to discern the great principle which pervades the
+whole, and unites the various parts into a single scheme. This has been
+especially the case with Adam Smith, whose immortal work has often been
+exposed to such shallow objections. And certainly, the _Wealth of
+Nations_ displays a breadth of treatment which those who cannot
+sympathize with, are very likely to ridicule. The phenomena, not only of
+wealth, but also of society in general, classified and arranged under
+their various forms; the origin of the division of labour, and the
+consequences which that division has produced; the circumstances which
+gave rise to the invention of money, and to the subsequent changes in its
+value; the history of those changes traced in different ages, and the
+history of the relations which the precious metals bear to each other; an
+examination of the connection between wages and profits, and of the laws
+which govern the rise and fall of both; another examination of the way in
+which these are concerned, on the one hand, with the rent of land, and,
+on the other hand, with the price of commodities; an inquiry into the
+reason why profits vary in different trades, and at different times; a
+succinct, but comprehensive, view of the progress of towns in Europe
+since the fall of the Roman Empire; the fluctuations, during several
+centuries, in the prices of the food of the people, and a statement of
+how it is, that, in different stages of society, the relative cost of
+land and of meat varies; the history of corporation laws and of municipal
+enactments, and their bearing on the four great classes of apprentices,
+manufacturers, merchants, and landlords; an account of the immense power
+and riches formerly enjoyed by the clergy, and of the manner in which, as
+society advances, they gradually lose their exclusive privileges; the
+nature of religious dissent, and the reason why the clergy of the
+established Church can never contend with it on terms of equality, and,
+therefore, call on the State to help them, and wish to persecute when
+they cannot persuade; why some sects profess more ascetic principles, and
+others more luxurious ones; how it was, that, during the feudal times,
+the nobles acquired their power, and how that power has, ever since, been
+gradually diminishing; how the rights of territorial jurisdiction
+originated, and how they died away; how the sovereigns of Europe obtained
+their revenue, what the sources of it are, and what classes are most
+heavily taxed in order to supply it; the cause of certain virtues, such
+as hospitality, flourishing in barbarous ages, and decaying in civilized
+ones; the influence of inventions and discoveries in altering the
+distribution of power among the various classes of society; a bold and
+masterly sketch of the peculiar sort of advantages which Europe derived
+from the discovery of America and of the passage round the Cape; the
+origin of universities, their degeneracy from their original plan, the
+corruption which has gradually crept over them, and the reason why they
+are so unwilling to adopt improvements, and to keep pace with the wants
+of the age; a comparison between public and private education, and an
+estimate of their relative advantages;--these, and a vast number of other
+subjects, respecting the structure and development of society, such as
+the feudal system, slavery, emancipation of serfs, origin of standing
+armies, and of mercenary troops, effects produced by tithes, laws of
+primogeniture, sumptuary laws, international treaties concerning trade,
+rise of European banks, national debts, influence of dramatic
+representations over opinions, influence of foreign travels over
+opinions, colonies, poor-laws,--all topics of a miscellaneous character,
+and many of them diverging from each other,--all are fused into one great
+system, and irradiated by the splendour of one great genius. Into that
+dense and disorderly mass, did Adam Smith introduce symmetry, method, and
+law. At his touch, anarchy disappeared, and darkness was succeeded by
+light. Much, of course, he took from his predecessors, though nothing
+like so much as is commonly supposed. On this sort of borrowing, the best
+and strongest of us are dependent. But, after making every possible
+allowance for what he gathered from others, we must honestly say, that no
+single man ever took so great a step upon so important a subject, and
+that no single work which is now preserved, contains so many views, which
+were novel at the time, but which subsequent experience has ratified.
+What, however, for our present purpose, is most important to observe, is,
+that he obtained these results by arguing from principles which the
+selfish part of human nature exclusively supplied, and that he omitted
+those sympathetic feelings of which every human being possesses at least
+some share, but which he could not take into consideration, without
+producing a problem, the number of whose complications it would have been
+hopeless to unravel.
+
+  [667] _History of Civilization_, vol. i. p. 214.
+
+  [668] 'Perhaps the only book which produced an immediate, general, and
+        irrevocable change in some of the most important parts of the
+        legislation of all civilized states.' _Mackintosh's Ethical
+        Philosophy_, p. 232. But this is too strongly expressed, as the
+        economical history of France and Germany decisively proves.
+
+To avoid, therefore, being baffled, he simplified the problem, by erasing
+from his view of human nature those premisses which he had already
+handled in his _Theory of Moral Sentiments_. At the beginning of the
+_Wealth of Nations_, he lays down two propositions: 1st, that all wealth
+is derived, not from land, but from labour; and 2d, that the amount of
+the wealth depends, partly on the skill with which the labour is
+conducted, and partly on the proportion between the number of those who
+labour and the number of those who do not labour. The rest of the work,
+is an application of these principles, to explain the growth and
+mechanism of society. In applying them, he everywhere assumes, that the
+great moving power of all men, all interests, and all classes, in all
+ages, and in all countries, is selfishness. The opposite power of
+sympathy he entirely shuts out; and I hardly remember an instance in
+which even the word occurs in the whole course of his work. Its
+fundamental assumption is, that each man exclusively follows his own
+interest, or what he deems to be his own interest. And one of the
+peculiar features of his book is, to show that, considering society as a
+whole, it nearly always happens that men, in promoting their own
+interest, will unintentionally promote the interest of others. Hence, the
+great practical lesson is, not to restrain selfishness, but to enlighten
+it; because there is a provision in the nature of things, by which the
+selfishness of the individual accelerates the progress of the community.
+According to this view, the prosperity of a country depends on the amount
+of its capital; the amount of its capital depends on the habit of saving,
+that is, on parsimony, as opposed to generosity; while the habit of
+saving is, in its turn, governed by the desire we all feel of bettering
+our condition,--a desire so inherent in our nature, that it comes with us
+from the womb, and only leaves us in the grave.[669]
+
+  [669] 'Parsimony, and not industry, is the immediate cause of the
+        increase of capital. Industry, indeed, provides the subject which
+        parsimony accumulates; but whatever industry might acquire, if
+        parsimony did not save and store up, the capital would never be
+        the greater.' ... 'But the principle which prompts to save, is the
+        desire of bettering our condition; a desire which, though
+        generally calm and dispassionate, comes with us from the womb, and
+        never leaves us till we go into the grave.' _Smith's Wealth of
+        Nations_, book ii. chap. iii. pp. 138, 140, edit. Edinb. 1839.
+
+This constant effort of every man, to better his own condition, is so
+salutary, as well as so powerful, that it is often capable of securing
+the progress of society, in spite of the folly and extravagance of the
+rulers of mankind.[670] If it were not for this propensity, improvement
+would be impossible. For human institutions are constantly stopping our
+advance, by thwarting our natural inclinations.[671] And no wonder that
+this should be the case, seeing that the men who are at the head of
+affairs, and by whom the institutions are contrived, have, perhaps, a
+certain rough and practical sagacity; but being, from the narrowness of
+their understandings, incapable of large views, their councils are
+determined by those mere casual fluctuations which alone they are able to
+perceive.[672] They do not see that we have prospered, not on account of
+their enactments, but in the teeth of them; and that the real cause of
+our prosperity is the fact that we enjoy undisturbed the fruit of our own
+labour.[673] Whenever this right is tolerably secure, every man will be
+bent on procuring for himself either present enjoyment or future profit;
+and if he does not aim at one of these objects, he is void of common
+understanding.[674] If he possess capital, he will probably aim at both,
+but, in doing so, he will never consider the interest of others; his sole
+motive will be his own private profit.[675] And it is well that such
+should be the case. For, by thus pursuing his personal interest, he aids
+society more than if his views were generous and exalted. Some people
+affect to carry on trade for the good of others; but this is mere
+affectation, though, to say the truth, it is an affectation not very
+common among merchants, and many words are not needed to dissuade them
+from so foolish a practice.[676]
+
+  [670] 'The uniform, constant, and uninterrupted effort of every man to
+        better his condition, the principle from which public and
+        national, as well as private, opulence is originally derived, is
+        frequently powerful enough to maintain the natural progress of
+        things towards improvement, in spite both of the extravagance of
+        government and of the greatest errors of administration. Like the
+        unknown principle of animal life, it frequently restores health
+        and vigour to the constitution, in spite not only of the disease,
+        but of the absurd prescriptions of the doctor.' _Wealth of
+        Nations_, book ii. chap. iii. p. 141. 'The natural effort of every
+        individual to better his own condition, when suffered to exert
+        itself with freedom and security, is so powerful a principle, that
+        it is alone, and without any assistance, not only capable of
+        carrying on the society to wealth and prosperity, but of
+        surmounting a hundred impertinent obstructions with which the
+        folly of human laws too often encumbers its operations.' Book iv.
+        chap. v. p. 221.
+
+  [671] See an admirable passage, p. 156, too long to quote, beginning,
+        'If human institutions had never thwarted those natural
+        inclinations,' &c.
+
+  [672] 'That insidious and crafty animal, vulgarly called a statesman or
+        politician, whose councils are directed by the momentary
+        fluctuations of affairs.' _Wealth of Nations_, book iv. chap. ii.
+        p. 190.
+
+  [673] 'That security which the laws in Great Britain give to every man,
+        that he shall enjoy the fruits of his own labour, is alone
+        sufficient to make any country flourish, notwithstanding these and
+        twenty other absurd regulations of commerce.' _Wealth of Nations_,
+        book iv. chap. v. p. 221.
+
+  [674] 'In all countries where there is a tolerable security, every man
+        of common understanding will endeavour to employ whatever stock he
+        can command, in procuring either present enjoyment or future
+        profit.' _Wealth of Nations_, book ii. chap. i. p. 115.
+
+  [675] 'The consideration of his own private profit is the sole motive
+        which determines the owner of any capital to employ it either in
+        agriculture, in manufactures, or in some particular branch of the
+        wholesale or retail trade.' _Wealth of Nations_, book ii. chap. v.
+        p. 154.
+
+  [676] 'By pursuing his own interest, he frequently promotes that of the
+        society more effectually than when he really intends to promote
+        it. I have never known much good done by those who affected to
+        trade for the public good. It is an affectation, indeed, not very
+        common among merchants, and very few words need be employed in
+        dissuading them from it.' _Wealth of Nations_, book iv. chap. ii.
+        p. 184.
+
+In this way, Adam Smith completely changes the premisses which he had
+assumed in his earlier work. Here, he makes men naturally selfish;
+formerly, he had made them naturally sympathetic.[677] Here, he
+represents them as pursuing wealth for sordid objects, and for the
+narrowest personal pleasures; formerly he represented them as pursuing it
+out of regard to the sentiments of others, and for the sake of obtaining
+their sympathy.[678] In the _Wealth of Nations_, we hear no more of this
+conciliatory and sympathetic spirit; such amiable maxims are altogether
+forgotten, and the affairs of the world are regulated by different
+principles. It now appears that benevolence and affection have no
+influence over our actions. Indeed, Adam Smith will hardly admit common
+humanity into his theory of motives. If a people emancipate their slaves,
+it is a proof, not that the people are acted on by high moral
+considerations, nor that their sympathy is excited by the cruelty
+inflicted on these unhappy creatures. Nothing of the sort. Such
+inducements to conduct are imaginary, and exercise no real sway. All that
+the emancipation proves, is, that the slaves were few in number, and,
+therefore, small in value. Otherwise, they would not have been
+emancipated.[679]
+
+  [677] In his _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 21, he says that
+        mankind are 'naturally sympathetic.'
+
+  [678] 'Nay, it is chiefly for this regard to the sentiments of mankind,
+        that we pursue riches and avoid poverty.' _Theory of Moral
+        Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 66. 'To become the natural object of the
+        joyous congratulations and sympathetic attentions of mankind, is,
+        in this manner, the circumstance which gives to prosperity all its
+        dazzling splendour.' p. 78.
+
+  [679] 'The late resolution of the Quakers in Pennsylvania, to set at
+        liberty all their negro slaves, may satisfy us that their number
+        cannot be very great. Had they made any considerable part of their
+        property, such a resolution could never have been agreed to.'
+        _Wealth of Nations_, book iii. chap. ii. p. 159.
+
+So, too, while in his former work, he had ascribed the different systems
+of morals to the power of sympathy, he, in this work, ascribes them
+entirely to the power of selfishness. He observes, that, among the lower
+ranks of society, dissipation is more fatal to individuals, than it is
+among the higher ranks. The extravagance which dissipation produces, may
+injure the fortune of a wealthy man, but the injury is usually capable of
+being repaired, or, at all events, he can indulge his vices for years
+without completely destroying his fortune, and without bringing himself
+to utter ruin. To the labourer, a similar indulgence would be fatal in a
+single week; it would not merely reduce him to beggary, and perhaps send
+him to jail, but it would destroy his future prospects, by taking away
+that character for sobriety and regularity on which his employment
+depends. Hence, the better class of common people, guided by their
+interest, look with aversion on excesses which they know to be fatal;
+while the upper ranks finding that a moderate amount of vice hurts
+neither their purse nor their reputation consider such license to be one
+of the advantages which their fortune confers, and they value, as one of
+the privileges belonging to their station, the liberty of indulging
+themselves without being censured. Therefore it is, that they who dissent
+from the established Church have a purer system of morals, or, at all
+events, an austerer one, than they who agree with it. For, new religious
+sects usually begin among the common people, the thinking part of whom
+are, by their interest, driven to strict views of the duties of life.
+Consequently, the advocates of the new opinion profess a similar
+strictness, seeing that it is the surest means of increasing their
+proselytes. Thus it is that sectaries and heretics, governed by interest
+rather than by principle, adopt a code of morals which is suited to their
+own purpose, and the rigidity of which is strongly contrasted with the
+laxer code of more orthodox believers.[680] Owing to the operation of the
+same principle, we also find, that, among the orthodox themselves, the
+clergy embrace a stricter system of morals in countries where church
+benefices are nearly equal than they do in countries where the benefices
+are very unequal. This is because, when all the benefices are nearly
+equal, none can be very rich, and, consequently, even the most
+conspicuous among the clergy will have but small incomes. But a man who
+has little to spend can have no influence, unless his morals are
+exemplary. Having no wealth to give him weight the vices of levity would
+make him ridiculous. To avoid contempt, and also to avoid the expense
+which a looseness of conduct occasions, and which his narrow
+circumstances cannot afford, he has but one remedy, and that remedy he
+adopts. He retains his influence, and saves his pocket, by protesting
+against pleasures which he cannot conveniently enjoy; in this, as in all
+other cases, pursuing that plan of life which his own interest urges him
+to follow.[681]
+
+  [680] 'In every civilized society, in every society where the
+        distinction of ranks has once been completely established, there
+        have been always two different schemes or systems of morality
+        current at the same time; of which the one may be called the
+        strict or austere; the other the liberal, or, if you will, the
+        loose system. The former is generally revered and admired by the
+        common people; the latter is commonly more esteemed and adopted by
+        what are called the people of fashion. The degree of
+        disapprobation with which we ought to mark the vices of levity,
+        the vices which are apt to arise from great prosperity, and from
+        the excess of gaiety and good humour, seems to constitute the
+        principal distinction between those two opposite schemes or
+        systems. In the liberal, or loose system, luxury, wanton, and even
+        disorderly mirth, the pursuit of pleasure to some degree of
+        intemperance, the breach of chastity, at least in one of the two
+        sexes, provided they are not accompanied with gross indecency, and
+        do not lead to falsehood and injustice, are generally treated with
+        a good deal of indulgence, and are easily either excused or
+        pardoned altogether. In the austere system, on the contrary, these
+        excesses are regarded with the utmost abhorrence and detestation.
+        The vices of levity are always ruinous to the common people, and a
+        single week's thoughtlessness and dissipation is often sufficient
+        to undo a poor workman for ever, and to drive him, through
+        despair, upon committing the most enormous crimes. The wiser and
+        better sort of the common people, therefore, have always the
+        utmost abhorrence and detestation of such excesses, which their
+        experience tells them are so immediately fatal to people of their
+        condition. The disorder and extravagance of several years, on the
+        contrary, will not always ruin a man of fashion; and people of
+        that rank are very apt to consider the power of indulging in some
+        degree of excess, as one of the advantages of their fortune; and
+        the liberty of doing so without censure or reproach, as one of the
+        privileges which belong to their station. In people of their own
+        station, therefore, they regard such excesses with but a small
+        degree of disapprobation, and censure them either very slightly or
+        not at all.
+
+        'Almost all religious sects have begun among the common people,
+        from whom they have generally drawn their earliest as well as
+        their most numerous proselytes. The austere system of morality
+        has, accordingly, been adopted by those sects almost constantly,
+        or with very few exceptions; for there have been some. It was the
+        system by which they could best recommend themselves to that order
+        of people, to whom they first proposed their plan of reformation
+        upon what had been before established. Many of them, perhaps the
+        greater part of them, have even endeavoured to gain credit by
+        refining upon this austere system, and by carrying it to some
+        degree of folly and extravagance; and this excessive rigour has
+        frequently recommended them, more than any thing else, to the
+        respect and veneration of the common people.' ... 'In little
+        religious sects, accordingly, the morals of the common people have
+        been almost always remarkably regular and orderly; generally much
+        more so than in the established church. The morals of those little
+        sects, indeed, have frequently been rather disagreeably rigorous
+        and unsocial.' _Wealth of Nations_, book v. chap. i. pp. 332, 333.
+
+  [681] 'Where the church benefices are all nearly equal, none of them can
+        be very great; and this mediocrity of benefice, though it may, no
+        doubt, be carried too far, has, however, some very agreeable
+        effects. Nothing but exemplary morals can give dignity to a man of
+        small fortune. The vices of levity and vanity necessarily render
+        him ridiculous, and are, besides, almost as ruinous to him as they
+        are to the common people. In his own conduct, therefore, he is
+        obliged to follow that system of morals which the common people
+        respect the most. He gains their esteem and affection, by that
+        plan of life which his own interest and situation would lead him
+        to follow.' _Wealth of Nations_, book v. chap. i. p. 340.
+
+In these striking generalizations, which, though they contain a large
+amount of truth, are far from containing the whole truth, no room is left
+for the magnanimous parts of our nature to act; but the system of morals,
+prevailing at any one time or in any one class, is solely ascribed to the
+dictates of unalloyed selfishness. Adam Smith, by reasoning from this
+principle, with that exquisite subtlety which characterized his mind,
+explains many other circumstances which society presents, and which at
+first sight appear incongruous. According to the old notions, which,
+indeed, are not yet quite extinct, those who received wages were under a
+personal obligation to those who paid them; that is to say, they were
+under a moral obligation, over and above the obligation of performing
+certain services. It was believed that a master could not only select
+what servants he chose, but could pay them what he chose; or, at all
+events, that it was the will of the masters, considered as a body, which
+fixed the usual and average rate of wages.[682] The lower classes were,
+therefore, much indebted to the higher ones for giving them so much as
+they did; and it was incumbent upon all persons, who received wages, to
+take them with humble thankfulness, and with a feeling of gratitude, on
+account of the favour bestowed upon them by the generosity of their
+superiors.
+
+  [682] Besides the evidence supplied by economical treatises, the laws in
+        our statute-book, respecting wages, show the general conviction,
+        that their rate could be fixed by the upper classes.
+
+This doctrine, so convenient to the upper classes of society, and so
+natural to the universal ignorance which formerly prevailed on these
+matters, began to be shaken by the speculative thinkers of the
+seventeenth century; but it was reserved for the eighteenth century to
+overthrow it, by letting in the great idea of necessity, and proving,
+that the rate of wages established in a country, was the inevitable
+consequence of the circumstances in which that country was placed, and
+had no connexion with the wishes of any individual, or, indeed, with the
+wishes of any class. To all instructed persons, this is now a familiar
+truth. Its discovery has excluded the notion of gratitude from the
+pecuniary relation between employers and employed, and has made known
+that servants or workmen who receive wages, have no more reason to be
+grateful than those who pay them. For, no choice having been exercised in
+fixing the wages, no favour can be conferred in their payment. The whole
+process is compulsory, and is the result of what had previously happened.
+Scarcely had the eighteenth century passed away, when this most important
+discovery was completed. It was decisively proved, that the reward of
+labour depends solely on two things; namely, the magnitude of that
+national fund out of which all labour is paid, and the number of the
+labourers among whom the fund is to be divided.
+
+This vast step in our knowledge is due, mainly, though not entirely, to
+Malthus, whose work on Population, besides marking an epoch in the
+history of speculative thought, has already produced considerable
+practical results, and will probably give rise to others more
+considerable still. It was published in 1798; so that Adam Smith, who
+died in 1790, missed what to him would have been the intense pleasure of
+seeing how, in it, his own views were expanded rather than corrected.
+Indeed, it is certain, that without Smith there would have been no
+Malthus; that is, unless Smith had laid the foundation, Malthus could not
+have raised the superstructure. It was Adam Smith, who, far more than any
+other man, introduced the conception of uniform and necessary sequence
+into the apparently capricious phenomena of wealth, and who studied those
+phenomena by the aid of principles, of which selfishness alone supplied
+the data. According to his view, the employers of labour have, as
+employers, no benevolence, no sympathy, no virtue of any kind. Their sole
+aim is, their own selfish interest. They are constantly engaged in a
+tacit, if not in an open, combination, to prevent the lower ranks from
+being benefited by a rise of wages; and they sometimes combine for the
+purpose even of depressing those wages below their actual rate.[683]
+Having no bowels, they think only of themselves. The idea of their
+wishing to mitigate the inequalities of fortune, is to be exploded as one
+of the chimeras of that protective spirit, which imagined that society
+could not go on, unless the richer classes relieved the poorer ones, and
+sympathized with their troubles. This antiquated notion is further
+rebutted by the fact, that wages are always higher in summer than in
+winter, although the expenses which a labourer incurs in winter, being
+heavier than in summer, he ought, on principles of common humanity, to
+receive more money during the more expensive season.[684] In the same
+way, in years of scarcity, the dearness of food causes many persons to go
+to service, in order to support their families. The masters, instead of
+charitably paying such servants more on account of the unfortunate
+position in which they are placed, avail themselves of that position to
+pay them less. They make better terms for themselves; they lower wages
+just at the moment when sympathy for misfortune would have raised them;
+and, as they find that their servants, besides being worse remunerated,
+are, by poverty, made more submissive, they consider that scarcity is a
+blessing, and that dear years are to be commended as more favourable to
+industry than cheap ones.[685]
+
+  [683] 'We rarely hear, it has been said, of the combinations of masters,
+        though frequently of those of workmen. But whoever imagines, upon
+        this account, that masters rarely combine, is as ignorant of the
+        world as of the subject. Masters are always and every where in a
+        sort of tacit, but constant and uniform, combination, not to raise
+        the wages of labour above their actual rate. To violate this
+        combination is every where a most unpopular action, and a sort of
+        reproach to a master among his neighbours and equals. We seldom,
+        indeed, hear of this combination, because it is the usual, and,
+        one may say, the natural state of things which nobody ever hears
+        of. Masters, too, sometimes enter into particular combinations to
+        sink the wages of labour even below this rate.' _Wealth of
+        Nations_, book i. chap. viii. p. 28.
+
+  [684] 'First, in almost every part of Great Britain, there is a
+        distinction, even in the lowest species of labour, between summer
+        and winter wages. Summer wages are always highest. But, on account
+        of the extraordinary expense of fuel, the maintenance of a family
+        is most expensive in winter. Wages, therefore, being highest when
+        this expense is lowest, it seems evident that they are not
+        regulated by what is necessary for this expense, but by the
+        quantity and supposed value of the work.' _Wealth of Nations_,
+        book i. chap. viii. p. 31.
+
+  [685] 'In years of scarcity, the difficulty and uncertainty of
+        subsistence make all such people eager to return to service. But
+        the high price of provisions, by diminishing the funds destined
+        for the maintenance of servants, disposes masters rather to
+        diminish than to increase the number of those they have.' ...
+        'Masters of all sorts, therefore, frequently make better bargains
+        with their servants in dear than in cheap years, and find them
+        more humble and dependent in the former than in the latter. They
+        naturally, therefore, commend the former as more favourable to
+        industry.' _Wealth of Nations_, book i. chap. viii. p. 35.
+
+Adam Smith, therefore, though he failed in grasping the remote cause of
+the rate of wages, clearly saw that the approximate cause was, not the
+generosity of human nature, but its selfishness, and that the question
+was one of supply and demand; each side striving to extract as much as
+possible from the other.[686] By the aid of the same principle, he
+explained another curious fact, namely, the extravagant rewards bestowed
+on some of the most despicable classes of society, such, for instance, as
+opera-dancers, who always receive enormous pay for insignificant
+services. He observes, that one of the reasons why we pay them so highly,
+is, because we despise them. If to be a public dancer were a creditable
+occupation, more persons would be brought up to it, and the supply of
+public dancers becoming greater, competition would lower their wages. As
+it is, we look on them disdainfully. By way of compensating the disdain,
+we have to bribe them largely to induce them to follow their
+pursuit.[687] Here we see, that the reward which one class bestows on
+another, instead of being increased by sympathy, is increased by scorn;
+so that the more we contemn the tastes and the way of life of our
+fellow-creatures, the more liberal we are in recompensing them.
+
+  [686] 'The workmen desire to get as much, the masters to give as little,
+        as possible. The former are disposed to combine in order to raise,
+        the latter in order to lower, the wages of labour.' _Wealth of
+        Nations_, b. i. c. viii. p. 27.
+
+  [687] 'It seems absurd at first sight, that we should despise their
+        persons, and yet reward their talents with the most profuse
+        liberality. While we do the one, however, we must of necessity do
+        the other. Should the public opinion, or prejudice, ever alter
+        with regard to such occupation, their pecuniary recompense would
+        quickly diminish. More people would apply to them, and the
+        competition would quickly reduce the price of their labour. Such
+        talents, though far from being common, are by no means so rare as
+        imagined. Many people possess them in great perfection, who
+        disdain to make this use of them; and many more are capable of
+        acquiring them, if any thing could be made honourably by them.'
+        _Wealth of Nations_, book i. ch. x. p. 44.
+
+Passing to another, and somewhat different, class, Adam Smith threw new
+light on the cause of that hospitality for which the clergy were famous
+during the Middle Ages, and for the magnificence of which they have
+received great praise. He shows that, although they undoubtedly relieved
+a large amount of distress, this is not to be ascribed to them as a
+merit, since it resulted from the peculiarity of their position, and
+since, moreover, they did it for their own advantage. In the Middle Ages,
+the clergy possessed enormous wealth, and their revenues were mostly
+paid, not in money, but in kind, such as corn, wine, and cattle. Trade
+and manufactures being hardly known, the clergy could find no use for
+these commodities except to feed other people. By employing them in that
+way, they benefited themselves in the most effectual manner. They gained
+a reputation for extensive charity; they increased their influence; they
+multiplied the number of their adherents; and they not only advanced
+themselves to temporal power, but they secured to their spiritual threats
+a respect, which, without this contrivance, it would have been impossible
+for them to obtain.[688]
+
+  [688] 'Over and above the rents of those estates, the clergy possessed
+        in the tithes a very large portion of the rents of all the other
+        estates in every kingdom of Europe. The revenues arising from both
+        those species of rents were, the greater part of them, paid in
+        kind, in corn, wine, cattle, poultry, &c. The quantity exceeded
+        greatly what the clergy could themselves consume; and there were
+        neither arts nor manufactures, for the produce of which they could
+        exchange the surplus. The clergy could derive advantage from this
+        immense surplus in no other way than by employing it, as the great
+        barons employed the like surplus of their revenues, in the most
+        profuse hospitality, and in the most extensive charity. Both the
+        hospitality and the charity of the ancient clergy, accordingly,
+        are said to have been very great.' ... 'The hospitality and
+        charity of the clergy, too, not only gave them the command of a
+        great temporal force, but increased very much the weight of their
+        spiritual weapons. Those virtues procured them the highest respect
+        and veneration among all the inferior ranks of people, of whom
+        many were constantly, and almost all occasionally, fed by them.'
+        _Wealth of Nations_, book v. chap. i. p. 336.
+
+The reader will now be able to understand the nature of that method of
+investigation which is adopted in the _Wealth of Nations_, and of which I
+have given more instances than I should otherwise have done, partly
+because the question of philosophic method lies at the very root of our
+knowledge, and partly because no attempt has hitherto been made to
+analyze the intellect of Adam Smith, by considering his two great works
+as the opposite, but yet the compensatory, parts of a single scheme. And,
+as he is by far the greatest thinker Scotland has produced, I need hardly
+apologize, in a history of the Scotch mind, for devoting so much
+attention to his system, and endeavouring to examine it at its base. But,
+having done so, it would be a needless prolixity to treat with equal
+fulness the productions of those other eminent Scotchmen who lived at the
+same time, and nearly all of whom pursued a method essentially, though
+not entirely, the same; that is to say, they preferred the deductive
+process of reasoning from principles, to the inductive process of
+reasoning to them. In that peculiar form of deduction which consists in a
+deliberate suppression of part of the principles, Adam Smith stands
+alone. For, though others attempted to follow that plan, they did so
+irregularly, and at intervals, and did not, like him, see the importance
+of keeping close to their method, and of invariably abstaining from
+letting into the premisses of their arguments, considerations which would
+complicate the problem that they wished to solve.
+
+Among the contemporaries of Adam Smith, one of the first, in eminence, as
+well as in reputation, is David Hume. His views respecting political
+economy were published in 1752,[689] that is, the very year in which Adam
+Smith taught the principles subsequently unfolded in the _Wealth of
+Nations_. But Hume, though a most accomplished reasoner, as well as a
+profound and fearless thinker, had not the comprehensiveness of Adam
+Smith, nor had he that invaluable quality of imagination without which no
+one can so transport himself into past ages as to realize the long and
+progressive movements of society, always fluctuating, yet, on the whole,
+steadily advancing. How unimaginative he was, appears, not only from the
+sentiments he expressed, but likewise from many traits in his private
+life.[690] It appears, also, in the very colour and mechanism of his
+language; that beautiful and chiselled style in which he habitually
+wrote, polished as marble, but cold as marble too, and wanting that fiery
+enthusiasm and those bursts of tempestuous eloquence, which, ever and
+anon, great objects naturally inspire, and which rouse men to their
+inmost depths. This it was, which, in his _History of England_,--that
+exquisite production of art, which, in spite of its errors, will be
+admired as long as taste remains among us,--prevented him from
+sympathizing with those bold and generous natures, who, in the
+seventeenth century, risked their all to preserve the liberty of their
+country. His imagination was not strong enough to picture the whole of
+that great century, with its vast discoveries, its longings after the
+unknown, its splendid literature, and what was better than all these, its
+stern determination to vindicate freedom, and to put down tyranny. His
+clear and powerful understanding saw these things separately, and in
+their various parts, but could not fuse them into a single form, because
+he lacked that peculiar faculty which assimilates the past to the
+present, and enables the mind to discern both with almost equal ease.
+That Great Rebellion, which he ascribed to the spirit of faction, and the
+leaders of which he turned into ridicule, was but the continuation of a
+movement which can be clearly traced to the twelfth century, and of which
+such events as the invention of printing, and the establishment of the
+Reformation, were merely successive symptoms. For all this, Hume cared
+nothing. In regard to philosophy, and in regard to the purely speculative
+parts of religious doctrines, his penetrating genius enabled him to
+perceive that nothing could be done, except by a spirit of fearless and
+unrestrained liberty. But this was the liberty of his own class; the
+liberty of thinkers, and not of actors. His absence of imagination
+prevented him from extending the range of his sympathy beyond the
+intellectual classes, that is, beyond the classes of whose feelings he
+was directly cognizant. It would, therefore, appear, that his political
+errors were due, not, as is commonly said, to his want of research, but
+rather to the coldness of his temperament.[691] It was this which made
+him stop where he did, and which gave to his works the singular
+appearance of a profound and original thinker, in the middle of the
+eighteenth century, advocating practical doctrines, so illiberal, that,
+if enforced, they would lead to despotism, and yet, at the same time,
+advocating speculative doctrines, so fearless and enlightened, that they
+were not only far in advance of his own age, but have, in some degree,
+outstripped even the age in which we live.
+
+  [689] _Burton's Life of Hume_, vol. i. p. 354.
+
+  [690] See Mr. Burton's valuable _Life of Hume_, Edinburgh, 1846, vol. i.
+        pp. 58, 267, vol. ii. pp. 14, 134.
+
+  [691] What confirms me in this view, is the fact, that the older Hume
+        grew, and the more he read on history, the more he became imbued
+        with these errors; which would not have been the case if the
+        errors had, as many of his critics say, been the result of an
+        insufficient acquaintance with the evidence. Mr. Burton, by
+        comparing the different editions of his _History of England_, has
+        shown that he gradually became less favourable to popular liberty;
+        softening, or erasing, in later editions, those expressions which
+        seemed favourable to freedom. _Burton's Life of Hume_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 74-77. See also pp. 144, 434. In his _Own Life_, p. xi (in
+        vol. i. of _Hume's Works_ Edinb. 1826), he says: 'In a hundred
+        alterations, which farther study, reading, or reflection engaged
+        me to make in the reigns of the two first Stuarts, I have made all
+        of them invariably the Tory side.' In one of his essays, he
+        observes (_Philosophical Works_, vol. iv. p. 172) that 'there is
+        no enthusiasm among philosophers;' a remark perfectly true, so far
+        as he was concerned, but very unjust towards the class of men to
+        whom it refers.
+
+Among his speculative views, the most important are his theory of
+causation as discarding the idea of power, and his theory of the laws of
+association. Neither of these theories are, in their primary conception,
+quite original, but his treatment made them as valuable as if they had
+been entirely his own. His theory of miracles, in connexion, on the one
+hand, with the principles of evidence, and, on the other hand, with the
+laws of causation, is worked out with consummate skill, and, after having
+received the modifications subsequently imposed by Brown, has now become
+the foundation on which the best inquirers into these matters take their
+stand.[692] His work on the principles of morals, by generalizing the
+laws of expediency, prepared the way for Bentham, who afterwards
+incorporated with them an estimate of the more remote consequences of
+human actions; Hume, having chiefly confined himself to their more
+immediate consequences. The doctrine of utility was common to each; but
+while Hume applied it mainly to the individual, Bentham applied it to the
+surrounding society. Though Bentham was more comprehensive, yet Hume,
+having come first, was more original. The praise of originality must also
+be accorded to his economical theories, in which he advocated those
+principles of free trade, which politicians began to adopt many years
+after his death.[693] In opposition to the notions then prevailing, he
+distinctly asserted, that all commodities, though apparently bought by
+money, are in reality bought by labour.[694] Money, therefore, is not the
+subject of commerce, and is of no use except to facilitate it.[695]
+Hence, it is absurd for a nation to trouble itself about the balance of
+trade, or to make regulations to discourage the exportation of the
+precious metals.[696] Neither does the average rate of interest depend on
+their scarcity or abundance, but upon the operation of more general
+causes.[697] As a necessary consequence of these positions, Hume inferred
+that the established policy was wrong, which made trading states look
+upon each other as rivals, while, in point of fact, the question, if
+considered from a certain height, was one, not of rivalry, but of
+cooeperation; every country being benefited by the increasing wealth of
+its neighbours.[698] Those who know the character of commercial
+legislation, and the opinions of even the most enlightened statesmen a
+century ago, will consider these views as extremely remarkable to have
+been propounded in the year 1752. But what is more remarkable still, is,
+that their author subsequently detected the fundamental error which Adam
+Smith committed, and which vitiates many of his conclusions. The error
+consists in his having resolved price into three components, namely,
+wages, profit, and rent; whereas it is now known that price is a compound
+of wages and profit, and that rent is not an element of it, but a result
+of it. This discovery is the corner-stone of political economy; but it is
+established by an argument so long and so refined, that most minds are
+unable to pursue it without stumbling, and the majority of those who
+acquiesce in it are influenced by the great writers to whom they pay
+deference, and whose judgment they follow. It is, therefore, a striking
+proof of the sagacity of Hume, that in an age when the science was but
+dawning, and when he could receive little help from his predecessors, he
+should have discovered a mistake of this sort, which lies so far beneath
+the surface. Directly the _Wealth of Nations_ appeared, he wrote to Adam
+Smith, disputing his position that rent is a part of price;[699] and this
+letter, written in the year 1776, is the first indication of that
+celebrated theory of rent, which, a little later, Anderson, Malthus, and
+West, saw, and imperfectly developed, but which it was reserved for the
+genius of Ricardo to build up on a broad and solid foundation.
+
+  [692] Brown, in his great work,--one of the greatest which this century
+        has produced,--candidly confesses that his own book is 'chiefly
+        reflective of the lights, which he' (Hume) 'has given.' _Brown's
+        Inquiry into the Relation of Cause and Effect_, London, 1835, p.
+        253. See also p. vii.
+
+  [693] While the politicians of his own time despised his views, the
+        politicians of our time seem inclined to overrate them. Lord
+        Brougham, for instance, in his Life of Hume, says, of his
+        political economy, 'Mr. Hume is, beyond all doubt, the author of
+        the modern doctrines which now rule the world of science.'
+        _Brougham's Works_, Glasgow, 1856, vol. ii. p. 176. But so far
+        from this being the case, the science of political economy has,
+        since the time of Hume, received such additions, that if that
+        illustrious philosopher were to rise from the dead, he would
+        hardly be able to recognize it. To him, many of its largest and
+        most fundamental principles were entirely unknown. Hume knew
+        nothing of the causes which govern the accumulation of wealth, and
+        compel that accumulation to proceed with different speed in
+        different states of society; a fruitful and important study almost
+        entirely neglected until entered upon by Rae. Neither did Hume
+        know anything of the law of the ratio between population and
+        wages; nor of the ratio between wages and profits. He even
+        supposes (_Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 299, Edinburgh,
+        1826) that it is possible for the labouring classes by combination
+        'to heighten their wages;' and again (p. 319) that the richer a
+        nation is, and the more trade it has, the easier it will be for a
+        poor country to undersell its manufactures, because the poor
+        nation enjoys the advantage of a 'low price of labour.' Elsewhere,
+        he asserts that coin can be depreciated without raising prices,
+        and that a country, by taxing a foreign commodity, could increase
+        its own population. 'Were all our money, for instance, recoined,
+        and a penny's worth of silver taken from every shilling, the new
+        shilling would probably purchase every thing that could have been
+        bought by the old; the prices of every thing would thereby be
+        insensibly diminished; foreign trade enlivened; and domestic
+        industry, by the circulation of a great number of pounds and
+        shillings, would receive some increase and encouragement.'
+        _Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 324. 'A tax on German linen
+        encourages home manufactures, and thereby multiplies our people
+        and industry.' p. 365. These are cardinal errors, which go to the
+        very root of political economy; and when we fairly estimate what
+        has been done by Malthus and Ricardo, it will be evident that
+        Hume's doctrines do not 'rule the world of science.' This is no
+        disparagement of Hume, who, on the contrary, effected wonderful
+        things, considering the then state of knowledge. The mistake is,
+        in imagining that such a rapidly advancing science as political
+        economy can be governed by doctrines propounded more than a
+        century ago.
+
+  [694] 'Every thing in the world is purchased by labour, and our passions
+        are the only causes of labour.' _Essay I. on Commerce, in Hume's
+        Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 294. Hence, he saw the fallacy
+        of the assertion of the French economists, 'that all taxes fall
+        ultimately upon land.' p. 388.
+
+  [695] 'Money is not, properly speaking, one of the subjects of commerce,
+        but only the instrument which men have agreed upon to facilitate
+        the exchange of one commodity for another.' _Essay on Money in
+        Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 317. 'It is, indeed, evident
+        that money is nothing but the representation of labour and
+        commodities, and serves only as a method of rating or estimating
+        them.' p. 321.
+
+  [696] See _Essay V. on the Balance of Trade_, in _Hume's Philosophical
+        Works_, vol. iii. pp. 348-367.
+
+  [697] _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. pp. 333-335. Even now, a
+        knowledge of this truth is so little diffused, that, lately, when
+        Australia and California began to yield immense quantities of
+        gold, a notion was widely circulated that the interest of money
+        would consequently fall; although nothing can be more certain than
+        that if gold were to become as plentiful as iron, the interest of
+        money would be unaffected. The whole effect would fall upon price.
+        The remarks on this subject in _Ritchie's Life of Hume_, London,
+        1807, pp. 332, 333, are interesting, as illustrating the slow
+        progress of opinion, and the difficulty which minds, not specially
+        trained, experience when they attempt to investigate these
+        subjects.
+
+  [698] 'Nothing is more usual, among states which have made some advance
+        in commerce, than to look on the progress of their neighbours with
+        a suspicious eye, to consider all trading states as their rivals,
+        and to suppose that it is impossible for any of them to flourish,
+        but at their expense. In opposition to this narrow and malignant
+        opinion, I will venture to assert, that the increase of riches and
+        commerce in any one nation, instead of hurting, commonly promotes
+        the riches and commerce of all its neighbours.' ... 'I go farther,
+        and observe, that where an open communication is preserved among
+        nations, it is impossible but the domestic industry of every one
+        must receive an increase from the improvements of the others.'
+        _Essay on the Jealousy of Trade_, in _Hume's Philosophical Works_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 368, 369.
+
+  [699] This letter, which I have referred to in my first volume, p. 229,
+        was published, for, I believe, the first time, in 1846, in
+        _Burton's Life and Correspondence of Hume_, vol. ii. p. 486. It
+        is, however, very difficult to determine what Adam Smith's opinion
+        really was upon this subject, and how far he was aware that rent
+        did not enter into price. In one passage in the _Wealth of
+        Nations_ (book i. chap. vi. p. 21) he says of wages, profit, and
+        rent, 'in every society, the price of every commodity finally
+        resolves itself into some one or other, or all of those three
+        parts; and _in every improved society, all the three enter, more
+        or less, as component parts, into the price of the far greater
+        part of commodities_.' But in book i. chap. xi. p. 61, he says,
+        'High or low wages and profit are the causes of high or low price;
+        high or low rent is the effect of it.' This latter opinion we now
+        know to be the true one; it is, however, incompatible with that
+        expressed in the first passage. For, if rent is the effect of
+        price, it cannot be a component of it.
+
+It is very observable, that Hume and Adam Smith, who made such immense
+additions to our knowledge of the principles of trade, had no practical
+acquaintance with it.[700] Hume had, at an early period of his life, been
+in a mercantile house; but he threw up that employment in disgust, and
+buried himself in a provincial town, to think, rather than to
+observe.[701] Indeed, one of the capital defects of his mind, was a
+disregard of facts. This did not proceed, as is too often the case, from
+that worst form of moral obliquity, an indifference to truth; since he,
+on the contrary, was an ardent lover of it, and was, moreover, a man of
+the purest and most exemplary character, utterly incapable of falsehood,
+or of prevarication of any kind.[702] In him, a contempt for facts was
+merely the exaggerated result of a devotion to ideas. He not only
+believed, with perfect justice, that ideas are more important than facts,
+but he supposed that they should hold the first place in the order of
+study, and that they should be developed before the facts are
+investigated. The Baconian philosophy, which, though it allows a
+preliminary and tentative hypothesis, strongly insists upon the necessity
+of first collecting the facts, and then proceeding to the ideas, excited
+his aversion; and this, I have no doubt, is the reason why he, who was
+usually so lenient in his judgments, and was so keen an admirer of
+intellectual greatness is, nevertheless, grossly unfair towards Bacon,
+with whose method it was impossible for him to sympathize, though he
+could not deny its utility, in physical science.[703] If Hume had
+followed the Baconian scheme, of always rising from particulars to
+generals, and from each generalization to that immediately above it, he
+would hardly have written one of his works. Certainly, his economical
+views would never have appeared, since political economy is as
+essentially a deductive science as geometry itself.[704] Reversing the
+inductive process, he was in favour of beginning with what he termed
+general arguments, by which he hoped to demonstrate the inaccuracy of
+opinions which facts were supposed to have proved.[705] He did not stop
+to investigate the facts from which the inference had been drawn, but he
+inverted the order by which the inference was to be obtained. The same
+dislike to make the facts of trade the basis of the science of trade, was
+displayed by Adam Smith, who expresses his want of confidence in
+statistics, or, as it was then termed, political arithmetic.[706] It is,
+however, evident, that statistical facts are as good as any other facts,
+and, owing to their mathematical form, are very precise.[707] But when
+they concern human actions, they are the result of all the motives which
+govern those actions; in other words, they are the result, not merely of
+selfishness, but also of sympathy. And as Adam Smith, in the _Wealth of
+Nations_, dealt with only one of these passions, namely, selfishness, he
+would have found it impossible to conduct his generalization from
+statistics, which are necessarily collected from the products of both
+passions. Such statistical facts were, in their origin, too complex to be
+generalized; especially as they could not be experimented upon, but could
+only be observed and arranged. Adam Smith, perceiving them to be
+unmanageable, very properly rejected them as the basis of his science,
+and merely used them by way of illustration, when he could select what he
+liked. The same remark applies to other facts which he drew from the
+history of trade, and, indeed, from the general history of society. All
+of these are essentially subsequent to the argument. They make the
+argument more clear, but not more certain. For, it is no exaggeration to
+say, that, if all the commercial and historical facts in the _Wealth of
+Nations_ were false, the book would still remain, and its conclusions
+would hold equally good, though they would be less attractive. In it,
+every thing depends upon general principles, and they, as we have seen,
+were arrived at in 1752, that is, twenty-four years before the work was
+published in which those principles were applied. They must, therefore,
+have been acquired independently of the facts which Adam Smith,
+subsequently incorporated with them, and which he learnt during that long
+period of twenty-four years. And the ten years which he employed in
+composing his great work, were not spent in one of those busy haunts of
+men, where he might have observed all the phenomena of industry, and
+studied the way in which the operations of trade affect human character,
+and are affected by it. He did not resort to one of those vast marts and
+emporiums of commerce, where the events were happening which he was
+seeking to explain. That was not his method. On the contrary, the ten
+years, during which he was occupied in raising to a science the most
+active department of life, were passed in complete seclusion in
+Kirkaldy, his quiet little birthplace.[708] He had always been remarkable
+for absence of mind, and was so little given to observation, as to be
+frequently oblivious of what was passing around him.[709] In that
+obliviousness, he, amid the tranquil scenes of his childhood, could now
+indulge without danger. There, cheered, indeed, by the society of his
+mother, but with no opportunity of observing human nature upon a large
+scale, and far removed from the hum of great cities, did this mighty
+thinker, by the force of his own mind, unravel the numerous and
+complicated phenomena of wealth, detect the motives which regulate the
+conduct of the most energetic and industrious portion of mankind, and lay
+bare the schemes and the secrets of that active life from which he was
+shut out, while he, immured in comparative solitude, was unable to
+witness the very facts which he succeeded in explaining.
+
+  [700] Hence, when the _Wealth of Nations_ appeared, one of our wise men
+        gravely said that 'Dr. Smith, who had never been in trade, could
+        not be expected to write well on that subject, any more than a
+        lawyer upon physic.' See _Boswell's Life of Johnson_, edit.
+        Croker, 1848, p. 478, where this remark is ascribed to Sir John
+        Pringle.
+
+  [701] 'He was sent to a mercantile house at Bristol in 1734; but he
+        found the drudgery of this employment intolerable, and he retired
+        to Rheims.' _Brougham's Life of Hume_, Glasgow, 1856, p. 169. See
+        also _Ritchie's Life of Hume_, p. 6. In _Roberts' Memoirs of
+        Hannah More_, 2d ed. 1834, vol. i. p. 16, it is said that 'two
+        years of his life were spent in a merchant's counting-house in
+        Bristol, whence he was dismissed on account of the promptitude of
+        his pen in the correction of the letters intrusted to him to
+        copy.' The latter part of this story is improbable; the former
+        part is certainly incorrect; since Hume himself says, 'In 1734, I
+        went to Bristol, with some recommendations to eminent merchants,
+        but _in a few months_ found that scene totally unsuitable to me. I
+        went over to France, with a view of prosecuting my studies in a
+        country retreat.' _Own Life_, p. v.
+
+  [702] What Sir James Mackintosh says of him is only a faint echo of the
+        general voice of his contemporaries. 'His temper was calm, not to
+        say cold; but though none of his feelings were ardent, all were
+        engaged on the side of virtue. He was free from the slightest
+        tincture of malignity or meanness; his conduct was uniformly
+        excellent.' _Mackintosh's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 162. A greater
+        than Mackintosh, and a man who knew Hume intimately, expresses
+        himself in much warmer terms. 'Upon the whole,' writes Adam
+        Smith,--'Upon the whole, I have always considered him, both in his
+        lifetime and since his death, as approaching as nearly to the idea
+        of a perfectly wise and virtuous man as perhaps the nature of
+        human frailty will permit.' _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. i.
+        p. xxv. Some notices of Hume will be found in an interesting work
+        just published. _Autobiography of Alexander Carlyle_, Edinburgh,
+        1860, pp. 272-278. But Carlyle, though a man of considerable
+        practical skill, was incapable of large views, and was, therefore,
+        unable, I will not say to measure, but even to conceive, the size
+        of such an understanding as that possessed by David Hume. Of his
+        want of speculative power, a decisive instance appears in his
+        remarks on Adam Smith. He gravely says (_Autobiography_, p. 281),
+        'Smith's fine writing is chiefly displayed in his book on _Moral
+        Sentiments_, which is the pleasantest and most eloquent book on
+        the subject. His _Wealth of Nations_, from which he was judged to
+        be an inventive genius of the first order, is tedious and full of
+        repetition. His separate essays in the second volume have the air
+        of being occasional pamphlets, without much force or
+        determination. On political subjects, his opinions were not very
+        sound.' It is rather too much when a village-preacher writes in
+        this strain of the greatest man his country has ever produced.
+
+  [703] He speaks of him in the following extraordinary terms. 'If we
+        consider the variety of talents displayed by this man; as a public
+        speaker, a man of business, a wit, a courtier, a companion, an
+        author, a philosopher; he is justly the object of great
+        admiration. If we consider him merely as an author and
+        philosopher, the light in which we view him at present, though
+        very estimable, _he was yet inferior to his contemporary Galileo,
+        perhaps even to Kepler_.' ... 'The national spirit which prevails
+        among the English, and which forms their great happiness, is the
+        cause why they bestow on all their eminent writers, and on Bacon
+        among the rest, such praises and acclamations as may often appear
+        partial and excessive.' _Hume's History of England_, vol. vi. pp.
+        194, 195, London, 1789.
+
+  [704] See the note in vol. i. p. 250, of _Buckle's History of
+        Civilization_.
+
+  [705] Thus, for instance, in his remarkable _Essay on the Balance of
+        Trade_, he says (_Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 349), 'Every
+        man who has ever reasoned on this subject, has always _proved his
+        theory, whatever it was, by facts and calculations_, and by an
+        enumeration of all the commodities sent to all foreign kingdoms;'
+        therefore (p. 350), 'It may here be proper to form a general
+        argument to prove the impossibility of this event, so long as we
+        preserve our people and our industry.'
+
+  [706] 'I have no great faith in political arithmetic.' _Wealth of
+        Nations_, book iv. chap. v. p. 218.
+
+  [707] Indeed, the only possible objection to them is that the language
+        of their collectors is sometimes ambiguous; so that, by the same
+        return, one statistician may mean one thing, and another
+        statistician may mean something quite different. This is well
+        exemplified in medical statistics; whence several writers,
+        unacquainted with the philosophy of scientific proof, have
+        supposed that medicine is incapable of mathematical treatment. In
+        point of fact, however, the only real impediment is the shameful
+        state of clinical and pathological terminology, which is in such
+        confusion as to throw doubt upon all extensive numerical
+        statements respecting disease.
+
+  [708] 'Upon his return to England in the autumn of 1766, he went to
+        reside with his mother at his native town of Kirkaldy, and
+        remained there for ten years. All the attempts of his friends in
+        Edinburgh to draw him thither were vain; and from a kind and
+        lively letter of Mr. Hume upon the subject, complaining that,
+        though within sight of him on the opposite side of the Frith of
+        Forth, he could not have speech of him, it appears that no one was
+        aware of the occupations in which those years were passed.'
+        _Brougham's Life of Adam Smith_, p. 189. Occasionally, however, he
+        saw his literary friends. See _Dugald Stewart's Biographical
+        Memoirs_, p. 73, Edinb. 1811, 4to.
+
+  [709] 'He was certainly not fitted for the general commerce of the
+        world, or for the business of active life. The comprehensive
+        speculations with which he had been occupied from his youth, and
+        the variety of materials which his own invention constantly
+        supplied to his thoughts, rendered him habitually inattentive to
+        familiar objects and to common occurrences; and he frequently
+        exhibited instances of absence, which have scarcely been surpassed
+        by the fancy of La Bruyere.' _Stewart's Biographical Memoirs_, p.
+        113. See also _Ramsay's Reminiscences_, 5th edit. Edinb. 1859, p.
+        236. Carlyle, who knew him well, says, 'he was the most absent man
+        in company that I ever saw, moving his lips, and talking to
+        himself, and smiling, in the midst of large companies.'
+        _Autobiography of the Rev. Alexander Carlyle_, 2nd edit. Edinb.
+        1860, p. 279.
+
+The same determination to make the study of principles precede that of
+facts, is exhibited by Hume in one of his most original works, the
+_Natural History of Religion_. In reference to the title of this
+treatise, we must observe that, according to the Scotch philosophers, the
+natural course of any movement is by no means the same as its actual
+course. This discrepancy between the ideal and the real, was the
+unavoidable result of their method.[710] For, as they argued deductively
+from fixed premisses, they could not take into account the perturbations
+to which their conclusions were liable, from the play and friction of the
+surrounding society. To do that, required a separate inquiry. It would
+have been needful to investigate the circumstances which caused the
+friction, and thus prevented the conclusions from being, in the world of
+fact, the same as they were in the world of speculation. What we call
+accidents, are constantly happening, and they prevent the real march of
+affairs from being identical with the natural march. And, as long as we
+are unable to predict those accidents, there will always be a want of
+complete harmony between the inferences of a deductive science and the
+realities of life; in other words, our inferences will tend towards
+truth, but never completely attain it.[711]
+
+  [710] A Scotch philosopher of great repute, but, as it appears to me, of
+        ability not quite equal to his repute, has stated very clearly and
+        accurately this favourite method of his countrymen. 'In examining
+        the history of mankind, as well as in examining the phenomena of
+        the material world, when we cannot trace the process by which an
+        event _has been_ produced, it is often of importance to be able to
+        show how it _may have been_ produced by natural causes.' ... 'To
+        this species of philosophical investigation, which has no
+        appropriated name in our language, I shall take the liberty of
+        giving the title of _Theoretical_ or _Conjectural History_; an
+        expression which coincides pretty nearly in its meaning with that
+        of _Natural History_ as employed by Mr. Hume, and with what some
+        French writers have called Histoire Raisonnee.' _Dugald Stewart's
+        Biographical Memoirs_, pp. 48, 49. Hence (p. 53), 'in most cases,
+        it is of more importance to ascertain the progress that is most
+        simple, than the progress that is most agreeable to fact; for,
+        paradoxical as the proposition may appear, it is certainly true,
+        that _the real progress is not always the most natural_. It may
+        have been determined by particular accidents, which are not likely
+        again to occur, and which cannot be considered as forming any part
+        of that general provision which nature has made for the
+        improvement of the race.'
+
+  [711] Part of this view is well expressed in _Hume's Treatise of Human
+        Nature_, book iii. part ii. 'This, however, hinders not but that
+        philosophers may, if they please, extend their reasoning to the
+        supposed _state of nature_; provided they allow it to be a mere
+        philosophical fiction, which never had, and never could have, any
+        reality.' ... 'The same liberty may be permitted to moral, which
+        is allowed to natural philosophers; and 'tis very usual with the
+        latter to consider any motion as compounded and consisting of two
+        parts separate from each other, though, at the same time, they
+        acknowledge it to be in itself uncompounded and inseparable.'
+        _Philosophical Works_, vol. ii. p. 263.
+
+With peculiar propriety, therefore, did Hume term his work a _Natural
+History of Religion_. It is an admirable specimen of the deductive
+method. Its only fault is that he speaks too confidently of the accuracy
+of the results to which, on such a subject, that method could attain. He
+believed, that, by observing the principles of human nature, as he found
+them in his own mind, it was possible to explain the whole course of
+affairs, both moral and physical.[712] These principles were to be
+arrived at by experiments made on himself; and having thus arrived at
+them, he was to reason from them deductively, and so construct the entire
+scheme. This he contrasts with the inductive plan, which he calls a
+tedious and lingering process; and while others might follow that slow
+and patient method of gradually working their way towards first
+principles, his project was, to seize them at once, or, as he expresses
+himself, not to stop at the frontier, but to march directly on the
+capital, being possessed of which, he could gain an easy victory over
+other difficulties, and could extend his conquests over the
+sciences.[713] According to Hume, we are to reason, not in order to
+obtain ideas, but we are to have clear ideas before we reason.[714] By
+this means, we arrive at philosophy; and her conclusions are not to be
+impugned, even if they do happen to clash with science. On the contrary,
+her authority is supreme, and her decisions, being essentially true, must
+always be preferred to any generalization of the facts which the external
+world presents.[715]
+
+  [712] And, conversely, that whatever was 'demonstratively false,' could
+        'never be distinctly conceived by the mind.' _Philosophical
+        Works_, vol. iv. p. 33. Here, and sometimes in other passages,
+        Hume, though by no means a Cartesian, reminds us of Descartes.
+
+  [713] 'Here, then, is the only expedient from which we can hope for
+        success in our philosophical researches, _to leave the tedious,
+        lingering method_, which we have hitherto followed, and instead of
+        taking now and then a castle or a village on the frontier, to
+        march up directly to the capital, or centre of these sciences, to
+        human nature itself; which, being once masters of, we may every
+        where else hope for an easy victory. From this station we may
+        extend our conquests over all those sciences which more
+        immediately concern human life, and may afterwards proceed, at
+        leisure, to discover more fully those which are the objects of
+        pure curiosity.' _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. i. p. 8. See
+        also, in vol. ii. pp. 73, 74, his remarks on the way 'to consider
+        the matter _a priori_.'
+
+  [714] 'No kind of reasoning can give rise to a new idea, such as this of
+        power is; but wherever we reason, we must antecedently be
+        possessed of clear ideas, which may be the objects of our
+        reasoning.' _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. i. p. 217. Compare
+        vol. ii. p. 276, on our arriving at a knowledge of causes 'by a
+        kind of taste or fancy.' Hence, the larger view preceding the
+        smaller, and being essentially independent of it, will constantly
+        contradict it; and he complains, for instance, that 'difficulties,
+        which seem unsurmountable in theory, are easily got over in
+        practice.' vol. ii. p. 357; and again, in vol. iii. p. 326, on the
+        effort needed to 'reconcile reason to experience.' But, after all,
+        it is rather by a careful study of his works, than by quoting
+        particular passages, that his method can be understood. In the two
+        sentences, however, just cited, the reader will see that theory
+        and reason represent the larger view; while practice and
+        experience represent the smaller.
+
+  [715] ''Tis certainly a kind of indignity to philosophy, whose sovereign
+        authority ought every where to be acknowledged, to oblige her on
+        every occasion to make apologies for her conclusions, and justify
+        herself to every particular art and science, which may be offended
+        at her. This puts one in mind of a king arraigned for high treason
+        against his subjects.' _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. i.
+        pp. 318, 319.
+
+Hume, therefore, believed that all the secrets of the external world are
+wrapped up in the human mind. The mind was not only the key by which the
+treasure could be unlocked; it was also the treasure itself. Learning and
+science might illustrate and beautify our mental acquisitions, but they
+could not communicate real knowledge; they could neither give the prime
+original materials, nor could they teach the design according to which
+those materials must be worked.
+
+In conformity with these views, the _Natural History of Religion_ was
+composed. The object of Hume in writing it, was, to ascertain the origin
+and progress of religious ideas; and he arrives at the conclusion, that
+the worship of many Gods must, every where, have preceded the worship of
+one God. This, he regards as a law of the human mind, a thing not only
+that always has happened, but that always must happen. His proof is
+entirely speculative. He argues that the earliest state of man is
+necessarily a savage state; that savages can feel no interest in the
+ordinary operations of nature, and no desire to study the principles
+which govern those operations; that such men must be devoid of curiosity
+on all subjects which do not personally trouble them; and that,
+therefore, while they neglect the usual events of nature, they will turn
+their minds to the unusual ones.[716] A violent tempest, a monstrous
+birth, excessive cold, excessive rain, sudden and fatal diseases, are the
+sort of things to which the attention of the savage is confined, and of
+which alone he desires to know the causes. Directly he finds that such
+causes are beyond his control, he reckons them superior to himself, and,
+being incapable of abstracting them, he personifies them; he turns them
+into deities; polytheism is established; and the earliest creed of
+mankind assumes a form which can never be altered, as long as men remain
+in this condition of pristine ignorance.[717]
+
+  [716] 'A barbarous, necessitous animal (such as a man is on the first
+        origin of society), pressed by such numerous wants and passions,
+        has no leisure to admire the regular face of nature, or make
+        inquiries concerning the cause of those objects to which, from his
+        infancy, he has been gradually accustomed. On the contrary, the
+        more regular and uniform, that is the more perfect, nature
+        appears, the more is he familiarized to it, and the less inclined
+        to scrutinize and examine it. A monstrous birth excites his
+        curiosity, and is deemed a prodigy. It alarms him from its
+        novelty, and immediately sets him a trembling, and sacrificing,
+        and praying. But an animal complete in all its limbs and organs is
+        to him an ordinary spectacle, and produces no religious opinion or
+        affection. Ask him whence that animal arose? He will tell you,
+        from the copulation of its parents. And these, whence? From the
+        copulation of theirs. A few removes satisfy his curiosity, and set
+        the objects at such a distance that he entirely loses sight of
+        them. Imagine not that he will so much as start the question,
+        whence the first animal, much less whence the whole system, or
+        united fabric of the universe arose. Or, if you start such a
+        question to him, expect not that he will employ his mind with any
+        anxiety about a subject so remote, so uninteresting, and which so
+        much exceeds the bounds of his capacity.' _Natural History of
+        Religion_, in _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. iv. p. 439. See
+        also pp. 463-465.
+
+  [717] 'By degrees, the active imagination of men, uneasy in this
+        abstract conception of objects, about which it is incessantly
+        employed, begins to render them more particular, and to clothe
+        them in shapes more suitable to its natural comprehension. It
+        represents them to be sensible, intelligent beings like mankind;
+        actuated by love and hatred, and flexible by gifts and entreaties,
+        by prayers and sacrifices. Hence the origin of religion. And hence
+        the origin of idolatry, or polytheism.' _Hume's Philosophical
+        Works_, vol. iv. p. 472. 'The primary religion of mankind arises
+        chiefly from an anxious fear of future events,' p. 498.
+
+These propositions, which are not only plausible, but which are probably
+true, ought, according to the inductive philosophy, to have been
+generalized from a survey of facts; that is, from a collection of
+evidence respecting the state of religion and of the speculative
+faculties among savage tribes. But this, Hume abstains from doing. He
+refers to none of the numerous travellers who have visited such people;
+he does not, in the whole course of his work, mention even a single book
+where facts respecting savage life are preserved. It was enough for him,
+that the progress from a belief in many Gods to a belief in one God, was
+the natural progress; which is saying, in other words, that it appeared
+to his mind to be the natural progress.[718] With that, he was satisfied.
+In other parts of his essay, where he treats of the religious opinions
+of the ancient Greeks and Romans, he displays a tolerable, though by no
+means remarkable, learning; but the passages which he cites, do not refer
+to that entirely barbarous society in which, as he supposes, polytheism
+first arose. The premisses, therefore, of the argument are evolved out of
+his own mind. He reasons deductively from the ideas which his powerful
+intellect supplied, instead of reasoning inductively from the facts which
+were peculiar to the subject he was investigating.
+
+  [718] '_It seems certain, that, according to the natural progress of
+        human thought_, the ignorant multitude must first entertain some
+        grovelling and familiar notion of superior powers, before they
+        stretch their conception to that perfect Being who bestowed order
+        on the whole frame of nature. _We may as reasonably imagine, that
+        men inhabited palaces before huts and cottages_, or studied
+        geometry before agriculture, as assert that the Deity appeared to
+        them a pure spirit, omniscient, omnipotent, and omnipresent,
+        before he was apprehended to be a powerful though limited being,
+        with human passions and appetites, limbs and organs. The mind
+        rises gradually from inferior to superior. By abstracting from
+        what is imperfect, it forms an idea of perfection; and slowly
+        distinguishing the nobler parts of its own frame from the grosser,
+        it learns to transform only the former, much elevated and refined,
+        to its divinity. Nothing could disturb this _natural progress of
+        thought_, but some obvious and invincible argument, which might
+        immediately lead the mind into the pure principles of theism, and
+        make it overleap, at one bound, the vast interval which is
+        interposed between the human and the Divine nature. But though I
+        allow, that the order and frame of the universe, when accurately
+        examined, affords such an argument, yet _I can never think_ that
+        this consideration could have an influence on mankind, when they
+        formed their first rude notions of religion.' _Natural History of
+        Religion_, in _Philosophical Works_, vol. iv. p. 438.
+
+Even in the rest of his work, which is full of refined and curious
+speculation, he uses facts, not to demonstrate his conclusions, but to
+illustrate them. He, therefore, selected those facts which suited his
+purpose, leaving the others untouched. And this, which many critics would
+call unfair, was not unfair in him; because he believed, that he had
+already established his principles without the aid of those facts. The
+facts might benefit the reader, by making the argument clearer, but they
+could not strengthen the argument. They were more intended to persuade
+than to prove; they were rather rhetorical than logical. Hence, a critic
+would waste his time if he were to sift them with a minuteness which
+would be necessary, supposing that Hume had built an inductive argument
+upon them. Otherwise, without going far, it might be curious to contrast
+them with the entirely different facts which Cudworth, eighty years
+before, had collected from the same source, and on the same subject.
+Cudworth, who was much superior to Hume in learning, and much inferior to
+him in genius,[719] displayed, in his great work on the _Intellectual
+System of the Universe_, a prodigious erudition, to prove that, in the
+ancient world, the belief in one God was a prevailing doctrine. Hume, who
+never refers to Cudworth, arrives at a precisely opposite conclusion.
+Both quoted ancient writers; but while Cudworth drew his inferences from
+what he found in those writers, Hume drew his from what he found in his
+own mind. Cudworth, being more learned, relied on his reading; Hume,
+having more genius, relied on his intellect. Cudworth, trained in the
+school of Bacon, first collected the evidence, and then passed the
+judgment. Hume, formed in a school entirely different, believed that the
+acuteness of the judge was more important than the quantity of the
+evidence; that witnesses were likely to prevaricate; and that he
+possessed, in his own mind, the surest materials for arriving at an
+accurate conclusion. It is not, therefore, strange, that Cudworth and
+Hume, pursuing opposite methods, should have obtained opposite results,
+since such a discrepancy is, as I have already pointed out, unavoidable,
+when men investigate, according to different plans, a subject which, in
+the existing state of knowledge, is not amenable to scientific treatment.
+
+  [719] Not that he was by any means devoid of genius, though he holds a
+        rank far below so great and original a thinker as Hume. He had,
+        however, collected more materials than he was able to wield; and
+        his work on the _Intellectual System of the Universe_, which is a
+        treasure of ancient philosophy, is badly arranged, and, in many
+        parts, feebly argued. There is more real power in his posthumous
+        treatise on _Eternal and Immutable Morality_.
+
+The length to which this chapter has already extended, and the number of
+topics which I have still to handle, will prevent me from examining, in
+detail, the philosophy of Reid, who was the most eminent among the
+purely speculative thinkers of Scotland, after Hume and Adam Smith,
+though, in point of merit, he must be placed far below them. For, he had
+neither the comprehensiveness of Smith, nor the fearlessness of Hume. The
+range of his knowledge was not wide enough to allow him to be
+comprehensive; while a timidity, almost amounting to moral cowardice,
+made him recoil from the views advocated by Hume, not so much on account
+of their being false, as on account of their being dangerous. It is,
+however, certain, that no man can take high rank as a philosopher, who
+allows himself to be trammelled by considerations of that kind. A
+philosopher should aim solely at truth, and should refuse to estimate the
+practical tendency of his speculations. If they are true, let them stand;
+if they are false, let them fall. But, whether they are agreeable or
+disagreeable, whether they are consolatory or disheartening, whether they
+are safe or mischievous, is a question, not for philosophers, but for
+practical men. Every new truth which has ever been propounded, has, for a
+time, caused mischief; it has produced discomfort, and often unhappiness,
+sometimes by disturbing social or religious arrangements, and sometimes
+merely by the disruption of old and cherished associations of thought. It
+is only after a certain interval, and when the framework of affairs has
+adjusted itself to the new truth, that its good effects preponderate; and
+the preponderance continues to increase, until, at length, the truth
+causes nothing but good. But, at the outset, there is always harm. And,
+if the truth is very great, as well as very new, the harm is serious. Men
+are made uneasy; they flinch; they cannot bear the sudden light; a
+general restlessness supervenes; the face of society is disturbed, or
+perhaps convulsed; old interests, and old beliefs, are destroyed, before
+new ones have been created. These symptoms are the precursors of
+revolution; they have preceded all the great changes through which the
+world has passed; and while, if they are not excessive, they forebode
+progress, so if they are excessive, they threaten anarchy. It is the
+business of practical men to moderate such symptoms, and to take care
+that the truths which philosophers discover, are not applied so rashly as
+to dislocate the fabric, instead of strengthening it. But the philosopher
+has only to discover the truth, and promulgate it; and that is hard work
+enough for any man, let his ability be as great as it may. This division
+of labour, between thinkers and actors, secures an economy of force, and
+prevents either class from wasting its power. It establishes a difference
+between science, which ascertains principles, and art, which applies
+them. It also recognizes, that the philosopher and the practical man,
+having each a separate part to play, each is, in his own field, supreme.
+But it is a sad confusion for either to interfere with the other. In
+their different spheres, both are independent, and both are worthy of
+admiration. Inasmuch, however, as practical men should never allow the
+speculative conclusions of philosophers, whatever be their truth, to be
+put in actual operation, unless society is, in some degree, ripe for
+their reception; so, on the other hand, philosophers are not to hesitate,
+and tremble, and stop short in their career, because their intellect is
+leading them to conclusions subversive of existing interests. The duty of
+a philosopher is clear. His path lies straight before him. He must take
+every pains to ascertain the truth; and, having arrived at a conclusion,
+he, instead of shrinking from it because it is unpalatable, or because it
+seems dangerous, should on that very account, cling the closer to it,
+should uphold it in bad repute, more zealously than he would have done in
+good repute; should noise it abroad far and wide, utterly regardless what
+opinions he shocks, or what interests he imperils; should, on its behalf,
+court hostility and despise contempt, being well assured, that, if it is
+not true, it will die, but that, if it is true, it must produce ultimate
+benefit, albeit unsuited for practical adoption by the age or country in
+which it is first propounded.
+
+But Reid, notwithstanding the clearness of his mind and his great powers
+of argument, had so little of the real philosophic spirit, that he loved
+truth, not for its own sake, but for the sake of its immediate and
+practical results. He himself tells us, that he began to study
+philosophy, merely because he was shocked at the consequences at which
+philosophers had arrived. As long as the speculations of Locke and of
+Berkeley were not pushed to their logical conclusions, Reid acquiesced in
+them, and they were good in his eyes.[720] While they were safe and
+tolerably orthodox, he was not over-nice in inquiring into their
+validity. In the hands of Hume, however, philosophy became bolder and
+more inquisitive; she disturbed opinions which were ancient, and which it
+was pleasant to hold; she searched into the foundation of things, and by
+forcing men to doubt and to inquire, she rendered inestimable service to
+the cause of truth. But this was precisely the tendency at which Reid was
+displeased. He saw that such disturbance was uncomfortable; he saw that
+it was hazardous; therefore, he endeavoured to prove that it was
+groundless. Confusing the question of practical consequences with the
+totally different question of scientific truth, he took for granted that,
+because to his age the adoption of those consequences would be
+mischievous, they must be false. To the profound views of Hume respecting
+causation, he gravely objects, that if they were carried into effect, the
+operation of criminal law would be imperilled.[721] To the speculations
+of the same philosopher concerning the metaphysical basis of the theory
+of contracts, he replies, that such speculations perplex men, and weaken
+their sense of duty; they are, therefore, to be disapproved of, on
+account of their tendency.[722] With Reid, the main question always is,
+not whether an inference is true, but what will happen if it is true. He
+says, that a doctrine is to be judged by its fruits;[723] forgetting that
+the same doctrine will bear different fruits in different ages, and that
+the consequences which a theory produces in one state of society, are
+often diametrically opposed to those which it produces in another. He
+thus made his own age the standard of all future ones. He also trammelled
+philosophy with practical considerations; diverting thinkers from the
+pursuit of truth, which is their proper department, into the pursuit of
+expediency, which is not their department at all. Reid was constantly
+stopping to inquire, not whether theories were accurate, but whether it
+was advisable to adopt them; whether they were favourable to patriotism,
+or to generosity, or to friendship;[724] in a word, whether they were
+comfortable, and such as we should at present like to believe.[725] Or
+else, he would take other ground, still lower, and still more unworthy of
+a philosopher. In opposing, for instance, the doctrine, that our
+faculties sometimes deceive us,--a doctrine which, as he well knew, had
+been held by men whose honesty was equal to his own, and whose ability
+was superior to his own,--he does not scruple to enlist on his side the
+prejudices of a vulgar superstition; seeking to blacken the tenet which
+he was unable to refute. He actually asserts, that they who advocate it,
+insult the Deity, by imputing to the Almighty that He has lied. Such
+being the consequence of the opinion, it of course follows that the
+opinion must be rejected without further scrutiny, since, to accept it,
+would produce fatal results on our conduct, and would, indeed, be
+subversive of all religion, of all morals, and of all knowledge.[726]
+
+  [720] 'I once believed this doctrine of ideas so firmly, as to embrace
+        the whole of Berkeley's system in consequence of it; till, finding
+        other consequences to follow from it, which gave me more
+        uneasiness than the want of a material world, it came into my mind
+        more than 40 years ago, to put the question, What evidence have I
+        for this doctrine that all the objects of my knowledge are ideas
+        in my own mind? From that time to the present, I have been
+        candidly and impartially, as I think, seeking for the evidence of
+        this principle but can find none, excepting the authority of
+        philosophers.' _Reid's Essays on the Powers of the Human Mind_,
+        edit. Edinburgh, 1808, vol. i. p. 172. And, in a letter which he
+        wrote to Hume in 1763, he, with a simple candour which must have
+        highly amused that eminent philosopher, confesses that 'your
+        system appears to me not only coherent in all its parts, but
+        likewise justly deduced from principles commonly received among
+        philosophers; principles which I never thought of calling in
+        question, until the conclusions you draw from them in the
+        "Treatise on Human Nature" made me suspect them.' _Burton's Life
+        and Correspondence of Hume_, vol. ii. p. 155.
+
+  [721] 'Suppose a man to be found dead on the high-way, his skull
+        fractured, his body pierced with deadly wounds, his watch and
+        money carried off. The coroner's jury sits upon the body, and the
+        question is put, What was the cause of this man's death, was it
+        accident, or _felo de se_, or murder by persons unknown? Let us
+        suppose an adept in Mr. Hume's philosophy to make one of the jury,
+        and that he insists upon the previous question, whether there was
+        any cause of the event, or whether it happened without a cause.'
+        _Reid's Essays on the Powers of the Mind_, vol. ii. p. 286.
+        Compare vol. iii. p. 33: 'This would put an end to all
+        speculation, as well as to all the business of life.'
+
+  [722] 'The obligation of contracts and promises is a matter so sacred,
+        and of such consequence to human society, that speculations which
+        have a _tendency to weaken that obligation_, and to perplex men's
+        notions on a subject so plain and so important, ought to _meet
+        with the disapprobation of all honest men_. Some such
+        speculations, I think, we have in the third volume of Mr. Hume's
+        "Treatise of Human Nature," and in his "Enquiry into the
+        Principles of Morals;" and my design in this chapter is, to offer
+        some observations on the nature of a contract or promise, and on
+        two passages of that author on this subject. I am far from saying
+        or thinking, that Mr. Hume meant to weaken men's obligations to
+        honesty and fair dealing, or that he had not a sense of these
+        obligations himself. It is not the man I impeach, but his
+        writings. Let us think of the first as charitably as we can, while
+        we freely examine the import and _tendency_ of the last.' _Reid's
+        Essays on the Powers of the Mind_, vol. iii. p. 444. In this, as
+        in most passages, the italics are my own.
+
+  [723] 'Without repeating what I have before said of causes in the first
+        of these Essays, and in the second and third chapters of this, I
+        shall here mention some of the consequences that may be justly
+        deduced from this definition of a cause, that we may judge of it
+        by its fruits.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. iii. p. 339.
+
+  [724] 'Bishop Berkeley surely did not duly consider that it is by means
+        of the material world that we have any correspondence with
+        thinking beings, or any knowledge of their existence, and that by
+        depriving us of the material world, he deprived us at the same
+        time of family, friends, country, and every human creature; of
+        every object of affection, esteem or concern, except ourselves.
+        The good bishop surely never intended this. He was too warm a
+        friend, too zealous a patriot, and too good a Christian to be
+        capable of such a thought. _He was not aware of the consequences
+        of his system_' (poor, ignorant Berkeley), 'and therefore they
+        ought not to be imputed to him; but we must impute them to the
+        system itself. It stifles every generous and social principle.'
+        _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. pp. 251, 252.
+
+  [725] In his _Essays_, vol. i. p. 179, he says of Berkeley, one of the
+        deepest and most unanswerable of all speculators, 'But there is
+        one _uncomfortable consequence_ of his system which he seems not
+        to have attended to, and from which it will be found difficult, if
+        at all possible, to guard it.'
+
+  [726] 'This doctrine is dishonourable to our Maker, and lays a foundation
+        for universal scepticism. It supposes the Author of our being to
+        have given us one faculty on purpose to deceive us, and another by
+        which we may detect the fallacy, and find that he imposed upon
+        us.' ... 'The genuine dictate of our natural faculties is the
+        voice of God, no less than what he reveals from heaven; and to say
+        that it is fallacious, is to impute a lie to the God of truth.'
+        ... 'Shall we impute to the Almighty what we cannot impute to a
+        man without a heinous affront? Passing this opinion, therefore, as
+        shocking to an ingenuous mind, and, in its consequences,
+        subversive of all religion, all morals, and all knowledge,' &c.
+        _Reid's Essays_, vol. iii. p. 310. See also vol. i. p. 313.
+
+In 1764, Reid published his _Inquiry into the Human Mind_; and in that,
+and in his subsequent work, entitled _Essays on the Powers of the Mind_,
+he sought to destroy the philosophy of Locke, Berkeley, and Hume. And as
+Hume was the boldest of the three, it was chiefly his philosophy which
+Reid attacked. Of the character of this attack, some specimens have just
+been given; but they rather concern his object and motives, while what we
+have now to ascertain is, his method, that is, the tactics of his
+warfare. He clearly saw, that Hume had assumed certain principles, and
+had reasoned deductively from them to the facts, instead of reasoning
+inductively from the facts to them. To this method, he strongly, and
+perhaps fairly, objects. He admits that Hume had reasoned so accurately,
+that if his principles were conceded, his conclusions must likewise be
+conceded.[727] But, he says, Hume had no right to proceed in such a
+manner. He had no right to assume principles, and then to argue from
+them. The laws of nature were to be arrived at, not by conjecturing in
+this way, but by a patient induction of facts.[728] Discoveries depended
+solely on observation and experiment; and any other plan could only
+produce theories, ingenious, perhaps, and plausible, but quite
+worthless.[729] For, theory should yield to fact, and not fact to
+theory.[730] Speculators, indeed, might talk about first principles, and
+raise a system by reasoning from them. But, the fact was, that there was
+no agreement as to how a first principle was to be recognized; since a
+principle which one man would deem self-evident, another would think it
+necessary to prove, and a third would altogether deny.[731]
+
+  [727] 'His reasoning appeared to me to be just; there was, therefore, a
+        necessity to call in question the principles upon which it was
+        founded, or to admit the conclusion.' _Reid's Inquiry into the
+        Human Mind_, p. v. 'The received doctrine of ideas is the
+        principle from which it is deduced, and of which, indeed, it seems
+        to be a just and natural consequence.' p. 53. See also _Reid's
+        Essays_, vol. i. pp. 199, 200, vol. ii. p. 211.
+
+  [728] 'The laws of nature are the most general facts we can discover in
+        the operations of nature. Like other facts, they are not to be hit
+        upon by a happy conjecture, but justly deduced from observation.
+        Like other general facts, they are not to be drawn from a few
+        particulars, but from a copious, patient, and cautious induction.'
+        _Reid's Inquiry into the Human Mind_, pp. 262, 263.
+
+  [729] 'Such discoveries have always been made by patient observation, by
+        accurate experiments, or by conclusions drawn by strict reasoning
+        from observations and experiments; and such discoveries have
+        always tended to refute, but not to confirm, the theories and
+        hypotheses which ingenious men had invented.' _Reid's Essays_,
+        vol. i. p. 46.
+
+  [730] 'This is Mr. Hume's notion of a cause.' ... 'But theory ought to
+        stoop to fact, and not fact to theory.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. iii.
+        p. 276.
+
+  [731] 'But yet there seems to be great difference of opinions among
+        philosophers about first principles. What one takes to be
+        self-evident, another labours to prove by arguments, and a third
+        denies altogether.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 218. 'Mr. Locke
+        seems to think first principles of very small use.' p. 219.
+
+The difficulties of deductive reasoning are here admirably portrayed. It
+might have been expected, that Reid would have built up his own
+philosophy according to the inductive plan, and would have despised that
+assumption of first principles, with which he taunts his opponents. But
+it is one of the most curious things in the history of metaphysics, that
+Reid after impeaching the method of Hume, follows the very same method
+himself. When he is attacking the philosophy of Hume, he holds deduction
+to be wrong. When he is raising his own philosophy, he holds it to be
+right. He deemed certain conclusions dangerous, and he objects to their
+advocates, that they argued from principles, instead of from facts: and
+that they assumed themselves to be in possession of the first principles
+of truth, although people were not agreed as to what constituted a first
+principle. This is well put, and hard to answer. Strange, however, to
+say, Reid arrives at his own conclusions, by assuming first principles to
+an extent far greater than had been done by any writer on the opposite
+side. From them, he argues; his whole scheme is deductive; and his works
+scarcely contain a single instance of that inductive logic, which, when
+attacking his opponents, he found it convenient to recommend. It is
+difficult to conceive a better illustration of the peculiar character of
+the Scotch intellect in the eighteenth century, and of the firm hold,
+which, what may be called, the anti-Baconian method, had upon that
+intellect. Reid was a man of considerable ability, of immaculate honesty,
+and was deeply convinced that it was for the good of society that the
+prevailing philosophy should be overthrown. To the performance of that
+task, he dedicated his long and laborious life; he saw that the
+vulnerable point of the adverse system was its method; he indicated the
+deficiencies of that method, and declared, perhaps wrongly, but at all
+events sincerely, that it could never lead to truth. Yet, and
+notwithstanding all this, such was the pressure of the age in which he
+lived, and so completely did the force of circumstances shape his
+understanding, that, in his own works, he was unable to avoid that very
+method of investigation which he rebuked in others. Indeed, so far from
+avoiding it, he was a slave to it. The evidence of this I will now give,
+because, besides its importance for the history of the Scotch mind, it is
+valuable as one of many lessons, which teach us how we are moulded by the
+society which surrounds us; how even our most vigorous actions are
+influenced by general causes of which we are often ignorant, and which
+few of us care to study; and, finally, how lame and impotent we are,
+when, as individuals, we try to stem the onward current, resisting the
+great progress instead of aiding it, and vainly opposing our little
+wishes to that majestic course of events, which admits of no
+interruption, but sweeps on, grand and terrible, while generation after
+generation passes away, successively absorbed in one mighty vortex.
+
+Directly Reid, ceasing to refute the philosophy of Hume, began to
+construct his own philosophy, he succumbed to the prevailing method. He
+now assures us, that all reasoning must be from first principles, and
+that, so far from reasoning to those principles, we must at once admit
+them, and make them the basis of all subsequent arguments.[732] Having
+admitted them, they become a thread to guide the inquirer through the
+labyrinth of thought.[733] His opponents had no right to assume them, but
+he might do so, because to him they were intuitive.[734] Whoever denied
+them, was not fit to be reasoned with.[735] Indeed, to investigate them,
+or to seek to analyze them, was wrong as well as foolish, because they
+were part of the constitution of things; and of the constitution of
+things no account could be given, except that such was the will of
+God.[736]
+
+  [732] 'All reasoning must be from first principles; and for first
+        principles no other reason can be given but this, that, by the
+        constitution of our nature, we are under a necessity of assenting
+        to them.' _Reid's Inquiry_, p. 140. 'All reasoning is from
+        principles.' ... 'Most justly, therefore, do such principles
+        disdain to be tried by reason, and laugh at all the artillery of
+        the logician when it is directed against them.' p. 372. 'All
+        knowledge got by reasoning must be built upon first principles.'
+        _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 220. 'In every branch of real
+        knowledge there must be first principles, whose truth is known
+        intuitively, without reasoning, either probable or demonstrative.
+        They are not grounded on reasoning, but all reasoning is grounded
+        on them.' p. 360.
+
+  [733] 'For, when any system is grounded upon first principles, and
+        deduced regularly from them, we have a thread to lead us through
+        the labyrinth.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 225.
+
+  [734] 'I call these "first principles," because they _appear to me_ to
+        have in themselves an intuitive evidence which _I cannot resist_.'
+        _Reid's Essays_, vol. iii. p. 375.
+
+  [735] 'If any man should think fit to deny that these things are
+        qualities, or that they require any subject, _I leave him to enjoy
+        his opinion, as a man who denies first principles, and is not fit
+        to be reasoned with_.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. p. 38.
+
+  [736] 'No other account can be given of the constitution of things, but
+        the will of Him that made them.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. p. 115.
+
+As Reid obtained his first principles with such ease, and as he carefully
+protected them by forbidding any attempt to resolve them into simpler
+elements, he was under a strong temptation to multiply them almost
+indefinitely, in order that, by reasoning from them, he might raise a
+complete and harmonious system of the human mind. To that temptation he
+yielded with a readiness, which is truly surprising, when we remember how
+he reproached his opponents with doing the same thing. Among the numerous
+first principles which he assumes, not only as unexplained, but as
+inexplicable, are the belief in Personal Identity;[737] the belief in the
+External World;[738] the belief in the Uniformity of Nature;[739] the
+belief in the Existence of Life in Others;[740] the belief in
+Testimony;[741] also in the power of distinguishing truth from
+error,[742] and even in the correspondence of the face and voice to the
+thoughts.[743] Of belief generally, he asserts that there are many
+principles,[744] and he regrets that any one should have rashly attempted
+to explain them.[745] Such things are mysterious, and not to be pried
+into. We have also other faculties, which being original and
+indecomposable, resist all inductive treatment, and can neither be
+resolved into simpler elements, nor referred to more general laws. To
+this class, Reid assigns Memory,[746] Perception,[747] Desire of
+Self-Approbation,[748] and not only Instinct, but even Habit.[749] Many
+of our ideas, such as those concerning Space and Time, are equally
+original;[750] and other first principles there are, which have not been
+enunciated, but from which we may reason.[751] They, therefore, are the
+major premisses of the argument; no reason having yet been given for
+them, they must be simple; and not having yet been explained, they are,
+of course, inexplicable.[752]
+
+  [737] _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. pp. 36, 37, 340, 343, vol. ii. p. 245.
+
+  [738] _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. pp. 115, 116, 288-299, vol. ii. p. 251.
+
+  [739] Or, as he expresses it, 'our belief of the continuance of the laws
+        of nature.' _Reid's Inquiry_, pp. 426-435; also his _Essays_, vol.
+        i. p. 305, vol. ii. p. 268.
+
+  [740] _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 259.
+
+  [741] _Reid's Inquiry_, p. 422; and his _Essays_, vol. ii. p. 266.
+
+  [742] 'Another first principle is, "That the natural faculties by which
+        we distinguish truth from error are not fallacious."' _Reid's
+        Essays_, vol. ii. p. 256.
+
+  [743] 'Another first principle I take to be, "That certain features of
+        the countenance, sounds of the voice, and gestures of the body,
+        indicate certain thoughts and dispositions of mind."' _Reid's
+        Essays_, vol. ii. p. 261. Compare his _Inquiry_, p. 416.
+
+  [744] 'We have taken notice of several original principles of belief in
+        the course of this inquiry; and when other faculties of the mind
+        are examined, we shall find more, which have not occurred in the
+        examination of the five senses.' _Reid's Inquiry_, p. 471.
+
+  [745] 'And if no philosopher had attempted to define and explain belief,
+        some paradoxes in philosophy, more incredible than ever were
+        brought forth by the most abject superstition, or the most frantic
+        enthusiasm, had never seen the light.' _Reid's Inquiry_, p. 45.
+
+  [746] _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. p. 329, 334, vol. ii. p. 247.
+
+  [747] _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. pp. 9, 71, 303, 304.
+
+  [748] _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 60.
+
+  [749] 'I see no reason to think, that we shall ever be able to assign
+        the physical cause, either of instinct, or of the power of habit.
+        Both seem to be parts of our original constitution. Their end and
+        use is evident; but we can assign no cause of them, but the will
+        of Him who made us.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. iii. p. 119.
+
+  [750] 'I know of no ideas or notions that have a better claim to be
+        accounted simple and original, than those of space and time.'
+        _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. p. 354.
+
+  [751] 'I do not at all affirm that those I have mentioned are all the
+        first principles from which we may reason concerning contingent
+        truths. Such enumerations, even when made after much reflection,
+        are seldom perfect.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 270.
+
+  [752] 'Why sensation should compel our belief of the present existence of
+        the thing, memory a belief of its past existence, and imagination
+        no belief at all, _I believe no philosopher can give a shadow of
+        reason_, but that such is the nature of these operations. They are
+        all simple and original, and _therefore inexplicable_ acts of the
+        mind.' _Reid's Inquiry_, p. 40. 'We can _give no reason_ why the
+        retina is, of all parts of the body, the only one on which
+        pictures made by the rays of light cause vision; and _therefore we
+        must resolve this solely into a law of our constitution_' p. 258.
+
+All this is arbitrary enough. Still, in justice to Reid, it must be said,
+that, having made these assumptions, he displayed remarkable ability in
+arguing from them, and that, in attacking the philosophy of his time, he
+subjected it to a criticism, which has been extremely serviceable. His
+lucidity, his dialectic skill, and the racy and masculine style in which
+he wrote, made him a formidable opponent, and secured to his objections
+a respectful hearing. To me, however, it appears, that notwithstanding
+the attempts, first of M. Cousin, and afterwards of Sir William Hamilton,
+to prop up his declining reputation, his philosophy, as an independent
+system, is untenable, and will not live. In this I may be mistaken; but
+what is quite certain is, that nothing can be more absurd than to
+suppose, as some have done, that he adopted the inductive, or, as it is
+popularly called, Baconian method. Bacon, indeed, would have smiled at
+such a disciple, assuming all sorts of major premisses, taking general
+principles for granted with the greatest recklessness, and reserving his
+skill for the task of reasoning from propositions for which he had no
+evidence, except that on a cursory, or, as he termed it, a common-sense,
+inspection, they appeared to be true.[753] This refusal to analyze
+preconceived notions, comes under the head of what Bacon stigmatized as
+the _anticipatio naturae_, and which he deemed the great enemy of
+knowledge, on account of the dangerous confidence it places in the
+spontaneous and uncorrected conclusions of the human mind. When,
+therefore, we find Reid holding up the Baconian philosophy, as a pattern
+which it behoves all inquirers to follow;[754] and when we, moreover,
+find Dugald Stewart, who, though a somewhat superficial thinker, was, at
+all events, a careful writer, supposing that Reid had followed it,[755]
+we meet with fresh proof of how difficult it was for Scotchmen of the
+last age to imbibe the true spirit of inductive logic, since they
+believed, that a system which flagrantly violated its rules, had been
+framed in strict accordance with them.
+
+  [753] In a recent work of distinguished merit, an instance is given of
+        the loose manner in which he took for granted that certain
+        phenomena were ultimate, in order that, instead of analyzing them,
+        he might reason from them. 'Dr. Reid has no hesitation in classing
+        the voluntary command of our organs, that is, the sequence of
+        feeling and action implied in all acts of will, among instincts.
+        The power of lifting a morsel of food to the mouth, is, according
+        to him, an instinctive or pre-established conjunction of the wish
+        and the deed; that is to say, the emotional state of hunger,
+        coupled with the sight of a piece of bread, is associated, through
+        a primitive link of the mental constitution, with the several
+        movements of the hand, arm, and mouth, concerned in the act of
+        eating. _This assertion of Dr. Reid's may be simply met by
+        appealing to the facts._ It is not true that human beings possess,
+        at birth, any voluntary command of their limbs whatsoever. A babe
+        of two months old cannot use its hands in obedience to its
+        desires. The infant can grasp nothing, hold nothing, can scarcely
+        fix its eyes on anything.' ... 'If the more perfect command of our
+        voluntary movements implied in every art be an acquisition, so is
+        the less perfect command of these movements that grows upon a
+        child during the first year of life.' _Bain on the Senses and the
+        Intellect_, London, 1855, pp. 292, 293.
+
+  [754] See _Reid's Inquiry_, pp. 436, 446, as well as other parts of his
+        works: see also an extract from one of his letters to Dr. Gregory,
+        in _Stewart's Biographical Memoirs_, p. 432.
+
+  [755] 'The idea of prosecuting the study of the human mind on a plan
+        analogous to that which had been so successfully adopted in
+        physics by the followers of Lord Bacon, if not first conceived by
+        Dr. Reid, was, at least, first carried successfully into execution
+        in his writings.' _Stewart's Biographical Memoirs_, p. 419. 'The
+        influence of the general views opened in the _Novum Organon_, may
+        be traced in almost every page of his writings; and, indeed, the
+        circumstance by which they are so strongly and characteristically
+        distinguished, is that they exhibit the first systematical attempt
+        to exemplify, in the study of human nature, the same plan of
+        investigation which conducted Newton to the properties of light,
+        and to the law of gravitation.' p. 421. From this passage one
+        might hazard a supposition that Dugald Stewart did not understand
+        Bacon much better than he did Aristotle or Kant. Of the two last
+        most profound thinkers, he certainly knew little or nothing,
+        except what he gathered secondhand. Consequently, he underrates
+        them.
+
+Leaving mental philosophy, I now come to physical science, in which, if
+anywhere, we might expect that the inductive plan would predominate, and
+would triumph over the opposite, or deductive, one. How far this was the
+case, I will endeavour to ascertain, by an examination of the most
+important discoveries which have been made by Scotchmen concerning the
+organic and inorganic world. And, as my object is merely to indicate the
+turn and character of the Scotch mind, I shall avoid all details
+respecting the practical effects of those discoveries, and shall confine
+myself to such a narration as will exhibit their purely scientific
+aspect, so as to enable the reader to understand what additions were
+made to our knowledge of the laws of nature, and in what way the
+additions were made. The character of each discovery, and its process,
+will be stated, but nothing more. Neither here, nor in any part of this
+Introduction, do I pretend to investigate questions of practical utility,
+or to trace the connexion between the discoveries of science and the arts
+of life. That I shall do in the body of the work itself, where I hope to
+explain a number of minute social events, many of which are regarded as
+isolated, if not incongruous. For the present, I solely aim at those
+broad principles, which, by marking out the epochs of thought, underlie
+the whole fabric of society, and which must be clearly apprehended before
+history can cease to be a mere empirical assemblage of facts, of which
+the scientific basis being unsettled, the true order and coherence must
+be unknown.
+
+Among the sciences which concern the inorganic world, the laws of heat
+occupy a conspicuous place. On the one hand, they are connected with
+geology, being intimately allied, and, indeed, necessarily bound up, with
+every speculation respecting the changes and present condition of the
+crust of the earth. On the other hand, they touch the great questions of
+life, both animal and vegetable; they have to do with the theory of
+species, and of race; they modify soil, food, and organization; and to
+them we must look for valuable help towards solving those great problems
+in biology, which, of late years, have occupied the attention of the
+boldest and most advanced philosophers.
+
+Our present knowledge of the laws of heat, may be briefly stated as
+branching into five fundamental divisions. These are: latent heat;
+specific heat; the conduction of heat; the radiation of heat; and,
+finally, the undulatory theory of heat; by which last, we are gradually
+discarding our old material views, and are accustoming ourselves to look
+upon heat as simply one of the forms of force, all of which, such as
+light, electricity, magnetism, motion, gravitation, and chemical
+affinity, are constantly assuming each other's shape, but, in their total
+amount, are incapable either of increase or of diminution.[756] This
+grand conception, which is now placing the indestructibility of force on
+the same ground as the indestructibility of matter, has an importance far
+above its scientific value, considerable as that undoubtedly is. For, by
+teaching us, that nothing perishes, but that, on the contrary, the
+slightest movement of the smallest body, in the remotest region, produces
+results which are perpetual, which diffuse themselves through all space,
+and which, though they may be metamorphosed, cannot be destroyed, it
+impresses us with such an exalted idea of the regular and compulsory
+march of physical affairs, as must eventually influence other and higher
+departments of inquiry. Our habits of thought are so connected and
+interwoven, that notions of law and of the necessary concatenation of
+things, can never be introduced into one field of speculation, without
+affecting other fields which lie contiguous to it. When, therefore, the
+modern doctrine of conservation of force,[757] becomes firmly coupled
+with the older doctrine of conservation of matter, we may rest assured
+that the human mind will not stop there, but will extend to the study of
+Man, inferences analogous to those already admitted in the study of
+Nature. Having once recognized that the condition of the material
+universe, at any one moment, is simply the result of every thing which
+has happened at all preceding moments, and that the most trivial
+disturbance would so violate the general scheme, as to render anarchy
+inevitable, and that, to sever from the total mass even the minutest
+fragment, would, by dislocating the structure, bury the whole in one
+common ruin, we, thus admitting the exquisite adjustment of the different
+parts, and discerning, too, in the very beauty and completeness of the
+design, the best proof that it has never been tampered with by the
+Divine Architect, who called it into being, in whose Omniscience both
+the plan, and the issue of the plan, resided with such clearness and
+unerring certainty, that not a stone in that superb and symmetrical
+edifice has been touched since the foundation of the edifice was laid,
+are, by ascending to this pitch and elevation of thought, most assuredly
+advancing towards that far higher step, which it will remain for our
+posterity to take, and which will raise their view to so commanding a
+height, as to insure the utter rejection of those old and eminently
+irreligious dogmas of supernatural interference with the affairs of life,
+which superstition has invented, and ignorance has bequeathed, and the
+present acceptance of which betokens the yet early condition of our
+knowledge, the penury of our intellectual resources, and the inveteracy
+of the prejudices in which we are still immersed.
+
+  [756] The theory of the indestructibility of force has been applied to
+        the law of gravitation by Professor Faraday, in his _Discourse on
+        the Conservation of Force_, 1857; an essay full of thought and
+        power, and which should be carefully studied by every one who
+        wishes to understand the direction which the highest speculations
+        of physical science are now taking. I will quote only one passage
+        from the opening, to give the reader an idea of its general scope,
+        irrespective of the more special question of gravitation. 'The
+        progress of the strict science of modern times has tended more and
+        more to produce the conviction that force can neither be created
+        nor destroyed; and to render daily more manifest the value of the
+        knowledge of that truth in experimental research.' ... 'Agreeing
+        with those who admit the conservation of force to be a principle
+        in physics, as large and sure as that of the indestructibility of
+        matter, or the invariability of gravity, I think that no
+        particular idea of force has a right to unlimited or unqualified
+        acceptance, that does not include assent to it.'
+
+  [757] As an illustration of this doctrine, I cannot do better than quote
+        the following passage from one of the most suggestive and clearly
+        reasoned books which has been written in this century by an
+        English physicist: 'Wave your hand; the motion which has
+        apparently ceased, is taken up by the air, from the air by the
+        walls of the room, &c., and so by direct and reacting waves,
+        continually comminuted, but never destroyed. It is true that, at a
+        certain point, we lose all means of detecting the motion, from its
+        minute subdivision, which defies our most delicate means of
+        appreciation, but we can indefinitely extend our power of
+        detecting it accordingly as we confine its direction, or increase
+        the delicacy of our examination. Thus, if the hand be moved in
+        unconfined air, the motion of the air would not be sensible to a
+        person at a few feet distant; but if a piston of the same extent
+        of surface as the hand be moved with the same rapidity in a tube,
+        the blast of air may be distinctly felt at several yards'
+        distance. There is no greater absolute amount of motion in the air
+        in the second than in the first case, but its direction is
+        restrained, so as to make its means of detection more facile. By
+        carrying on this restraint, as in the air-gun, we get a power of
+        detecting the motion, and of moving other bodies at far greater
+        distances. The puff of air which would in the air-gun project a
+        bullet a quarter of a mile, if allowed to escape without its
+        direction being restrained, as by the bursting of a bladder, would
+        not be perceptible at a yard's distance, though the same absolute
+        amount of motion be impressed on the surrounding air.' _Grove's
+        Correlation of Physical Forces_, London, 1855, pp. 24, 25. In a
+        work now issuing from the press, and still unfinished, it is
+        suggested, with considerable plausibility, that Persistence of
+        Force would be a more accurate expression than Conservation of
+        Force. See Mr. Herbert Spencer's _First Principles_, London, 1861,
+        p. 251. The title of this book gives an inadequate notion of the
+        importance of the subjects with which it deals, and of the reach
+        and subtlety of thought which characterize it. Though some of the
+        generalizations appear to me rather premature, no well-instructed
+        and disciplined intellect can consider them without admiration of
+        the remarkable powers displayed by their author.
+
+It is, therefore, natural, that the physical doctrine of
+indestructibility applied to force as well as to matter, should be
+essentially a creation of the present century, notwithstanding a few
+allusions made to it by some earlier thinkers, all of whom, however,
+groped vaguely, and without general purpose. No preceding age was bold
+enough to embrace so magnificent a view as a whole, nor had any preceding
+philosophers sufficient acquaintance with nature to enable them to defend
+such a conception, even had they desired to entertain it. Thus, in the
+case now before us, it is evident, that while heat was believed to be
+material, it could not be conceived as a force, and therefore no one
+could grasp the theory of its metamorphosis into other forces; though
+there are passages in Bacon which prove that he wished to identify it
+with motion. It was first necessary to abstract heat into a mere property
+or affection of matter, and there was no chance of doing this until heat
+was better understood in its immediate antecedents, that is, until, by
+the aid of mathematics, its proximate laws had been generalized. But,
+with the single exception of Newton, whose efforts, notwithstanding his
+gigantic powers, were, on this subject, very unsatisfactory, and who,
+moreover, had a decided leaning towards the material theory, no one
+attempted to unravel the mathematical laws of heat till the latter half
+of the eighteenth century, when Lambert and Black began the career which
+Prevost and Fourier followed up. The mind, having been so slow in
+mastering the preliminaries and outworks of the inquiry, was not ripe for
+the far more difficult enterprise of idealizing heat itself, and so
+abstracting it, as to strip it of its material attributes, and leave it
+to nothing but the speculative notion of an immaterial force.
+
+From these considerations, which were necessary to enable the reader to
+appreciate the value of what was done in Scotland, it will be seen how
+essential it was that the laws of the movement of heat should be studied
+before its nature was investigated, and before the emission theory could
+be so seriously attacked as to allow of the possibility of that great
+doctrine of the indestructibility of force, which, I make no doubt, is
+destined to revolutionize our habits of thought, and to give to future
+speculations a basis infinitely wider than any previously known. In
+regard to the movements of heat, we owe the laws of conduction and of
+radiation chiefly to France and Geneva, while the laws of specific heat,
+and those of latent heat, were discovered in Scotland. The doctrine of
+specific heat, though interesting, has not the scientific importance
+which belongs to the other departments of this great subject; but the
+doctrine of latent heat is extremely curious, not only in itself, but
+also on account of the analogies it suggests with various branches of
+physical inquiry.
+
+What is termed latent heat, is exhibited in the following manner. If, in
+consequence of the application of heat, a solid passes into a liquid, as
+ice, for instance, into water, the conversion occupies a longer time than
+could be explained by any theory which had been propounded down to the
+middle of the eighteenth century. Neither was it possible to explain how
+it is, that ice never rises above the temperature of 32 deg. until it is
+actually melted, no matter what the heat of the adjacent bodies may be.
+There were no means of accounting for these circumstances. And though
+practical men, being familiar with them, did not wonder at them, they
+caused great astonishment among thinkers, who were accustomed to analyze
+events, and to seek a reason for common and every-day occurrences.
+
+Soon after the middle of the eighteenth century, Black, who was then one
+of the professors in the University of Glasgow, turned his attention to
+this subject.[758] He struck out a theory which, being eminently
+original, was violently attacked, but is now generally admitted. With a
+boldness and reach of thought not often equalled, he arrived at the
+conclusion, that whenever a body loses some of its consistence, as in the
+case of ice becoming water, or water becoming steam, such body receives
+an amount of heat which our senses, though aided by the most delicate
+thermometer, can never detect. For, this heat is absorbed; we lose all
+sight of it, and it produces no palpable effect on the material world,
+but becomes, as it were, a hidden property. Black, therefore, called it
+latent heat, because, though we conceive it as an idea, we cannot trace
+it as a fact. The body is, properly speaking, hotter; and yet its
+temperature does not rise. Directly, however, the foregoing process is
+inverted, that is to say, directly the steam is condensed into water, or
+the water hardened into ice, the heat returns into the world of sense; it
+ceases to be latent, and communicates itself to the surrounding objects.
+No new heat has been created; it has, indeed, appeared and disappeared,
+so far as our senses are concerned; but our senses were deceived, since
+there has, in truth, been neither addition nor diminution.[759] That
+this remarkable theory paved the way for the doctrine of the
+indestructibility of force, will be obvious to whoever has examined the
+manner in which, in the history of the human mind, scientific conceptions
+are generated. The process is always so slow, that no single discovery
+has ever been made, except by the united labours of several successive
+generations. In estimating, therefore, what each man has done, we must
+judge him, not by the errors he commits, but by the truths he propounds.
+Most of his errors are not really his own. He inherits them from his
+predecessors; and if he throws some of them off, we should be grateful,
+instead of being dissatisfied that he has not rejected all. Black, no
+doubt, fell into the error of regarding heat as a material substance,
+which obeys the laws of chemical composition.[760] But this was merely an
+hypothesis, which was bequeathed to him, and with which the existing
+state of thought forced him to encumber his theory. He inherited the
+hypothesis, and could not get rid of his troublesome possession. The real
+service which he rendered is, that, in spite of that hypothesis, which
+clung to him to the last, he, far more than any of his contemporaries,
+contributed towards the great conception of idealizing heat, and thus
+enabled his successors to admit it into the class of immaterial and
+supersensual forces. Once admitted into that class, the list of forces
+became complete; and it was comparatively easy to apply to the whole body
+of force, the same notion of indestructibility, which had previously been
+applied to the whole body of matter. But it was hardly possible to effect
+this object, while heat stood, as it were, midway between force and
+matter, yielding opposite results to different senses; amenable to the
+touch, but invisible to the eye. What was wanting, was to remove it
+altogether out of the jurisdiction of the senses, and to admit that,
+though we experience its effects, we can only conceive its existence.
+Towards accomplishing this, Black took a prodigious stride. Unconscious,
+perhaps, of the remote tendency of his own labours, he undermined that
+doctrine of material heat, which he seemed to support. For, by his
+advocacy of latent heat, he taught that its movements constantly baffle,
+not only some of our senses, but all of them; and that, while our
+feelings make us believe that heat is lost, our intellect makes us
+believe that it is not lost. Here, we have apparent destructibility, and
+real indestructibility. To assert that a body received heat without its
+temperature rising, was to make the understanding correct the touch, and
+defy its dictates. It was a bold and beautiful paradox, which required
+courage as well as insight to broach, and the reception of which marks an
+epoch in the human mind, because it was an immense step towards
+idealizing matter into force. Some, indeed, have spoken of invisible
+matter; but that is a contradiction in terms, which will never be
+admitted, as long as the forms of speech remain unchanged. Nothing can be
+invisible, except force, mind, and the Supreme Cause of all. We must,
+therefore, ascribe to Black the signal merit that he first, in the study
+of heat, impeached the authority of the senses, and thereby laid the
+foundation of every thing which was afterwards done. Besides the relation
+which his discovery bears to the indestructibility of force, it is also
+connected with one of the most splendid achievements effected by this
+generation in inorganic physics; namely, the establishment of the
+identity of light and heat. To the senses, light and heat, though in some
+respects similar, are in most respects dissimilar. Light, for instance,
+affects the eye, and not the touch. Heat affects the touch, but, under
+ordinary circumstances, does not affect the eye. The capital difference,
+however, between them is, that heat, unlike light, possesses the property
+of temperature; and this property is so characteristic, that until our
+understandings are invigorated by science, we cannot conceive heat
+separated from temperature, but are compelled to confuse one with the
+other. Directly, however, men began to adopt the method followed by
+Black, and were resolved to consider heat as supersensual, they entered
+the road which led to the discovery of light and heat being merely
+different developments of the same force. Ignoring the effects of heat on
+themselves, or on any part of the creation, which was capable of feeling
+its temperature, and would therefore be deceived by it, nothing was left
+for them to do, but to study its effects on the inanimate world. Then,
+all was revealed. The career of discovery was fairly opened; and
+analogies between light and heat, which even the boldest imagination had
+hardly suspected, were placed beyond a doubt. To the reflection of heat,
+which had been formerly known, were now added the refraction of heat, its
+double refraction, its polarization, its depolarization, its circular
+polarization, the interference of its rays, and their retardation; while,
+what is more remarkable than all, the march of our knowledge on these
+points was so swift, that before the year 1836 had come to a close, the
+chain of evidence was completed by the empirical investigations of Forbes
+and Melloni, they themselves little witting that every thing which they
+accomplished was prepared before they were born, that they were but the
+servants and followers of him who indicated the path in which they trod,
+and that their experiments, ingenious as they were, and full of resource,
+were simply the direct practical consequence of one of those magnificent
+ideas which Scotland has thrown upon the world, and the memory of which
+is almost enough so to bribe the judgment, as to tempt us to forget,
+that, while the leading intellects of the nation were engaged in such
+lofty pursuits, the nation itself, untouched by them, passed them over
+with cold and contemptuous indifference, being steeped in that deadening
+superstition, which turns a deaf ear to every sort of reason, and will
+not hearken to the voice of the charmer, charm he never so wisely.
+
+  [758] He was appointed professor in 1756; and 'it was during his
+        residence in Glasgow, between the years 1759 and 1763, that he
+        brought to maturity those speculations concerning the combination
+        of heat with matter, which had frequently occupied a portion of
+        his thoughts.' _Thomson's History of Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 319,
+        320.
+
+  [759] _Black's Lectures on Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 116, 117; and in
+        various places. Dr. Robison, the editor of these Lectures, says,
+        p. 513, 'Nothing could be more simple than his doctrines of latent
+        heat. The experience of more than a century had made us consider
+        the thermometer as a sure and accurate indicator of heat, and of
+        all its variations. We had learned to distrust all others. Yet, in
+        the liquefaction and vaporization of bodies, we had proofs
+        uncontrovertible of the entrance of heat into the bodies. And we
+        could, by suitable processes, get it out of them again. Dr. Black
+        said that it was concealed in them,--_latent_,--it was as much
+        concealed as carbonic acid is in marble, or water in zeolite,--it
+        was concealed till Dr. Black detected it. He called it Latent
+        Heat. He did not mean by this term that it was a different kind of
+        heat from the heat which expanded bodies, but merely that it was
+        concealed from our sense of heat, and from the thermometer.' See
+        also p. xxxvii.: 'Philosophers had long been accustomed to
+        consider the thermometer as the surest means for detecting the
+        presence of heat or fire in bodies, and they distrusted all
+        others.'
+
+  [760] 'Fluidity is the consequence of a certain combination of calorific
+        matter with the substance of solid bodies,' &c. _Black's
+        Lectures_, vol. i. p. 133. Compare p. 192, and the remarks in
+        _Turner's Chemistry_, 1847, vol. i. p. 31, on Black's views of the
+        'chemical combination' of heat. Among the backward chemists, we
+        still find traces of the idea of heat obeying chemical laws.
+
+By thus considering the descent and relationship of scientific
+conceptions, we can alone understand what we really owe to Black's
+discovery of latent heat. In regard to the method of the discovery,
+little need be said, since every student of the Baconian philosophy must
+see, that the discovery was of a kind for which none of the maxims of
+that system had provided. As latent heat escapes the senses, it could not
+obey the rules of a philosophy, which grounds all truth on observation
+and experiment. The subject of the inquiry being supersensual, there was
+no scope for what Bacon called crucial experiments and separations of
+nature. The truth was in the idea; experiments, therefore, might
+illustrate it, might bring it up to the surface, and so enable men to
+grasp it, but could not prove it. And this, which appears on the very
+face of the discovery, is confirmed by the express testimony of Dr.
+Thomson, who knew Black, and was, indeed, one of the most eminent of his
+pupils. We are assured by this unimpeachable witness, that Black, about
+the year 1759 began to speculate concerning heat; that the result of
+those speculations was the theory of latent heat; that he publicly taught
+that theory in the year 1761; but that the experiments which were
+necessary to convince the world of it were not made till 1764,[761]
+though, as I need hardly add, according to the inductive method, it was a
+breach of all the rules of philosophy to be satisfied with the theory
+three years before the experiments were made, and it was a still greater
+breach, not only to be satisfied with it, but to have openly promulgated
+it as an original and unquestionable truth, which explained, in a new
+manner, the economy of the material world.
+
+  [761] 'So much was he convinced of this, that he taught the doctrine in
+        his lectures in 1761, before he had made a single experiment on
+        the subject.' ... 'The requisite experiments were first attempted
+        by Dr. Black in 1764.' _Thomson's History of Chemistry_, vol. i.
+        p. 324. See also pp. 319, 320; and on the history of the idea in
+        Black's mind as early as the year 1754, see the interesting
+        extracts from his note-books in Robison's appendix to _Black's
+        Lectures_, vol. i pp. 525, 526.
+
+        The statement of Dr. Thomson refers to the completion, or last
+        stage, of the discovery, namely the vaporific combination of heat.
+        But from a letter which Black wrote to Watt in 1780 (_Muirhead's
+        Life of Watt_, London, 1859, p. 303), it appears that Thomson has
+        even understated the question, and that Black, instead of first
+        teaching his theory in 1761, taught it three years earlier, that
+        is, _six_ years before the decisive experiments were made. 'I
+        began,' writes Black, 'to give the doctrine of latent heat in my
+        lectures at Glasgow in the winter 1757-58, which, I believe, was
+        the first winter of my lecturing there; or if I did not give it
+        that winter, I certainly gave it in the 1758-59; and I have
+        delivered it every year since that time in my winter lectures,
+        which I continued to give at Glasgow until winter 1766-67, when I
+        began to lecture in Edinburgh.'
+
+The intellect of Black belonged to a class, which, in the eighteenth
+century, was almost universal in Scotland, but was hardly to be found in
+England, and which, for want of a better word, we are compelled to call
+deductive, though fully admitting that even the most deductive minds have
+in them a large amount of induction, since, indeed, without induction,
+the common business of life could not be carried on. But for the purposes
+of scientific classification, we may say, that a man or an age is
+deductive, when the favourite process is reasoning from principles
+instead of reasoning to them, and when there is a tendency to underrate
+the value of specific experience. That this was the case with the
+illustrious discoverer of latent heat, we have seen, both from the nature
+of the discovery, and from the decisive testimony of his friend and
+pupil. And a further confirmation may be found in the circumstance, that,
+having once propounded his great idea, he, instead of instituting a long
+series of laborious experiments, by which it might be verified in its
+different branches, preferred reasoning from it according to the general
+maxims of dialectic; pushing it to its logical consequences, rather than
+tracking it into regions where the senses might either confirm or refute
+it.[762] By following this process of thought, he was led to some
+beautiful speculations, which are so remote from experience, that even
+now, with all the additional resources of our knowledge, we cannot tell
+whether they are true or false. Of this kind were his views respecting
+the causes of the preservation of man, whose existence would, he thought,
+be endangered, except for the power which heat possesses of lying latent
+and unobserved. Thus, for example, when a long and severe winter was
+followed by sudden warmth, it appeared natural that the ice and snow
+should melt with corresponding suddenness; and if this were to happen,
+the result would be such terrible inundations, that it would be hardly
+possible for man to escape from their ravages. Even if he escaped, his
+works, that is, the material products of his civilization, would perish.
+From this catastrophe, nothing saves him but the latent power of heat.
+Owing to this power, directly the ice and snow begin to melt at their
+surface, the heat enters their structure, where a large part of it
+remains in abeyance, and thus losing much of its power, the process of
+liquefaction is arrested. This dreadful agent is lulled, and becomes
+dormant. It is weakened at the outset of its career, and is laid up, as
+in a storehouse, from which it can afterwards emerge, gradually, and with
+safety to the human species.[763]
+
+  [762] And he distinctly states that, even in other matters, when he did
+        make experiments, their object was to confirm theory, and not to
+        suggest it. Thus, to give one of many instances, in his
+        _Lectures_, vol. i. p. 354, he says, respecting salts, 'When we
+        examine the solidity of this reasoning by an experiment, _we have
+        the pleasure to find facts agree exactly with the theory_.'
+
+  [763] See a good summary of this idea in _Black's Lectures on
+        Chemistry_, vol. i. p. 118. Contrasting his theory of heat with
+        that previously received, he says, 'But, were the ice and snow to
+        melt as suddenly as they must necessarily do, were the former
+        opinion of the action of heat in melting them well founded, the
+        torrents and inundations would be incomparably more irresistible
+        and dreadful. They would tear up and sweep away every thing, and
+        that so suddenly, that mankind should have great difficulty to
+        escape from their ravages.'
+
+In this way, as summer advances, a vast magazine of heat is accumulated,
+and is preserved in the midst of water, where it can do man no injury,
+since, indeed, his senses are unable to feel it. There the heat remains
+buried, until, in the rotation of the seasons, winter returns, and the
+waters are congealed into ice. In the process of congelation, that
+treasury of heat, which had been hidden all the summer, reappears; it
+ceases to be latent; and now, for the first time, striking the senses of
+man, it tempers, on his behalf, the severity of winter. The faster the
+water freezes, the faster the heat is disengaged; so that, by virtue of
+this great law of nature, cold actually generates warmth, and the
+inclemency of every season, though it cannot be hindered, is softened in
+proportion as the inclemency is more threatening.[764]
+
+  [764] 'Dr. Black quickly perceived the vast importance of this
+        discovery; and took a pleasure in laying before his students a
+        view of the extensive and beneficial effects of this habitude of
+        heat in the economy of nature. He made them remark how, by this
+        means, there was accumulated, during the summer season, a vast
+        magazine of heat, which, by gradually emerging, during
+        congelation, from the water which covers the face of the earth,
+        serves to temper the deadly cold of winter. Were it not for this
+        quantity of heat, amounting to 145 degrees, which emerges from
+        every particle of water as it freezes, and which diffuses itself
+        through the atmosphere, the sun would no sooner go a few degrees
+        to the south of the equator, than we should feel all the horrors
+        of winter.' _Robison's Preface to Black's Lectures_, vol. i.
+        p. xxxviii.
+
+Thus, again, inasmuch as heat becomes latent, and flies from the senses,
+not only when ice is passing into water, but also when water is passing
+into steam, we find in this latter circumstance, one of the reasons why
+man and other animals can live in the tropics, which, but for this, would
+be deserted. They are constantly suffering from the heat which is
+collected in their bodies, and which, considered by itself, is enough to
+destroy them. But this heat causes thirst, and they consequently swallow
+great quantities of fluid, much of which exudes through the pores of the
+skin in the form of vapour. And as, according to the theory of latent
+heat, vapour cannot be produced without a vast amount of heat being
+buried within it, such vapour absorbs and carries off from the body,
+that which, if left in the system, would prove fatal. To this we must
+add, that, in the tropics, the evaporation of water is necessarily rapid,
+and the vapour which is thus produced, becomes another storehouse of
+heat, and a vehicle by which it is removed from the earth, and prevented
+from unduly interfering with the economy of life.[765]
+
+  [765] As I am writing an account of Black's views, and not a criticism
+        of them, I shall give them, without comment, in his own words, and
+        in the words of one of his pupils. 'Here we can also trace another
+        magnificent train of changes, which are nicely accommodated to the
+        wants of the inhabitants of this globe. In the equatorial regions,
+        the oppressive heat of the sun is prevented from a destructive
+        accumulation by copious evaporation. The waters, stored with their
+        vaporific heat, are thus carried aloft into the atmosphere, till
+        the rarest of the vapour reaches the very cold regions of the air,
+        which immediately forms a small portion of it into a fleecy cloud.
+        This also further tempers the scorching heat by its opacity,
+        performing the acceptable office of a screen. From thence the
+        clouds are carried to the inland countries, to form the sources in
+        the mountains, which are to supply the numberless streams that
+        water the fields. And, by the steady operation of causes, which
+        are tolerably uniform, the greater part of the vapours pass on to
+        the circumpolar regions, there to descend in rains and dews; and
+        in this beneficent conversion into rain, by the cold of those
+        regions, each particle of steam gives up the 700 or 800 degrees of
+        heat which were latent in it. These are immediately diffused, and
+        soften the rigour of those less comfortable climates.' ... 'I am
+        persuaded that the heat absorbed in spontaneous evaporation
+        greatly contributes to enable animals to bear the heat of the
+        tropical climates, where the thermometer frequently continues to
+        show the temperature of the human body. Such heats, indeed, are
+        barely supportable, and enervate the animal, making it lazy and
+        indolent, indulging in the most relaxed postures, and avoiding
+        every exertion of body or mind. The inhabitants are induced to
+        drink large draughts of diluting liquors, which transude through
+        their pores most copiously, carrying off with them a vast deal of
+        this troublesome and exhausting heat. There is in the body itself
+        a continual laboratory, or manufacture of heat, and, were the
+        surrounding air of such a temperature as not to carry it off, it
+        would soon accumulate so as to destroy life. The excessive
+        perspiration, supplied by diluting draughts, performs the same
+        office as the cold air without the tropics, in guarding us from
+        this fatal accumulation.' _Black's Lectures_, vol. i. pp. xlvi.
+        214.
+
+From these and many other arguments, all of which were so essentially
+speculative, and dealt with such hidden processes of nature, that even
+now we are not justified either in confidently admitting them or in
+positively denying them, Black was led to that great doctrine of the
+indestructibility of heat,[766] which, as I have pointed out, has, in its
+connexion with the indestructibility of force, a moral and social
+importance even superior to its scientific value. Though the evidence of
+which he was possessed was far more scanty than what we now have, he, by
+the reach of his commanding intellect, rather than by the number and
+accuracy of his facts, became so penetrated with a conviction of the
+stability of physical affairs, that he not only applied that idea to the
+subtle phenomena of heat, but, what was much harder to do, he applied it
+to cases in which heat so entirely escapes the senses, that man has no
+cognizance of it, except through the medium of the imagination. According
+to his view, heat passes through an immense variety of changes, during
+which it appears to be lost; changes which no eye can ever see, which no
+touch can ever experience, and which no instrument can ever measure.
+Still, and in the midst of all these changes, it remains intact. From it
+nothing can be taken, and to it nothing can be added. In one of those
+fine passages of his Lectures, which, badly reported as they are,[767]
+bear the impress of his elevated genius, Black, after stating what would
+probably happen, if the total amount of heat existing in the world were
+to be diminished, proceeds to speculate on the consequences of its being
+increased. Were it possible for any power to add to it ever so little,
+it would at once overstep its bounds; the equilibrium would be disturbed;
+the framework of affairs would be disjointed. The evil rapidly
+increasing, and acting with accumulated force, nothing would be able to
+stop its ravages. It must continue to gain ground, till all other
+principles are absorbed and conquered. Sweeping on, unhindered, and
+irresistible, before it, every animal must perish, the whole vegetable
+world must disappear, the waters must pass into vapour, and the solid
+parts of the globe be merged and melted, until, at length, the glorious
+fabric, loosened and dissolved, would fall away, and return to that
+original chaos out of which it had been evolved.[768]
+
+  [766] See his strong protest against the notion that heat is ever
+        destroyed, in his _Lectures_, vol. i. pp. 125, 126, 164, 165.
+
+  [767] They were published after his death from such scanty materials,
+        that their editor, Dr. Robison, says (_Preface to Black's
+        Lectures_, vol. i. p. x.): 'When I then entered seriously on the
+        task, I found that the notes were (with the exception of perhaps a
+        score of lectures) in the same imperfect condition that they had
+        been in from the beginning, consisting entirely of single leaves
+        of paper, in octavo, full of erasions, interlinings, and
+        alterations of every kind; so that, in many places, it was not
+        very certain which of several notes was to be chosen.'
+
+  [768] 'On the other hand, were the heat which at present cherishes and
+        enlivens this globe, allowed to increase beyond the bounds at
+        present prescribed to it; beside the destruction of all animal and
+        vegetable life, which would be the immediate and inevitable
+        consequence, the water would lose its present form, and assume
+        that of an elastic vapour like air; the solid parts of the globe
+        would be melted and confounded together, or mixed with the air and
+        water in smoke and vapour; and nature would return to the original
+        chaos.' _Black's Lectures_, vol. i. pp. 246, 247.
+
+These, like many other of the speculations of this great thinker, will
+find small favour with those purely inductive philosophers, who not only
+suppose, perhaps rightly, that all our knowledge is in its beginning
+built upon facts, but who countenance, what seems to me, the very
+dangerous opinion, that every increase of knowledge must be preceded by
+an increase of facts. To such men it will appear, that Black had far
+better have occupied himself in making new observations, or devising new
+experiments, than in thus indulging his imagination in wild and
+unprofitable dreams. They will think, that these flights of fancy are
+suitable, indeed, to the poet, but unworthy of that severe accuracy, and
+of that close attention to facts, which ought to characterize a
+philosopher. In England, especially, there is, among physical inquirers,
+an avowed determination to separate philosophy from poetry, and to look
+upon them, not only as different, but as hostile. Among that class of
+thinkers, whose zeal and ability are beyond all praise, and to whom we
+owe almost unbounded obligations, there does undoubtedly exist a very
+strong opinion, that, in their own pursuit, the imagination is extremely
+dangerous, as leading to speculations, of which the basis is not yet
+assured, and generating a desire to catch too eagerly at distant glimpses
+before the intermediate ground has been traversed. That the imagination
+has this tendency is undeniable. But they who object to it on this
+account, and who would, therefore, divorce poetry from philosophy, have,
+I apprehend, taken a too limited view of the functions of the human mind,
+and of the manner in which truth is obtained. There is, in poetry, a
+divine and prophetic power, and an insight into the turn and aspect of
+things, which, if properly used, would make it the ally of science
+instead of the enemy. By the poet, nature is contemplated on the side of
+the emotions; by the man of science, on the side of the understanding.
+But the emotions are as much a part of us as the understanding: they are
+as truthful; they are as likely to be right. Though their view is
+different, it is not capricious. They obey fixed laws; they follow an
+orderly and uniform course; they run in sequences; they have their logic
+and method of inference. Poetry, therefore, is a part of philosophy,
+simply because the emotions are a part of the mind. If the man of science
+despises their teaching, so much the worse for him. He has only half his
+weapons; his arsenal is unfilled. Conquests, indeed, he may make, because
+his native strength may compensate the defects of his equipment. But his
+success would be more complete and more rapid, if he were properly
+furnished and made ready for the battle. And I cannot but regard as the
+worst intellectual symptom of this great country, what I must venture to
+call the imperfect education of physical philosophers, as exhibited both
+in their writings and in their trains of thought. This is the more
+serious, because they, as a body, form the most important class in
+England, whether we look at their ability, or at the benefits we have
+received from them, or at the influence they are exercising, and are
+likely to exercise, over the progress of society. It cannot, however, be
+concealed, that they display an inordinate respect for experiments, an
+undue love of minute detail, and a disposition to overrate the inventors
+of new instruments, and the discoverers of new, but often insignificant,
+facts. Their predecessors of the seventeenth century, by using hypotheses
+more boldly, and by indulging their imagination more frequently, did
+certainly effect greater things, in comparison with the then state of
+knowledge, than our contemporaries, with much superior resources, have
+been able to achieve. The magnificent generalizations of Newton and
+Harvey could never have been completed in an age absorbed in one
+unvarying round of experiments and observations. We are in that
+predicament, that our facts have outstripped our knowledge, and are now
+encumbering its march. The publications of our scientific institutions,
+and of our scientific authors, overflow with minute and countless
+details, which perplex the judgment, and which no memory can retain. In
+vain do we demand that they should be generalized, and reduced into
+order. Instead of that, the heap continues to swell. We want ideas, and
+we get more facts. We hear constantly of what nature is doing, but we
+rarely hear of what man is thinking. Owing to the indefatigable industry
+of this and the preceding century, we are in possession of a huge and
+incoherent mass of observations, which have been stored up with great
+care, but which, until they are connected by some presiding idea, will be
+utterly useless. The most effective way of turning them to account, would
+be to give more scope to the imagination, and incorporate the spirit of
+poetry with the spirit of science. By this means, our philosophers would
+double their resources, instead of working, as now, maimed, and with only
+half their nature. They fear the imagination, on account of its tendency
+to form hasty theories. But, surely, all our faculties are needed in the
+pursuit of truth, and we cannot be justified in discrediting any part of
+the human mind. And I can hardly doubt, that one of the reasons why we,
+in England, made such wonderful discoveries during the seventeenth
+century, was because that century was also the great age of English
+poetry. The two mightiest intellects our country has produced are
+Shakspeare and Newton; and that Shakspeare should have preceded Newton,
+was, I believe, no casual or unmeaning event. Shakspeare and the poets
+sowed the seed, which Newton and the philosophers reaped. Discarding the
+old scholastic and theological pursuits, they drew attention to nature,
+and thus became the real founders of all natural science. They did even
+more than this. They first impregnated the mind of England with bold and
+lofty conceptions. They taught the men of their generation to crave after
+the unseen. They taught them to pine for the ideal, and to rise above the
+visible world of sense. In this way, by cultivating the emotions, they
+opened one of the paths which lead to truth. The impetus which they
+communicated, survived their own day, and, like all great movements, was
+felt in every department of thought. But now it is gone; and, unless I am
+greatly mistaken, physical science is at present suffering from its
+absence. Since the seventeenth century, we have had no poet of the
+highest order, though Shelley, had he lived, would perhaps have become
+one. He had something of that burning passion, that sacred fire, which
+kindles the soul, as though it came fresh from the altar of the gods. But
+he was cut off in his early prime, when his splendid genius was still in
+its dawn. If we except his immature, though marvellous, efforts, we may
+assuredly say, that, for nearly two hundred years, England has produced
+no poetry which bears those unmistakable marks of inspiration which we
+find in Spenser, in Shakspeare, and in Milton. The result is, that we,
+separated by so long an interval from those great feeders of the
+imagination, who nurtured our ancestors, and being unable to enter fully
+into the feelings of poets, who wrote when nearly all opinions, and,
+therefore, nearly all forms of emotion, were very different to what they
+now are, cannot possibly sympathize with those immortal productions so
+closely as their contemporaries did. The noble English poetry of the
+sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is read more than ever, but it does
+not colour our thoughts; it does not shape our understandings, as it
+shaped the understandings of our forefathers. Between us and them is a
+chasm, which we cannot entirely bridge. We are so far removed from the
+associations amid which those poems were composed, that they do not flash
+upon us with that reality and distinctness of aim, which they would have
+done, had we lived when they were written. Their garb is strange, and
+belongs to another time. Not merely their dialect and their dress, but
+their very complexion and their inmost sentiments, tell of bygone days,
+of which we have no firm hold. There is, no doubt, a certain ornamental
+culture, which the most highly educated persons receive from the
+literature of the past, and by which they sometimes refine their taste,
+and sometimes enlarge their ideas. But the real culture of a great
+people, that which supplies each generation with its principal strength,
+consists of what is learnt from the generation immediately preceding.
+Though we are often unconscious of the process, we build nearly all our
+conceptions on the basis recognized by those who went just before us. Our
+closest contact is, not with our forefathers, but with our fathers. To
+them we are linked by a genuine affinity, which, being spontaneous, costs
+us no effort, and from which, indeed, we cannot escape. We inherit their
+notions, and modify them, just as they modified the notions of their
+predecessors. At each successive modification, something is lost and
+something is gained, until, at length, the original type almost
+disappears. Therefore it is, that ideas entertained several generations
+ago, bear about the same relation to us, as ideas preserved in a foreign
+literature. In both cases, the ideas may adorn our knowledge, but they
+are never so thoroughly incorporated with our minds, as to be the
+knowledge itself. The assimilation is incomplete, because the sympathy is
+incomplete. We have now no great poets; and our poverty in this respect
+is not compensated by the fact, that we once had them, and that we may,
+and do, read their works. The movement has gone by; the charm is broken;
+the bond of union, though not cancelled, is seriously weakened. Hence,
+our age, great as it is, and, in nearly all respects, greater than any
+the world has yet seen, has, notwithstanding its large and generous
+sentiments, its unexampled toleration, its love of liberty, and its
+profuse, and almost reckless, charity, a certain material, unimaginative,
+and unheroic character, which has made several observers tremble for the
+future. So far as I can understand our present condition, I do not
+participate in these fears, because I believe that the good we have
+already gained, is beyond all comparison greater than what we have lost.
+But that something has been lost, is unquestionable. We have lost much of
+that imagination, which, though, in practical life, it often misleads,
+is, in speculative life, one of the highest of all qualities, being
+suggestive as well as creative. Even practically, we should cherish it,
+because the commerce of the affections mainly depends on it. It is,
+however, declining; while, at the same time, the increasing refinement of
+society accustoms us more and more to suppress our emotions, lest they
+should be disagreeable to others. And as the play of the emotions is the
+chief study of the poet, we see, in this circumstance, another reason
+which makes it difficult to rival that great body of poetry which our
+ancestors possessed. Therefore, it is doubly incumbent on physical
+philosophers to cultivate the imagination. It is a duty they owe to their
+own pursuits, which would be enriched and invigorated by such an
+enlargement of their resources. It is also a duty which they owe to
+society in general; since they, whose intellectual influence is already
+greater than that of any other class, and whose authority is perceptibly
+on the increase, might have power enough to correct the most serious
+deficiency of the present age, and to make us some amends for our
+inability to produce such a splendid imaginative literature as that which
+our forefathers created, and in which the choicest spirits of the
+seventeenth century did, if I may so say, dwell and have their being.
+
+If, therefore, Black had done nothing more than set the example of a
+great physical philosopher giving free scope to the imagination, he would
+have conferred upon us a boon, the magnitude of which it is not easy to
+overrate. And it is very remarkable, that, before he died, that
+department of inorganic physics, which he cultivated with such success,
+was taken up by another eminent Scotchman, who pursued exactly the same
+plan, though with somewhat inferior genius. I allude, of course, to
+Leslie, whose researches on heat are well known to those who are occupied
+with this subject; while, for our present purpose, they are chiefly
+interesting as illustrating that peculiar method which, in the eighteenth
+century, seemed essential to the Scotch mind.
+
+About thirty years after Black propounded his famous theory of heat,
+Leslie began to investigate the same topic, and, in 1804, published a
+special dissertation upon it.[769] In that work, and in some papers in
+his _Treatises on Philosophy_, are contained his views, several of which
+are now known to be inaccurate,[770] though some are of sufficient value
+to mark an epoch in the history of science. Such was his generalization
+respecting the connexion between the radiation of heat, and its
+reflection; bodies which reflect it most, radiating it least, and those
+which radiate it most, reflecting it least. Such, too, was another wide
+conclusion, which the best inquirers have since confirmed, namely, that,
+while heat is radiating from a body, the intensity of each ray is as the
+sine of the angle which it makes with the surface of that body.
+
+  [769] Mr. Napier, in his _Memoirs of Leslie_, pp. 16, 17 (prefixed to
+        _Leslie's Treatises on Philosophy_, Edinb. 1838), says, that he
+        'composed the bulk of his celebrated work on Heat in the years
+        1801 and 1802;' but that, in 1793, he propounded 'some of its
+        theoretical opinions, as well as the germs of its discoveries.' It
+        appears, however, from his own statement, that he was making
+        experiments on heat, at all events, as early as 1791. See
+        _Leslie's Experimental Inquiry into the Nature and Propagation of
+        Heat_, London, 1804, p. 409.
+
+  [770] For specimens of some of his most indefensible speculations, see
+        _Leslie's Treatises on Philosophy_, pp. 38, 43.
+
+These were important steps, and they were the result of experiments,
+preceded by large and judicious hypotheses. In relation, however, to the
+economy of nature, considered as a whole, they are of small account in
+comparison with what Leslie effected towards consolidating the great idea
+of light and heat being identical, and thus preparing his contemporaries
+for that theory of the interchange of forces, which is the capital
+intellectual achievement of the nineteenth century. But it is interesting
+to observe, that, with all his ardour, he could not go beyond a certain
+length. He was so hampered by the material tendencies of his time, that
+he could not bring himself to conceive heat as a purely supersensual
+force, of which temperature was the external manifestation.[771] For
+this, the age was barely ripe. We accordingly find him asserting, that
+heat is an elastic fluid, extremely subtle, but still a fluid.[772] His
+real merit was, that, notwithstanding the difficulties which beset his
+path, he firmly seized the great truth, that there is no fundamental
+difference between light and heat. As he puts it, each is merely a
+metamorphosis of the other. Heat is light in complete repose. Light is
+heat in rapid motion. Directly light is combined with a body, it becomes
+heat; but when it is thrown off from that body, it again becomes
+light.[773]
+
+  [771] Though he clearly distinguishes between the two. 'It is almost
+        superfluous to remark, that the term heat is of ambiguous import,
+        denoting either a certain sensation, or the external cause which
+        excites it.' _Leslie on Heat_, p. 137.
+
+  [772] 'Heat is an elastic fluid extremely subtle and active.' _Leslie on
+        Heat_, p. 150. At p. 31, 'calorific and frigorific fluid.' See
+        also pp. 143, 144; and the attempt to measure its elasticity, in
+        pp. 177, 178.
+
+  [773] 'Heat is only light in the state of combination.' _Leslie on
+        Heat_, p. 162. 'Heat in the state of emission constitutes light.'
+        p. 174. 'It is, therefore, the same subtle matter, that, according
+        to its different modes of existence, constitutes either heat or
+        light. Projected with rapid celerity, it forms light; in the state
+        of combination with bodies it acts as heat.' p. 188. See also p.
+        403, 'different states of the same identical substance.'
+
+Whether this is true or false, we cannot tell; and many years, perhaps
+many generations, will have to elapse before we shall be able to tell.
+But the service rendered by Leslie is quite independent of the accuracy
+of his opinion, as to the manner in which light and heat are
+interchanged. That they are interchanged, is the essential and paramount
+idea. And we must remember, that he made this idea the basis of his
+researches, at a period when some very important facts, or, I should
+rather say, some very conspicuous facts, were opposed to it; while the
+main facts which favoured it were still unknown. When he composed his
+work, the analogies between light and heat, with which we are now
+acquainted, had not been discovered; no one being aware, that double
+refraction, polarization, and other curious properties, are common to
+both. To grasp so wide a truth in the face of such obstacles, was a rare
+stroke of sagacity. But, on account of the obstacles, the inductive mind
+of England refused to receive the truth, as it was not generalized from a
+survey of all the facts. And Leslie, unfortunately for himself, died too
+soon to enjoy the exquisite pleasure of witnessing the empirical
+corroboration of his doctrine by direct experiment, although he clearly
+perceived that the march of discovery, in reference to polarization, was
+leading the scientific world to a point, of which his keen eye had
+discerned the nature, when, to others, it was an almost invisible speck,
+dim in the distant offing.[774]
+
+  [774] In 1814, that is ten years after his great work was published, and
+        about twenty years after it was begun, he writes from Paris: 'My
+        book on heat is better known' here 'than in England. I was even
+        reminded of some passages in it which in England were considered
+        as fanciful, but which the recent discoveries on the polarity of
+        light have confirmed.' _Napier's Memoirs of Leslie_, p. 28,
+        prefixed to _Leslie's Philosophical Treatises_, edit. Edinb. 1838.
+        Leslie died in 1832 (p. 40); and the decisive experiments of
+        Forbes and Melloni were made between 1834 and 1836.
+
+In regard to the method adopted by Leslie, he assures us, that, in
+assuming the principles from which he reasoned, he derived great aid from
+poetry; for he knew that the poets are, after their own manner,
+consummate observers, and that their united observations form a treasury
+of truths, which are nowise inferior to the truths of science, and of
+which science must either avail herself, or else suffer from neglecting
+them.[775] To apply these truths rightly, and to fit them to the
+exigencies of physical inquiry, is, no doubt, a most difficult task,
+since it involves nothing less than holding the balance between the
+conflicting claims of the emotions and the understanding. Like all great
+enterprises, it is full of danger, and, if undertaken by an ordinary
+mind, would certainly fail. But there are two circumstances which make it
+less dangerous in our time, than in any earlier period. The first
+circumstance is, that the supremacy of the human understanding, and its
+right to judge all theories for itself, is now more generally admitted
+than ever; so that there can be little fear of our leaning to the
+opposite side, and allowing poetry to encroach on science. The other
+circumstance is, that our knowledge of the laws of nature is much greater
+than that possessed by any previous age; and there is, consequently, less
+risk of the imagination leading us into error, inasmuch as we have a
+large number of well-ascertained truths, which we can confront with every
+speculation, no matter how plausible or ingenious it may appear.
+
+  [775] 'The easiest mode of conceiving the subject, is to consider the
+        heat that permeates all bodies, and unites with them in various
+        proportions, as merely the subtle fluid of light in a state of
+        combination. When forcibly discharged, or suddenly elicited from
+        any substance, it again resumes its radiant splendour.' ... 'The
+        same notion was embraced by the poets, and gives sublimity to
+        their finest odes.' ... 'Those poetical images which have
+        descended to our own times, were hence founded on a close
+        observation of nature. Modern philosophy need not disdain to adopt
+        them, and has only to expand and reduce to precision the original
+        conceptions.' _Leslie's Treatises on Philosophy_, pp. 308, 309.
+        Again, at p. 416: 'This is not the first occasion in which we have
+        to admire, through the veil of poetical imagery, the sagacity and
+        penetration of those early sages. It would be weakness to expect
+        nice conclusions in the infancy of science; but it is arrogant
+        presumption to regard all the efforts of unaided genius with
+        disdain.'
+
+On both these grounds, Leslie was, I apprehend, justified in taking the
+course which he did. At all events, it is certain, that, by following it,
+he came nearer than would otherwise have been possible, to the
+conceptions of the most advanced scientific thinkers of our day. He
+distinctly recognized that, in the material world, there is neither break
+nor pause; so that what we call the divisions of nature have no
+existence, except in our minds.[776] He was even almost prepared to do
+away with that imaginary difference between the organic and inorganic
+world, which still troubles many of our physicists, and prevents them
+from comprehending the unity and uninterrupted march of affairs. They,
+with their old notions of inanimate matter, are unable to see that all
+matter is living, and that what we term death is a mere expression by
+which we signify a fresh form of life. Towards this conclusion, all our
+knowledge is now converging; and it is certainly no small merit in
+Leslie, that he, sixty years ago, when really comprehensive views,
+embracing the whole creation, were scarcely known among scientific men,
+should have strongly insisted that all forces are of the same kind, and
+that we have no right to distinguish between them, as if some were
+living, and others were dead.[777]
+
+  [776] 'We should recollect that, in all her productions, Nature exhibits
+        a chain of perpetual gradation, and that the systematic divisions
+        and limitations are entirely artificial, and designed merely to
+        assist the memory and facilitate our conceptions.' _Leslie on
+        Heat_, p. 506.
+
+  [777] 'All forces are radically of the same kind, and the distinction of
+        them into _living_ and _dead_ is not grounded on just principles.'
+        _Leslie on Heat_, p. 133. Compare p. 299: 'We shall perhaps find,
+        that this prejudice, like many others, has some semblance of
+        truth; and that even dead or inorganic substances must, in their
+        recondite arrangements, exert such varying energies, and _so like
+        sensation itself_, as if fully unveiled to our eyes, could not
+        fail to strike us with wonder and surprise.'
+
+We owe much to him, by whom such views were advocated. But they were
+then, and in a certain, though far smaller degree, they are now, so out
+of the domain of physical experience, that Leslie never could have
+obtained them by generalizing in the way which the inductive philosophy
+enjoins. His great work on heat was executed, as well as conceived, on
+the opposite plan;[778] and his prejudices on this point were so strong,
+that we are assured by his biographer, that he would allow no merit to
+Bacon, who organized the inductive method into a system, and to whose
+authority we in England pay a willing, and I had almost said a servile,
+homage.[779]
+
+  [778] Mr. Napier, in his _Life of Leslie_, p. 17, says of it, very
+        gravely, 'Its hypotheses are not warranted by the sober maxims of
+        inductive logic.'
+
+  [779] 'Notwithstanding the contrary testimony, explicitly recorded by
+        the founders of the English experimental school, he denied all
+        merit and influence to the immortal delineator of the inductive
+        logic.' _Napier's Life of Leslie_, p. 42.
+
+Another curious illustration of the skill with which the Scotch mind,
+when once possessed of a principle, worked from it deductively, appears
+in the geological speculations of Hutton, late in the eighteenth century.
+It is well known, that the two great powers which have altered the
+condition of our planet, and made it what it is, are fire and water. Each
+has played so considerable a part, that we can hardly measure their
+relative importance. Judging, however, from the present appearance of the
+crust of the earth, there is reason to believe, that the older rocks are
+chiefly the result of fusion, and that the younger are aqueous deposits.
+It is, therefore, not unlikely, that, in the order in which the energies
+of nature have unfolded themselves, fire preceded water, and was its
+necessary precursor.[780] But, all that we are as yet justified in
+asserting is, that these two causes, the igneous and the aqueous, were in
+full operation long before man existed, and are still busily working.
+Perhaps they are preparing another change in our habitation, suitable to
+new forms of life, as superior to man, as man is superior to the beings
+who occupied the earth before his time. Be this as it may, fire and water
+are the two most important and most general principles with which
+geologists are concerned; and though, on a superficial view, each is
+extremely destructive, it is certain that they can really destroy
+nothing, but can only decompose and recompose; shifting the arrangements
+of nature, but leaving nature herself intact. Whether one of these
+elements will ever again get the upper hand of its opponent, is a
+speculation of extreme interest. For, there is reason to suspect, that,
+at one period, fire was more active than water, and that, at another
+period, water was more active than fire. That they are engaged in
+incessant warfare, is a fact with which geologists are perfectly
+familiar, though, in this, as in many other cases, the poets were the
+first to discern the truth. To the eye of the geologist, water is
+constantly labouring to reduce all the inequalities of the earth to a
+single level; while fire, with its volcanic action, is equally busy in
+restoring those inequalities, by throwing up matter to the surface, and
+in various ways disturbing the crust of the globe.[781] And as the beauty
+of the material world mainly depends on that irregularity of aspect,
+without which scenery would have presented no variety of form, and but
+little variety of colour, we shall, I think, not be guilty of too refined
+a subtlety, if we say that fire, by saving us from the monotony to which
+water would have condemned us, has been the remote cause of that
+development of the imagination which has given us our poetry, our
+painting, and our sculpture, and has thereby not only wonderfully
+increased the pleasures of life, but has imparted to the human mind a
+completeness of function, to which, in the absence of such a stimulus, it
+could not have attained.
+
+  [780] The supposition, that volcanic agencies were formerly more potent
+        than they are now, is by no means inconsistent with the scientific
+        doctrine of uniformity, though it is generally considered to be
+        so. It is one thing to assert the uniformity of natural laws; it
+        is quite another thing to assert the uniformity of natural causes.
+        Heat may once have produced far greater effects than it can do at
+        present, and yet the laws of nature be unchanged, and the order
+        and sequence of events unbroken. What I would venture to suggest
+        to geologists is, that they have not taken sufficiently into
+        account the theory of the interchange of forces, which seems to
+        offer a solution of at least part of the problem. For, by that
+        theory, a large portion of the heat which formerly existed may
+        have been metamorphosed into other forces, such as light, chemical
+        affinity, and gravitation. The increase of these forces consequent
+        on the diminution of heat, would have facilitated the
+        consolidation of matter; and until such forces possessed a certain
+        energy, water, which afterwards became so prominent, could not
+        have been formed. If the power of chemical affinity, for instance,
+        were much weaker than it is, water would assuredly resolve itself
+        into its component gases. Without wishing to lay too much stress
+        on this speculation, I submit it to the consideration of competent
+        judges, because I am convinced that any hypothesis, not absolutely
+        inconsistent with the known laws of nature, is preferable to that
+        dogma of interference, which what may be called the miraculous
+        school of geologists wish to foist upon us, in utter ignorance of
+        its incompatibility with the conclusions of the most advanced
+        minds in other departments of thought.
+
+        The remarks in Sir Roderick Murchison's great work (_Siluria_,
+        London, 1854, pp. 475, 476) on the 'grander intensity of former
+        causation,' and on the difficulty this opposes to the
+        'uniformitarians,' apply merely to those who take for granted that
+        _each_ force has always been equally powerful: they do not affect
+        those who suppose that it is only the _aggregate_ of force which
+        remains unimpaired. Though the distribution of forces may be
+        altered, their gross amount is not susceptible of change, so far
+        as the highest conceptions of our actual science extend.
+        Consequently, there is no need for us to believe that, in
+        different periods, the intensity of causation varies; though we
+        may believe that some one agent, such as heat, had at one time
+        more energy than it has ever had since.
+
+  [781] 'The great agents of change in the inorganic world may be divided
+        into two principal classes, the aqueous and the igneous. To the
+        aqueous belong rain, rivers, torrents, springs, currents, and
+        tides; to the igneous, volcanos and earthquakes. Both these
+        classes are instruments of decay as well as of reproduction; but
+        they may also be regarded as antagonist forces. For the aqueous
+        agents are incessantly labouring to reduce the inequalities of the
+        earth's surface to a level; while the igneous are equally active
+        in restoring the unevenness of the external crust, partly by
+        heaping up new matter in certain localities, and partly by
+        depressing one portion, and forcing out another, of the earth's
+        envelope.' _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, 9th edit., London,
+        1853, p. 198.
+
+When geologists began to study the laws according to which fire and water
+had altered the structure of the earth, two different courses were open
+to them, namely, the inductive and the deductive. The deductive plan was
+to compute the probable consequences of fire and water, by reasoning from
+the sciences of thermotics and hydrodynamics; tracking each element by an
+independent line of argument, and afterwards cooerdinating into a single
+scheme the results which had been separately obtained. It would then only
+remain to inquire, how far this imaginary scheme harmonized with the
+actual state of things; and if the discrepancy between the ideal and the
+actual were not greater than might fairly be expected from the
+perturbations produced by other causes, the ratiocination would be
+complete, and geology would, in its inorganic department, become a
+deductive science. That our knowledge is ripe for such a process, I am
+far, indeed, from supposing; but this is the path which a deductive mind
+would take, so far as it was able. On the other hand, an inductive mind,
+instead of beginning with fire and water, would begin with the effects
+which fire and water had produced, and would first study these two
+agents, not in their own separate sciences, but in their united action as
+exhibited on the crust of the earth. An inquirer of this sort would
+assume, that the best way of arriving at truth would be to proceed from
+effects to causes, observing what had actually happened, and rising from
+the complex results up to a knowledge of the simple agents, by whose
+power the results have been brought about.
+
+If the reader has followed the train of thought which I have endeavoured
+to establish in this chapter, and in the first volume, he will be
+prepared to expect that when, in the latter half of the eighteenth
+century, geology was first seriously studied, the inductive plan of
+proceeding from effects to causes became the favourite one in England;
+while the deductive plan of proceeding from causes to effects, was
+adopted in Scotland and in Germany. And such was really the case. It is
+generally admitted, that, in England, scientific geology owes its origin
+to William Smith, whose mind was singularly averse to system, and who,
+believing that the best way of understanding former causes was to study
+present effects, occupied himself, between the years 1790 and 1815, in a
+laborious examination of different strata.[782] In 1815, he, after
+traversing the whole of England on foot, published the first complete
+geological map which ever appeared, and thus took the first great step
+towards accumulating the materials for an inductive generalization.[783]
+In 1807, and, therefore, before he had brought his arduous task to an
+end, there was formed in London the Geological Society, the express
+object of which, we are assured, was, to observe the condition of the
+earth, but by no means to generalize the causes which had produced that
+condition.[784] The resolution was, perhaps, a wise one. At all events,
+it was highly characteristic of the sober and patient spirit of the
+English intellect. With what energy and unsparing toil it has been
+executed, and how the most eminent members of the Geological Society
+have, in the pursuit of truth, not only explored every part of Europe,
+but examined the shell of the earth in America and in Northern Asia, is
+well known to all who are interested in these matters; nor can it be
+denied, that the great works of Lyell and Murchison prove that the men
+who are capable of such laborious enterprises, are also capable of the
+still more difficult achievement of generalizing their facts and refining
+them into ideas. They did not go as mere observers, but they went with
+the noble object of making their observations subservient to a discovery
+of the laws of nature. That was their aim; and all honour be to them for
+it. Still, it is evident, that their process is essentially inductive; it
+is a procedure from the observation of complex phenomena, up to the
+elements to which those phenomena are owing; it is, in other words, a
+study of natural effects, in order to learn the operation of natural
+causes.
+
+  [782] Dr. Whewell, comparing him with his great German contemporary,
+        Werner, says, 'In the German, considering him as a geologist, the
+        ideal element predominated.' ... 'Of a very different temper and
+        character was William Smith. No literary cultivation of his youth
+        awoke in him the _speculative love of symmetry and system_; but a
+        singular clearness and precision of the classifying power, which
+        he possessed as a native talent, was exercised and developed by
+        exactly those geological facts among which his philosophical task
+        lay.' ... 'We see great vividness of thought and activity of mind,
+        _unfolding itself exactly in proportion to the facts with which it
+        had to deal_.' ... 'He dates his attempts to discriminate and
+        connect strata from the year 1790.' _Whewell's History of the
+        Inductive Sciences_, London, 1847, vol. iii. pp. 562-564.
+
+  [783] 'The execution of his map was completed in 1815, and remains a
+        lasting monument of original talent and extraordinary
+        perseverance; for he had explored the whole country on foot
+        without the guidance of previous observers, or the aid of
+        fellow-labourers, and had succeeded in throwing into natural
+        divisions the whole complicated series of British rocks.' _Lyell's
+        Principles of Geology_, p. 58. Geological maps of parts of England
+        had, however, been published before 1815. See _Conybeare on
+        Geology_, in _Second Report of the British Association_, p. 373.
+
+  [784] 'A great body of new data were required; and the Geological
+        Society of London, founded in 1807, conduced greatly to the
+        attainment of this desirable end. To multiply and record
+        observations, and patiently to await the result at some future
+        period, was the object proposed by them; and it was their
+        favourite maxim, that the time was not yet come for a general
+        system of geology, but that all must be content for many years to
+        be exclusively engaged in furnishing materials for future
+        generalizations.' _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, p. 59. Compare
+        _Richardson's Geology_, 1851, p. 40.
+
+Very different was the process in Germany and Scotland. In 1787, that is,
+only three years before William Smith began his labours, Werner, by his
+work on the classification of mountains, laid the foundation of the
+German school of geology.[785] His influence was immense; and among his
+pupils we find the names of Mohs, Raumer, and Von Buch, and even that of
+Alexander Humboldt.[786] But the geological theory which he propounded,
+depended entirely on a chain of argument from cause to effect. He
+assumed, that all the great changes through which the earth had passed,
+were due to the action of water. Taking this for granted, he reasoned
+deductively from premisses with which his knowledge of water supplied
+him. Without entering into details respecting his system, it is enough to
+say, that, according to it, there was originally one vast and primeval
+sea, which, in the course of time, deposited the primitive rocks. The
+base of all was granite; then gneiss; and others followed in their
+order. In the bosom of the water, which at first was tranquil, agitations
+gradually arose, which, destroying part of the earliest deposits, gave
+birth to new rocks, formed out of their ruins. The stratified thus
+succeeded to the unstratified, and something like variety was
+established. Then came another period, in which the face of the waters,
+instead of being merely agitated, was convulsed by tempests, and, amid
+their play and collision, life was generated, and plants and animals
+sprung into existence. The vast solitude was slowly peopled, the sea
+gradually retired; and a foundation was laid for that epoch, during which
+man entered the scene, bringing with him the rudiments of order and of
+social improvement.[787]
+
+  [785] Cuvier, in his Life of Werner, says (_Biographie Universelle_,
+        vol. i. pp. 376, 377), 'La connaissance des positions respectives
+        des mineraux dans la croute du globe, et ce que l'on peut en
+        conclure relativement aux epoques de leur origine, forment une
+        autre branche de la science qu'il appelle Geognosie. Il en
+        presenta les premieres bases en 1787, dans un petit ecrit intitule
+        "Classification et description des Montagnes."'
+
+  [786] _Whewell's History of the Inductive Sciences_, vol. iii. p. 567.
+
+  [787] 'Une mer universelle et tranquille depose en grandes masses les
+        roches primitives, roches nettement cristallisees, ou domine
+        d'abord la silice. Le granit fait la base de tout; au granit
+        succede le gneiss, qui n'est qu'un granit commencant a se
+        feuilleter.' ... 'Des agitations intestines du liquide detruisent
+        une partie de ces premiers depots; de nouvelles roches se forment
+        de leurs debris reunis par des cimens. C'est parmi ces tempetes
+        que nait la vie.' ... 'Les eaux, de nouveau tranquillisees, mais
+        dont le contenu a change, deposent des couches moins epaisses et
+        plus variees, ou les debris des corps vivans s'accumulent
+        successivement dans un ordre non moins fixe que celui des roches
+        qui les contiennent. Enfin, la derniere retraite des eaux repand
+        sur le continent d'immenses alluvions de matieres meubles,
+        premiers sieges de la vegetation, de la culture et de la
+        sociabilite.' _Eloge de Werner_, in _Cuvier_, _Recueil des Eloges
+        Historiques_, vol. ii. pp. 321-323.
+
+These were the leading views of a system which, we must remember,
+exercised great sway in the scientific world, and won over to its side
+minds of considerable power. Erroneous and far-fetched though it was, it
+had the merit of calling attention to one of the two chief principles
+which have determined the present condition of our planet. It had the
+further merit of provoking a controversy, which was eminently serviceable
+to the interests of truth. For, the great enemy of knowledge is not
+error, but inertness. All that we want is discussion, and then we are
+sure to do well, no matter what our blunders may be. One error conflicts
+with another; each destroys its opponent, and truth is evolved. This is
+the course of the human mind, and it is from this point of view that the
+authors of new ideas, the proposers of new contrivances, and the
+originators of new heresies, are benefactors of their species. Whether
+they are right or wrong, is the least part of the question. They tend to
+excite the mind; they open up the faculties; they stimulate us to fresh
+inquiry; they place old subjects under new aspects; they disturb the
+public sloth; and they interrupt, rudely, but with most salutary effect,
+that love of routine, which, by inducing men to go grovelling on in the
+ways of their ancestors, stands in the path of every improvement, as a
+constant, an outlying, and, too often, a fatal obstacle.
+
+The method adopted by Werner was evidently deductive, since he argued
+from a supposed cause, and reasoned from it to the effects. In that
+cause, he found his major premiss, and thence he worked downwards to his
+conclusion, until he reached the world of sense and of reality. He
+trusted in his one great idea, and he handled that idea with consummate
+skill. On that very account, did he pay less attention to existing facts.
+Had he chosen, he, like other men, could have collected them, and
+subjected them to an inductive generalization. But he preferred the
+opposite path. To reproach him with this is irrational; for, in his
+journey after truth, he chose one of the only two roads which are open to
+the human mind. In England, indeed, we are apt to take for granted that
+one road is infinitely preferable to the other. It may be so; but on
+this, as on many other subjects, assertions are current which have never
+been proved. At all events, Werner was so satisfied with his method, that
+he would not be at the pains of examining the position of rocks and their
+strata, as they are variously exhibited in different countries; he did
+not even explore his own country, but, confining himself to a corner of
+Germany, he began and completed his celebrated system, without
+investigating the facts on which, according to the inductive method, that
+system should have been built.[788]
+
+  [788] 'If it be true that delivery be the first, second, and third
+        requisite in a popular orator, it is no less certain that to
+        travel is of first, second, and third importance to those who
+        desire to originate just and comprehensive views concerning the
+        structure of our globe. Now, Werner had not travelled to distant
+        countries: he had merely explored a small portion of Germany, and
+        conceived, and persuaded others to believe, that the whole surface
+        of our planet, and all the mountain chains in the world, were made
+        after the model of his own province.' ... 'It now appears that he
+        had misinterpreted many of the most important appearances even in
+        the immediate neighbourhood of Freyberg. Thus, for example, within
+        a day's journey of his school, the porphyry, called by him
+        primitive, has been found not only to send forth veins, or dykes,
+        through strata of the coal formation, but to overlie them in
+        mass.' _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, p. 47.
+
+Exactly the same process, on the same subject, and at the same time, was
+going on in Scotland. Hutton, who was the founder of Scotch geology, and
+who, in 1788, published his _Theory of the Earth_, conducted the inquiry
+just as Werner did; though, when he began his speculations, he had no
+knowledge of what Werner was doing.[789] The only difference between them
+was, that while Werner reasoned from the agency of water, Hutton reasoned
+from the agency of fire. The cause of this may, I think, be explained.
+Hutton lived in a country where some of the most important laws of heat
+had, for the first time, been generalized, and where consequently, that
+department of inorganic physics had acquired great reputation. It was
+natural for a Scotchman to take more than ordinary interest in a subject
+in which Scotland had been so successful, and had obtained so much fame.
+We need not, therefore, wonder that Hutton, who, like all men, felt the
+intellectual bent of the time in which he lived, should have yielded to
+an influence of which he was, perhaps, unconscious. In obedience to the
+general mental habits of his country he adopted the deductive method. In
+further obedience to the more special circumstances connected with his
+own immediate pursuits, he gathered the principles from which he reasoned
+from a study of fire, instead of gathering them, as Werner did, from a
+study of water.
+
+  [789] Though Hutton's _Theory of the Earth_ was first published in 1788,
+        the edition of 1795, which is the one I have used, contains a
+        great number of additional illustrations of his views, and was
+        evidently re-written. But the main features are the same; and we
+        learn from his friend, Playfair, that 'the great outline of his
+        system' was completed 'several years' before 1788. _Life of
+        Hutton_, in _Playfair's Works_, vol. iv. p. 50, Edinburgh, 1822.
+
+Hence it is, that, in the history of geology, the followers of Werner are
+known as Neptunists, and those of Hutton as Plutonists.[790] And these
+terms represent the only difference between the two great masters. In the
+most important points, namely their method, they were entirely agreed.
+Both were essentially one-sided; both paid a too exclusive attention to
+one of the two principal agents which have altered, and are still
+altering, the crust of the earth; both reasoned from those agents,
+instead of reasoning to them; and both constructed their system without
+sufficiently studying the actual and existing facts; committing, in this
+respect, an error which the English geologists were the first to rectify.
+
+  [790] Kirwan appears to have been the first who called Hutton's theory
+        'the Plutonic System.' See _Illustrations of the Huttonian
+        Theory_, in _Playfair's Works_, vol. i. p. 145. On the distinction
+        between Neptunists and Plutonists, see the same work, pp. 504,
+        505.
+
+As I am writing a history, not of science, but of scientific method, I
+can only briefly glance at the nature of those services which Hutton
+rendered to geology, and which are so considerable, that his system has
+been called its present basis.[791] This, however, is too strongly
+expressed; for, though Hutton was far from denying the influence of
+water,[792] he did not concede enough to it, and there is a tendency
+among several geologists to admit that the system of Werner considered
+as an aqueous theory, contains a larger amount of truth than the
+advocates of the igneous theory are willing to allow. Still, what Hutton
+did was most remarkable, especially in reference to what are now termed
+metamorphic rocks, the theory of whose formation he was the first to
+conceive.[793] Into this, and into their connexion, on the one hand, with
+the sedimentary rocks, and, on the other hand, with those rocks whose
+origin is perhaps purely igneous, I could not enter without treading on
+debatable ground. But, putting aside what is yet uncertain, I will
+mention two circumstances respecting Hutton which are undisputed, and
+which will give some idea of his method, and of the turn of his mind. The
+first circumstance is, that, although he ascribed to subterranean heat,
+as exhibited in volcanic action, a greater and more constant energy than
+any previous inquirers had ventured to do,[794] he preferred speculating
+on the probable consequences of that action, rather than drawing
+inferences from the facts which the action presented; he being on this
+point so indifferent, that he arrived at his conclusions without
+inspecting even a single region of active volcanoes, where he might have
+watched the workings of nature, and seen what she was really about.[795]
+The other circumstance is equally characteristic. Hutton, in his
+speculations concerning the geological effects of heat, naturally availed
+himself of the laws which Black had unfolded. One of those laws was, that
+certain earths owe their fusibility to the presence of fixed air in them
+before heat has expelled it; so that if it were possible to force them to
+retain their fixed air, or carbonic acid gas, as we now call it, no
+amount of heat could deprive them of the capability of being fused. The
+fertile mind of Hutton saw, in this discovery, a principle from which he
+could construct a geological argument. It occurred to him, that great
+pressure would prevent the escape of fixed air from heated rocks, and
+would thus enable them to be fused, notwithstanding their elevated
+temperature. He then supposed that, at a period anterior to the existence
+of man, such a process had taken place under the surface of the sea, and
+that the weight of so great a column of water had prevented the rocks
+from being decomposed while they were subjected to the action of fire. In
+this way, their volatile parts were held together, and they themselves
+might be melted, which could not have happened except for this enormous
+pressure. By following this line of argument, he accounted for the
+consolidation of strata by heat; since, according to the premisses from
+which he started, the oily, or bituminous parts, would remain, in spite
+of the efforts of heat to disperse them.[796] This striking speculation
+led to the inference, that the volatile components of a substance, and
+its fixed components, may be made to cohere, in the very teeth of that
+apparently irresistible agent whose business it is to effect their
+separation. Such an inference was contrary to all experience; or, to say
+the least, no man had ever seen an instance of it.[797] Indeed, the
+event was only supposed to happen in consequence of circumstances which
+were never met with on the surface of the globe, and which, therefore,
+were out of the range of all human observation.[798] The utmost that
+could be expected was, that, by means of our instruments, we might,
+perhaps, on a small scale, imitate the process which Hutton had imagined.
+It was possible, that a direct experiment might artificially combine
+great pressure with great heat, and that the result might be, that the
+senses would realize what the intellect had conceived.[799] But the
+experiment had never been tried, and Hutton, who delighted in reasoning
+from ideas rather than from facts, was not likely to undertake it.[800]
+He cast his speculation on the world, and left it to its fate.[801]
+Fortunately, however, for the reception of his system, a very ingenious
+and skilful experimenter of that day, Sir James Hall, determined to test
+the speculation by an appeal to facts; and as nature did not supply the
+facts which he wanted, he created them for himself. He applied heat to
+powdered chalk, while, at the same time, with great delicacy of
+manipulation, he subjected the chalk to a pressure about equal to the
+weight of a column of water half a mile high. The result was, that, under
+that pressure, the volatile parts of the chalk were held together; the
+carbonic acid gas was unable to escape; the generation of quicklime was
+stopped; the ordinary operations of nature were baffled, and the whole
+composition, being preserved in its integrity, was fused, and, on
+subsequently cooling, actually crystallized into solid marble.[802]
+Never was triumph more complete. Never did a fact more fully confirm an
+idea.[803] But, in the mind of Hutton, the idea preceded the fact by a
+long interval; since, before the fact was known, the theory had been
+raised, and the system which was built upon it had, indeed, been
+published several years. It, therefore, appears that one of the chief
+parts of the Huttonian Theory, and certainly its most successful part,
+was conceived in opposition to all preceding experience; that it
+pre-supposed a combination of events which no one had ever observed, and
+the mere possibility of which nothing but artificial experiment could
+prove; and, finally, that Hutton was so confident of the validity of his
+own method of inquiry, that he disdained to make the experiment himself,
+but left to another mind that empirical branch of the investigation which
+he deemed of little moment, but which we, in England, are taught to
+believe is the only safe foundation of physical research.[804]
+
+  [791] 'Has not only supplanted that of Werner, but has formed the
+        foundation of the researches and writings of our most enlightened
+        observers, and is justly regarded as the basis of all sound
+        geology at the present day.' _Richardson's Geology_, London, 1851,
+        p. 38.
+
+  [792] _Hutton's Theory of the Earth_, Edinb. 1795, vol. i. pp. 34, 41,
+        192, 290, 291, 593, vol. ii. pp. 236, 369, 378, 555.
+
+  [793] 'In his writings, and in those of his illustrator, Playfair, we
+        find the germ of the metamorphic theory.' _Lyell's Manual of
+        Geology_, London, 1851, p. 92.
+
+  [794] The shortest summary of this view is in his _Theory of the Earth_,
+        Edin. 1795, vol. ii. pp. 556. 'The doctrine, therefore, of our
+        Theory is briefly this; that whatever may have been the operation
+        of dissolving water, and the chemical action of it upon the
+        materials accumulated at the bottom of the sea, the general
+        solidity of that mass of earth, and the placing of it in the
+        atmosphere above the surface of the sea, has been the immediate
+        operation of fire or heat melting and expanding bodies.'
+
+  [795] 'Although Hutton had never explored any region of active volcanos,
+        he had convinced himself that basalt and many other trap rocks
+        were of igneous origin.' _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, London,
+        1853, p. 51. To this I may add, that he wrote his work without
+        having examined granite. He says (_Theory of the Earth_, vol. i.
+        p. 214), 'It is true, I met with it on my return by the east
+        coast, when I just saw it, and no more, at Peterhead and Aberdeen;
+        but that was all the granite I had ever seen when I wrote my
+        _Theory of the Earth_. I have, since that time, seen it in
+        different places; because I went on purpose to examine it, as I
+        shall have occasion to describe in the course of this work.'
+        Hutton's theory of granite is noticed in _Bakewell's Geology_,
+        London, 1838, p. 101: but Mr. Bakewell does not seem to be aware
+        that the theory was formed before the observations were made.
+
+  [796] _Huttonian Theory_, in _Playfair_, vol. i. pp. 38-40, 509, 510.
+        Compare _Playfair's Life of Hutton_, p. 61.
+
+  [797] Hence, the objections of Kirwan were invalid; because his argument
+        against Hutton was 'grounded on experiments, where that very
+        separation of the volatile and fixed parts takes place, which it
+        excluded in that hypothesis of subterraneous heat.' HUTTONIAN
+        THEORY, in _Playfair_, vol. i. p. 193, Edinb. 1822.
+
+  [798] Hutton says (_Theory of the Earth_, Edinb. 1795, vol. i. p. 94),
+        'The place of mineral operations is not on the surface of the
+        earth; and we are not to limit nature with our imbecility, or
+        estimate the powers of nature by the measure of our own.' See also
+        p. 159, 'mineral operations proper to the lower regions of the
+        earth.' And p. 527, 'The mineral operations of nature lie in a
+        part of the globe which is necessarily inaccessible to man, and
+        where the powers of nature act under very different conditions
+        from those which we find take place in the only situation where we
+        can live.' Again, in vol. ii. p. 97, 'The present Theory of the
+        Earth holds for principle that the strata are consolidated in the
+        mineral regions far beyond the reach of human observation.'
+        Similarly, vol. ii. p. 484, 'we judge not of the progress of
+        things from the actual operations of the surface.'
+
+  [799] Hutton, however, did not believe that this could be done. 'In the
+        Theory of the Earth which was published, I was anxious to warn the
+        reader against the notion that subterraneous heat and fusion could
+        be compared with that which we induce by our chemical operations
+        on mineral substances here upon the surface of the earth.'
+        _Hutton's Theory of the Earth_, vol. i. p. 251.
+
+  [800] See, in the _Life of Hutton_, in _Playfair's Works_, vol. iv.
+        p. 62 note, a curious remark on his indifference to experimental
+        verification. Innumerable passages in his work indicate this
+        tendency, and show his desire to reason immediately from general
+        principles. Thus, in vol. i. p. 17, 'Let us strictly examine our
+        principles in order to avoid fallacy in our reasoning.' ... 'We
+        are now, in reasoning from principles, come to a point decisive of
+        the question.' vol. i. p. 177. 'Let us now reason from our
+        principles.' vol. ii. p. 308. Hence, his constantly expressed
+        contempt for experience; as in vol. ii. p. 367, where he says that
+        we must 'overcome those prejudices which contracted views of
+        nature and _magnified opinions of the experience of man_ may have
+        begotten.'
+
+  [801] Playfair (_Life of Hutton_, p. 64) says that it drew 'their
+        attention' (_i.e._ the attention of 'men of science'), 'very
+        slowly, so that several years elapsed before any one showed
+        himself publicly concerned about it, either as an enemy or a
+        friend.' He adds, as one of the reasons of this, that it contained
+        'too little detail of facts for a system which involved so much
+        that was new, and opposite to the opinions generally received.'
+
+  [802] The account of these experiments was read before the Royal Society
+        of Edinburgh in 1805, and is printed in their _Transactions_, vol.
+        vi. pp. 71-185, Edinb. 1812, 4to. The general result was (pp. 148,
+        149), 'That a pressure of 52 atmospheres, or 1700 feet of sea, is
+        capable of forming a limestone in a proper heat; That under 86
+        atmospheres, answering nearly to 3000 feet, or about half a mile,
+        a complete marble may be formed; and lastly, That, with a pressure
+        of 173 atmospheres, or 5700 feet, that is little more than one
+        mile of sea, the carbonate of lime is made to undergo complete
+        fusion, and to act powerfully on other earths.' See also p. 160:
+        'The carbonic acid of limestone cannot be constrained in heat by a
+        pressure less than that of 1708 feet of sea.' There is a short,
+        and not very accurate, notice of these instructive experiments in
+        _Bakewell's Geology_, London, 1838, pp. 249, 250.
+
+  [803] As Sir James Hall says, 'The truth of the most doubtful principle
+        which Dr. Hutton has assumed, has thus been established by direct
+        experiment.' _Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh_,
+        vol. vi. p. 175.
+
+  [804] See the remarks of Sir James Hall, in _Transactions_, vol. vi.
+        pp. 74, 75. He observes that Hutton's 'system, however, involves
+        so many suppositions, apparently in contradiction to common
+        experience, which meet us on the very threshold, that most men
+        have hitherto been deterred from an investigation of its
+        principles, and only a few individuals have justly appreciated its
+        merits.' ... 'I conceived that the chemical effects ascribed by
+        him to compression, ought, in the first place, to be
+        investigated.' ... 'It occurred to me that this principle was
+        susceptible of being established in a direct manner by experiment,
+        and _I urged him to make the attempt; but he always rejected this
+        proposal_, on account of the immensity of the natural agents,
+        whose operation he supposed to lie far beyond the reach of our
+        imitation; and he seemed to imagine that any such attempt must
+        undoubtedly fail, and thus _throw discredit on opinions, already
+        sufficiently established, as he conceived, on other principles_.'
+
+I have now given an account of all the most important discoveries made by
+Scotland, in the eighteenth century, respecting the laws of the inorganic
+world. I have said nothing of Watt, because, although the steam-engine,
+which we owe to him, is of incalculable importance, it is not a
+discovery, but an invention. An invention it may justly be termed, rather
+than an improvement.[805] Notwithstanding what had been effected in the
+seventeenth century, by De Caus, Worcester, Papin, and Savery, and
+notwithstanding the later additions of Newcomen and others, the real
+originality of Watt is unimpeachable. His engine was, essentially, a new
+invention; but, under its scientific aspect, it was merely a skilful
+adaptation of laws previously known; and one of its most important
+points, namely, the economy of heat, was a practical application of ideas
+promulgated by Black.[806] The only discovery made by Watt, was that of
+the composition of water. Though his claims are disputed by the friends
+of Cavendish, it would appear that he was the first who ascertained that
+water, instead of being an element, is a compound of two gases.[807] This
+discovery was a considerable step in the history of chemical analysis,
+but it neither involved nor suggested any new law of nature, and has,
+therefore, no claim to mark an epoch in the history of the human
+mind.[808] There is, however, one circumstance connected with it which is
+too characteristic to be passed over in silence. The discovery was made
+in 1783, by Watt, the Scotchman, and by Cavendish, the Englishman,
+neither of whom seems to have been aware of what the other was
+doing.[809] But between the two there was this difference. Watt, for
+several years previously, had been speculating on the subject of water in
+connexion with air, and having, by Black's law of latent heat, associated
+them together, he was prepared to believe that one is convertible into
+the other.[810] The idea of an intimate analogy between the two bodies
+having once entered his mind, gradually ripened; and when he, at last,
+completed the discovery, it was merely by reasoning from data which
+others possessed besides himself. Instead of bringing to light new facts,
+he drew new conclusions from former ideas.[811] Cavendish, on the other
+hand, obtained his result by the method natural to an Englishman. He did
+not venture to draw a fresh inference, until he had first ascertained
+some fresh facts. Indeed, his discovery was so completely an induction
+from his own experiments, that he omitted to take into consideration the
+theory of latent heat, from which Watt had reasoned, and where that
+eminent Scotchman had found the premisses of his argument.[812] Both of
+these great inquirers arrived at truth, but each accomplished his journey
+by a different path. And this antithesis is accurately expressed by one
+of the most celebrated of living chemists, who, in his remarks on the
+composition of water, truly says, that while Cavendish established the
+facts, Watt established the idea.[813]
+
+  [805] It may be traced back, certainly to the beginning of the
+        seventeenth century, and probably still higher. Yet the popular
+        opinion seems to be correct, that Watt was its real inventor;
+        though, of course, he could not have done what he did, without his
+        predecessors. This, however, may be said of all the most eminent
+        and successful men, as well as of the most ordinary men.
+
+  [806] On the obligations of Watt to Black, compare _Brougham's Life of
+        Watt_ (_Brougham's Works_, vol. i. pp. 25, 36-38, edit. Glasgow,
+        1855), with _Muirhead's Life of Watt_, second edit. London, 1859,
+        pp. 66, 83. At p. 301, Mr. Muirhead says of Watt, that 'his
+        principal inventions connected with the steam-engine, with all
+        their prodigious results, were founded, as we have seen, on the
+        attentive observation of great philosophical truths; and the
+        economy of fuel, increase of productive power, and saving of
+        animal labour, which gradually ensued, all originated in the
+        sagacious and careful thought with which he investigated the
+        nature and properties of heat.' But whatever investigations Watt
+        made into heat, he discovered no new law respecting it, or, at all
+        events, no new law which is large enough to be noted in the
+        history of thermotics, considered purely as a science, and apart
+        from practical application. Mr. Muirhead, in his interesting work
+        which I have just quoted, has published (pp. 484-486) some remarks
+        made on the subject by Watt, several years after the death of
+        Black, which, though perfectly fair and candid, show that Watt had
+        a rather confused notion of the real difference between an
+        invention and a discovery.
+
+  [807] Mr. Muirhead, in his _Life of Watt_, pp. 301-370, seems to have
+        put the priority of Watt beyond further doubt; though he is
+        somewhat hard upon Cavendish, who, there can be little question,
+        made the discovery for himself.
+
+  [808] I would not wish to diminish one jot of the veneration in which
+        the great name of Watt is justly held. But when I find the opinion
+        of Dr. Withering, the botanist, quoted, to the effect that his
+        'abilities and acquirements placed him next, if not superior, to
+        Newton.' (_Muirhead's Life of Watt_, p. 302), I cannot but protest
+        against such indiscriminate eulogy, which would rank Watt in the
+        same class as one of those godlike intellects of which the whole
+        world has not produced a score, and which are entitled to be
+        termed inspired, if ever human being was so. Another instance of
+        this injudicious panegyric will be found in the same otherwise
+        excellent work (_Muirhead_, pp. 324, 325), where we read that
+        Watt's discovery that water consists of oxygen and hydrogen, was
+        'the commencement of a new era, the dawn of a new day in physical
+        inquiry, the real foundation of the new system of chemistry; nay,
+        even a discovery "perhaps of greater importance than any single
+        fact which human ingenuity has ascertained either before or
+        since."'
+
+  [809] That there was no plagiarism on the part of Watt, we know from
+        positive evidence; that there was none on the part of Cavendish,
+        may be fairly presumed, both from the character of the man, and
+        also from the fact that in the then state of chemical knowledge
+        the discovery was imminent, and could not have been long delayed.
+        It was antecedently probable that the composition of water would
+        be ascertained by different persons at the same time, as we have
+        seen in many other discoveries which have been simultaneously
+        made, when the human mind, in that particular department of
+        inquiry, had reached a certain point. We are too apt to suspect
+        philosophers of stealing from each other, what their own abilities
+        are sufficient to work out for themselves. It is, however, certain
+        that Watt thought himself ill-treated by Cavendish. See _Watt's
+        Correspondence on the Composition of Water_, London, 1846,
+        pp. 48, 61.
+
+  [810] On 26th November 1783, he writes: 'For many years I have
+        entertained an opinion that air was a modification of water; which
+        was originally founded on the facts, that in most cases where air
+        was actually made, which should be distinguished from those
+        wherein it is only extricated from substances containing it in
+        their pores, or otherwise united to them in the state of air, the
+        substances were such as were known to contain water as one of
+        their constituent parts, yet no water was obtained in the
+        processes, except what was known to be only loosely connected with
+        them, such as the water of the crystallization of salts. _This
+        opinion arose from a discovery that the latent heat contained in
+        steam diminished, in proportion as the sensible heat of the water
+        from which it was produced, increased_; or, in other words, that
+        the latent heat of steam was less when it was produced under a
+        greater pressure, or in a more dense state, and greater when it
+        was produced under a less pressure, or in a less dense state;
+        which led me to conclude, that when a very great degree of heat
+        was necessary for the production of the steam, the latent heat
+        would be wholly changed into sensible heat; and that, in such
+        cases, the steam itself might suffer some remarkable change. I now
+        abandon this opinion, in so far as relates to the change of water
+        into air, as I think that may be accounted for on better
+        principles.' See this remarkable passage, which is quite decisive
+        as to the real history of Watt's discovery, in _Correspondence of
+        James Watt on the Composition of Water_, London, 1846, pp. 84, 85.
+        Compare p. cxxiv. and p. 248 note.
+
+  [811] In the paper which he communicated to the Royal Society, announcing
+        his discovery, he, well knowing the empirical character of the
+        English mind, apologizes for this; and says, 'I feel much
+        reluctance to lay my thoughts on these subjects before the public
+        in their present indigested state, and _without having been able
+        to bring them to the test of such experiments as would confirm or
+        refute them_.' _Watt's Correspondence on the Discovery of the
+        Composition of Water_, pp. 77, 78. Eleven months earlier, that is
+        in December 1782, he writes (_Ibid._ p. 4): 'Dr. Priestley has
+        made a most surprising discovery, which _seems to confirm my
+        theory_ of water's undergoing some very remarkable change at the
+        point where all its latent heat would be changed into sensible
+        heat.'
+
+  [812] 'He' (_i.e._ Cavendish) 'here omits entirely the consideration of
+        latent heat; an omission which he even attempts to justify, in one
+        of the passages interpolated by Blagden. But it is well known to
+        every one acquainted with the first principles of chemical
+        science, even as it was taught in the days of Black, and it was
+        indisputably familiar to Mr. Watt, that no aeriform fluid can be
+        converted into a liquid, nor any liquid into a solid, without tho
+        evolution of heat, previously latent. This essential part of the
+        process, Mr. Cavendish's theory does not embrace; but without it,
+        no theory on the subject can be complete; and it will presently be
+        seen, that Mr. Watt took it fully into account.' _Muirhead's Life
+        of Watt_, p. 315.
+
+  [813] 'Cavendish and Watt both discovered the composition of water.
+        Cavendish established the facts; Watt the idea.' ... '_The
+        attaching too high a value to the mere facts, is often a sign of a
+        want of ideas._' _Liebig's Letters on Chemistry_, London, 1851, p.
+        48. The last sentence of this illustrious philosopher, which I
+        have put in italics, should be well pondered in England. If I had
+        my way, it should be engraved in letters of gold over the portals
+        of the Royal Society and of the Royal Institution.
+
+Thus much, as to what was effected by the Scotch in the department of
+inorganic science. If we now turn to organic science, we shall find that,
+there also, their labours were very remarkable. To those who are capable
+of a certain elevation and compass of thought, it will appear, in the
+highest degree, probable, that, between the organic and inorganic world,
+there is no real difference. That they are separated, as is commonly
+asserted, by a sharp line of demarcation, which indicates where one
+abruptly ends, and the other abruptly begins, seems to be a supposition
+altogether untenable. Nature does not pause, and break off in this fitful
+and irregular manner. In her works there is neither gap nor chasm. To a
+really scientific mind, the material world presents one vast and
+uninterrupted series, gradually rising from the lowest to the highest
+forms, but never stopping. In one part of that series, we find a
+particular structure, which, so far as our observations have yet
+extended, we, in another part, cannot find. We also observe particular
+functions, which correspond to the structure, and, as we believe, result
+from it. This is all we know. Yet, from these scanty facts, we, who, at
+present, are still in the infancy of knowledge, and have but skimmed the
+surface of things, are expected to infer, that there must be a point, in
+the chain of existence, where both structure and function suddenly cease,
+and, after which, we may vainly search for signs of life. It would be
+difficult to conceive a conclusion more repugnant to the whole march and
+analogy of modern thought. In every department, the speculations of the
+greatest thinkers are constantly tending to cooerdinate all phenomena, and
+to regard them as different, indeed, in degree, but by no means as
+different in kind. Formerly, men were content to ground their conviction
+of this difference in kind, on the evidence of the eye, which, on a
+cursory inspection, saw an organization in some bodies, and not in
+others. From the organization, they inferred the life, and supposed that
+plants, for instance, had life, but that minerals had none. This sort of
+argument was long deemed satisfactory; but, in the course of time, it
+broke down; more evidence was required, and, since the middle of the
+seventeenth century, it has been universally admitted, that the eye, by
+itself, is an untrustworthy witness, and that we must employ the
+microscope, instead of relying on the unaided testimony of our own puny
+and precarious senses. But the microscope is steadily improving, and we
+cannot tell what limits there are to its capacity for improvement.
+Consequently, we cannot tell what fresh secrets it may disclose. Neither
+can we say, that it may not be altogether superseded by some new
+artificial resource, which shall furnish us with evidence, as superior to
+any yet supplied, as our present evidence is superior to that of the
+naked eye. Even already, and notwithstanding the shortness of time during
+which the microscope has been a really effective instrument, it has
+revealed to us organizations, the existence of which no one had
+previously suspected. It has proved, that what, for thousands of years,
+had been deemed mere specks of inert matter, are, in truth, animals
+possessing most of the functions which we possess, reproducing their
+species in regular and orderly succession, and endowed with a nervous
+system, which shows that they must be susceptible of pain and enjoyment.
+It has detected life hidden in the glaciers of Switzerland; it has found
+it embedded in the polar ice, and, if it can flourish there, it is hard
+to say from what quarter it can be shut out. So unwilling, however, are
+most men to relinquish old notions, that the resources of chemistry have
+been called in, to ascertain the supposed difference between organic and
+inorganic matter: it being asserted, that, in the organic world, there is
+a greater complexity of molecular combination, than in the
+inorganic.[814] Chemists further assert, that, in organic nature, there
+is a predominance of carbon, and, in inorganic, a predominance of
+silicon.[815] But chemical analysis, like microscopic observation, is
+making such rapid strides, that each generation, I had almost said each
+year, is unsettling some of the conclusions previously established; so
+that, now, and for a long time hence, we must regard those conclusions as
+empirical, and, indeed, as merely tentative. Surely a permanent and
+universal inference cannot be drawn from shifting and precarious facts,
+which are admitted to-day, and may be overthrown to-morrow. It would,
+therefore, appear that, in favour of the opinion, that some bodies are
+living, and that others are dead, we have nothing, except the
+circumstance, that our researches, so far as they have yet gone, have
+shown that cellular structure, growth, and reproduction, are not the
+invariable properties of matter, but are excluded from a large part of
+the visible world, which, on that account, we call inanimate. This is the
+whole of the argument on that side of the question. On the other side, we
+have the fact, that our sight, and the artificial instruments, by whose
+aid we have arrived at this conclusion, are confessedly imperfect; and we
+have the further fact, that, imperfect as they are, they have proved,
+that the organic kingdom is infinitely more extensive than the boldest
+dreamer had ever imagined, while they have not been able to enlarge the
+boundaries of the inorganic kingdom to any thing like the same amount.
+This shows, that, so far as our opinions are concerned, the balance is
+steadily inclining in one given direction; in other words, as our
+knowledge advances, a belief in the organic is encroaching upon a belief
+in the inorganic.[816] When we, moreover, add, that all science is
+manifestly converging towards one simple and general theory, which shall
+cover the whole range of material phenomena, and that, at each successive
+step, some irregularities are explained away, and some inequalities are
+reduced, it can hardly be doubted, that such a movement tends to weaken
+those old distinctions, the reality of which has been too hastily
+assumed; and that, in their place, we must, sooner or later, substitute
+the more comprehensive view, that life is a property of all matter, and
+that the classification of bodies into animate and inanimate, or into
+organic and inorganic, is merely a provisional arrangement, convenient,
+perhaps, for our present purposes, but which, like all similar divisions,
+will eventually be merged in a higher and wider scheme.
+
+  [814] 'Organic substances, whether directly derived from the vegetable
+        or animal kingdom, or produced by the subsequent modification of
+        bodies which thus originate, are remarkable as a class for a
+        degree of complexity of constitution far exceeding that observed
+        in any of the compounds yet described.' _Fownes' Chemistry_, 3rd
+        edit., London, 1850, p. 353. I quote this, as the first authority
+        at hand, for a doctrine which is universally admitted by chemists,
+        and which is indubitably true, _so far as our experiments have at
+        present extended_.
+
+  [815] 'As the organic world is characterized by the predominance, in
+        quantity, of carbon, so the mineral or inorganic world is marked
+        by a similar predominance of silicon.' _Turner's Chemistry_,
+        edited by Liebig and Gregory, vol. ii. p. 678, London, 1847.
+
+  [816] I mean, of course, to apply this remark only to the globe we
+        inhabit, and not to extra-terrestrial phenomena. Respecting the
+        organization or non-organization of what exists out of this earth,
+        we have no evidence, and can hardly expect to have any for
+        centuries. Inferences have, indeed, been drawn from telescopic
+        observations; and attempts are now being made, abroad, to
+        determine, by a still more refined process, the physical
+        composition of some of the heavenly bodies. But without venturing,
+        in this note, to enter into such discussions, or even to state
+        their purport, I may say, that the difficulty of _verification_
+        will long prove an insuperable barrier to our knowledge of the
+        truth or falsehood of any results which may be obtained.
+
+Until, however, that step is taken, we must be content to reason
+according to the evidence supplied by our imperfect instruments, or by
+our still more imperfect senses. We, therefore, recognize the difference
+between organic and inorganic nature, not as a scientific truth, but as a
+scientific artifice, by which we separate in idea, what is inseparable in
+fact; hoping, in this way, to pursue our course with the greater ease,
+and ultimately to obtain results, which will make the artifice needless.
+Assuming, then, this division, we may refer all investigations of organic
+bodies to one of two objects. The first object is, to ascertain the law
+of those bodies, in their usual, healthy, or, as we somewhat erroneously
+phrase it, normal course. The other object is, to ascertain their law, in
+their unusual, unhealthy, or abnormal course. When we attempt to do the
+first of these things, we are physiologists. When we attempt to do the
+second, we are pathologists.[817]
+
+  [817] Mr. Simon, in his thoughtful and suggestive Lectures, says, 'We
+        may describe Pathology to consist in the Science of Life under
+        other conditions than those of ideal perfection.' _Simon's
+        Lectures on Pathology_, London, 1850, p. 14. This is by far the
+        best description I have met with; though, as it involves a
+        negative, it cannot be accepted as a definition. Indeed, the
+        context shows that Mr. Simon does not suppose it to be one.
+
+Physiology and pathology are thus the two fundamental divisions of all
+organic science.[818] Each is intimately connected with the other; and
+eventually, no doubt, both will be fused into a single study, by
+discovering laws which will prove that here, as elsewhere, nothing is
+really abnormal, or irregular. Hitherto, however, the physiologists have
+immeasurably outstripped the pathologists in the comprehensiveness of
+their views, and, therefore, in the value of their results. For, the
+best physiologists distinctly recognize that the basis of their science
+must include, not only the animals below man, but also the entire
+vegetable kingdom, and that, without this commanding survey of the whole
+realm of organic nature, we cannot possibly understand even human
+physiology, still less general physiology. The pathologists, on the other
+hand, are so much in arrear, that the diseases of the lower animals
+rarely form part of their plan; while the diseases of plants are almost
+entirely neglected, although it is certain that, until all these have
+been studied, and some steps taken to generalize them, every pathological
+conclusion will be eminently empirical, on account of the narrowness of
+the field from which it is collected.
+
+  [818] I formerly adopted the commonly received division of organic
+        statics, and organic dynamics; the statics being anatomy, and the
+        dynamics being physiology. But, I now think that our knowledge is
+        not sufficiently advanced to make this so convenient as the
+        division into physiological and pathological, or into normal and
+        abnormal, provided we remember that in reality nothing is
+        abnormal. The practically useful, but eminently unscientific,
+        doctrine, that there can be alteration of function without
+        alteration of structure, has effaced some of the most essential
+        distinctions between anatomy and physiology, and especially
+        between morbid anatomy and morbid physiology. Until those
+        distinctions are recognized, the scientific conceptions of
+        professional writers must be confused, however valuable their
+        practical suggestions may be. While men are capable of believing
+        that it is _possible_ for variations of function to proceed from
+        any cause except variations of structure, the philosophic
+        importance of anatomy will be imperfectly appreciated, and its
+        true relation to physiology will remain undefined. Inasmuch,
+        however, as, with our actual resources, the most careful
+        dissection is often unable to detect (in insanity, for instance)
+        those changes of structure which produce changes of function,
+        superficial thinkers are placed under a strong temptation to deny
+        their invariable connexion; and while the microscope is so
+        imperfect, and chemistry so backward, it is impossible that
+        experiments should always convince them of their mistake. Hence, I
+        believe that until our means of empirical research are greatly
+        improved, all such investigations, notwithstanding their immense
+        value in other respects, will tend to lead mere inductive minds
+        into error, by making them rely too much on what they call the
+        facts of the case, to the prejudice of the reason. This is what I
+        mean by saying, that our knowledge is not sufficiently advanced to
+        make it advisable to divide the sciences of organic bodies into
+        physiological and anatomical. At present, and probably for some
+        time yet, the humbler division into physiological and
+        pathological, may be deemed safer, and more likely to produce
+        solid results.
+
+The science of pathology being still so backward in the conception as
+well as in the execution, that even men of real ability believe that it
+can be raised from a mere study of the human frame, it will hardly be
+expected that the Scotch, notwithstanding the marvellous boldness of
+their speculations, should have been able, in the eighteenth century, to
+anticipate a method which the nineteenth century has yet to employ. But
+they produced two pathologists of great ability, and to whom we owe
+considerable obligations. These were, Cullen and John Hunter.[819] Cullen
+was eminent only as a pathologist; but Hunter, whose fine and discursive
+genius took a much wider range, was great both in physiology and in
+pathology. A short account of their generalizations respecting organic
+science, will be a fitting sequel to the notices I have already given of
+what was done by their countrymen for inorganic science, during the same
+period. It will complete our survey of the Scotch intellect, and will
+enable the reader to form some idea of the brilliant achievements of that
+most remarkable people, who, contrary to the course of affairs in all
+other modern nations, have shown that scientific discoveries do not
+necessarily weaken superstition, and that it is possible for two hostile
+principles to flourish side by side, without ever coming into actual
+collision, or without sensibly impairing each other's vigour.
+
+  [819] Hunter, as we shall presently see, did take an extraordinarily
+        comprehensive view of pathology, including the whole of the
+        organic world and even the aberrations of form in the inorganic.
+
+In 1751, Cullen was appointed professor of medicine in the University of
+Glasgow;[820] from which, however, in 1756, he was removed to the
+University of Edinburgh,[821] where he delivered those celebrated
+lectures, on which his fame now depends. During the early part of his
+career, he paid great attention to inorganic physics, and propounded some
+remarkable speculations, which are supposed to have suggested the theory
+of latent heat to Black, who was his pupil.[822] But, to follow out those
+views, would have required a number of minute experiments, which it did
+not suit the habit of his mind to make. Having, therefore, put forth his
+ideas, he left them to germinate, and passed on to his arduous attempt to
+generalize the laws of disease as they are exhibited in the human frame.
+In the study of disease, the phenomena being more obscure and less
+amenable to experiment, there was greater latitude for speculation;
+hence, he could more easily indulge in that love of theory, which was his
+ruling passion, and with an extreme devotion to which he has been
+reproached.[823] That the reproach is not altogether unjust, must, I
+think, be admitted, since we find him laying down the doctrine, that,
+inasmuch as, in the treatment of disease, theory could not be separated
+from practice, it was unimportant which came first.[824] This was
+tantamount to saying, that a medical practitioner might allow his
+theories to control his observations; for it is certain that, in an
+immense majority of cases, men are so tenacious of the opinions they
+imbibe, that whatever, in any pursuit, first occupies their
+understanding, is likely to mould all that comes afterwards. In ordinary
+minds, associations of ideas, if firmly established, become indissoluble;
+and the power of separating them, and of arranging them in new
+combinations, is one of the rarest of our endowments. An average
+intellect, when once possessed by a theory, can hardly ever escape from
+it. Hence, in practical matters, theory should be feared, just as, in
+scientific matters, it should be cherished; because practical pursuits
+are chiefly engrossed by the lower class of minds, where associations and
+the force of prejudice are extremely strong, while scientific pursuits
+concern the higher class, where such prepossessions are comparatively
+weak, and where close associations are more easily severed. The most
+powerful intellects are most accustomed to new arrangements of thought,
+and are, therefore, most able to break up old ones. On them, belief sits
+lightly, because they well know how little evidence we have for many of
+even our oldest beliefs. But the average, or, as we must say, without
+meaning offence, the inferior, minds, are not disturbed by these
+refinements. Theories, which they have once heartily embraced, they can
+hardly ever get rid of, and they often dignify them with the name of
+essential truths, and resent every attack upon them as a personal injury.
+Having inherited such theories from their fathers, they regard them with
+a sort of filial piety, and cling to them as if they were some rich
+acquisition, which no one has a right to touch.
+
+  [820] _Thomson's Life of Cullen_, vol. i. p. 70, Edinburgh, 1832.
+
+  [821] _Thomson's Life of Cullen_, vol. i. p. 96. Bower states that
+        Cullen 'was appointed to the chair in 1755.' _Bower's History of
+        the University of Edinburgh_, vol. ii. p. 216, Edinburgh, 1817.
+
+  [822] 'It seems impossible to peruse the passages I have quoted from
+        Dr. Cullen's manuscript lectures and papers, and from his Essay on
+        Evaporation, without perceiving that his investigations with
+        regard to the heat and cold occasioned by the combination,
+        liquefaction, and evaporation of bodies, must not only have
+        assisted to direct the attention of his pupil Dr. Black to similar
+        inquiries, but must also have furnished him with several of the
+        data from which his simple and comprehensive theory of Latent Heat
+        was afterwards so philosophically deduced.' _Thomson's Life of
+        Cullen_, vol. i. p. 56.
+
+  [823] 'It is allowed by the admirers of this great man, that he was
+        perhaps too fond of theory.' _Bower's History of the University of
+        Edinburgh_, vol. iii. p. 273
+
+  [824] In 1759, he wrote to Dr. Balfour Russell, one of his favourite
+        pupils: 'You will not find it possible to separate practice from
+        theory altogether; and therefore, if you have a mind to begin with
+        the theory, I have no objection.' _Thomson's Life of Cullen_, vol.
+        i. p. 130. Compare his _Introductory Lectures to the Practice of
+        Physic_, where, asserting truly, 'that reasoning in physic is
+        unavoidable' (_Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 417), he boldly infers,
+        'that to render it safe, it is _necessary to cultivate theory in
+        its full extent_.'
+
+To this latter class, nearly all men belong, who are more engaged in
+practical pursuits than in speculative ones. Among them, are the ordinary
+practitioners, whether in medicine or in any other department, extremely
+few of whom are willing to break up trains of thought to which they are
+inured.[825] Though they profess to despise theory, they are, in reality,
+enslaved by it. All that they can do, is to conceal their subjection, by
+terming their theory a necessary belief. It must, therefore, be deemed a
+remarkable proof of Cullen's love of deductive reasoning, that he,
+sagacious and clear-sighted as he was, should have supposed that, in so
+practical an art as medicine, theory could, with impunity, precede
+practice. For, it is most assuredly true, that, taking men in the
+average, their minds are so constructed, that it cannot precede it
+without controlling it. It is equally true, that such control must be
+hurtful. Even now, and notwithstanding the great steps which have been
+taken in morbid anatomy, in animal chemistry, and in the microscopic
+investigation both of the fluids and solids of the human frame, the
+treatment of disease is a question of art, far more than a question of
+science. What chiefly characterizes the most eminent physicians, and
+gives them their real superiority, is not so much the extent of their
+theoretical knowledge,--though that, too, is often considerable,--but it
+is that fine and delicate perception which they owe, partly to
+experience, and partly to a natural quickness in detecting analogies and
+differences which escape ordinary observers. The process which they
+follow, is one of rapid, and, in some degree, unconscious, induction. And
+this is the reason why the greatest physiologists and chemists, which the
+medical profession possesses, are not, as a matter of course, the best
+curers of disease. If medicine were a science, they would always be the
+best. But medicine, being still essentially an art, depends mainly upon
+qualities which each practitioner has to acquire for himself, and which
+no scientific theory can teach. The time for a general theory has not yet
+come, and probably many generations will have to elapse before it does
+come. To suppose, therefore, that a theory of disease should, as a matter
+of education, precede the treatment of disease, is not only practically
+dangerous, but logically false. With its practical danger I am not now
+concerned; but its logical aspect is a curious illustration of that
+passion for systematic and dialectic reasoning which characterized
+Scotland. It shows that Cullen, in his eagerness to argue from principles
+to facts, instead of from facts to principles, could, in the most
+important of all arts, recommend a method of procedure, for which even
+our knowledge is not ripe, but which, in his time, was so singularly rash
+and immature, that nothing can explain its adoption by a man of such
+vigorous understanding, except the circumstance of his living in a
+country in which that peculiar method reigned supreme.
+
+  [825] Even Cullen himself says, rather roughly, 'The great horde of
+        physicians are always servile imitators, who can neither perceive
+        nor correct the faults of their system, and are always ready to
+        growl at, and even to worry, the ingenious person that could
+        attempt it. Thus was the system of Galen secured in the possession
+        of the schools of physic, till soon after the irruption of the
+        Goths and Vandals destroyed every vestige of literature in the
+        western parts of Europe, and drove all that remained of it to seek
+        a feeble protection at Constantinople.' _Lectures Introductory to
+        the Practice of Physic_, in _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 386,
+        Edinburgh, 1827.
+
+It must, however, be admitted that Cullen wielded the method with great
+ability, especially in his application of it to the science of pathology,
+to which it was far better suited than to the art of therapeutics. For,
+we must always remember, that the science which investigates the laws of
+disease, is quite a different thing from the art which cures it. The
+science has a speculative interest, which is irrespective of all
+practical considerations, and which depends simply on the fact, that,
+when it is completed, it will explain the aberrations of the whole
+organic world. Pathology aims at ascertaining the causes which determine
+every departure from the natural type, whether of form or of function.
+Hence it is, that no one can take a comprehensive view of the actual
+state of knowledge, without studying the theoretic relations between
+pathology and other departments of inquiry. To do this, is the business,
+not of practical men, but of philosophers, properly so called. The
+philosophic pathologist is as different from the physician, as a jurist
+is different from an advocate, or as an agricultural chemist is different
+from a farmer, or as a political economist is different from a statesman,
+or as an astronomer, who generalizes the laws of the heavenly bodies, is
+different from a captain, who navigates his ship by a practical
+application of those laws. The two sets of functions may be united, and
+occasionally, though very rarely, they are, but there is no necessity for
+their being so. While, therefore, it would be absurdly presumptuous for
+an unprofessional person to pass judgment on the therapeutical system of
+Cullen, it is perfectly legitimate for any one, who has studied the
+theory of these matters, to examine his pathological system; because
+that, like all scientific systems, must be amenable to general
+considerations, which are to be taken, partly from the adjoining
+sciences, and partly from the universal logic of philosophic method.
+
+It is from this latter, or logical, point of view, that Cullen's
+pathology is interesting for the purposes of the present chapter. The
+character of his investigations may be illustrated by saying, that his
+method in pathology is analogous to that which Adam Smith adopted at the
+same time, though in a very different field. Both were deductive; and
+both, before arguing deductively, suppressed some of the premisses from
+which they reasoned. That this suppression is the key to Adam Smith's
+method, and was an intentional part of his plan, I have already shown; as
+also that, in each of his two works, he supplied the premisses in which
+the other work was deficient. In this respect, he was far superior to
+Cullen. For, though Cullen, like Smith, began by mutilating his problem
+in order to solve it more readily, he, unlike Smith, did not see the
+necessity of instituting another and parallel inquiry, which should
+complete the scheme, by starting from the premisses that had been
+previously omitted.
+
+What I have termed the mutilation of the problem, was effected by Cullen
+in the following manner. His object was, to generalize the phenomena of
+disease, as they are exhibited in the human frame; and it was obvious to
+him, as to every one else, that the human frame consists partly of solids
+and partly of fluids. The peculiarity of his pathology is, that he
+reasons almost entirely from the laws of the solids, and makes so little
+account of the fluids, that he will only allow them to be the indirect
+causes of disease, which, in a scientific view, are to be deemed strictly
+subordinate to the direct causes, as represented by the solid
+constituents of our body.[826] This assumption, though false, was
+perfectly justifiable, since, by curtailing the problem, he simplified
+its study; just as Adam Smith, in his _Wealth of Nations_, simplified the
+study of human nature, by curtailing it of all its sympathy. But this
+most comprehensive thinker was careful, in his _Theory of Moral
+Sentiments_, to restore to human nature the quality of which the _Wealth
+of Nations_ had deprived it; and, by thus establishing two different
+lines of argument, he embraced the whole subject. In the same way, it was
+incumbent on Cullen, after having constructed a theory of disease by
+reasoning from the solids, to have constructed another theory by
+reasoning from the fluids; so that a cooerdination of the two theories
+might have raised a science of pathology, as complete as the then state
+of knowledge allowed.[827] But to this, his mind was unequal. Able though
+he was, he lacked the grasp of intellect which characterized Adam Smith,
+and which made that great man perceive, that every deductive argument
+which is founded on a suppression of premisses, must be compensated by a
+parallel argument, which takes those premisses into account.[828] So
+little was Cullen aware of this, that, having built up that system of
+pathology which is known to medical writers as Solidism, he never took
+the pains to accompany it by another system, which gave the first rank to
+the fluids. On the contrary, he believed that his plan was complete and
+exhaustive, and that what is termed Humoral Pathology was a fiction,
+which had too long usurped the place of truth.[829]
+
+  [826] This idea runs through the whole of his writings. In the following
+        passage, it is more succinctly stated than in any other: 'In
+        pathology, and in the prognosis of particular diseases, it is
+        absolutely necessary to enter into the distinction of these
+        causes. I call the one _direct_ causes, those which act upon the
+        nervous system directly; and the other _indirect_ causes, those
+        which produce the same effect, but by destroying those organs
+        which are necessary to the support of the excitement, viz. the
+        whole system of circulation.' _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 135.
+        Even this passage, clear as it seems, can only be rightly
+        interpreted by taking the context into consideration.
+
+  [827] For, as is truly observed by probably the greatest pathologist of
+        our time, 'Humoral pathology is simply a requirement of common
+        practical sense; and it has always held a place in medical
+        science, although the limits of its domain have, no doubt, been
+        variously circumscribed or interpreted at different times. Of late
+        years, it has met with a new basis and support in morbid anatomy,
+        which, in the inadequacy of its discoveries in the solids to
+        account for disease and death, has been compelled to seek for an
+        extension of its boundary through a direct examination of the
+        blood itself.' _Rokitansky's Pathological Anatomy_, vol. i. p.
+        362, London, 1854.
+
+  [828] Unless, as is the case in geometry, the premisses, which are
+        suppressed, are so slight as to be scarcely perceptible.
+
+  [829] He was so indignant at the bare idea of a humoral pathology, that
+        even Hoffmann, who before himself was the most eminent advocate of
+        solidism, fell under his displeasure for allowing some little
+        weight to the humoral doctrines. He says that Hoffmann 'has not
+        applied his fundamental doctrine so extensively as he might have
+        done; and he has everywhere intermixed an humoral pathology, as
+        incorrect and hypothetical as any other.' _Cullen's Works_, vol.
+        i. p. 410. At p. 470, 'I have, therefore, assumed the general
+        principles of Hoffmann. And, if I have rendered them more correct,
+        and more extensive in their application, and, _more particularly,
+        if I have avoided introducing the many hypothetical doctrines of
+        the Humoral Pathology which disfigured both his and all the other
+        systems that have hitherto prevailed_, I hope I shall be excused
+        for attempting a system, which, upon the whole, may appear new.'
+
+Several of the views advocated by Cullen were taken from Hoffmann, and
+several of the facts from Gaubius; but that his pathology, considered as
+a whole, is essentially original, is evident from a certain unity of
+design which is inconsistent with extensive plagiarism, and which proves
+that he had thoroughly thought out his subject for himself. Without,
+however, stopping to inquire how much he borrowed from others, I will
+briefly indicate a few of the salient points of his system, in order to
+enable the reader to understand its general character.
+
+According to Cullen, all the solids in the human body are either simple
+or vital. The simple solids retain, after death, the properties which
+they possessed during life. But the vital solids, which form the
+fundamental part of the nervous system, are marked by properties, which
+disappear directly death occurs.[830] Hence, the simple solids, having
+fewer functions than the vital, have also fewer diseases; and the
+maladies to which they are liable admit of easy classification.[831] The
+real difficulty lies in the vital solids, because on their peculiarities
+the whole nervous system depends, and nearly all disorders are
+immediately due to changes in them. Cullen, therefore, made the nervous
+system the basis of his pathology; and, in speculating on its functions,
+he assigned the chief place to an occult principle, which he termed the
+Animal Power, or Energy, of the brain.[832] This principle acted on the
+vital solids. When the principle worked well, the body was healthy; when
+it worked ill, the body was unhealthy. Since, then, the state of the
+vital solids was the main cause of disorder, and since the Energy of the
+brain was the main cause of the state of the vital solids, it became
+important to know what the influences were which acted on the Energy,
+because in them we should find the beginning of the series. Those
+influences were divided by Cullen into physical and mental. The physical
+were, heat, cold, and effluvia, the three most potent of the material
+disturbers of the human frame.[833] The mental influences, which excited
+the brain to act on the solids, were comprised under six different heads,
+namely, the will, the emotions, the appetites, the propensities, and,
+finally, the two great principles of habit and of imitation, on which he,
+with good reason, laid considerable stress.[834] In arguing from these
+mental causes, and in generalizing the relations between them and the
+sensations of the body, he, faithful to his favourite method, proceeded
+deductively from the metaphysical principles then in vogue, without
+inquiring inductively into their validity, such an induction being, he
+thought, no part of his duty.[835] He was too anxious to get on with his
+dialectic, to be interrupted by so trifling a matter as the truth or
+falsehood of the premisses on which the reason rested. What he did in the
+metaphysical part of his pathology, he also did in its physical part.
+Although the blood and the nerves are the two leading features of the
+human economy, he did not search into them by a separate induction; he
+subjected them neither to chemical experiments in order to learn their
+composition, nor to microscopic observations in order to learn their
+structure.[836] This is the more observable, because though we must admit
+that animal chemistry was then generally neglected, and that its real
+meaning was scarcely understood until the wonderful labours of Berzelius
+revealed its importance, still the microscope was ready to Cullen's
+hands; it having been invented a hundred and fifty years before he
+completed his pathology, and having been in common scientific use for
+about a hundred years. But his love of synthesis overcame him. His system
+is constructed by reasoning from general principles; and of that process,
+he certainly was a consummate master. Between the premisses and the
+conclusion, he hardly ever lets error creep in. And, in reference to the
+results of his speculations, he had one immense merit, which will always
+secure to him a conspicuous place in the history of pathology. By
+insisting on the importance of the solids, he, one-sided though he was,
+corrected the equal one-sidedness of his predecessors; for, with
+extremely few exceptions, all the best pathologists, from Galen
+downwards, had erred in ascribing too much to the fluids, and had upheld
+a purely humoral pathology. Cullen turned the minds of men in the other
+direction; and though, in teaching them that the nervous system is the
+sole primary seat of disease, he committed a great mistake, it was a
+mistake of the most salutary kind. By leaning on that side, he restored
+the balance. Hence, I have no doubt, he indirectly encouraged those
+minute researches into the nerves, which he would not himself stop to
+make, but which, in the next generation, gave rise to the capital
+discoveries of Bell, Shaw, Mayo, and Marshall Hall. At the same time, the
+old humoral pathology, which had prevailed for many centuries, was
+practically pernicious, because, assuming that all diseases are in the
+blood, it produced that constant and indiscriminate venesection, which
+destroyed innumerable lives, besides the irreparable injury it often
+inflicted both on body and mind; weakening those whom it was unable to
+slay. Against this merciless onslaught, which made medicine the curse of
+mankind, the Solid Pathology was the first effective barrier.[837]
+Practically, therefore, as well as speculatively, we must hail Cullen as
+a great benefactor of his species; and we must regard his appearance as
+an epoch in the history of human comfort, as well as in the history of
+human thought.
+
+  [830] 'The solid parts of the body seem to be of two kinds: one whose
+        properties are the same in the dead as in the living, and the same
+        in the animate as in many inanimate bodies; the other, whose
+        properties appear only in living bodies. In the last, a peculiar
+        organization, or addition, is supposed to take place; in
+        opposition to which the first are called the simple solids. Of
+        these only, we shall treat here; and of the others, which may be
+        called vital solids, being the fundamental part of the nervous
+        system, we shall treat under that title in the following section.'
+        _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 10.
+
+  [831] These diseases are laxity, flaccidity, &c. See the enumeration of
+        'the diseases of the simple solids,' in _Cullen's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 14.
+
+  [832] _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. pp. 65, 600, vol. ii. p. 364.
+        Dr. Thomson, who had access to papers and lectures of Cullen's,
+        which have never been published, says (_Life of Cullen_, vol. i.
+        p. 265), 'His speculations with regard to the different functions
+        of the nervous system, but more particularly with regard to that
+        of the Animal Power or Energy of the brain, were incorporated with
+        every opinion which he taught concerning the phenomena of the
+        animal economy, the causes of diseases, and the operation of
+        medicines; and they may be said to constitute a most important
+        part, if not the sole basis, of that system of the Practice of
+        Physic, which he made the subject of prelection, as well as of
+        study, for a period of nearly forty years, before he ventured to
+        give it to the public.' I should mention, that Cullen, under the
+        term 'brain,' included the contents of the vertebral column as
+        well as of the cranium.
+
+  [833] _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. pp. 40, 546, 558, 648, vol. ii. p. 321.
+
+  [834] _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. pp. 86, 91, 100, 101, 108, 115, 116,
+        553, 592, vol. ii. pp. 35, 366. Compare the summary of causes in
+        _Thomson's Life of Cullen_, vol. i. p. 289.
+
+  [835] He says (_Works_, vol. i. pp. 31, 32), 'Whoever has the smallest
+        tincture of metaphysics will know the distinction pointed at here
+        between the qualities of bodies as primary and secondary.' ...
+        '_Whether these distinctions be well or ill founded, it is not my
+        business to inquire._' But though he did not deem it his business
+        to inquire into the accuracy of these and similar distinctions, he
+        thought himself justified in assuming them, and reasoning from
+        them as if they could explain the working of those sensations,
+        whose perversion formed the point of contact between metaphysics
+        and pathology. See, for instance, in his _Works_, vol. i. p. 46,
+        the long series of unproved and improvable assertions respecting
+        the combination and comparison of sensations giving rise to
+        memory, imagination, and the like.
+
+  [836] Cullen, with that admirable candour which was one of the most
+        attractive peculiarities of his fine intellect, confesses his want
+        of acquaintance with the microscope: 'It leaves me, who am not
+        conversant in such observations, altogether uncertain with respect
+        to the precise nature of this part of the blood.' _Cullen's
+        Works_, vol. i. p. 195. A pathologist without a microscope is an
+        unarmed man, indeed. In regard to his animal chemistry, one
+        passage may be quoted as a specimen of the manner in which he
+        arrived at conclusions speculatively, instead of subjecting the
+        phenomena to experimental investigation. 'We may remark it to be
+        highly probable, that all animal matter is originally formed of
+        vegetable; because all animals either feed directly and entirely
+        on vegetables, or upon other animals that do so. From hence it is
+        probable, that all animal substances may be traced to a vegetable
+        origin; and _therefore_, if we would inquire into the production
+        of animal matter, we _must first inquire_ in what manner vegetable
+        matter may be converted into animal?' _Cullen's Works_, vol. i.
+        pp. 177, 178. The _therefore_ and the _must_, resulting merely
+        from an antecedent probability, are characteristic of that
+        over-boldness, into which deduction is apt to degenerate, and
+        which is strongly contrasted with the opposite vice of
+        over-timidity, by which inductive reasoners are tainted.
+
+  [837] Dr. Watson (_Principles and Practice of Physic_, 4th edit. London,
+        1857, vol. i. p. 41) says of the humoral pathology, that, 'the
+        absurdity of the hypothesis, and _still more the dangerous
+        practice which this doctrine generated_, began to be manifest, and
+        led to its total abandonment.' But, with every respect for this
+        eminent authority, I venture to observe, that this supposition of
+        Dr. Watson's is contradicted by the whole history of the human
+        mind. There is no well-attested case on record of any theory
+        having been abandoned, because it produced dangerous results. As
+        long as a theory is believed, men will ascribe its evil
+        consequences to any cause except the right one. And a theory which
+        is once established, will always be believed, until there is some
+        change in knowledge which shakes its foundation. Every practical
+        change may, by careful analysis, be shown to depend, in the first
+        instance, on some change of speculative opinions. Even at the
+        present day, many doctrines are generally held in the most
+        civilized countries, which are producing dangerous practical
+        consequences, and have produced those consequences for centuries.
+        But the mischief which the doctrine engenders does not weaken the
+        doctrine itself. Nothing can do that, but the general progress of
+        knowledge, which, by altering former opinions, modifies future
+        conduct.
+
+It may, perhaps, facilitate the conceptions of unprofessional readers, if
+I give, in as few words as possible, a specimen of the way in which
+Cullen employed his method, in investigating the theory of some one class
+of diseases. For this purpose, I will select his doctrine of fever,
+which, though now generally abandoned, once exercised more influence than
+any other part of his pathology. Here, as elsewhere, he reasons from the
+solids.[838] Disregarding the state of the blood, he says, that the cause
+of all fever is a diminished energy of the brain.[839] Such diminution
+may be produced by various sedatives, the most common of which are
+effluvia, whether marsh or human, intemperance, fear, and cold.[840]
+Directly the energy of the brain is impaired, the disease begins. Rapidly
+passing through the nervous system, its first palpable effect is a chill,
+or cold fit, which is accompanied by a spasm on the extremities of the
+arteries, particularly where they touch the surface of the body.[841]
+This spasm on the extreme vessels, irritates the heart and arteries, and
+the irritation continues till the spasm is relaxed.[842] At the same
+time, the increased action of the heart restores the energy of the brain;
+the system rallies; the extreme vessels are relieved; while, as a
+consequence of the whole movement, sweat is excreted, and the fever
+abates.[843] Shutting out, therefore, all consideration of the fluids of
+the body, the successive stages of languor, cold fit, and hot fit, might,
+in Cullen's opinion, be generalized by reasoning merely from the solids,
+which, furthermore, produced his well-known distinction between fevers,
+the continuance of which is owing to an excess of spasm, and those, the
+continuance of which is owing to an excess of debility.[844]
+
+  [838] Some writers, who have taken notice of Cullen, have been deceived
+        in this respect by his occasional use of the expression 'nervous
+        fluid,' as if he were willing to let in the idea of humorism. But,
+        in one place, he distinctly guards himself against such
+        misconstruction. 'Now, to avoid determining any thing with regard
+        to these opinions, I have used the term of _nervous power_; but as
+        this is a little ambiguous, I choose to express it by _nervous
+        fluid_; not that I suppose, with Dr. Boerhaave, that the brain is
+        an excretory, and that a fluid is secreted from it: _I mean
+        nothing more than that there is a condition of the nerves which
+        fits them for the communication of motion_. But I defer the
+        consideration of these opinions for the present, and perhaps _ad
+        Graecas calendas_; but nothing shall be rested upon the nervous
+        fluid, it shall be considered merely as _a power_ fitted for
+        communicating motions.' _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 17. Without
+        this passage, his remarks on 'the nervous fluid in the brain'
+        (_Works_, vol. i. p. 129), might easily be misunderstood.
+
+  [839] 'Together with this, the languor, inactivity, and debility of the
+        animal motions, the imperfect sensations, the feeling of cold,
+        while the body is truly warm, and some other symptoms, all show
+        that the energy of the brain is, on this occasion, greatly
+        weakened; and I presume that, as the weakness of the action of the
+        heart can hardly be imputed to any other cause, this weakness also
+        is a proof of the diminished energy of the brain. So I conclude,
+        that a debility of the nervous power forms the beginning of the
+        cold fit, and lays the foundation of all the other phenomena.'
+        _Practice of Physic_, in _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 492.
+
+  [840] 'To render our doctrine of fever consistent and complete, it is
+        necessary to add here, that these remote causes of fever, human
+        and marsh effluvia, seem to be of a debilitating or sedative
+        quality.' ... 'Though we have endeavoured to show that fevers
+        generally arise from marsh or human effluvia, we cannot, with any
+        certainty, exclude some other remote causes, which are commonly
+        supposed to have at least a share in producing those diseases. And
+        I proceed, therefore, to inquire concerning these causes; the
+        first of which that merits attention, is the power of cold applied
+        to the human body.' ... 'Besides cold, there are other powers that
+        seem to be remote causes of fever; such as fear, intemperance in
+        drinking, excess in venery, and other circumstances, which
+        evidently weaken the system. But whether any of these sedative
+        powers be alone the remote cause of fever, or if they only operate
+        either as concurring with the operation of marsh or human
+        effluvia, or as giving an opportunity to the operation of cold,
+        are questions not to be positively answered.' _Practice of
+        Physic_, in _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. pp. 546, 552. One part of
+        this view has been corroborated, since the time of Cullen. 'The
+        experiments of Chossat and others clearly prove cold to be a
+        direct sedative.' _Williams' Principles of Medicine_, 2nd edit.
+        London, 1848, p. 11. Compare _Watson's Principles and Practice of
+        Physic_, 4th edit. London, 1857, vol. i. pp. 87-92, 249. Hence,
+        perhaps, the 'irresistible tendency to sleep caused by exposure to
+        severe or long-continued cold.' _Erichsen's Surgery_, 2nd edit.
+        London, 1857, p. 336; but as to this, Dr. Watson (_Principles of
+        Physic_, vol. i. p. 89) is sceptical, and thinks that, in those
+        cases which are recorded, the drowsiness ascribed to cold, is, in
+        a great measure, the result of fatigue.
+
+  [841] _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 493. Compare, respecting his general
+        theory of spasm, p. 84, and vol. ii. p. 400.
+
+  [842] 'The idea of fever, then, may be, that a spasm of the extreme
+        vessels, however induced, proves an irritation to the heart and
+        arteries; and that this continues till the spasm is relaxed or
+        overcome.' _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 494.
+
+  [843] 'Such, however, is, at the same time, the nature of the animal
+        economy, that this debility proves an indirect stimulus to the
+        sanguiferous system; whence, by the intervention of the cold stage
+        and spasm connected with it, the action of the heart and larger
+        arteries is increased, and continues so till it has had the effect
+        of restoring the energy of the brain, of extending this energy to
+        the extreme vessels, of restoring, therefore, their action, and
+        thereby especially overcoming the spasm affecting them; upon the
+        removing of which, the excretion of sweat, and other marks of the
+        relaxation of excretories, take place.' _Practice of Physic_, in
+        _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. pp. 501, 502. See also p. 636, Sec. cciii.
+        Or, as he elsewhere expresses himself (vol. i. p. 561): 'With
+        regard to the event of fevers, this is the fundamental principle:
+        _in fevers, nature cures the disease_; that is, certain motions
+        tending to death continue the disease, but, in consequence of the
+        laws of the animal economy, other motions are excited by these
+        which have a tendency to remove it.'
+
+  [844] 'If we may trust to our conclusions with respect to the proximate
+        cause, it follows, most naturally, from the view there given, that
+        the continued fever is always owing to an excess of spasm, or to
+        an excess of debility: as the one or other of these prevails, it
+        will give one or other of the two forms, either the Synocha or
+        inflammatory fever, or the Typhus or nervous fever.' _Cullen's
+        Works_, vol. i. p. 518.
+
+A similar process of thought gave birth to his _Nosology_, or general
+classification of diseases, which some have regarded as the most valuable
+part of his labours;[845] though, for reasons already mentioned, we
+must, I think, reject all such attempts as premature, and as likely to
+work more harm than good, unless they are simply used as a contrivance to
+aid the memory. At all events, the _Nosology_ of Cullen, though it
+exhibits clear traces of his powerful and organizing mind, is fast
+falling into disrepute, and we may be sure, that, for a long time yet, a
+similar fate will await its successors. Our pathological knowledge is
+still too young for so great an enterprise.[846] We have every reason to
+expect, that, with the aid of chemistry, and of the microscope, it will
+continue to grow more rapidly than it has hitherto done. Without
+venturing to predict the rate of its increase, we may form some idea of
+it, by considering what has been effected with resources very inferior to
+those we now possess. In a work of great authority, published in the year
+1848, it is stated, that since the appearance of Cullen's _Nosology_, our
+mere enumeration of diseases has almost doubled, while our knowledge of
+the facts relating to disease has more than doubled.[847]
+
+  [845] 'Cullen's most esteemed work is his _Nosology_.' _Hamilton's
+        History of Medicine_, London, 1831, vol. ii. p. 279. 'His
+        _Nosology_ will probably survive all his other works; it is
+        indisputably the best system which has yet appeared.' _Lives of
+        British Physicians_, London, 1830, p. 213. 'Celle de Cullen, qui
+        parut en 1772, et qui constitue un veritable progres.' _Renouard_,
+        _Histoire de la Medecine_, Paris, 1846, vol. ii. p. 231. See also
+        _Hooper's Medical Dictionary_, edited by Dr. Grant, London, 1848,
+        p. 937. But, in the most celebrated medical works which have
+        appeared in England during the last twelve or fifteen years, I
+        doubt if there is any instance of the adoption of Cullen's
+        nosological arrangement. Abroad, and particularly in Italy, it is
+        more valued.
+
+  [846] 'I had rather not be cramped and hampered by attempting what abler
+        heads than mine have failed to achieve, and what, in truth, I
+        believe, in the present state of our science, to be impossible, a
+        complete methodical system of nosology.' _Watson's Principles and
+        Practice of Physic_, London, 1857, vol. i. p. 9. This is the
+        wisdom of a powerful understanding.
+
+  [847] 'Now, when the diseases of Cullen's nosology have been almost
+        doubled, and the facts relating to them have been more than
+        doubled.' _Williams' Principles of Medicine_, London, 1848,
+        p. 522.
+
+I have now only one more name to add to this splendid catalogue of the
+great Scotchmen of the eighteenth century.[848] But it is the name of a
+man, who, for comprehensive and original genius, comes immediately after
+Adam Smith, and must be placed far above any other philosopher whom
+Scotland has produced. I mean, of course, John Hunter, whose only fault
+was, an occasional obscurity, not merely of language, but also of
+thought. In this respect, and, perhaps, in this alone, Adam Smith had the
+advantage; for his mind was so flexible, and moved so freely, that even
+the vastest designs were unable to oppress it. With Hunter, on the
+contrary, it sometimes seemed as if the understanding was troubled by the
+grandeur of his own conceptions, and doubted what path it ought to take.
+He hesitated; the utterance of his intellect was indistinct.[849] Still,
+his powers were so extraordinary, that, among the great masters of
+organic science, he belongs, I apprehend, to the same rank as Aristotle,
+Harvey, and Bichat, and is somewhat superior either to Haller or Cuvier.
+As to this classification, men will differ, according to their different
+ideas of the nature of science, and, above all, according to the extent
+to which they appreciate the importance of philosophic method. It is from
+this latter point of view that I have, at present, to consider the
+character of John Hunter; and, in tracing the movements of his most
+remarkable mind, we shall find, that, in it, deduction and induction were
+more intimately united than in any other Scotch intellect, either of the
+seventeenth or eighteenth century. The causes of this unusual
+combination, I will now endeavour to ascertain. When they are understood,
+they will not only explain many peculiarities in his works, but will
+afford materials for speculation, to those who love to examine the
+development of ideas, and who are able to discern the way in which
+different schemes of national thought have given different shapes to
+national character, and have thereby modified the whole course of human
+affairs, to an extent of which the ordinary compilers of history have not
+the slightest suspicion.
+
+  [848] I had intended giving some account of the once celebrated
+        Brunonian system, which was founded by Dr. John Brown, who was
+        first the pupil of Cullen, and afterwards his rival. But a careful
+        perusal of his works has convinced me that the real basis of his
+        doctrine, or the point from which he started, was not pathology,
+        but therapeutics. His hasty division of all diseases into sthenic
+        and asthenic, has no claim to be deemed a scientific
+        generalization, but was a mere artificial arrangement, resulting
+        from a desire to substitute a stimulating treatment in the place
+        of the old lowering one. He, no doubt, went to the opposite
+        extreme; but that being a purely practical subject, this
+        Introduction has no concern with it. For the same reason, I omit
+        all mention of Currie, who, though an eminent therapeutician, was
+        a commonplace pathologist. That so poor and thinly-peopled a
+        country as Scotland, should, in so short a period, have produced
+        so many remarkable men, is extremely curious.
+
+  [849] Mr. Ottley (_Life of Hunter_, p. 186) says, 'In his writings we
+        occasionally find an obscurity in the expression of his thoughts,
+        a want of logical accuracy in his reasonings, and an incorrectness
+        in his language, resulting from a deficient education.' But, a
+        deficient education will never make a man obscure. Neither will a
+        good education make him lucid. The only cause of clearness of
+        expression is clearness of thought; and clearness of thought is a
+        natural gift, which the most finished and systematic culture can
+        but slightly improve. Uneducated men, without a thousandth part of
+        John Hunter's intellect, are often clear enough. On the other
+        hand, it as frequently happens that men, who have received an
+        excellent education, cannot speak or write ten consecutive
+        sentences which do not contain some troublesome ambiguity. In
+        Hunter's works such ambiguities are abundant; and this is probably
+        one of the reasons why no one has yet given a connected view of
+        his philosophy. On his obscurity, compare _Cooper's Life of Sir
+        Astley Cooper_, London, 1843, vol. i. pp. 151, 152; _Paget's
+        Lectures on Surgical Pathology_, London, 1853, vol. i. p. 419; and
+        the remarks of his enemy, Foot, in _Foot's Life of Hunter_,
+        London, 1794, p. 59.
+
+Hunter remained in Scotland till the age of twenty, when he settled in
+London; and, though he was abroad for about three years, he abandoned his
+own country, and became, socially and intellectually, a native of
+England.[850] Hence, the early associations of his mind were formed in
+the midst of a deductive nation; the later associations, in the midst of
+an inductive one. For twenty years he lived among a people, who are,
+perhaps, the acutest reasoners in Europe, if you concede to them the
+principles from which they reason; but who, on the other hand, owing to
+their proneness to this method, are so greedy after general principles,
+that they will accept them on almost any evidence, and are, therefore, at
+once very credulous and very logical. In that school, and surrounded by
+those habits, the intellect of John Hunter was nurtured during the most
+impressible period of his life. Then the scene suddenly shifted. Coming
+to England, he passed forty years in the heart of the most empirical
+nation in Europe; a nation utterly abhorring all general principles,
+priding itself on its common sense, boasting, and with good reason too,
+of its practical sagacity, proclaiming aloud the superiority of facts
+over ideas, and despising every theory, unless some direct and immediate
+benefit could be expected to accrue from it. The young and ardent
+Scotchman found himself transplanted into a country totally different
+from that which he had just quitted; and such a difference could not fail
+to influence his mind. He saw, on every side, marks of prosperity, and of
+long and uninterrupted success, not only in practical, but also in
+speculative, life; and he was told that these things were effected by a
+system which made facts the first consideration. He was ambitious of
+fame, but he perceived that the road to fame was not the same in England
+as in Scotland. In Scotland, a great logician would be deemed a great
+man; in England, little account would be made of the beauty of his logic,
+unless he was careful that the premisses from which he argued, were
+trustworthy, and verified by experience. A new machine, a new experiment,
+the discovery of a salt, or of a bone, would, in England, receive a wider
+homage, than the most profound speculation from which no obvious results
+were apprehended. That this way of contemplating affairs has produced
+great good, is certain. But it is also certain, that it is a one-sided
+way, and satisfies only part of the human mind. Many of the noblest
+intellects crave for something which it cannot supply. In England,
+however, during the greater part of the eighteenth century, it was even
+more supreme than it is now, and was, indeed, so universal, that, from
+the year 1727 until nearly the close of the century, our country did not
+possess, in any branch of science, a speculator who had sufficient force
+to raise himself above those narrow views which were then deemed the
+perfection of wisdom.[851] Much was added to our knowledge, but its
+distant boundaries were not enlarged. Though there was an increase of
+curious and valuable details, and though several of the small and
+proximate laws of nature were generalized, it must be admitted, that
+those lofty generalizations, which we owe to the seventeenth century,
+remained stationary, and that no attempt was made to push beyond them.
+When John Hunter arrived in London, in 1748, Newton had been dead more
+than twenty years, and the English people, absorbed in practical
+pursuits, and now beginning, for the first time, to enter into political
+life, had become more averse than ever to inquiries which aimed at truth
+without regard to utility, and had accustomed themselves to value science
+chiefly for the sake of the direct and tangible benefit which they might
+hope to derive from it.
+
+  [850] He was born in 1728, and came to London in 1748. _Adams' Life of
+        John Hunter_, 2nd edit. London, 1818, pp. 20, 203. According to
+        Adams (pp. 30-35), he was abroad as surgeon in the English army
+        from 1761 to 1763; though, in _Foot's Life of Hunter_, London,
+        1794, p. 78, he is said to have returned to England in 1762. Mr.
+        Ottley says that he returned in 1763. _Ottley's Life of Hunter_,
+        p. 22, in vol. i. of _Hunter's Works_, edited by Palmer, London,
+        1835.
+
+  [851] See _Buckle's History of Civilization_, vol. ii. pp. 374, 375.
+
+That Hunter must have been influenced by these circumstances, will be
+obvious to whoever considers how impossible it is for any single mind to
+escape from the pressure of contemporary opinion. But, inasmuch as all
+his early associations had inclined him in another direction, we perceive
+that, during his long residence in England, he was acted on by two
+conflicting forces. The country of his birth made him deductive; the
+country of his adoption made him inductive. As a Scotchman, he preferred
+reasoning from general principles to particular facts; as an inhabitant
+of England, he became inured to the opposite plan of reasoning from
+particular facts to general principles. In every country, men naturally
+give the first place to what is most valued. The English respect facts
+more than principles, and therefore begin with the facts. The Scotch
+consider principles as most important, and therefore begin with the
+principles. And, I make no doubt that one of the reasons why Hunter, in
+investigating a subject, is often obscure, is that, on such occasions,
+his mind was divided between these two hostile methods, and that, leaning
+sometimes to one and sometimes to the other, he was unable to determine
+which he should choose. The conflict darkened his understanding. Adam
+Smith, on the other hand, in common with all the great Scotchmen who
+remained in Scotland, was remarkably clear. He, like Hume, Black, and
+Cullen, never wavered in his method. These eminent men were not acted on
+by English influence. Of all the most illustrious Scotchmen of the
+eighteenth century, Hunter alone underwent that influence, and he alone
+displayed a certain hesitation and perplexity of thought, which seems
+unnatural to so great a mind, and which, as it appears to me, is best
+explained by the peculiar circumstances in which he was placed.
+
+One of the ablest of his commentators has justly observed, that his
+natural inclination was, to conjecture what the laws of nature were, and
+then reason from them, instead of reasoning to them by slow and gradual
+induction.[852] This process of deduction was, as I have shown, the
+favourite method of all Scotchmen, and, therefore, was precisely the
+course which we should have expected him to adopt. But, inasmuch as he
+was surrounded by the followers of Bacon,[853] this natural bias was
+warped, and a large part of his marvellous activity was employed in
+observations and experiments, such as no Scotch thinker, living in
+Scotland, would ever have engaged in. He himself declared, that thinking
+was his delight;[854] and there can be no doubt that, had he been
+differently situated, thinking would have been his principal pursuit. As
+it was, the industry with which he collected facts, is one of the most
+conspicuous features in his career. His researches covered the whole
+range of the animal kingdom, and were conducted with such untiring zeal,
+that he dissected upwards of five hundred different species, exclusive of
+dissections of different individuals, and exclusive, too, of dissections
+of a large number of plants.[855] The results were carefully arranged and
+stored up in that noble collection which he formed, and of the magnitude
+of which we may gain some idea from the statement, that, at his death, it
+contained upwards of ten thousand preparations illustrative of the
+phenomena of nature.[856] By this means, he became so intimately
+acquainted with the animal kingdom, that he made a vast number of
+discoveries, which, considered singly, are curious, but which, when put
+together, constitute an invaluable body of new truths. Of these, the most
+important are, the true nature of the circulation in crustacea and
+insects;[857] the organ of hearing in cephalopods;[858] the power
+possessed by mollusks of absorbing their shells;[859] the fact that bees
+do not collect wax, but secrete it;[860] the semicircular canals of the
+cetacea;[861] the lymphatics of birds;[862] and the air-cells in the
+bones of birds.[863] We are also assured, that he anticipated the recent
+discoveries respecting the embryo of the kangaroo;[864] and his published
+works prove, that, in the human subject, he discovered the muscularity of
+the arteries,[865] the muscularity of the iris,[866] and the digestion
+of the stomach after death by its own juice.[867] Although, in his time,
+animal chemistry was not yet raised to a system, and was consequently
+little heeded by physiologists, Hunter endeavoured, by its aid, to search
+out the qualities of the blood, so as to ascertain the properties of its
+constituents.[868] He also examined it in different stages of embryonic
+life, and by minutely tracking it through its periods of development, he
+made the capital discovery, that the red globules of the blood are formed
+later than its other components. His contemporaries, however, were so
+little alive to the importance of this great physiological truth, that it
+fell dead upon them, and, being forgotten, it was, about fifty years
+afterwards, rediscovered, and was announced, in 1832, as a law of nature
+which had just been brought to light.[869] This is one of many instances
+in the history of our knowledge, which proves how useless it is for a man
+to advance too far beyond the age in which he lives.[870] But Hunter,
+besides making the discovery, also saw its meaning. From it, he inferred
+that the function of the red globules is to minister to the strength of
+the system, rather than to its repair.[871] This is now universally
+admitted; but it was not admitted till long after his death. Its
+recognition is chiefly owing to the rapid advance of animal chemistry,
+and to improvements in the microscope. For, by the employment of these
+resources, it has become manifest, that the red globules, the respiratory
+process, the production of animal heat, and the energy of the locomotive
+organs, are but different parts of a single scheme.[872] Their connexion
+with each other is established, not only by a comparison of different
+species, but also by a comparison of different members of the same
+species. In human beings, for example, the locomotive and other animal
+functions are more active in persons of a sanguine temperament than in
+those of a lymphatic temperament; while, in sanguine temperaments, the
+globules are more numerous than in lymphatic ones. The knowledge of this
+fact we owe to Lecanu;[873] and to him we are also indebted for an
+analogous fact, corroborating the same view. He has shown, that the blood
+of women contains more water and fewer red globules than the blood of
+men;[874] so that here again we discern the relation between these
+globules and the energy of animal life. Inasmuch, however, as these
+researches were not made until many years after the death of Hunter, the
+coincidence between them and his speculative conclusions is a striking
+instance of his power of generalization, and of that unrivalled knowledge
+of comparative anatomy, which supplied him with materials from which, in
+spite of the backwardness of animal chemistry, he was able to draw an
+inference, which later and minuter researches have decisively
+verified.[875]
+
+  [852] 'He followed his natural inclination. He preferred the more
+        delusive, apparently the more direct, road, which has seduced so
+        many philosophers. He sought to arrive at the general laws of
+        nature at once by conjecture: rather than, by a close and detailed
+        study of her inferior operations, to ascend, step by step, through
+        a slow and gradual induction to those laws which govern her
+        general procedure.' Babington's Preface to Hunter's _Treatise on
+        the Venereal Disease_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. ii. p. 129.
+        Compare the narrow and carping criticism in _Foot's Life of
+        Hunter_, p. 163.
+
+  [853] That I may not be suspected of exaggeration, I will quote what by
+        far the greatest of all the historians of medicine has said upon
+        this subject. 'La majorite des medecins qui pretendaient s'etre
+        formes d'apres Bacon, n'avaient herite de lui qu'une repugnance
+        invincible pour les hypotheses et les systemes, une grande
+        veneration pour l'experience, et un desir extreme de multiplier le
+        nombre des observations. Ce fut chez les Anglais que la methode
+        empirique en medecine trouva le plus de partisans, et c'est
+        principalement aussi chez eux qu'elle s'est repandue jusqu'aux
+        temps les plus rapproches de nous. Sa propagation y fut favorisee,
+        non-seulement par le profond respect que les Anglais continuent
+        toujours de porter a l'immortel chancelier, mais encore par la
+        haute importance que la nation entiere attache au sens commun,
+        _common sense_, et elle y demeura l'ennemie irreconciliable de
+        tous les systemes que ne reposent pas sur l'observation.'
+        _Sprengel, Histoire de la Medecine_, vol. v. p. 411, Paris, 1815.
+
+  [854] Clive says, 'Much as Mr. Hunter did, he thought still more. He has
+        often told me, his delight was, to think.' _Abernethy's Hunterian
+        Oration_, London, 1819, p. 26.
+
+  [855] Mr. Owen, in his interesting Preface to the fourth volume of
+        _Hunter's Works_, says (p. vii.), 'There is proof that Hunter
+        anatomized at least five hundred different species of animals,
+        exclusive of repeated dissections of different individuals of the
+        same species, besides the dissections of plants to a considerable
+        amount.'
+
+  [856] 'Some idea may be formed of Hunter's extraordinary diligence, by
+        the fact, that his museum contained, at the time of his death,
+        upwards of 10,000 preparations, illustrative of human and
+        comparative anatomy, physiology, and pathology, and natural
+        history.' _Weld's History of the Royal Society_, London, 1848,
+        vol. ii. p. 92.
+
+  [857] 'I have tested the conflicting evidence of these observers by
+        dissection of the heart in the lobster; and you will perceive by
+        this preparation that it is more complicated than even the Danish
+        naturalist supposed, and fully bears out the opinion of Hunter in
+        regard to the mixed nature of the circulation in the crustacea.'
+        _Owen's Lectures on the Comparative Anatomy and Physiology of the
+        Invertebrate Animals_, 2nd edit. London, 1855, p. 318. 'Cuvier,
+        misled by the anomalous diffused condition of the venous system,
+        supposed that there was no circulation of the blood in insects;
+        yet the dorsal vessel was too conspicuous a structure to be
+        overlooked. Such, however, was the authority of the great
+        anatomist, that the nature of the heart began to be doubted, and
+        the strangest functions to be attributed to it. Hunter, however,
+        who was prepared to appreciate the true state of the circulating
+        system in insects, by his discovery of the approximately diffused
+        and irregular structure of the veins in the crustacea, has
+        described, in his work on the blood, all the leading characters of
+        the circulation in insects as it is recognized by comparative
+        physiologists of the present day.' _Ibid._ p. 383. Compare
+        _Hunter's Essays and Observations on Natural History_, London,
+        1861, vol. i. p. 108.
+
+  [858] 'The class called Sepia has the organ of hearing, though somewhat
+        differently constructed from what it is in fishes.' _An Account of
+        the Organ of Hearing in Fishes_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p.
+        294. At the bottom of the page Mr. Owen observes, in a note, 'This
+        is the first announcement of the existence of an organ of hearing
+        in the Cephalopoda.'
+
+  [859] 'Hunter discovered that the molluscous inhabitant of a shell had
+        the power of absorbing part of its dwelling.' _Owen's Lectures on
+        the Comparative Anatomy and Physiology of the Invertebrate
+        Animals_, London, 1855, p. 544. 'Every shell-fish has the power of
+        removing a part of its shell, so as to adapt the new and the old
+        together, which is not done by any mechanical power, but by
+        absorption.' _Anatomical Remarks on a New Marine Animal_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 469, edit. Palmer. In a note to this
+        passage, it is said, that 'the doctrine of the absorption of shell
+        has been lately' (_i.e._ in 1833) 'adduced as a new discovery.'
+
+  [860] 'His keen observation did not fail to detect several errors which
+        preceding naturalists had fallen into, especially with regard to
+        the formation of the wax, which he proved to be secreted, not
+        collected, by the animal.' _Ottley's Life of Hunter_, p. 122. 'The
+        wax is formed by the bees themselves; it may be called an external
+        secretion of oil, and I have found that it is formed between each
+        scale of the under side of the belly.' _Observations on Bees_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 433.
+
+  [861] 'In the terminating part there are a number of perforations into
+        the cochlea, and one into the semicircular canals, which afford a
+        passage to the different divisions of the auditory nerve.'
+        _Observations on the Structure and [OE]conomy of Whales_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. pp. 383, 384. 'The semicircular canals
+        of the cetacea, described by Hunter in the paper on Whales, a
+        structure which Cuvier rightly states that Camper overlooked, but
+        incorrectly claims the discovery as his own.' Preface to vol. iv.
+        of _Hunter's Works_, p. xxi.
+
+  [862] Dr. Adams, in his somewhat hasty _Life of Hunter_, says (pp. 27,
+        28), 'Mr. Hewson always claimed the discovery of lymphatics in
+        birds.' But the truth is, that Hewson never claimed it. He says,
+        'It may be necessary to mention here, that the dispute between Dr.
+        Monro and me is, who first discovered the lacteals of birds? for
+        as to the lymphatics in their necks (mentioned in this gentleman's
+        note), these we both allow were discovered by Mr. John Hunter,
+        about ten years ago.' And, again, 'These lymphatics in the necks
+        of fowls were first discovered by Mr. John Hunter.' _Hewson's
+        Works_, edit. Gulliver (Sydenham Soc.), pp. 102, 145.
+
+  [863] _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. pp. xxi. 176.
+
+  [864] 'See Nos. 3731, 3734, 3735, in the Physiological series of the
+        Hunterian Museum, in which there are evidences that Mr. Hunter had
+        anticipated most of the anatomical discoveries which have
+        subsequently been made upon the embryo of the Kangaroo.' _Rymer
+        Jones' Organization of the Animal Kingdom_, London, 1855, pp. 829,
+        830.
+
+  [865] 'The muscularity of arteries, of which John Hunter made
+        physiological proof, is now a matter of eyesight.' _Simon's
+        Pathology_, London, 1850, p. 69. 'To prove the muscularity of an
+        artery, it is only necessary to compare its action with that of
+        elastic substances.' ... 'When the various uses of arteries are
+        considered, such as their forming different parts of the body out
+        of the blood, their performing the different secretions, their
+        allowing at one time the blood to pass readily into the smaller
+        branches, as in blushing, and at another, preventing it
+        altogether, as in paleness from fear: and if to these we add the
+        power of producing a diseased increase of any or every part of the
+        body, we cannot but conclude that they are possessed of muscular
+        powers.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. iii. p. 157. See also vol. iv.
+        p. 254. Mr. Gulliver, in his edition of _Hewson's Works_, London,
+        1846, says (p. 125), that Hunter's 'experiments on the functions
+        of the arteries are supported by the latest and best observations
+        on their structure.'
+
+  [866] 'The fact of the muscularity of the iris, which is here presumed
+        from analogy by Mr. Hunter, has been since directly proved by the
+        observations of Bauer and Jacob (_Phil. Trans._ 1822), and
+        indirectly by Berzelius, who found that the iris possesses all the
+        chemical properties of muscle.' Palmer's note in _Hunter's Works_,
+        vol. iii. p. 146, London, 1837.
+
+  [867] _Adams' Life of Hunter_, pp. 59, 60, 245. _Hunter's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 43, vol. iv. pp. 116-121. _Watson's Principles of Physic_,
+        vol. ii. p. 440.
+
+  [868] 'Hunter subjects the blood to both mechanical and chemical
+        analysis, and endeavours to determine the characteristic
+        properties of its different constituents.' Owen's Preface to vol.
+        iv. of _Hunter's Works_, p. xii. But this gives, perhaps, rather
+        too high an idea of his animal chemistry; for such was then the
+        miserable state of this extremely important branch of knowledge,
+        that he arrived at the conclusion that 'blood gives no analysis
+        excepting that of common animal matter.' _Principles of Surgery_,
+        chap. iii. in _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. 229.
+
+  [869] 'In seeking to determine the respective importance of the different
+        constituents of the blood, by the philosophical and most difficult
+        inquiry into their respective periods of formation in the
+        development of the embryo, Hunter made the interesting discovery
+        that the vessels of the embryo of a red-blooded animal circulated
+        in the first instance colourless blood, as in the invertebrate
+        animals. 'The red globules,' he observes, 'seemed to be formed
+        later in life than the other two constituents, for we see while
+        the chick is in the egg the heart beating, and it then contains a
+        transparent fluid before any red globules are formed, which fluid
+        we may suppose to be the serum and the lymph.' I well remember the
+        feelings of surprise with which I listened, while at Paris in
+        1832, to a memoir read before the Academy of Science, by MM.
+        Delpech and Coste, the object of which was the announcement of the
+        same fact as a novel and important discovery. The statement of the
+        French observers was received with all the consideration which its
+        importance justly merited, without its being suspected that our
+        great physiologist had, half a century before, embraced it, with
+        all its legitimate deductions, in the extended circle of his
+        investigations.' Owen's Preface to vol. iv. of _Hunter's Works_,
+        p. xiii.
+
+  [870] Indeed, if we may rely on the references recently given by Mr.
+        Gulliver, which, from his great general accuracy, there seems no
+        reason to question, the fact that the pale blood precedes the red,
+        was known even in the time of Glisson. See Gulliver's learned
+        edition of _Hewson's Works_, London, 1846, p. 222. But, to the
+        contemporaries of Glisson, such a fact was isolated, and
+        consequently useless. Nothing is valuable while it appears to
+        stand alone.
+
+  [871] 'From the above account, it appears that whatever may be their
+        utility in the machine, the red globules certainly are not of such
+        universal use as the coagulating lymph, since they are not to be
+        found in all animals, _nor so early in those that have them_; nor
+        are they pushed into the extreme arteries, where we must suppose
+        the coagulating lymph reaches; neither do they appear to be so
+        readily formed. This being the case, _we must conclude them not to
+        be the important part of the blood in contributing to growth,
+        repair, &c. Their use would seem to be connected with strength._'
+        _A Treatise on the Blood, Inflammation, and Gunshot Wounds_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. iii. p. 68. In another remarkable passage,
+        he touches on the possibility of an increase in the amount of red
+        globules being connected with an increase in the amount of heat.
+        'I will not pretend to determine how far this may assist in
+        keeping up the animal heat.' _Observations on the Structure and
+        [OE]conomy of Whales_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 364.
+
+  [872] The evidence of this is collected in the notes to _Buckle's
+        History of Civilization_, vol. i. pp. 58-61.
+
+  [873] 'According to Lecanu, temperament has an influence upon the
+        composition of the blood. He infers from his analyses that the
+        blood of lymphatic persons is poorer in solid constituents, and
+        especially in blood corpuscules, than that of persons of
+        sanguineous temperament, while the quantity of albumen is much the
+        same in both.' _Simon's Animal Chemistry with reference to the
+        Physiology and Pathology of Man_, London, 1845, vol. i. p. 236.
+        Compare _Thomson's Chemistry of Animal Bodies_, Edinburgh, 1843,
+        p. 370.
+
+  [874] _Simon's Animal Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 234, 235. Subsequent
+        experiments have confirmed this. 'The proportion of red globules
+        _dried_ to 1000 parts of blood, is in healthy males estimated at
+        127 parts by Andral and Gavarret; lower and higher figures have
+        been given by other analysts, but this probably is the result of
+        somewhat different modes of proceeding. _In females the proportion
+        of globules is lower._ Becquerel and Rodier make the difference to
+        be about 15 parts per 1000.' _Jones and Sieveking's Pathological
+        Anatomy_, London, 1854, p. 23. Hence, the greater specific gravity
+        of male blood. See the interesting results of Dr. Davy's
+        experiments in _Davy's Physiological and Anatomical Researches_,
+        London, 1839, vol. ii. p. 32.
+
+  [875] Hunter died in 1793. The researches of Lecanu were published in
+        1831.
+
+        Another, and still more remarkable proof of the extent to which
+        Hunter outstripped his own age, appears in the following passage,
+        which has just been published in his posthumous works, and in
+        which he anticipates the grandest and most suggestive of all the
+        ideas belonging to the physiology of the nineteenth century. 'If
+        we were capable of following the progress of increase of the
+        number of the parts of the most perfect animal, as they first
+        formed in succession, from the very first to its state of full
+        perfection, we should probably be able to compare it with some one
+        of the incomplete animals themselves, of every order of animals in
+        the Creation, being at no stage different from some of the
+        inferior orders. Or, in other words, if we were to take a series
+        of animals, from the more imperfect to the perfect, we should
+        probably find an imperfect animal, corresponding with some stage
+        of the most perfect.' _Essays and Observations by John Hunter,
+        being his Posthumous Papers_, London, 1861, vol. i. p. 203.
+
+Having thus, by a comprehensive survey of the animal world, associated
+its remarkable faculty of movement with the state of its blood, Hunter
+turned his attention to another aspect of the question, and took into
+consideration the movements of the vegetable world, in the hope that, by
+comparing these two divisions of nature, he might detect some law, which,
+being common to both, should unite into one study all the principles of
+organic motion. Though he failed in this great undertaking, some of his
+generalizations are very suggestive, and well illustrate the power and
+grasp of his mind. Looking at the organic kingdom as a whole, he supposed
+that its capacity of action, both in animals and in vegetables, was of
+three kinds. The first kind, was the action of the individual upon the
+materials it already possessed; and this gave rise to growth, secretion,
+and other functions, in which the juice of the plant was equivalent to
+the blood of the animal.[876] The second kind of action had for its
+object to increase these materials; it was always excited by want, and
+its result was, to nourish and preserve the individual.[877] The third
+kind was entirely due to external causes, including the whole material
+world, all the phenomena of which were a stimulus to some kind of
+action.[878] By combining, in different ways, these different sources of
+motion, and by studying every incitement to action, first, in reference
+to one of the three great divisions just indicated, and, secondly, in
+reference to the _power_ of action, as distinguished from the _quantity_
+of action,[879] Hunter believed that some fundamental truths might be
+obtained, if not by himself, at all events by his successors. For, he
+thought that, though animals can do many things which plants cannot,
+still, the immediate cause of action is in both cases the same.[880] In
+animals, there is more variety of motion, but in plants there is more
+real power. A horse is certainly far stronger than a man. Yet a small
+vine cannot only support, but can raise, a column of fluid five times
+higher than a horse can. Indeed, the power which a plant exercises of
+holding a leaf erect during an entire day, without pause and without
+fatigue, is an effort of astonishing vigour, and is one of many proofs,
+that a principle of compensation is at work, so that the same energy
+which, in the animal world, is weakened by being directed to many
+objects, is, in the vegetable world, strengthened by being concentrated
+on a few.[881]
+
+  [876] 'The natural salutary actions, arising from stimuli, take place
+        both in animals and vegetables, and may be divided into three
+        kinds. The first kind of action, or self-motion, is employed
+        simply in the economical operations, by which means the immediate
+        functions are carried on, and the necessary operations performed,
+        with the materials the animal or vegetable is in possession of,
+        such as growth, support, secretion, &c. The blood is disposed of
+        by the actions of the vessels, according to their specific
+        stimulus, producing all the above effects. The juices of a plant
+        are disposed of according to the different actions of the
+        sap-vessels, arising also from their specific stimulus, which is
+        different from that of blood-vessels, but equally produces growth;
+        but a vine will grow twenty feet in one summer, while a whale,
+        probably, does not grow so much in as many years.' _Croonian
+        Lectures on Muscular Motion_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv.
+        p. 199.
+
+  [877] 'The second kind of action is in pursuit of external influence, and
+        arises from a compound of internal and external stimulus; it is
+        excited by the state of the animal or vegetable, which gives the
+        stimulus of want, and being completed by external stimulus,
+        produces the proper supplies of nourishment. It produces motions
+        of whole parts: thus we see the _Hedysarum gyrans_ moving its
+        lesser foliola. This is an action apparently similar to breathing
+        in animals, though, perhaps, it does not answer the same purpose;
+        yet there is an alternate motion in both.' _Croonian Lectures_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 200.
+
+  [878] 'The third kind of motion is from external stimulus, and consists
+        principally of the motion of whole parts, which is not
+        inconsiderable in vegetables, as in the _Dionaea muscipula_ and
+        _Mimosa pudica_ is very evident.' ... 'These actions are similar
+        to what arise in many animals from external stimulus.' _Ibid._
+        vol. iv. p. 201.
+
+  [879] 'I make a material difference between the power and the quantity of
+        action. Some motions may be very small, yet act with great force;
+        while others are of considerable extent, although very weak.'
+        _Ibid._ vol. iv. p. 204.
+
+  [880] 'The immediate cause of motion in all vegetables is most probably
+        the same, and it is probably the same in all animals; but how far
+        they are the same in both classes, has not yet been determined.
+        But I think it will appear, in the investigation of this subject,
+        that vegetables and animals have actions evidently common to both,
+        and that the causes of these actions are apparently the same in
+        both; and most probably there is not an action in the vegetable,
+        which does not correspond or belong to the animal, although the
+        mode of action in the parts may not be the same, or muscular, in
+        both.' _Croonian Lectures_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 196.
+        Compare the section 'Of Motion in Vegetables,' in _Hunter's
+        Essays_, London, 1861, vol. i. p. 24.
+
+  [881] 'The variety of motions is greater in animals, and more purposes
+        are answered by them.' ... 'The first kind of action appears to be
+        stronger in its power, although less in quantity, in vegetables
+        than in animals; for a small vine was capable of sustaining, and
+        even of raising, a column of sap 43 feet high, while a horse's
+        heart was only capable of supporting a column of blood 8 feet 9
+        inches high; both of which columns must have been supported by the
+        action of the internal parts, for we must suppose the heart equal,
+        or nearly so, to the strength or action of the other parts of the
+        vascular system; and when we consider that the sap of the tallest
+        tree must be supported, and even raised from the root to the most
+        distant branches, it must appear that the power of such vegetables
+        far exceeds the power of any animal, and, indeed, it is such as
+        the texture of a vegetable only can support. The power of
+        supporting a leaf erect for a whole day is as great an effort of
+        action as that of the elevator palpebrarum muscle of the eye of an
+        animal.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. pp. 203, 204. See also
+        _Hunter's Essays_, vol. i. p. 342: 'It is probable that the
+        vegetable which can the least bear a suspension of its actions,
+        can do so more than the animal which can bear it longest.'
+
+In pursuing these speculations, which, amid much that is uncertain,
+contain, I firmly believe, a large amount of important, though neglected,
+truth, Hunter was led to consider how motion is produced by various
+forces, such as magnetism, electricity, gravitation, and chemical
+attraction.[882] This carried him into inorganic science, where, as he
+clearly saw, the foundation of all organic science must be laid. Just as,
+on the one hand, the human frame could never be successfully studied,
+except by the aid of principles which had been collected from an
+investigation of animals below man,[883] so, on the other hand, the laws
+of those very animals must, he said, be approached through the laws of
+common or inorganic matter.[884] He, therefore, aimed at nothing less
+than to unite all the branches of physical science, taking them in the
+order of their relative complexity, and proceeding from the simplest to
+the most intricate. With this view, he examined the structure of the
+mineral kingdom, and, by an extensive comparison of crystals, he sought
+to generalize the principles of form, in the same way as, by a comparison
+of animals, he sought to generalize the principles of function. And, in
+doing this, he took into account, not only regular crystals, but also
+irregular ones.[885] For, he knew that, in nature, nothing is really
+irregular or disorderly; though our imperfect apprehension, or rather the
+backwardness of our knowledge, prevents us from discerning the symmetry
+of the universal scheme. The beauty of the plan, and the necessity of the
+sequence, are not always perceptible. Hence, we are too apt to fancy that
+the chain is broken, because we cannot see every link in it. From this
+serious error, Hunter was saved by his genius, even more than by his
+knowledge. Being satisfied that every thing which happens in the material
+world, is so connected and bound up with its antecedents, as to be the
+inevitable result of what had previously occurred, he looked with a true
+philosophical eye at the strangest and most capricious shapes, because to
+him they had a meaning and a necessary purpose. To him, they were neither
+strange nor capricious. They were deviations from the natural course; but
+it was a fundamental tenet of his philosophy, that nature, even in the
+midst of her deviations, still retains her regularity.[886] Or, as he
+elsewhere expresses it, deviation is, under certain circumstances, part
+of the law of nature.[887]
+
+  [882] _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 255.
+
+  [883] In his _Principles of Surgery_, he says (_Hunter's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 220), 'The human body is what I mean chiefly to treat of; but I
+        shall often find it necessary to illustrate some of the
+        propositions which I shall lay down from animals of an inferior
+        order, in whom the principles may be more distinct and less
+        blended with others, or where the parts are differently
+        constructed, in order to show, from many varieties of structure,
+        and from many different considerations, what are the uses of the
+        same parts in man; or, at least, to show that they are not for the
+        uses which have been commonly assigned to them; and, as man is the
+        most complicated part of the whole animal creation, it will be
+        proper, in the first place, to point out general principles,
+        common to all this species of matter, that I may be better
+        understood when I come to the more complicated machine, namely,
+        the human.'
+
+  [884] 'Before we endeavour to give an idea of an animal, it is necessary
+        to understand the properties of that matter of which an animal is
+        composed; but the better to understand animal matter, it is
+        necessary to understand the properties of common matter; else we
+        shall be often applying our ideas of common matter, which are
+        familiar to us, to animal matter, an error hitherto too common,
+        but which we should carefully avoid.' _Principles of Surgery_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. 211. 'In the natural history of
+        vegetables and animals, therefore, it will be necessary to go back
+        to the first or common matter of this globe, and give its general
+        properties; then see how far these properties are introduced into
+        the vegetable and animal operations; or rather, perhaps, how far
+        they are of use or subservient to their actions.' _Hunter's
+        Essays_, vol. i. p. 4. 'Every property in man is similar to some
+        property, either in another animal, or probably in a vegetable, or
+        even in inanimate matter. Thereby (man) becomes classible with
+        those in some of his parts.' _Ibid._ p. 10.
+
+  [885] He made 'a valuable collection of crystallizations, both of
+        regular and irregular forms, which he was accustomed to use in his
+        lectures to exemplify the difference between the laws which
+        regulate the growth of organic and the increase of inorganic
+        bodies.' _Ottley's Life of Hunter_, p. 138.
+
+  [886] 'Nature is always uniform in her operations, and when she deviates
+        is still regular in her deviations.' _Principles of Surgery_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. 485; see also vol. iv. pp. 44, 45.
+
+  [887] 'It certainly may be laid down, as one of the principles or laws
+        of nature, to deviate under certain circumstances.' _Hunter's
+        Works_, vol. iv. p. 278.
+
+To generalize such irregularities, or, in other words, to show that they
+are not irregularities at all, was the main object of Hunter's life, and
+was the noblest part of his mission. Hence, notwithstanding his vast
+achievements in physiology, his favourite pursuit was pathology,[888]
+where, the phenomena being more complex, the intellect has more play. In
+this great field, he studied the aberrations of structure and of
+function, in the vegetable, as well as in the animal, world;[889] while,
+for the aberrations of form, which are the external manifestations of
+disturbed structure, he took into consideration the appearances presented
+by the mineral kingdom. There, the power of crystallization is the
+leading feature, and there, violations of symmetry constitute the
+essential disorder, whether the deformity of the crystal is subsequent to
+its production, or whether, being the result of what happened before its
+production, it is an original, and, if we may so say, congenital, defect.
+In either case, it is a deviation from the normal type, and, as such, is
+analogous to the monstrosities, both of animals and of vegetables.[890]
+The mind of Hunter, by sweeping through this immense range of thought,
+attained to such commanding views of the philosophy of disease, that, in
+that department, he is certainly without a rival. As a physiologist, he
+was equalled, or perhaps excelled, by Aristotle; but as a pathologist, he
+stands alone, if we consider what pathology was when he found it, and
+what it was when he left it.[891] Since his death, the rapid advance of
+morbid anatomy and of chemistry has caused some of his doctrines to be
+modified, and some of them to be overturned. This has been the work of
+inferior men, wielding superior chemical and microscopical resources. To
+say that the successors of John Hunter are inferior to him, is no
+disparagement to their abilities, since he was one of those extremely
+rare characters who only appear at very long intervals, and who, when
+they do appear, remodel the fabric of knowledge. They revolutionize our
+modes of thought; they stir up the intellect to insurrection; they are
+the rebels and demagogues of science. And though the pathologists of the
+nineteenth century have chosen a humbler path, this must not blind us to
+their merits, or prevent us from being grateful for what they have done.
+We cannot, however, be too often reminded, that the really great men, and
+those who are the sole permanent benefactors of their species, are not
+the great experimenters, nor the great observers, nor the great readers,
+nor the great scholars, but the great thinkers. Thought is the creator
+and vivifier of all human affairs. Actions, facts, and external
+manifestations of every kind, often triumph for a while; but it is the
+progress of ideas which ultimately determines the progress of the world.
+Unless these are changed, every other change is superficial, and every
+improvement is precarious. It is, however, evident that, in the present
+state of our knowledge, all ideas respecting nature must refer either to
+the normal or to the abnormal; that is to say, they must be concerned
+either with what is regular, uniform, and obedient to recognized
+principles, or else with what is irregular, perturbed, and disobedient.
+Of these two divisions, the first belongs to science; the second, to
+superstition. John Hunter formed the superb conception of merging both
+classes of ideas into one, by showing that nothing is irregular, that
+nothing is perturbed, that nothing is disobedient. Centuries, perhaps,
+may elapse before that conception will be consummated. But what Hunter
+effected towards it, places him at the head of all pathologists, ancient
+or modern. For, with him, the science of pathology did not mean the laws
+of disease in man alone, or even in all animals, or even in the whole
+organic kingdom; but it meant the laws of disease and of malformation in
+the entire material world, organic and inorganic. His great object was,
+to raise a science of the abnormal. He determined to contemplate nature
+as a vast and united whole, exhibiting, indeed, at different times
+different appearances, but preserving, amidst every change, a principle
+of uniform and uninterrupted order, admitting of no deviation, undergoing
+no disturbance, and presenting no real irregularity, albeit to the common
+eye, irregularities abound on every side.
+
+  [888] Dr. Adams, who knew him personally, says that he studied
+        'physiology, more particularly as connected with pathology.'
+        _Adams' Life of Hunter_, p. 77.
+
+  [889] His _Principles of Surgery_ contain some curious evidence of his
+        desire to establish a connexion between animal and vegetable
+        pathology. See, for instance, his remarks on 'local diseases'
+        (_Works_, vol. i. p. 341); on the influence of the seasons in
+        producing diseases (vol. i. pp. 345, 346); and on the theory of
+        inflammation exhibited in an oak-leaf (vol. i. p. 391). But even
+        now, too little is known of the diseases of the vegetable world to
+        enable their study to be incorporated with the science of the
+        diseases of the animal world; and, in the time of Hunter, the
+        attempt was still less promising. Still, the effort shows the
+        grandeur and range of the man's mind; and though little was
+        effected, the method was right. So, too, in one of his essays on
+        the _Power of Producing Heat_, he says, 'In the course of a
+        variety of experiments on animals and vegetables, I have
+        frequently observed that the result of experiments in the one has
+        explained the economy of the other, and pointed out some principle
+        common to both.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 136.
+
+  [890] 'Nature being pretty constant in the kind and number of the
+        different parts peculiar to each species of animal, as also in the
+        situation, formation, and construction of such parts, we call
+        every thing that deviates from that uniformity a "monster,"
+        whether (it occur in) crystallization, vegetation, or
+        animalization. There must be some principle for those deviations
+        from the regular course of nature, in the economy of such species
+        as they occur in. In the present inquiry it is the animal creation
+        I mean to consider. Yet, as there may be in some degree an analogy
+        between all the three (kingdoms of nature), I shall consider the
+        other two, so far as this analogy seems to take place.' ...
+        'Monsters are not peculiar to animals: they are less so in them,
+        perhaps, than in any species of matter. The vegetable (kingdom)
+        abounds with monsters; and perhaps the uncommon formation of many
+        crystals may be brought within the same species of production, and
+        accounted for upon the same principle, viz. some influence
+        interfering with the established law of regular formation.
+        Monsters in crystals may arise from the same cause, as mentioned
+        in the "Introduction;" viz. either a wrong arrangement of the
+        parts of which the crystal is to be composed, or a defect in the
+        formation, from the first setting out being wrong, and (the
+        formation) going on in the same (wrong) line. The principle of
+        crystallization is in the solution; yet it requires more to set it
+        agoing, or into action, such, _e.g._, as a solid surface. The
+        deficiency in the production of a true crystal may be in the
+        solution itself; or, I can conceive, that a very slight
+        circumstance might alter the form of a crystal, and even give the
+        disposition for one (crystal) to form upon another. Quickness in
+        the progress of crystallization produces irregularity and
+        diminution in size.' _Hunter's Essays_, London, 1861, vol. i.
+        pp. 239-241. The reader must remember, that, when these remarks
+        were written, the phenomena of crystallization had not been
+        subjected to that exact mathematical treatment which subsequently
+        revealed so many of their laws. Indeed, the goniometer was then so
+        coarse an instrument, that it was impossible to measure the angles
+        of crystals with accuracy.
+
+  [891] Abernethy says, 'He appears to me as a new character in our
+        profession; and, briefly to express his peculiar merit, I may call
+        him the first and great physionosologist, or expositor of the
+        nature of disease.' _Abernethy's Hunterian Oration_, p. 29,
+        London, 1819. 'He may be regarded as the first who applied the
+        great truths of anatomical and physiological science to these most
+        important subjects, by tracing the processes which nature employs
+        in the construction of organic changes, in building up new
+        formations, and in repairing the effects of injury or disease.'
+        _Hodgson's Hunterian Oration_, 1855, p. 32.
+
+As pathology was the science to which Hunter was most devoted, so also
+was it that in which his natural love of deduction was most apparent.
+Here, far more than in his physiological inquiries, do we find a desire
+to multiply original principles from which he could reason; in opposition
+to the inductive method, which always aims at diminishing these
+principles by gradual and successive analysis. Thus, for instance, in
+his animal pathology, he attempted to introduce, as an ultimate principle
+from which he could argue, the idea that all diseases move more rapidly
+towards the skin than towards internal parts, by virtue of some hidden
+force, which also obliges vegetables to approach the surface of the
+earth.[892] Another favourite proposition, which he often used as a major
+premiss, and by its aid constructed deductively a pathological argument,
+was, that in no substance, be it what it may, can two processes go on in
+the same part at the same time.[893] By applying this universal
+proposition to the more limited phenomena of animal life, he inferred
+that two general diseases cannot co-exist in the same individual; and he
+relied so much on this ratiocination, that he refused to credit any
+testimony by which it was impugned.[894] There is reason to believe that
+his conclusion is erroneous, and that different diseases can so accompany
+each other, as to be united in the same individual, at the same time, and
+in the same part.[895] Whether or not this be the case, it is equally
+interesting to notice the process of thought which led Hunter to bestow
+infinitely more pains in arguing from the general theory, than in arguing
+to it. Indeed, he can hardly be said to have argued to it at all, since
+he obtained it by a rough and hasty generalization from what seemed to be
+the obvious properties of inorganic matter. Having thus obtained it, he
+applied it to the pathological phenomena of the organic world, and
+especially of the animal world. That he should have adopted this course,
+is a curious proof of the energy of his deductive habits, and of the
+force of mind which enabled him so to set at naught the traditions of his
+English contemporaries, as to follow a method which, in the opinion of
+every one who surrounded him, was not only full of danger, but could
+never lead to truth.
+
+  [892] 'The specific qualities in diseases also tend more rapidly to the
+        skin than to the deeper-seated parts, except the cancer; although,
+        even in this disease, the progress towards the superficies is more
+        quick than its progress towards the centre.' ... 'In short, this
+        is a law of nature, and it probably is upon the same principle by
+        which vegetables always approach the surface of the earth.' _A
+        Treatise on the Blood, Inflammation, and Gunshot Wounds_, in
+        _Hunter's Works_, vol. iii. p. 285. 'Granulations always tend to
+        the skin, which is exactly similar to vegetation, for plants
+        always grow from the centre of the earth towards the surface; and
+        this principle was taken notice of when we were treating of
+        abscesses coming towards the skin.' _Ibid._ pp. 489, 490.
+
+  [893] 'It may be admitted as an axiom, that two processes cannot go on
+        at the same time in the same part of any substance.' _Hunter's
+        Works_, vol. iv. p. 96. Compare _Hunter's Essays_, vol. ii. p.
+        333: 'As it appears, in general, that Nature can hardly make one
+        part perform two actions with advantage.'
+
+  [894] 'Thus, we hear of pocky itch and of scurvy and the venereal
+        disease combined; but this supposition appears to me to be founded
+        in error. I have never seen any such cases, _nor do they seem to
+        be consistent with the principles of morbid action_ in the animal
+        economy. It appears to me beyond a doubt that no two actions can
+        take place in the same constitution, or in the same part, at one
+        and the same time.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. ii. p. 132. 'As I
+        reckon every operation in the body an action, whether universal or
+        partial, _it appears to me beyond a doubt_ that no two actions can
+        take place in the same constitution, nor in the same part, at one
+        and the same time; the operations of the body are similar in this
+        respect to actions or motions in common matter. _It naturally
+        results from this principle_, that no two different fevers can
+        exist in the same constitution, nor two local diseases in the same
+        part, at the same time. There are many local diseases which have
+        dispositions totally different, but having very similar
+        appearances, have been supposed by some to be one sort of disease,
+        by others to be a different kind, and by others again a compound
+        of two diseases.' ... 'These, therefore, are often supposed to be
+        mixed, and to exist in the same part. Thus we hear of a
+        pocky-scurvy, a pocky-itch, rheumatic-gout, &c. &c., which names,
+        _according to my principle_, imply a union that cannot possibly
+        exist.' _Ibid._ vol. iii. pp. 3, 4.
+
+  [895] Dr. Robert Williams (_Encyclopaedia of the Medical Sciences_,
+        London, 1847, 4to, p. 688) says, 'The diagnosis between gout and
+        rheumatism is often exceedingly difficult, so much so that
+        nosologists have given a mixed class, or rheumatic gout. Mr.
+        Hunter warmly opposed this compound appellation, for, in his
+        opinion, no two distinct diseases, or even distinct diatheses, can
+        co-exist in the same constitution; a law, it must be admitted, to
+        have many exceptions.' Compare _Watson's Principles and Practice
+        of Physic_, London, 1857, vol. i. p. 312; 'acting upon the
+        aphorism of John Hunter (an aphorism, however, which requires some
+        qualification), that two diseases or actions cannot go on in a
+        part at the same time.' According to another authority, 'There can
+        be little doubt that two or more zymotic processes do often go on
+        simultaneously in the blood and body; a fact of profound interest
+        to the pathologist, and worthy of attentive investigation.'
+        _Report on the Public Health for 1847_, in _Journal of the
+        Statistical Society_, vol. xi. p. 168, London, 1848. See also, on
+        the co-existence of specific poisons, _Erichsen's Surgery_, 2nd
+        edit., London, 1857, p. 430. Mr. Paget, in his striking and
+        eminently suggestive _Lectures on Pathology_, London, 1853, vol.
+        ii. pp. 537, 538, has made some interesting remarks on one part of
+        the theory of co-existence; and his observations, so far as they
+        go, tend to corroborate Hunter's view. He has put very forcibly
+        the antagonism between cancer and other specific diseases; and
+        especially between the cancerous diathesis and the tuberculous.
+
+Other parts of his pathology abound with similar instances, which show
+how anxious he was to assume principles on which he could build
+arguments. Of this kind were his ideas respecting sympathy, as connected
+with action. He suggested, that the simplest forms of sympathy would
+probably be found in the vegetable world, because there, the general
+arrangements are less intricate than in the animal world.[896] On this
+supposition, he constructed a series of curious and refined speculations,
+of which, however, I must confine myself to giving a very short summary.
+As animals sympathize more than vegetables, this helps us to understand
+why it is that their movements are more numerous. For, sympathy, being a
+susceptibility to impression, is also a principle of action.[897] Like
+other principles of action, it may be either natural or diseased.[898]
+But, whichever it be, it can, in plants, have only one mode of
+development, because, in them, it can only be influenced by stimulus;
+while in animals, which have sensation, it has necessarily three modes,
+one from stimulus, one from sensation, and a third compounded of the
+other two.[899] These are the largest divisions of sympathy, if we
+consider the organic world as a whole. In single cases, however, sympathy
+admits of still further subdivision. We may reason from it, in reference
+to the age of the individual;[900] we may also reason from it in
+reference to temperament, since, in point of fact, temperament is nothing
+but susceptibility to action.[901] And when sympathy is in action, we
+may, by analyzing our idea of it, reduce it to five different heads, and
+may classify it as continued, or contiguous, or remote, or similar, or
+dissimilar.[902] All these supplied Hunter with principles from which, by
+reasoning deductively, he attempted to explain the facts of disease; for,
+according to him, disease merely consists in a want of combination of
+actions.[903] By this process of thought, he was induced to neglect
+those predisposing causes, to which inductive pathologists pay great
+attention, and with which the works of his English contemporaries were
+much occupied. Such causes could only be generalized from observation,
+and Hunter made no account of them. Indeed, he even denies their real
+existence, and asserts that a predisposing cause is simply an increased
+susceptibility to form disposition to action.[904]
+
+  [896] 'The most simple sympathy is perhaps to be found in vegetables,
+        these being much more simple than the most simple animal.'
+        _Principles of Surgery_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. 327.
+
+  [897] 'This principle of action, called sympathy,' &c. _Ibid._ vol. i.
+        p. 318.
+
+  [898] 'Sympathy may be divided into two kinds, the natural and the
+        diseased.' _Principles of Surgery_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 320; see also _A Treatise on the Blood, Inflammation, &c._, in
+        _Works_, vol. iii. p. 6.
+
+  [899] _Croonian Lectures on Muscular Motion_, in _Hunter's Works_,
+        vol. iv. p. 207; and exactly the same words in his _Phytology_, in
+        _Hunter's Essays_, London, 1861, vol. i. p. 361.
+
+  [900] 'Local or partial sympathy is found more in old than in young;
+        whereas universal sympathy is more in young than in old. Sympathy
+        is less determined in young persons, every part being then ready
+        to sympathize with other parts under disease.' ... 'As the child
+        advances, the power of sympathy becomes partial, there not being
+        now, in the constitution, that universal consent of parts, but
+        some part, which has greater sympathy than the rest, falls into
+        the whole irritation; therefore the whole disposition to sympathy
+        is directed to some particular part. The different organs acquire
+        more and more of their own independent actions as the child grows
+        older.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. pp. 322, 323.
+
+  [901] 'Susceptibilities for dispositions and actions appear to me to be
+        the same with what are usually understood by temperament.
+        Temperament is the state of the body fitting it for the
+        disposition or action it is then in.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 307.
+
+  [902] _Hunter's Works_, vol. iii. p. 393.
+
+  [903] 'As every natural action of the body depends, for its perfection,
+        on a number of circumstances, we are led to conclude, that all the
+        various combining actions are established while the body is in
+        health, and well disposed; but this does not take place in
+        diseased actions, for disease, on the contrary, consists in the
+        want of this very combination.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. iii. p. 10.
+        Compare vol. i. p. 310: 'I have explained that a disease is a
+        disposition for a wrong action, and that the action is the
+        immediate effect of the disposition, and that either the actions
+        or the effects of those actions, _produce the symptoms which are
+        generally called the disease_; such as sensations, which are
+        commonly pain of all kinds, sickness, alteration visible or
+        invisible in the structure of the part or parts that act, and
+        sympathy.'
+
+  [904] 'There is no such thing, strictly speaking, as a predisposing
+        cause. What is commonly understood by a predisposing cause is an
+        increased susceptibility to form disposition to action. When I say
+        I am predisposed for such and such actions, it is only that I am
+        very susceptible of such and such impressions.' _Hunter's Works_,
+        vol. i. p. 303. See also p. 301: 'The most simple idea I can form
+        of an animal being capable of disease is, that every animal is
+        endued with a power of action, and a susceptibility of impression,
+        which impression forms a disposition, which disposition may
+        produce action, which action becomes the immediate sign of the
+        disease; all of which will be according to the nature of the
+        impression and of the part impressed.'
+
+By reasoning from the twofold ideas of action and of sympathy, Hunter
+constructed the deductive or synthetic part of his pathology. This he did
+as a Scotchman, and to this, had he always lived in Scotland, he would
+probably have confined himself. But being for forty years surrounded by
+Englishmen, and having his mind impregnated by English habits, he
+contracted something of their mode of thought. We, accordingly, find that
+a considerable portion of his pathology is as inductive as the most eager
+disciple of Bacon could desire; forming, in this respect, a striking
+contrast to the purely synthetic method of Cullen, the other great
+pathologist of Scotland. In the attempt, however, which Hunter made to
+mix these two methods, he perplexed both himself and his readers. Hence
+that obscurity, which even his warmest admirers have noticed, though they
+have not perceived its cause. Vast as his powers were, he was unable to
+effect a complete union between induction and deduction. That this should
+have happened, will not surprise any one, who considers how some of the
+greatest thinkers have failed in this, the most difficult of all
+enterprises. Among the ancients, Plato failed in induction, and all his
+followers failed with him; since none of them have placed sufficient
+confidence in facts, and in the process of reasoning from particulars to
+generals. Among the moderns, Bacon was deficient in deduction, and every
+Baconian has been similarly deficient; it being the essential vice of
+that school to despise reasoning from general propositions, and to
+underrate the value of the syllogism. It may, indeed, be doubted if the
+history of the world supplies more than two instances of physical
+philosophers being as great in one form of investigation as in the other.
+They are Aristotle and Newton, who wielded each method with equal ease,
+combining the skill and boldness of deduction with the caution and
+perseverance of induction, masters alike of synthesis and of analysis, as
+capable of proceeding from generals to particulars, as from particulars
+to generals, sometimes making ideas precede facts, and sometimes making
+facts precede ideas, but never faltering, never doubting which course to
+take, and never allowing either scheme unduly to encroach on its
+opposite. That Hunter should be unable to perform this, merely proves
+that he was inferior to these two men, whose almost incredible
+achievements entitle them to be termed the prodigies of the human race.
+But what he did was wonderful, and, in his own department, has never been
+rivalled. Of the character and extent of his inquiries, I have given a
+sketch, which, notwithstanding its imperfections, may serve to illustrate
+the antagonism of the Scotch and English intellects, by showing how the
+methods peculiar to each nation struggled for mastery in that great mind,
+which was exposed to the action of both. Which method predominated in
+Hunter, it would be hard to say. But it is certain, that his
+understanding was troubled by their conflict. It is also certain, that,
+owing to his love of deduction, or of reasoning from general ideas, he
+exercised much less sway over his English contemporaries, than he would
+have done if he had exclusively followed their favourite method of
+reasoning from particular facts. Hence, the disproportion between his
+influence and his merits. As to his merits, it is now admitted that, in
+addition to his physiological discoveries, and the great pathological
+views which he propounded, we may trace to him nearly all the surgical
+improvements which were introduced within about forty years after his
+death.[905] He was the first who explained, and, indeed, the first who
+recognized, the disease of inflammation of the veins, which is of
+frequent occurrence, and, under the name of phlebitis, has latterly been
+much studied, but which, before his time, had been ascribed to the most
+erroneous causes.[906] On general inflammation, he threw so much light,
+that the doctrines which he advocated, and which were then ridiculed as
+whimsical novelties, are now taught in the schools, and have become part
+of the common traditions of the medical profession.[907] He, moreover,
+introduced what is probably the most capital improvement in surgery ever
+effected by a single man; namely, the practice in aneurism of tying the
+artery at a distance from the seat of disease. This one suggestion has
+saved thousands of lives; and both the suggestion, and the first
+successful execution of it, are entirely owing to John Hunter, who, if he
+had done nothing else, would, on this account alone, have a right to be
+classed among the principal benefactors of mankind.[908]
+
+  [905] Hunter died in 1793. In 1835, Mr. Palmer writes: 'Those who have
+        traced the progress of modern surgery to its true source, will not
+        fail to have discerned, in the principles which Hunter
+        established, the germs of almost all the improvements which have
+        been since introduced.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. vii. Eighteen
+        years later, Mr. Paget says of Hunter's views respecting the
+        healing of injuries: 'In these sentences, Mr. Hunter has embodied
+        the principle on which is founded the whole practice of
+        subcutaneous surgery; a principle of which, indeed, it seems
+        hardly possible to exaggerate the importance.' _Paget's Lectures
+        on Surgical Pathology_, London, 1853, vol. i. p. 170. At pp. 197,
+        198: 'After what I have said respecting the process of immediate
+        union, it may appear that Mr. Hunter was more nearly right than
+        his successors.'
+
+  [906] 'Inflammation of the veins, originally studied by Hunter, has of
+        late years attracted the attention of many distinguished
+        Continental and British pathologists.' _Erichsen's Surgery_,
+        London, 1857, p. 475. 'No subject more amply illustrates the
+        essential services which the science and art of medicine have
+        derived from pathological anatomy than that of phlebitis. By this
+        study many a dark point in the phenomena of disease has been
+        either thoroughly elucidated, or, at all events, rendered more
+        comprehensible. We need only refer to the so-termed malignant
+        intermittents, consequent upon wounds and surgical operations,--to
+        certain typhoid conditions, puerperal diseases, and the like, John
+        Hunter, the elder Meckel, and Peter Frank, were the first to
+        commence the investigation.' _Hasse's Anatomical Description of
+        the Diseases of the Organs of Circulation and Respiration_,
+        London, 1846, p. 10. 'Hunter was the first to open the way, and
+        since that period the scalpel has shown that many previously
+        unintelligible malignant conditions are attributable to
+        phlebitis.' _Jones and Sieveking's Pathological Anatomy_, London,
+        1854, p. 362. On the application of this discovery to the theory
+        of inflammation of the spleen, see _Rokitansky's Pathological
+        Anatomy_, vol. ii. p. 173, London, 1849; compare vol. iv. p. 335.
+
+  [907] Sir Benjamin Brodie says: 'It is true that the essential parts of
+        John Hunter's doctrines as to inflammation and its consequences
+        are now so incorporated with what is taught in the schools, that
+        to be acquainted with them you need not seek them in his works;
+        but I recommend you, nevertheless, to make these your especial
+        study, for the sake of the other valuable information which they
+        contain, and the important views in physiology and pathology
+        which, in almost every page, are offered to your contemplation.'
+        _Brodie's Lectures on Pathology and Surgery_, London, 1846, p. 25.
+        'John Hunter, whose treatise on Inflammation is a mine in which
+        all succeeding writers have dug.' _Watson's Principles and
+        Practice of Physic_, London, 1857, vol. i. p. 146. 'The appeal to
+        philosophical principles in Hunter's works was, indeed, the cause
+        of their being a closed volume to his less enlightened
+        contemporaries; but, though the principles implied or expressed,
+        subjected them to the scorn and neglect of those less imbued with
+        the spirit of philosophy, the results of those principles,
+        verified as they were by facts, have gradually and insensibly
+        forced themselves on the conviction of the profession; and though
+        adopted silently, and without acknowledgment, as if the authors
+        themselves had forgotten or were ignorant from whence they were
+        derived, they now form the very groundwork of all books,
+        treatises, and lectures on professional subjects.' _Green's Vital
+        Dynamics_, London, 1840, p. 81. Finally, I will quote the very
+        recent testimony of Mr. Simon, who, in his masterly, and
+        singularly beautiful, essay on Inflammation, has not only brought
+        together nearly every thing which is known on that interesting
+        subject, but has shown himself to be possessed of powers of
+        generalization rare in the medical profession, or, indeed, in any
+        other profession. 'Without undue partiality, an Englishman may be
+        glad to say that the special study of Inflammation dates from the
+        labours of John Hunter. An indefatigable observer of nature,
+        untrammelled by educational forms, and thoroughly a sceptic in his
+        method of study, this large-minded surgeon of ours went to work at
+        inflammation with a full estimate of the physiological vastness of
+        his subject. He saw that, in order to understand inflammation, he
+        must regard it, not as one solitary fact of disease, but in
+        connexion with kindred phenomena--some of them truly morbid in
+        their nature, but many of them within the limits of health. He saw
+        that, for any one who would explain inflammation, all inequalities
+        of blood supply, all periodicities of growth, all actions of
+        sympathy, were part of the problem to be solved.' ... 'He cannot
+        be understood without more reflection than average readers will
+        give; and only they who are content to struggle through a veil of
+        obscure language, up to the very reality of his intent, can learn
+        with how great a master they are communing.' ... 'Doubtless, he
+        was a great discoverer. But it is for the spirit of his labours,
+        even more than for the establishment of new doctrine, that English
+        surgery is for ever indebted to him. Of facts in pathology, he
+        may, perhaps, be no permanent teacher; but to the student of
+        medicine he must always be a noble pattern. Emphatically, it may
+        be said of him, that he was the physiological surgeon. Others,
+        before him (Galen, for instance, eminently), had been at once
+        physiologists and practitioners; but science, in their case, had
+        come little into contact with practice. Never had physiology been
+        so incorporated with surgery, never been so applied to the
+        investigation of disease and the suggestion of treatment, as it
+        was by this master-workman of ours. And to him, so far as such
+        obligations can be personal, we assuredly owe it that, for the
+        last half-century, the foundations of English surgery have, at
+        least professedly, been changing from a basis of empiricism to a
+        basis of science.' _Simon on Inflammation_, in _A System of
+        Surgery_, edited by T. Holmes, London, 1860, vol. i. pp. 134-136.
+
+  [908] Mr. Bowman, in his _Principles of Surgery_ (_Encyclopaedia of the
+        Medical Sciences_, London, 4to, 1847) says (p. 831): 'Before the
+        time of Hunter, the operation was performed by cutting into the
+        sac of the aneurism, and tying the vessel above and below. So
+        formidable was this proceeding in its consequences, that
+        amputation of the limb was frequently preferred, as a less
+        dangerous and fatal measure. The genius of Hunter led him to tie
+        the femoral artery, in a case of popliteal aneurism, leaving the
+        tumour untouched. The safety and efficacy of this mode of
+        operating have now been fully established, and the principle has
+        been extended to all operations for the cure of this formidable
+        disease.' See also p. 873; _Paget's Surgical Pathology_, vol. i.
+        pp. 36, 37; and _Erichsen's Surgery_, pp. 141, 142, 508, 509.
+
+But, so far as his own immediate reputation was concerned, all was in
+vain. He was in the midst of a people who had no sympathy with that mode
+of thought which was most natural to him. They cared nothing for ideas,
+except with a few to direct and tangible results; he valued ideas for
+themselves, and for the sake of their truth, independently of all other
+considerations. His English contemporaries, prudent, sagacious, but
+short-sighted, seeing few things at a time, but seeing those things with
+admirable clearness, were unable to appreciate his comprehensive
+speculations. Hence, in their opinion, he was little else than an
+innovator and an enthusiast.[909] Hence, too, even the practical
+improvements which he introduced were coldly received, because they
+proceeded from so suspicious a source. The great Scotchman, thrown among
+a nation whose habits of mind were uncongenial to his own, stood, says
+one of the most celebrated of his disciples, in a position of solitary
+and comfortless superiority.[910] Indeed, so little was he regarded by
+that very profession of which he was the chiefest ornament, that, during
+the many years in which he delivered lectures in London on anatomy and on
+surgery, his audience never amounted to twenty persons.[911]
+
+  [909] 'The majority of Hunter's contemporaries considered his pursuits to
+        have little connexion with practice, charged him with attending to
+        physiology more than surgery, and looked on him as little better
+        than an innovator and an enthusiast.' _Ottley's Life of Hunter_,
+        p. 126. In a work, which was written by a surgeon only the year
+        after Hunter died, the reader is told, in regard to his remarkable
+        inquiries respecting animal heat, that 'his experiments, if they
+        be true, carry with them no manner of information:--if they be
+        true, no effect for the benefit of man can possibly be derived
+        from them.' _Foot's Life of Hunter_, London, 1794, p. 116. At p.
+        225, the same practitioner reproaches the great philosopher with
+        propounding 'purely a piece of theory, without any practical
+        purpose whatever.' Foot, indeed, wrote under the influence of
+        personal feelings, but he rightly judged that these were the sort
+        of charges which would be most likely to prejudice the English
+        public against Hunter. It never occurred to Foot, any more than it
+        would occur to his readers, that the quest of truth, as truth, is
+        a magnificent object, even if its practical benefit is
+        imperceptible. One other testimony is worth quoting. Sir Astley
+        Cooper writes of Cline: 'His high opinion of Mr. Hunter shows his
+        judgment; for almost all others of Mr. Hunter's contemporaries,
+        although they praise him now, abused him while he lived.' _The
+        Life of Sir Astley Cooper, by Bransby Blake Cooper_, London, 1843,
+        vol. ii. p. 337.
+
+  [910] 'Those who far precede others, must necessarily remain alone; and
+        their actions often appear unaccountable, nay, even extravagant,
+        to their distant followers, who know not the causes that give rise
+        to them, nor the effects which they are designed to produce. In
+        such a situation stood Mr. Hunter, with relation to his
+        contemporaries. It was a comfortless precedence, for it deprived
+        him of sympathy and social co-operation.' _Abernathy's Hunterian
+        Oration_, p. 49.
+
+  [911] 'These he continued for several years; but so far were his
+        talents, and his enlightened views, from exciting the attention
+        they merited, that his hearers never amounted to twenty,'
+        _Ottley's Life of Hunter_, p. 28.
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+I have now completed my examination of the Scotch intellect as it
+unfolded itself in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The
+difference between those two periods must strike every reader. In the
+seventeenth century, the ablest Scotchmen wasted their energies on
+theological subjects, respecting which we have no trustworthy
+information, and no means of obtaining any. On these topics, different
+persons and different nations, equally honest, equally enlightened, and
+equally competent, have entertained, and still entertain, the most
+different opinions, which they advocate with the greatest confidence, and
+support by arguments, perfectly satisfactory to themselves, but
+contemptuously rejected by their opponents. Each side deeming itself in
+possession of the truth, the impartial inquirer, that is, he who really
+loves truth, and knows how difficult it is to obtain it, seeks for some
+means by which he may fairly adjudicate between these conflicting
+pretensions, and determine which is right and which is wrong. The further
+he searches, the more he becomes convinced that no such means are to be
+found, and that these questions, if they do not transcend the limits of
+the human understanding, do, certainly, transcend its present resources,
+and have no chance of being answered, while other and much simpler
+problems are still unsolved. It would be strange, indeed, if we, ignorant
+of so many lower and subordinate matters, should be able to reach and
+penetrate these remote and complicated mysteries. It would be strange if
+we, who, notwithstanding the advances we have made, are still in the
+infancy of our career, and who, like infants, can only walk with unsteady
+gait, and are scarce able to move without stumbling, even on plain and
+level ground, should, nathless, succeed in scaling those dizzy heights,
+which, overhanging our path, lure us on where we are sure to fall.
+Unfortunately, however, men are, in every age, so little conscious of
+their deficiencies, that they not only attempt this impossible task, but
+believe they have achieved it. Of those who are a prey to this delusion,
+there are always a certain number, who, seated on their imaginary
+eminence, are so inflated by the fancied superiority, as to undertake to
+instruct, to warn, and to rebuke the rest of mankind. Giving themselves
+out as spiritual advisers, and professing to teach what they have not yet
+learned, they exhibit in their own persons that most consistent of all
+combinations, a combination of great ignorance with great arrogance. From
+this, other evils inevitably follow. The ignorance produces superstition;
+the arrogance produces tyranny. Hence it is, that, in a country like
+Scotland, where the pressure of long-continued and adverse circumstances
+has consolidated the power of these pretenders to wisdom, such sad
+results become conspicuous in every direction. Not only the national
+character, but also the national literature, feel their influence, and
+are coloured by them. It was, therefore, natural that, in Scotland, in
+the seventeenth century, when the authority of the clergy was most
+uncontrolled, the consequences of that authority should be most apparent.
+It was natural that a literature should be created such as that of which
+I have given some account; a literature which encouraged superstition,
+intolerance, and bigotry; a literature full of dark misgivings, and of
+still darker threats; a literature which taught men that it was wrong to
+enjoy the present, and that it was right to tremble at the future; a
+literature, in a word, which, spreading gloom on every side, soured the
+temper, corrupted the affections, numbed the intellect, and brought into
+complete discredit those bold and original inquiries, without which there
+can be no advance in human knowledge, and consequently no increase of
+human happiness.
+
+To this, the literature of the eighteenth century offered a striking and
+most exhilarating contrast. It seemed as if, in a moment, all was
+changed. The Baillies, the Binnings, the Dicksons, the Durhams, the
+Flemings, the Frasers, the Gillespies, the Guthries, the Halyburtons, the
+Hendersons, the Rutherfords, and the rest of that monkish rabble, were
+succeeded by eminent and enterprising thinkers, whose genius lighted up
+every department of knowledge, and whose minds, fresh and vigorous as the
+morning, opened for themselves a new career, and secured for their
+country a high place in the annals of European intellect. Something of
+what they effected, I have endeavoured to narrate; much, however, has
+been left untold. But I have brought forward sufficient evidence to
+convince even the most sceptical reader of the splendour of their
+achievements, and of the difference between the noble literature which
+they produced, and those wretched compositions which disfigured the
+preceding century.
+
+Still, great as the difference was, the two literatures had, as I have
+shown, one important point in common. Both were essentially deductive;
+and the proof of this I have given at considerable length, because,
+though it has, so far as I am aware, escaped the attention of all
+previous inquirers, its consequences were of the utmost moment to the
+fortunes of Scotland, and are, moreover, full of interest to those who,
+in their investigations of human affairs, desire to penetrate below the
+mere surface and symptoms of things.
+
+If we take a general view of those countries where science has been
+cultivated, we shall find that, wherever the deductive method of inquiry
+has predominated, knowledge, though often increased and accumulated, has
+never been widely diffused. On the other hand, we shall find that, when
+the inductive method has predominated, the diffusion of knowledge has
+always been considerable, or, at all events, has been beyond comparison
+greater than when deduction was prevalent. This holds good, not only of
+different countries, but also of different periods in the same country.
+It even holds good of different individuals in the same period, and in
+the same country. If, in any civilized nation, two men, equally gifted,
+were to propound some new and startling conclusion, and one of these men
+were to defend his conclusion by reasoning from ideas or general
+principles, while the other man were to defend his by reasoning from
+particular and visible facts, there can be no doubt that, supposing all
+other things the same, the latter man would gain most adherents. His
+conclusion would be more easily diffused, simply because a direct appeal,
+in the first instance, to palpable facts, strikes the vulgar with
+immediate effect; while an appeal to principles is beyond their ken, and
+as they do not sympathize with it, they are apt to ridicule it. Facts
+seem to come home to every one, and are undeniable. Principles are not so
+obvious, and, being often disputed, they have, to those who do not grasp
+them, an unreal and illusory appearance, which weakens their influence.
+Hence it is that inductive science, which always gives the first place to
+facts, is essentially popular, and has on its side those innumerable
+persons, who will not listen to the more refined and subtle teachings of
+deductive science. Hence, too, we find historically that the
+establishment of the modern inductive philosophy, with its varied and
+attractive experiments, its material appliances, and its constant appeal
+to the senses, has been intimately connected with the awakening of the
+public mind, and coincides with that spirit of inquiry, and with that
+love of liberty, which have been constantly advancing since the
+sixteenth century. We may assuredly say, that scepticism and democracy
+are the two leading features of this great scientific movement. The
+seventeenth century, which ushered in the Baconian philosophy, was
+remarkable for its insubordinate spirit, especially in the country where
+that philosophy originated, and where it most flourished. In the next
+age, it was transplanted into France, and there, too, it worked upon the
+popular mind, and, was, as I have already pointed out, one of the
+principal causes of the French Revolution.
+
+If we look still closer into this interesting question, we shall find
+further corroboration of the view, that the inferences of an inductive
+philosophy are more likely to be diffused than those of a deductive one.
+Inductive science rests immediately upon experience, or, at all events,
+upon experiment, which is merely experience artificially modified. Now,
+an immense majority of mankind, even in the most advanced countries, are,
+by the constitution of their minds, incapable of seizing general
+principles and applying them to daily affairs, without doing serious
+mischief, either to themselves, or to others. Such an application
+requires not only great dexterity, but also a knowledge of those
+disturbing causes which affect the operation of all general theorems. The
+task, being so difficult to perform, is rarely attempted; and average
+men, possessed of a tolerably sound judgment, do, with good reason, rely
+mainly on experience, which is to them a safer and more useful guide than
+any principle, however accurate and scientific it might be. This begets
+in their minds a prejudice on behalf of experimental inquiries, and a
+corresponding dislike of the opposite and more speculative method. And it
+can, I think, hardly be doubted, that one of the causes of the triumph of
+the Baconian philosophy, is the growth of the industrious classes, whose
+business-like and methodical habits are eminently favourable to empirical
+observations of the uniformities of sequence, since, indeed, on the
+accuracy of such observations the success of all practical affairs
+depends. Certainly, we find that the overthrow of the purely deductive
+scholasticism of the Middle Ages has been everywhere accompanied by the
+spread of trade; and whoever will carefully study the history of Europe,
+will discern many traces of a connexion between the two movements, both
+of which are marked by an increasing respect for material and empirical
+interests, and a disregard of ideal and speculative pursuits.
+
+The relation between all this and the popular tendency of induction is
+obvious. For one person who can think, there are at least a hundred
+persons who can observe. An accurate observer is, no doubt, rare; but an
+accurate thinker is far rarer. Of this the proofs are too abundant to be
+disputed. Indeed, no one can mix with his fellow-creatures, without
+seeing how much more natural it is for them to notice than to reflect;
+and how extremely unusual it is to meet with any one whose conversation,
+or whose writings, bear marks of patient and original thought. And,
+inasmuch as thinkers are more prone to accumulate ideas, while observers
+are more prone to accumulate facts, the overwhelming predominance of the
+observing class is a decisive reason why induction, which begins with
+facts, is always more popular than deduction, which begins with ideas. It
+is often said, and probably with truth, that all deduction is preceded by
+induction; so that, in every syllogism, the major premiss, however
+obvious and necessary it may appear, is merely a generalization of facts,
+or record of what the senses had already observed. But this opinion,
+whether true or false, does not affect what I have just stated, because
+it concerns the origin of our knowledge, and not its subsequent
+treatment; that is to say, it is a metaphysical opinion, rather than a
+logical one. For, even supposing that all deduction rests ultimately on
+induction, it is, nevertheless, certain that there are innumerable cases
+in which the induction takes place at so early a period of life that we
+are unconscious of it, and can by no effort recall the process. The
+axioms of geometry afford a good specimen of this. No one can tell when
+or how he first believed that the whole is greater than its part, or that
+things which are equal to the same thing are equal to one another. All
+these preliminary steps are concealed from us, and the strength and
+dexterity of deduction are displayed in the subsequent steps by which the
+major premiss is adjusted, and, as it were, fitted to the minor. This
+often requires great subtlety of thought, and, in every instance, the
+external world is put aside, and lost sight of. The process, being ideal,
+has no concern, either with observations or experiments. The suggestions
+of the senses are shut out, while the mind passes through a long train of
+successive syllogisms, in which each conclusion is turned into the
+premiss of a new argument, until, at length, an inference is deductively
+obtained, which, to those who merely hear it enunciated, seems to have no
+connexion with the first premisses, though, in reality, it is the
+necessary consequence of them.
+
+A method, so recondite, and so hidden from the public gaze, can never
+command the public sympathy. Unless, therefore, the human mind should
+undergo some remarkable change in its nature as well as in its resources,
+the sensuous process of working upwards from particular facts to general
+principles, will always be more attractive than the ideal process of
+working downwards from principles to facts. In both cases, there is, no
+doubt, a line of argument essentially ideal; just as, in both cases,
+there is an assemblage of facts essentially sensuous. No method is pure,
+or stands entirely by itself. But, inasmuch as, in induction, the facts
+are more prominent than the ideas, while, in deduction, the ideas are
+more prominent than the facts, it is evident that conclusions arrived at
+by the former plan will, as a general rule, obtain a wider assent than
+conclusions arrived at by the latter plan. Obtaining a wider assent, they
+will produce more decisive results, and will be more likely to shape the
+national character and influence the course of national affairs.
+
+The only exception to this, is theology. There, the inductive method, as
+I have already observed, is inapplicable, and nothing remains but
+deduction, which is quite sufficient for the purposes of the theologian.
+For, he has a peculiar resource which supplies him with general
+principles, from which he can argue; and the possession of this resource
+forms the fundamental difference between him and the man of science.
+Science is the result of inquiry; theology is the result of faith. In the
+one, the spirit of doubt; in the other, the spirit of belief. In science,
+originality is the parent of discovery, and is, therefore, a merit; in
+theology, it is the parent of heresy, and is, therefore, a crime. Every
+system of religion the world has yet seen, recognizes faith as an
+indispensable duty; but to every system of science it is a hindrance,
+instead of a duty, inasmuch as it discourages those inquisitive and
+innovating habits on which all intellectual progress depends. The
+theologian, thus turning credulity into an honour, and valuing men in
+proportion as they are simple-minded and easy of belief, has little need
+to trouble himself with facts, which, indeed, he sets at open defiance,
+in his eagerness to narrate portentous, and often miraculous, events. To
+the inductive philosopher such a license is forbidden. He is obliged to
+ground his inferences on facts which no one disputes, or which, at all
+events, any one can either verify for himself, or see verified by others.
+And if he does not adopt this course, his inferences, be they ever so
+true, will have the greatest difficulty in working themselves into the
+popular mind, because they will savour of a subtlety and refinement of
+thought, which, more than any thing else, predisposes common
+understandings to reject the conclusions at which philosophers arrive.
+
+From the facts and arguments contained in this and the preceding chapter,
+the reader will, I trust, be able to see why it was that the Scotch
+intellect, during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, was
+preeminently deductive; and also why it was that, in the eighteenth
+century, the Scotch literature, notwithstanding its brilliancy, its
+power, and the splendid discoveries of which it was the vehicle, produced
+little or no effect on the nation at large. That literature, by its bold
+and innovating character, seemed peculiarly fitted to disturb ancient
+prejudices, and to rouse up a spirit of inquiry. But its method, both of
+investigation and of proof, was too refined to suit ordinary
+understandings. Therefore, upon ordinary understandings it was
+inoperative. In Scotland, as in ancient Greece, and in modern Germany,
+the intellectual classes, being essentially deductive, have been unable
+to influence the main body of the people. They have considered things at
+too great an altitude, and at too great a remove. In Greece, Aristotle
+alone had a true idea of what induction really was. But even he knew
+nothing of crucial instances and the theory of averages, the two capital
+resources of that inductive philosophy which we now possess. Neither did
+he, nor any of the great German philosophers, nor any of the great Scotch
+philosophers, attach sufficient importance to the slow and cautious
+method of gradually rising from each generalization to the one
+immediately above it, without omitting any intermediate generalizations.
+On this method, Bacon, indeed, insists too strongly, since many most
+important discoveries have been made independently of it, or, I should
+rather say, in contradiction to it. But it is a wonderful weapon, and
+none except men of real genius can dispense with its use. And when they
+do dispense with it, they cut themselves off from the general sympathies
+of their age and country. For, these small and proximate generalizations,
+which they neglect, are precisely those parts of philosophy which, being
+least removed from the region of visible facts, are best understood by
+the people, and, therefore, form the only common ground between thinkers
+and practitioners. They are a sort of middle term, which, being
+comprehended by both classes, is accessible to either. In all deductive
+reasoning, this intermediate, and, if I may so say, neutral, territory
+disappears, and the two classes have no meeting-place. Hence it is, that
+the Scotch philosophy, like the German philosophy, and like the Greek
+philosophy, has had no national influence. But in England, since the
+seventeenth century, and in France, since the eighteenth century, the
+prevailing philosophy has been inductive, and has, therefore, not only
+affected the intellectual classes, but also moved the public mind. The
+German philosophers are far superior, both in depth and in
+comprehensiveness, to the philosophers either of France or of England.
+Their profound researches have, however, done so little for their
+country, that the German people are every way inferior to the French and
+English people. So, too, in the philosophy of ancient Greece, we find a
+vast body of massive and original thought, and, what is infinitely
+better, we find a boldness of inquiry and a passionate love of truth,
+such as no modern nation has surpassed, and few modern nations have
+equalled. But the method of that philosophy was an insuperable barrier to
+its propagation. The people were untouched, and went grovelling on in
+their old folly, a prey to superstitions, most of which the great
+thinkers despised, and often attacked, but could by no means root out.
+Bad, however, as those superstitions were, we may confidently say that
+they were less noxious, that is, less detrimental to the happiness of
+man, than the repulsive and horrible notions advocated by the Scotch
+clergy, and sanctioned by the Scotch people. And on those notions the
+Scotch philosophy could make no impression. In Scotland, during the
+eighteenth century, superstition and science, the most irreconcilable of
+all enemies, flourished side by side, unable to weaken each other, and
+unable, indeed, to come into collision with each other. There was
+co-existence without contact. The two forces kept apart, and the result
+was, that, while the Scotch thinkers were creating a noble and most
+enlightened literature, the Scotch people, refusing to listen to those
+great masters of wisdom which their country possessed, remained in
+darkness, leaving the blind to follow the blind, and no one there to help
+them.
+
+It is, indeed, curious to observe how little effect was produced by the
+many great works written by Scotchmen in the eighteenth century. If we
+except the _Wealth of Nations_, I can hardly call to mind one which has
+perceptibly influenced public opinion. The reason of this exception may
+be easily explained. The _Wealth of Nations_ restricted the action of
+government within narrower limits than had ever been assigned to it by
+any other book of great merit. No previous political writer of admitted
+genius, had left so much to the people, and had demanded for them so much
+liberty in managing their own affairs, as Adam Smith did. The _Wealth of
+Nations_, being thus eminently a democratic book, was sure to find favour
+in Scotland, which was eminently a democratic country. Directly men heard
+its conclusions, they were prejudiced in favour of its arguments. So,
+too, in England, that love of liberty, which for many centuries has been
+our leading characteristic, and which does us more real honour than all
+our conquests, all our literature, and all our philosophy put together,
+invariably causes a popular bias on behalf of any claim to freedom. We,
+therefore, notwithstanding the activity of interested parties, were
+predisposed to the side of free trade, as one of the means of letting
+each man do what he liked with his own. But to imagine that ordinary
+minds are capable of mastering such a work as the _Wealth of Nations_,
+and of following without confusion its long and intricate arguments, is
+simply absurd. It has been read by tens of thousands of persons, who
+accept its conclusions because they like them; which is merely saying,
+because the movement of the age tends that way. The other great work of
+Adam Smith, namely, the _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, has had no
+influence except on a very small class of metaphysicians, although its
+style is, as some think, superior to the _Wealth of Nations_, and it is
+certainly easier to understand. It is, moreover, much shorter, which, to
+most readers, is no small recommendation; and it deals with subjects of
+great interest, which come home to the feelings of all. But the age, not
+caring for its conclusions, neglected its arguments. On the other hand,
+the _Wealth of Nations_ harmonized with the general tendency, and its
+success was supreme. It quickly moved, not only philosophers, but even
+statesmen and politicians, who eventually put into force its leading
+recommendations, though, as their laws and their speeches abundantly
+prove, they have never succeeded in mastering those great principles
+which underlie it, and of which the freedom of trade is but a minor
+accessory.
+
+Putting aside the _Wealth of Nations_, we shall find that the Scotch
+literature of the eighteenth century did scarcely any thing for Scotland,
+considered as a whole. How it has failed in its great aim of weakening
+superstition, is but too apparent to whoever has travelled in that
+country, and observed the habits and turn of mind still predominant. Many
+able and enlightened men who lived there, are so cowed by the general
+spirit, that, for their own comfort, and for the peace of their families,
+they make no resistance, but tacitly comply with what they heartily
+despise. That they err in doing so, I, at least, firmly believe; though I
+know that many honest, and in every respect competent, judges are of
+opinion, that no man is bound to be a martyr, or to jeopardize his
+personal interests, unless he clearly sees his way to some immediate
+public good. To me, however, it appears that this is a narrow view, and
+that the first duty of every one is to set his face in direct opposition
+to what he believes to be false, and, having done that, leave the results
+of his conduct to take care of themselves. Still, the temptation to a
+contrary course is always very strong, and, in a country like Scotland,
+is by many deemed irresistible. In no other Protestant nation, and,
+indeed, in no Catholic nation except Spain, will a man who is known to
+hold unorthodox opinions, find his life equally uncomfortable. In a few
+of the large towns, he may possibly escape animadversion, if his
+sentiments are not too bold, and are not too openly expressed. If he is
+timid and taciturn, his heresy may, perchance, be overlooked. But even in
+large towns, impunity is the exception, and not the rule. Even in the
+capital of Scotland, in that centre of intelligence which once boasted of
+being the Modern Athens, a whisper will quickly circulate that such an
+one is to be avoided, for that he is a free-thinker; as if free-thinking
+were a crime, or as if it were not better to be a free-thinker than a
+slavish thinker. In other parts, that is, in Scotland generally, the
+state of things is far worse. I speak, not on vague rumour, but from what
+I know as existing at the present time, and for the accuracy of which I
+vouch and hold myself responsible. I challenge any one to contradict my
+assertion, when I say that, at this moment, nearly all over Scotland, the
+finger of scorn is pointed at every man, who, in the exercise of his
+sacred and inalienable right of free judgment, refuses to acquiesce in
+those religious notions, and to practise those religious customs, which
+time, indeed, has consecrated, but many of which are repulsive to the eye
+of reason, though to all of them, however irrational they maybe, the
+people adhere with sullen and inflexible obstinacy. Knowing that these
+words will be widely read and circulated in Scotland, and averse as I
+naturally am to bring on myself the hostility of a nation, for whose many
+sterling and valuable qualities I entertain sincere respect, I do,
+nevertheless, deliberately affirm, that in no civilized country is
+toleration so little understood, and that in none is the spirit of
+bigotry and of persecution so extensively diffused. Nor can any one
+wonder that such should be the case, who observes what is going on there.
+The churches are as crowded as they were in the Middle Ages, and are
+filled with devout and ignorant worshippers, who flock together to listen
+to opinions of which the Middle Ages alone were worthy. Those opinions
+they treasure up, and, when they return to their homes, or enter into the
+daily business of life, they put them in force. And the result is, that
+there runs through the entire country a sour and fanatical spirit, an
+aversion to innocent gaiety, a disposition to limit the enjoyments of
+others, and a love of inquiring into the opinions of others, and of
+interfering with them, such as is hardly anywhere else to be found;
+while, in the midst of all this, there flourishes a national creed,
+gloomy and austere to the last degree, a creed which is full of
+forebodings and threats and horrors of every sort, and which rejoices in
+proclaiming to mankind how wretched and miserable they are, how small a
+portion of them can be saved, and what an overwhelming majority is
+necessarily reserved for excruciating, unspeakable, and eternal agony.
+
+Before bringing this volume to a close, it may be fitting that I should
+narrate an event, which, notwithstanding its recent occurrence, and the
+great attention it excited at the time, has, amid the pressure of
+weightier matters, fallen into comparative oblivion, although it is full
+of interest to those who study the various forms of national character,
+while it, moreover, supplies an admirable illustration of the essential
+antagonism which still exists between the Scotch and English minds; an
+antagonism extremely remarkable, when found among nations, both of whom,
+besides being contiguous, and constantly mixing together, speak the same
+language, read the same books, belong to the same empire, and possess the
+same interests, and yet are, in many important respects, as different as
+if there had never been any means of their influencing each other, and as
+if they had never had any thing in common.
+
+In the year 1853, the cholera, after having committed serious ravages in
+many parts of Europe, visited Scotland. There, it was sure to find
+numerous victims among a badly fed, badly housed, and not over-cleanly
+people. For, if there is one thing better established than another
+respecting this disease, it is that it invariably attacks, with the
+greatest effect, those classes who, from poverty or from sloth, are
+imperfectly nourished, neglect their persons, and live in dirty,
+ill-drained, or ill-ventilated dwellings. In Scotland, such classes are
+very numerous. In Scotland, therefore, the cholera must needs be very
+fatal. In this, there was nothing mysterious. On the contrary, the
+mystery would have been if an epidemic, like the Asiatic cholera, had
+spared a country like Scotland, where all the materials were collected on
+which pestilence feeds, and where filth, penury, and disorder, abound on
+every side.
+
+Under these circumstances, it must have been evident, not merely to men
+of science, but to all men of plain, sound understanding, who would apply
+their minds to the matter without prejudice, that the Scotch had only one
+way of successfully grappling with their terrible enemy. It behoved them
+to feed their poor, to cleanse their cesspools, and to ventilate their
+houses. If they had done this, and done it quickly, thousands of lives
+would have been spared. But they neglected it, and the country was thrown
+into mourning. Nay, they not only neglected it, but, moved by the dire
+superstition which sits like an incubus upon them, they adopted a course
+which, if it had been carried into full operation, would have aggravated
+the calamity to a frightful extent. It is well known that, whenever an
+epidemic is raging, physical exhaustion and mental depression make the
+human frame more liable to it, and are, therefore, especially to be
+guarded against. But, though this is a matter of common notoriety, the
+Scotch clergy, backed, sad to say, by the general voice of the Scotch
+people, wished the public authorities to take a step which was certain to
+cause physical exhaustion, and to encourage mental depression. In the
+name of religion, whose offices they thus abused and perverted to the
+detriment of man, instead of employing them for his benefit, they
+insisted on the propriety of ordering a national fast, which, in so
+superstitious a country, was sure to be rigidly kept, and, being rigidly
+kept, was equally sure to enfeeble thousands of delicate persons, and,
+before twenty-four hours were passed, prepare them to receive that deadly
+poison which was already lurking around them, and which, hitherto, they
+had just strength enough to resist. The public fast was also to be
+accompanied by a public humiliation, in order that nothing might be
+wanting to appal the mind and fill it with terror. On the same occasion,
+the preachers were to thunder from their pulpits and proclaim aloud the
+sins of the land; while the poor benighted people, panic-struck, were to
+sit in awe, were to remain the whole day without proper nourishment, and
+retire to their beds, weeping and starved. Then it was hoped that the
+Deity would be propitiated, and the plague be stayed. As soon as the
+entire nation had taken the course, which, of all others, was most
+certain to increase the mortality, it was believed that man having done
+his worst, the Almighty would interpose, would violate the laws of
+nature, and, by working a miracle, would preserve his creatures from
+what, without a miracle, would be the inevitable consequence of their
+own deliberate act.
+
+This was the scheme projected by the Scotch clergy, and they were
+determined to put it into execution. To give greater effect to it, they
+called upon England to help them, and, in the autumn of 1853, the
+Presbytery of Edinburgh, thinking that from their position they were
+bound to take the lead, caused their Moderator to address a letter,
+ostensibly to the English Minister, but in reality to the English nation.
+In this choice production, a copy of which is now lying before me, the
+Home Secretary is assured that the members of the Presbytery had delayed
+appointing a day for fasting and humiliation on their own ecclesiastical
+authority, because they thought it likely that one would be appointed by
+the royal authority. But as this had not been done, the Presbytery
+respectfully requested to be informed if it was intended to be done. They
+apologized for the liberty they were taking; they had no desire unduly to
+intrude themselves; neither did they wish the Home Secretary to answer
+their question unless he felt himself justified in doing so. Still, if he
+were able to answer it, they would be glad. For, there was no doubt that
+Asiatic cholera was in the country; and such being the case, the
+Presbytery of Edinburgh were interested in knowing if the appointment by
+the Queen of a national fast was in contemplation.[912]
+
+  [912] 'The members were of opinion,' writes the Moderator, 'that it
+        was likely, in the circumstances, that a national fast would be
+        appointed on royal authority. For this reason, they delayed
+        making an appointment for this locality, and directed me, in the
+        meantime, respectfully to request that you would be pleased to
+        say--if you feel yourself at liberty to do so--whether the
+        appointment of a national fast by the Queen is in contemplation.
+        The Presbytery hope to be excused for the liberty they use in
+        preferring this request.'
+
+This letter, which, through the medium of the press, was sure to become
+well known and to be widely read, was evidently intended to act on public
+opinion in England. It was, in fact, a covert reproach on the English
+Government for having neglected its spiritual duties, and for not having
+perceived that fasting was the most effectual way of stopping an
+epidemic. In Scotland, generally, it received great praise, and was
+regarded as a dignified rebuke addressed to the irreligious habits of the
+English people, who, seeing the cholera at their doors, merely occupied
+themselves with sanatory measures, and carnal devices to improve the
+public health, showing thereby that they trusted too much to the arms of
+the flesh. In England, on the other hand, this manifesto of the Scotch
+Church was met with almost universal ridicule, and, indeed, found no
+favourers except among the most ignorant and credulous part of the
+nation. The minister to whom it was addressed, was Lord Palmerston, a man
+of vast experience, and perhaps better acquainted with public opinion
+than any politician of his time. He, being well aware of the difference
+between Scotland and England, knew that what was suitable for one country
+was not suitable for the other, and that notions which the Scotch deemed
+religious, the English deemed fanatical. On a former occasion, the
+imperial government, yielding to the clamour which a few active and
+interested men succeeded in raising, had been foolish enough to set
+themselves in this matter in opposition to the temper of the age, and to
+enjoin public observances which, happily, were not strictly obeyed, but
+which, in so far as they were obeyed, heightened the general terror by
+reinforcing natural fears with supernatural ones, and thus, depressing
+the nervous system, increased the chance of mortality from the
+pestilence. To have the plague in our country is bad enough, since, do
+what we may, many victims will be struck down by it. But a fearful
+responsibility is entailed upon those who, at such a period, instead of
+exerting themselves to check its ravages, either by precautionary
+measures, or by soothing and re-assuring the people, do every thing in
+their power to aggravate the calamity, by encouraging that superstitious
+dread which weakens the popular energy at the very moment when energy is
+most requisite, and troubles the coolness, the self-reliance, and
+self-possession, without which no crisis of national danger can ever be
+averted.
+
+This time, however, there was no risk of the government committing so
+serious a blunder. Lord Palmerston, who knew that the sound sense of the
+English people would support him in what he was doing, directed a letter
+to be sent to the Presbytery of Edinburgh, which, unless I am greatly
+mistaken, will, in future ages, be quoted as an interesting document for
+illustrating the history of the progress of public opinion. A century
+ago, any statesman who had written such a letter, would have been driven
+from office by a storm of general indignation. Two centuries ago, the
+consequences to him would have been still more disastrous, and would,
+indeed, have ruined him socially, as well as politically. For, in it, he
+sets at defiance those superstitious fancies respecting the origin of
+disease, which were once universally cherished as an essential part of
+every religious creed. Traditions, the memory of which is preserved in
+the theological literature of all Pagan countries, of all Catholic
+countries, and of all Protestant countries, are quietly put aside, as if
+they were matters of no moment, and as if it were not worth while to
+discuss them. The Scotch clergy, occupying the old ground on which the
+members of their profession had always been accustomed to stand, took for
+granted that the cholera was the result of the divine anger, and was
+intended to chastise our sins. In the reply which they now received from
+the English Government, a doctrine was enunciated, which to Englishmen
+seems right enough, but which to Scotchmen sounded very profane. The
+Presbytery were informed, that the affairs of this world are regulated by
+natural laws, on the observance or neglect of which the weal or woe of
+mankind depends.[913] One of those laws connects disease with the
+exhalations of bodies; and it is by virtue of this law that contagion
+spreads, either in crowded cities, or in places where vegetable
+decomposition is going on. Man, by exerting himself, can disperse or
+neutralize these noxious influences. The appearance of the cholera proves
+that he has not exerted himself. The towns have not been purified; hence
+the root of the evil. The Home Secretary, therefore, advised the
+Presbytery of Edinburgh, that it was better to cleanse than to fast. He
+thought that the plague being upon them, activity was preferable to
+humiliation. It was now autumn, and before the hot weather would return,
+a considerable period must elapse. That period should be employed in
+destroying the causes of disease, by improving the abodes of the poor. If
+this were done, all would go well. Otherwise, pestilence would be sure to
+revisit them, 'in spite'--I quote the words of the English minister--'in
+spite of all the prayers and fastings of a united, but inactive
+nation.'[914]
+
+  [913] 'The weal or woe of mankind depends upon the observance or neglect
+        of those laws.'
+
+  [914] 'Lord Palmerston would, therefore, suggest that the best course
+        which the people of this country can pursue to deserve that the
+        further progress of the cholera should be stayed, will be to
+        employ the interval that will elapse between the present time and
+        the beginning of next spring in planning and executing measures by
+        which those portions of their towns and cities which are inhabited
+        by the poorest classes, and which, from the nature of things, must
+        most need purification and improvement, may be freed from those
+        causes and sources of contagion which, if allowed to remain, will
+        infallibly breed pestilence, and be fruitful in death, in spite of
+        all the prayers and fastings of a united, but inactive nation.'
+
+This correspondence between the Scotch clergy and the English statesman,
+is not to be regarded as a mere passing episode of light or temporary
+interest. On the contrary, it represents that terrible struggle between
+theology and science, which, having begun in the persecution of science,
+and in the martyrdom of scientific men, has, in these later days, taken a
+happier turn, and is now manifestly destroying that old theological
+spirit, which has brought so much misery and ruin upon the world. The
+ancient superstition, which was once universal, but is now slowly though
+surely dying away, represented the Deity as being constantly moved to
+anger, delighting in seeing His creatures abase and mortify themselves,
+taking pleasure in their sacrifices and their austerities, and,
+notwithstanding all they could do, constantly inflicting on them the most
+grievous punishments, among which the different forms of pestilence were
+conspicuous. It is by science, and by science alone, that these horrible
+delusions are being dissipated. Events, which formerly were deemed
+supernatural visitations, are now shown to depend upon natural causes,
+and to be amenable to natural remedies. Man can predict them, and man can
+deal with them. Being the inevitable result of their own antecedents, no
+room is left for the notion of their being special inflictions. This
+great change in our opinions is fatal to theology, but is serviceable to
+religion. For, by it, science, instead of being the enemy of religion,
+becomes its ally. Religion is to each individual according to the inward
+light with which he is endowed. In different characters, therefore, it
+assumes different forms, and can never be reduced to one common and
+arbitrary rule. Theology, on the other hand, claiming authority over all
+minds, and refusing to recognize their essential divergence, seeks to
+compel them to a single creed, and sets up one standard of absolute
+truth, by which it tests every one's opinions; presumptuously condemning
+those who disagree with that standard. Such arrogant pretensions need
+means of support. Those means are threats, which, in ignorant times, are
+universally believed, and which, by causing fear, produce submission.
+Hence it is, that the books of every theological system narrate acts of
+the grossest cruelty, which, without the least hesitation, are ascribed
+to the direct interposition of God. Humane and gentle natures revolt at
+such cruelties, even while they try to believe them. It is the business
+of science to purify theology, by showing that there has been no cruelty,
+because there has been no interposition. Science ascribes to natural
+causes, what theology ascribes to supernatural ones. According to this
+view the calamities with which the world is afflicted, are the result of
+the ignorance of man, and not of the interference of God. We must not,
+therefore, ascribe to Him what is due to our own folly, or to our own
+vice. We must not calumniate an all-wise and all-merciful Being, by
+imputing to Him those little passions which move ourselves, as if He were
+capable of rage, of jealousy, and of revenge, and as if He, with
+outstretched arm, were constantly employed in aggravating the sufferings
+of mankind, and making the miseries of the human race more poignant than
+they would otherwise be.
+
+That this remarkable improvement in religious ideas is due to the
+progress of physical science, is apparent, not only from general
+arguments which would lead us to anticipate that such must be the case,
+but also from the historical fact, that the gradual destruction of the
+old theology is everywhere preceded by the growth and diffusion of
+physical truths. The more we know of the laws of nature, the more clearly
+do we understand that every thing which happens in the material world,
+pestilence, earthquake, famine, or whatever it may be, is the necessary
+result of something which had previously happened. Cause produces effect,
+and the effect becomes, in its turn, a cause of other effects. In that
+operation, we see no gap, and we admit of no pause. To us, the chain is
+unbroken; the constancy of nature is unviolated. Our minds become
+habituated to contemplate all physical phenomena as presenting an
+orderly, uniform, and spontaneous march, and running on in one regular
+and uninterrupted sequence. This is the scientific view. It is also the
+religious view. Against it, we have the theological view; but that which
+has already lost its hold over the intellect of men is now losing its
+hold over their affections, and is so manifestly perishing, that at
+present no educated person ventures to defend it, without so limiting and
+guarding his meaning, as to concede to its opponents nearly every point
+which is really at issue.
+
+While, however, in regard to the material world, the narrow notions
+formerly entertained, are, in the most enlightened countries, almost
+extinct, it must be confessed that, in regard to the moral world, the
+progress of opinion is less rapid. The same men who believe that Nature
+is undisturbed by miraculous interposition, refuse to believe that man
+is equally undisturbed. In the one case, they assert the scientific
+doctrine of regularity; in the other, they assert the theological
+doctrine of irregularity. The reason of this difference of opinion is,
+that the movements of nature are less complex than the movements of man.
+Being less complex, they are more easily studied, and more quickly
+understood. Hence we find, that while natural science has long been
+cultivated, historical science hardly yet exists. Our knowledge of the
+circumstances which determine the course of mankind, is still so
+imperfect, and has been so badly digested, that it has produced scarcely
+any effect on popular ideas. Philosophers, indeed, are aware, that here,
+as elsewhere, there must be a necessary connexion between even the most
+remote and dissimilar events. They know that every discrepancy is capable
+of being reconciled, though we, in the present state of knowledge, may be
+unequal to the task. This is their faith, and nothing can wean them from
+it. But the great majority of people have a different faith. They believe
+that what is unexplained is inexplicable, and that what is inexplicable
+is supernatural. Science has explained an immense number of physical
+phenomena, and therefore, even to the vulgar, those phenomena no longer
+seem supernatural, but are ascribed to natural causes. On the other hand,
+science has not yet explained the phenomena of history; consequently, the
+theological spirit lays hold of them, and presses them into its own
+service. In this way there has arisen that famous and ancient theory,
+which has received the name of the moral government of the world. It is a
+high-sounding title, and imposes on many, who, if they examined its
+pretensions, would never be duped by them. For, like that other notion
+which we have just considered, it is not only unscientific, but it is
+eminently irreligious. It is, in fact, an impeachment of one of the
+noblest attributes of the Deity. It is a slur on the Omniscience of God.
+It assumes that the fate of nations, instead of being the result of
+preceding and surrounding events, is specially subject to the control and
+interference of Providence. It assumes that there are great public
+emergencies, in which such interference is needed. It assumes, that,
+without the interference, the course of affairs could not run smoothly;
+that they would be jangled and out of tune; that the play and harmony of
+the whole would be incomplete. And thus it is, that the very men who, at
+one moment, proclaim the Divine Omniscience, do, at the next moment,
+advocate a theory which reduces that Omniscience to nothing, since it
+imputes to an All-wise Being, that the scheme of human affairs, of which
+He must, from the beginning, have foreseen every issue and every
+consequence, is so weakly contrived as to be liable to be frustrated;
+that it has not turned out as He could have wished; that it has been
+baffled by His own creatures, and that, to preserve its integrity, its
+operations must be tampered with, and its disorders redressed. The great
+Architect of the universe, the Creator and Designer of all existing
+things, is likened to some clumsy mechanic, who knows his trade so ill,
+that he has to be called in to alter the working of his own machine, to
+supply its deficiencies, to fill up its flaws, and to rectify its errors.
+
+It is time that such unworthy notions should come to an end. It is time
+that what has long been known to philosophers, should also be known to
+historians, and that the history of mankind should cease to be troubled
+by what, to those who are imbued with the scientific spirit, must seem
+little better than arrant trifling. Of two things, choose one. Either
+deny the Omniscience of the Creator, or else admit it. If you deny it,
+you deny what, to my mind at least, is a fundamental truth, and, on these
+matters, there can be no sympathy between us. But if you admit the
+Omniscience of God, beware of libelling what you profess to defend. For
+when you assert what is termed the moral government of the world, you
+slander Omniscience, inasmuch as you declare that the mechanism of the
+entire universe, including the actions both of Nature and of Man, planned
+as it is by Infinite Wisdom, is unequal to its duties, unless that same
+Wisdom does from time to time interfere with it. You assert, in fact,
+either that Omniscience has been deceived, or that Omnipotence has been
+defeated. Surely, they who believe, and whose pride and happiness it is
+to believe, that there is a Power above all and before all, knowing all
+and creating all, ought not to fall into such a snare as this. They who,
+dissatisfied with this little world of sense, seek to raise their minds
+to something which the senses are unable to grasp, can hardly fail, on
+deeper reflection, to perceive how coarse and material is that
+theological prejudice, which ascribes to such a Power the vulgar
+functions of a temporal ruler, arrays him in the garb of an earthly
+potentate, and represents him as meddling here and meddling there,
+uttering threats, inflicting punishments, bestowing rewards. These are
+base and grovelling conceptions, the offspring of ignorance and of
+darkness. Such gross and sordid notions are but one remove from actual
+idolatry. They are the draff and offal of a bygone age, and we will not
+have them obtruded here. Well suited they were to those old and barbarous
+times, when men, being unable to refine their ideas, were, therefore,
+unable to purify their creed. Now, however, they jar upon us; they do not
+assimilate with other parts of our knowledge; they are incongruous; their
+concord is gone. Every thing is against them. They stand alone; there is
+nothing left with which they harmonize. The whole scope and tendency of
+modern thought force upon our minds conceptions of regularity and of law,
+to which they are diametrically opposed. Even those who cling to them, do
+so from the influence of tradition, rather than from complete and
+unswerving belief. That child-like and unhesitating faith, with which the
+doctrine of interposition was once received, is succeeded by a cold and
+lifeless assent, very different from the enthusiasm of former times.
+Soon, too, this will vanish, and men will cease to be terrified by
+phantoms which their own ignorance has reared. This age, haply, may not
+witness the emancipation; but, so surely as the human mind advances, so
+surely will that emancipation come. It may come quicker than any one
+expects. For, we are stepping on far and fast. The signs of the time are
+all around, and they who list may read. The handwriting is on the wall;
+the fiat has gone forth; the ancient empire shall be subverted; the
+dominion of superstition, already decaying, shall break away, and crumble
+into dust; and new life being breathed into the confused and chaotic
+mass, it shall be clearly seen, that, from the beginning, there has been
+no discrepancy, no incongruity, no disorder, no interruption, no
+interference; but that all the events which surround us, even to the
+furthest limits of the material creation, are but different parts of a
+single scheme, which is permeated by one glorious principle of universal
+and undeviating regularity.
+
+
+
+
+                                 INDEX.
+
+
+  Aberdeen, burnt by the Highlanders, iii. 22. Population of, in the
+    sixteenth century, 28. Linen manufacturers of, 180. The first county
+    bank in Scotland established in, 181. Tyranny of the Kirk session
+    of, 222
+
+  Abyssinians, their superstition as to the hyaena, i. 126 _note_. Causes
+    of the corruptions of the Christianity of the, i. 265 _note_
+
+  Academies, why favoured in France, ii. 127 _note_
+
+  Achenwall, considered to be the first writer on systematic statistics,
+    i. 33 _note_
+
+  Acoustics, creation of the science of, ii. 190
+
+  Adam of Bremen, cause of his error as to Turks in Finland, i. 299. His
+    authority in Northern geography, 299 _note_
+
+  Adanson, his botanical discoveries, ii. 397
+
+  Addison, Joseph, his establishment of the easy and democratic style of
+    writing, i. 437 _note_
+
+  Advocates, Faculty of, great part of the, expelled from Edinburgh,
+    iii. 145
+
+  Africa, condition of, in the desert of Sahara, i. 47, 48. Causes of its
+    stationary condition, 49
+
+  Agassiz, his classification of fossil ichthyology, ii. 383, 384
+
+  Ages, the Dark, ii. 108. Supremacy of the clergy at this period, 108
+
+  Agricola, Roman invasion of Scotland under, iii. 7
+
+  Agriculture, system of, of the Arabs of Spain, ii. 497
+
+  Agriculturists, causes of the superstitions of, i. 376, 379
+
+  Air, Boyle's discovery of the law of the elasticity of the, i. 368.
+    Marriott's confirmation of this law, 368 _note_
+
+  Albany, Regent of Scotland, his vigorous measures against the nobles,
+    iii. 45. Leaves Scotland, 57
+
+  Alberoni, his services to Spain, ii. 519, 522, 523
+
+  Alexander IV., Pope, his the first formal call to the secular power to
+    punish heretics, ii. 109 _note_
+
+  Alexandrian doctrine of development in religion, ii. 21 _note_
+
+  Alfred of Beverley, his abridgment of the history of Geoffrey of
+    Monmouth, i. 324
+
+  Alfred, King, causes of our admiration of, ii. 249 _note_. The
+    institutions popularly ascribed to him, 249 _note_
+
+  Alison, Sir A., his eulogy of William III., i. 403 _note_
+
+  Almansa, battle of, ii. 516
+
+  Alva, number of persons put to death by, in the Netherlands, ii. 451
+
+  Amazon river, extent of the, i. 97 _note_. Area drained by the,
+    97 _note_. Origin of the name, i. 299 _note_
+
+  Amazons, origin in the North of Europe of the fable of the nation of,
+    i. 298, 299
+
+  Amboise, conspiracy of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in
+    the, ii. 10
+
+  Ambrose, St., his statement of the doctrine of predestination,
+    i. 13 _note_
+
+  America, policy of the Spaniards in, in the eighteenth century, ii. 557
+
+  America, Central, ancient civilization of, i. 93. Ruins and statues
+    extant in, 93 _note_. Evidences of the unequal distribution of wealth
+    in, 94. Question as to the races which formerly inhabited it, 94.
+    Character of the national religion of, 147
+
+  America, North, rivers of importance to be found almost wholly on the
+    eastern side of, i. 97. Causes of this, 97 _note_. Extent of the Amazon
+    alone, 97 _note_. Area drained by the Mississippi, 97. The Oregon the
+    boundary of the Californian flora, 97 _note_. One of the main causes of
+    the fertility of America, heat, 98. Difference between the heat of the
+    eastern and western coasts, 98. Early state of the North American
+    tribes, 99 _note_. Intercourse between the north-east of Asia and the
+    north-west of America, 99 _note_. Another main cause of fertility of,
+    irrigation, 97. Calvinism the popular creed of the republics of,
+    ii. 339
+
+  America, South, no great river on the western side of, i. 97, 98.
+    Difference between the heat and moisture of the eastern and western
+    coasts of, 100. Way in which the trade-wind is connected with the
+    civilization of, 103. Physical condition of Brazil, 103-107. And of
+    Peru, 107 _et seq._ Exuberance of the maize plant in Mexico and Peru,
+    109. And of the banana, 111. The Mexican and Peruvian kingdoms, and
+    the effect of the physical laws under which they existed, 113-117
+
+  America, United States of. See United States
+
+  Anabaptists, number of, put to death in Holland, i. 189 _note_
+
+  Anatomy, experiments of Descartes in, ii. 80. State of the study of,
+    in the reign of Louis XIV., 197 _note_. Daubenton's union of
+    comparative anatomy with geology, 371. Cuvier's system, 376, 377.
+    Bichat's labours, 378. Results of the study of the tissues, 383. Value
+    of the examination of the teeth of animals, 384
+
+  Andrews, St., burnt by the English, iii. 14. The University of,
+    founded, 40 _note_
+
+  Aneurism, Hunter's improvement in the practice of, iii. 456
+
+  Anglo-Saxons, free men of the, all trained to the use of arms, i. 203
+    _note_. War and religion the absorbing subjects among the, 204 _note_
+
+  Animal life, examination of Bichat's work on, ii. 390
+
+  Anne, Queen, effects of her love for the clergy, i. 419. Her want of
+    abilities, as shown in her letters, 419 _note_
+
+  Antichrist, Audigier's statement respecting, ii. 281
+
+  Antinomianism, principles of Calvin leading to, ii. 338
+
+  Antiquities, study of, i. 2
+
+  Antiquity, harm worked by veneration of, i. 134. Marvellous feats of the
+    ancients as recorded in Sanscrit works, 135. The Hindu poets'
+    statements as to the duration of life in the early age of the world,
+    135. Undue reverence for antiquity, ii. 139. Voltaire's attack on the
+    admiration entertained for old writers, 306
+
+  Antonio, Spanish bibliographer, ii. 480
+
+  Apostates, number of, produced by religious persecution, i. 189
+
+  Aquinas, Thomas, on the doctrine of providential interference, i. 19
+
+  Arabs, causes of their permanent barbarism in Arabia, i. 45. Their
+    foundation of empires in Europe and Asia, 46. Their cultivation of
+    astronomy, 47 _note_. Their conquests in Spain, ii. 439. The struggles
+    which ensued between the Spaniards and Arabians, 439. Re-establishment
+    of the Spanish Christian monarchy, and extinction of the Arab power,
+    440. Their expulsion from Spain, 485 _et seq._ Number expelled, 494.
+    Their manufactures and system of husbandry, 497
+
+  Aranda, his attacks on the Inquisition, ii. 547
+
+  Archery, attempts to revive, in the reign of Elizabeth, i. 205 _note_
+
+  Architecture, condition of, in the reign of Louis XIV., ii. 209
+
+  Argensola, Spanish poet, ii. 480
+
+  Arian controversy, the, at the beginning of the last century, i. 427
+
+  Arianism established in Spain by the Visigoths, ii. 434
+
+  Aristocracy, commencement of hereditary, in Europe, ii. 112. Reason
+    why the aristocracy possessed more power in France than in England,
+    113. Policy of William the Conqueror and of Henry II. in reducing the
+    power of the nobles, 114 and _note_. Right of the nobles in France to
+    wage private war, 115. But in England they were glad to ally
+    themselves with the people against the Crown, 116. Instances of the
+    power of the French nobles, 128. Effect of the Wars of the Roses upon
+    the English nobles, 138. Aversion of the aristocracy to innovation,
+    and reverence for antiquity, 139. Causes of the alliance between the
+    nobles and clergy, 140. The noble class weakened in the reign of
+    Elizabeth, 143, 145. Aristocratic characters of the rebellion of 1569,
+    144. Abeyance of the ducal order, 146. Attempts made by James I. and
+    Charles I. to revive the power of the nobles, 147. Conduct of the
+    nobles in the Great English Rebellion, 152. Determination of the
+    rebels as to the nobles, 153. The House of Peers abolished, 153.
+    Vanity and imbecility of the French nobles, 162. Instances of this,
+    164 _et seq._ Arminianism always connected with aristocracy, 339.
+    Reasons for this, 341. Causes of the power of the nobles of Scotland,
+    iii. 19. Coalition of the Crown and clergy in Scotland against the
+    nobles, 34. Ignorance of the Scotch nobles, 40, 41. Causes of the
+    decline of the power of the Scotch nobles, 162, 167
+
+  Aristotle, authority of, overthrown by Descartes, ii. 91, 92
+
+  Ark, the, of Auriol, i. 331
+
+  Armada, the Spanish, ii. 453
+
+  Armies, origin of standing, i. 206, 207, 397. And of the custom of
+    employing mercenaries, 207. Computation of the proportion of soldiers
+    to civilians which a country can bear, 208 _note_
+
+  Arminianism, connexion of free will with, i. 14. Its feud with
+    Calvinism, ii. 338. Arminianism always aristocratic, 339. Arminianism
+    the popular creed in England at the beginning of the seventeenth
+    century, 339, 340. This doctrine one for the rich, 340. Causes of
+    this, 341, 342. Arminianism more favourable to the arts than to the
+    sciences, 342
+
+  Armorial bearings, origin of, in Europe, ii. 112
+
+  Arran, Earl of, regent of Scotland, iii. 70
+
+  Art, condition of, in the reign of Louis XIV., ii. 206-208
+
+  Arthur, King, history of, according to Geoffrey of Monmouth, i. 321
+
+  Aselli, his discovery of the lacteals, ii. 81
+
+  Asia, region of, in which wealth and progress can alone exist, i. 44,
+    45. The birthplace of almost all the cruel diseases now prevalent in
+    Europe, 130
+
+  Asser, question of the genuineness of his Life of Alfred, ii. 249
+
+  Astronomy, the only branch of knowledge raised to a science by the
+    Arabs, i. 47 _note_. Success with which it was cultivated by the
+    ancient Mexicans, 112. Encouraged by Louis XIV., ii. 191. His eminent
+    astronomers not French but foreigners, 191. Newton's discoveries, 191.
+    Practical astronomy unknown in Scotland in the seventeenth century,
+    iii. 285 _note_
+
+  Atomic theory, importance of the, ii. 364 _note_
+
+  Atheism, rise and progress of, in France, ii. 351. Publication of the
+    'Encyclopaedia,' 351. The 'System of Nature,' 351. French atheists in
+    1623, 95 _note_
+
+  Atmosphere, consequences resulting from the weight of the, pointed out
+    by Descartes, ii. 78
+
+  Atomic doctrine, the natural precursor of Platonism, i. 10. The doctrine
+    of Chance of the atomists, 10
+
+  Atterbury, Bishop, his remarks on the condition of the Church in the
+    time of Anne and George I., i. 442 _note_
+
+  Audigier, examination of his 'Origin of the French,' ii. 279
+
+  Audra, his 'Abridgment of General History,' suppressed, ii. 238. His
+    death, 239
+
+  Augustin, St., the doctrine of predestination first systematically
+    methodized by, i. 13
+
+  Aurelius, Marcus, the Emperor, causes of his violent persecution of the
+    Christians, i. 186
+
+  Averages, doctrine of, its importance, i. 23 _note_
+
+  Avocats-generaux, of the eighteenth century, their functions, ii. 245
+    _note_
+
+
+  Bacon, Lord, effect of his secular philosophy, i. 329. Translation of
+    his works into French, ii. 218
+
+  Baikal, dangers of the Lake of, and their effect on the Baikal sailors,
+    i. 376 _note_
+
+  Baillou, his advancement of pathology, ii. 195
+
+  Bali, Javanese traditions preserved in the island of, i. 306
+
+  Ballads the form and groundwork of early history, i. 291. National
+    bards, 292. Antiquity of rhyme, 293 _note_. General accuracy of the
+    early ballads, 295 _note_
+
+  Balls forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 70
+
+  Banana, extraordinary reproductive powers of the, i. 111. Its nutritive
+    powers as compared with those of potatoes and wheat, 111
+
+  Bangorian controversy, effect of the, i. 427
+
+  Bank, the first County, in Scotland, iii. 181
+
+  Bannockburn, battle of, iii. 15
+
+  Bards known in almost all nations, i. 292, 293. Those of Gaul,
+    Scotland, and Ireland, 292 _note_. Cause of the extinction of the
+    class of bards, 296
+
+  Bargeton, suppression of the 'Letters' of, ii. 238
+
+  Bark, its discredit in France as a 'remede anglais,' ii. 214 _note_
+
+  Baron, different meanings attached to the word, ii. 114
+
+  Barrow, Isaac, his virtues and abilities, i. 393. Neglect with which
+    he was treated by Charles II., 393
+
+  Barter, misconception of the true nature of barter in early times,
+    i. 210-212
+
+  Bartholomew, St., massacre of, predominance of the theological spirit
+    shown in the, ii. 11
+
+  Basilides, his views of predestination, i. 13 _note_
+
+  Baxter, Richard, persecution of, i. 398
+
+  Beaton, Archbishop of St. Andrew's, compelled to resign his office of
+    Chancellor, iii. 57. His conspiracy, 58
+
+  Beaton, Cardinal, his persecution of the Protestants, iii. 63.
+    Arrested, 70. Conspiracy to assassinate him, 73, 74
+
+  Beaumarchais, his 'Memoirs' burned, ii. 237
+
+  Beauvais, Bishop of, his proposal to the Dutch, ii. 38 _note_
+
+  Bedford, Earl of, joins the Parliamentary forces, but deserts them,
+    ii. 151, 152
+
+  Being, obscurities of our, solved by the doctrines of free will and
+    predestination, i. 12
+
+  Benares, cases of suicide by drowning at, i. 26 _note_
+
+  Bentham, Jeremy, his demolition of the usury laws, i. 214 _note_. His
+    method of investigating speculative jurisprudence, i. 426
+
+  Bentley, Richard, his corrupt English style, ii. 307
+
+  Berkeley, Bishop, his erroneous notions of trade, i. 212 _note_
+
+  Berthault, his method of writing history, ii. 270
+
+  Berwick, Duke of, appointed Generalissimo of the Spanish army, ii. 515.
+    Gains the battle of Almansa, 516
+
+  Berwick destroyed by the English, iii. 13
+
+  Berwick, treaty of, iii. 81
+
+  Berzelius, his attempts to reduce mineralogical phenomena, ii. 399
+
+  Bichat, impetus given to the study of zoology by, ii. 376. Sketch of
+    his method of investigation of the human frame, 379. His views
+    respecting the tissues, 379. Publication of his great work, 380.
+    Connexion between his views and subsequent discoveries, 380-388.
+    Immense importance of his method of investigation, 388. Examination of
+    his work on life, 390
+
+  Birmingham, establishment of the first circulating library in, i. 431
+    _note_. Not a bookseller in the town in the reign of Anne, 422 _note_.
+    First printing office in, 432 _note_
+
+  Bishops, precarious tenure with which they hold their seats in the House
+    of Lords, i. 418
+
+  Black, David, his violent sermon against James VI., iii. 107. Thrown
+    into prison, 108, 109
+
+  Black, Joseph, examination of his theory of latent heat, iii. 367. And
+    of his method of physical philosophy, 368
+
+  Blackburne on 'The Confessional' ferment caused by, i. 428
+
+  Blackstone, Sir W., his 'Commentaries' translated into French, ii. 219
+
+  Blanca, Florida, prime minister of Spain, his reforms, ii. 548.
+    Concludes a treaty with Turkey, 549
+
+  Blood, discovery of the circulation of the, by Harvey, neglected by
+    his contemporaries, ii. 80. But recognized by Descartes, 81. Hunter's
+    discovery as to the red globules of the, iii. 436. Corroboration of
+    his views after his death, 438
+
+  Bodin, John, his character as a historian, i. 326
+
+  Boileau, pensioned to write a History of France for Louis XIV., ii. 277
+
+  Bombs, invention of, i. 206 _note_
+
+  Boncerf, his treatise on 'Feudal Law' burned, ii. 237
+
+  Book Clubs and Book Societies, establishment of, i. 433
+
+  Books, only use of, i. 267
+
+  Boots, the torture of the, iii. 148
+
+  Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux, character of his 'Universal History,' ii.
+    282. Connexion between his opinions and the despotism of Louis XIV.,
+    289. Character of his writings, 290. His singular arrogance, 290. His
+    works compared with those of Voltaire, 291
+
+  Botany, importance of the study of, ii. 197, 198. First steps in the
+    study of, 198. Discoveries of the seventeenth century, 199. Nothing
+    done in France in botanical discovery during the reign of Louis XIV.,
+    200. Labours of the French in, 395. Goethe's discoveries, 396. Number
+    of known species, 396 _note_
+
+  Botany. The natural method superseding the artificial one of Linnaeus,
+    ii. 397. Jussieu's generalizations, 397, 398. Phyllotaxis, 399 _note_
+
+  Boucquet, suppression of the 'Letters' of, ii. 208
+
+  Boyle, Robert, his doubts as to the theological and scientific
+    theories of diseases, i. 128 _note_. Influence of the spirit of
+    opposition to unsupported authority on, 367. His great discoveries,
+    368. His view of the importance of individual experiments, and
+    disregard of ancient authority, 369. His doubts and caution as shown
+    in his works, 370
+
+  Brahmanism, remote period of its establishment in India, i. 301.
+    Introduction of a form of, into China, 302
+
+  Brain, amount of phosphorus in the, i. 57 _note_. Excretion of the
+    phosphorus under certain circumstances, 57 _note_. Doctrines of the
+    improvement of the human brain by transmission, 176 _note_
+
+  Brazil, causes of the gorgeousness of the fauna and flora of, i. 103,
+    104. Description of the rainy season of, 103 _note_. Inveterate
+    barbarism of the natives of, 105 _note_. Smallness of the population
+    of, 107
+
+  Brissot, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 225.
+    His admiration for the English Constitution, 229
+
+  Bristol, Earl of, his notions of political economy, i. 212 _note_
+
+  Brougham, Lord, his life of Robert Simson, i. 248 _note_
+
+  Browne, Sir Thomas, influence of the spirit of opposition to
+    unsupported authority on, i. 365. His 'Vulgar and Common Errors' and
+    'Religio Medici,' 365. His love of botany, 200
+
+  Brunfels, his investigations in the vegetable kingdom, ii. 198 _note_
+
+  Buchanan, George, character of his works, iii. 183
+
+  Buffier, the only Jesuit whose name has a place in abstract philosophy,
+    ii. 342
+
+  Buffon, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 218.
+    His translations of Newton and Hales, 218. Compelled to publish a
+    recantation of some of his views on geology, 236. His geological
+    theory, 368
+
+  Burgos, decay of, in the seventeenth century, ii. 503
+
+  Burke's, Edmund, his remarks on the decline of the abilities of
+    official men under George III., i. 449. His great ability and
+    accomplishments, 455, 456. His practical political principles, 458.
+    His view of the true end of legislation, 459 _note_. Effect which his
+    profound views produced in the House of Commons, 460 _note_. His
+    attack on the delusions of his time, 461. His opposition to the views
+    of George III., and consequent neglect, 461. His anticipation and
+    defence of most of the great measures of the present generation, 462,
+    463. His subsequent hallucinations and violence, 467. His rupture with
+    Fox, 469. His hostility to Condorcet and La Fayette, 470, 471.
+    Favoured in his degeneracy by George III., 476, 477
+
+  Burnet, Bishop, offer to him of a pension for a history of France,
+    ii. 277, 278
+
+
+  Caithness seized by the Norwegians, iii. 11
+
+  Calderon, his fanaticism for the Inquisition, ii. 481
+
+  Californian flora, the Oregon or Columbia river the boundary of the,
+    i. 97 _note_
+
+  Calonne, M., his attack on the church property, ii. 333
+
+  Calvin, John, his doctrine of predestination, i. 13
+
+  Calvinism, its feud with Arminianism, ii. 338. Calvinism always
+    democratic, 339. This doctrine one for the poor, 340. Animosity of the
+    Church of Rome against it, 341. Reasons why it is the doctrine of the
+    poor, 341, 342. More favourable to the sciences than to the arts, 342.
+    Reasons why the professors of this religion are likely to acquire
+    habits of independent thinking, 342, 343. The doctrine of necessity,
+    343. Alliance of Jansenism with Calvinism, 343
+
+  Campbell, Lord, character of his 'Lives of the Chancellors,'
+    i. 441 _note_
+
+  Camus, his Jansenism, ii. 345
+
+  Cannibalism in Scotland, iii. 17
+
+  Canons, invention of, i. 206 _note_
+
+  Capital, Adam Smith's views as to, iii. 327
+
+  Carbon, in food, i. 55 _et seq._
+
+  Carolan, the last Irish bard, i. 292 _note_
+
+  Carra, his familiarity with the English language and literature, ii. 224
+
+  Carrillo, Martin, Spanish jurisconsult and historian, ii. 480
+
+  Cartaud, suppression of his 'Essay on Taste,' ii. 237
+
+  Cartwright, Dr., the nonjuring bishop, i. 412 _note_
+
+  Cashmere, rent paid by the cultivator to the sovereign in, i. 76 _note_
+
+  Casualties, diminution of, one cause of the increased duration of life,
+    i. 153
+
+  Catholics, Roman, their doctrines compared with those of Protestants,
+    i. 261. Importance of the Toleration Act to them, 402 _note_. Causes
+    which led to the feeling in favour of Catholic Emancipation, 426.
+    Burke's advocacy of Roman Catholic claims, 462. Importance of the
+    Emancipation Bill, 502. Obligations Europe is under to the Catholic
+    clergy, ii. 5 _note_. Intolerance of Roman Catholics compared with
+    that of Protestants, 51. Pliancy of the Roman Church against morals,
+    and its inflexibility in regard to dogmas, 52 _note_. Theory of
+    indulgences, 339. Animosity of the Church of Rome against Calvinism,
+    ii. 341
+
+  Causes, final, the study of, abandoned by Descartes, ii. 91. And by
+    Bacon and Auguste Comte, 91 _note_. Authorities for the injury it has
+    wrought, 91 _note_
+
+  Caussin, 'le petit pere,' exiled by Richelieu, ii. 29, 30
+
+  Cavaliers, the name and the English civil war, ii. 149
+
+  Cavendish, Henry, method employed by him in the discovery of the
+    composition of water, iii. 403
+
+  Celibacy of the clergy, opposed by the principle of hereditary rank,
+    ii. 113. Period of the first general and decisive movement in its
+    favour, 113 _note_
+
+  Centralization, in France, the natural successor of feudality, ii.
+    122. Its baneful effects, 123. How the system actually works, 123
+    _note_. Its results in France compared with the freedom of England,
+    126, 127
+
+  Certainty contrasted with precision in writing history, ii. 325
+
+  Cervantes, becomes a monk, ii. 479. His joy at the expulsion of the
+    Moors from Spain, 496 _note_
+
+  Chance, doctrine of, i. 8. Causes of its displacement by the doctrine
+    of Necessary Connection, 9. The doctrine of Chance of the atomists, 10
+
+  Chancery, Court of, early exertion of its powers against persecution,
+    i. 345 _note_
+
+  Chantilly, the actress, story of, ii. 243
+
+  Character, knowledge of, a key to results and action, i. 18, 19
+
+  Charlemagne. His droves of pigs, i. 314 _note_. His history as related
+    by Archbishop Turpin, 318
+
+  Charles I., character of the opposition to ecclesiastical authority in
+    the reign of, i. 359. This king's attempts to revive the power of the
+    aristocracy, and adopt the superannuated theories of protection, ii.
+    147. How treated by his Scottish subjects, iii. 4, 134. Sold by the
+    Scotch to the English, 135. His execution, 136. Character of the war
+    against him in England compared with that of the Scotch, 197
+
+  Charles II., frivolous form of the opposition to ecclesiastical
+    authority in the reign of, i. 362. His deism, 362 _note_. His last
+    refuge in superstition, 362 _note_. Antagonism in his reign between
+    the physical sciences and the theological spirit, 372. Legislative
+    improvements of this reign in spite of political degradation, 381.
+    Character of Charles II., and condition of the kingdom in his reign,
+    381, 382. Aid given by his vices to the comprehensive reforms of his
+    reign, 388. And by his dislike of the clergy, 389. Character of this
+    king's ecclesiastical appointments, 391. His inability to do permanent
+    harm to English institutions, ii. 466. Compelled by the Scotch to sign
+    a public declaration, iii. 136. His oppressions of the Scotch,
+    137-139. His attempted despotism baffled by the Scotch, 140
+
+  Charles II. of Spain, his character, ii. 468-470. Misery of Spain during
+    his reign, 501-510. His death, 513
+
+  Charles III. of Spain, vigour and success of his rule, ii. 552 _et seq._
+    His death, 571
+
+  Charles IV. of Spain, his accession, ii. 571. Reaction begun by him, 571
+
+  Charles V. the Emperor, his domestic and foreign policy, ii. 446. His
+    humiliation of the Protestant princes in Germany, 446. His repulse of
+    the Turks before Vienna, 446. Number of heretics put to death in the
+    Netherlands during his reign, 447. His codicil to his will as to
+    dealing with heretics, 448. Causes of his barbarous policy, 449
+
+  Charles IX., his massacre of St. Bartholomew, ii. 13
+
+  'Charles XII., History of,' Voltaire's, ii. 292. Charles's only
+    merits, 293. Voltaire's admiration of him, 293. His murder of Patkul,
+    293
+
+  Charles the Bald, initiates a hereditary aristocracy in Europe, ii. 112
+
+  Charron, Pierre, reputation of his 'De la Sagesse,' ii. 19. Its purity
+    and systematic completeness, 19. Analysis of the work, 20, 21
+
+  Charta, Magna, peculiar beauty of, ii. 117
+
+  Chateaubriand, his method, ii. 389 _note_
+
+  Chatillon, Marshal, ii. 43
+
+  Chauvelin, his Jansenism, ii. 345
+
+  Chemistry, the law of definite proportions in as laid down by Turner,
+    i. 59 _note_. Boyle's discoveries in, 369. His 'Sceptical Chemist,'
+    370. Study of, forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 69. State of
+    the science of, in the reign of Louis XIV., 197. Causes of its great
+    progress in modern times, 365. The existence of chemistry as a science
+    due to France, 366. Discoveries of Lavoisier, 367. Formation of a
+    chemical nomenclature, 368. Inability of chemistry to reduce
+    mineralogical phenomena, 399. Popularity of Fourcroy's lectures,
+    407 _note_
+
+  Childebert, King of the Franks, attacks the Arian Visigoths,
+    ii. 435 _note_
+
+  Chillingworth, William, his 'Religion of Protestants,' i. 347. His
+    connexion and correspondence with Laud, 347. His work compared with
+    those of Hooker and Jewel, 348. The right of private judgment held
+    sacred by him, 349, 352. Popularity of his work, 352 _note_. His
+    scepticism compared with that of Hooker, ii. 86
+
+  China, gunpowder said to have been used at an early period in, i. 203
+    _note_. Causes of the trustworthiness of the early annals of, 302.
+    Antiquity of the history of, 302 _note_. Early knowledge of printing
+    in, 302 _note_
+
+  Chivalry, origin of, ii. 131. Influence of, on the nobles, 132.
+    Results of the institution of, 132. Origin of the orders of chivalry,
+    133. Merits ascribed to chivalry, 133 _note_. Small influence of
+    chivalry in England, 134. The ballad of the 'Turnament of Tottenham,'
+    136 _note_. Extinct in England in the fifteenth century, 135. Relation
+    between chivalry and duelling, 136
+
+  Choiseul, De, his anti-ecclesiastical policy, ii. 333. Openly protects
+    the Jansenists, 345
+
+  Cholera, attempts made to revive the theological theory of disease on
+    the first outbreak of the, i. 128 _note_. And again in Scotland,
+    iii. 473
+
+  Christianity, influence of religion on the progress of society
+    illustrated by the early history of, i. 258. And by the history of
+    Catholicism and Protestantism, 261. Baneful effects of the
+    interference of governments with the opinions of the people, 261, 262.
+    Causes of the corruptions of the Christianity of the Abyssinians and
+    of the Oguiche Indians, 265 _note_. The crusade against Christianity
+    one of the antecedents of the French Revolution, ii. 247-257. Causes
+    of the Roman persecutions, i. 185
+
+  Church property, Vattel's opinions respecting, quoted, ii. 31 _note_
+
+  Church, the revenues of the, seized and appropriated by the contracting
+    parties to the peace of Westphalia, ii. 41
+
+  Church of England. See Clergy, English
+
+  Chyle, discovery of the, ii. 194
+
+  Circular progression, doctrine of, ii. 377
+
+  Clanship, in Scotland, causes of the abolition of, iii. 167, 168
+
+  Clarke, Adam, the last scholar of European repute amongst the
+    Dissenters, i. 422
+
+  Classes, the two, in France, before the Revolution, ii. 128 _et seq._
+    The Great Rebellion of England a war of, 150. Opposite character of
+    the Fronde in France, 150
+
+  Classical scholars and commentators, Locke and Voltaire's attacks on,
+    ii. 306-308
+
+  Clergy, the influence of the, the cause of the corruption of early
+    history, i. 307. Their meddling, inquisitive, and vexatious spirit,
+    ii. 72. Supremacy of the clergy in the Dark Ages, 108. Period when the
+    spirit of inquiry began to weaken the church, 108, 109. And when the
+    clergy began to punish men for thinking for themselves, 109. The first
+    constitution addressed 'inquisitoribus haereticae pravitatis,' 109
+    _note_. Connection between the feudal system and the ecclesiastical
+    spirit, 110, 111. Causes of the alliance between the clergy and the
+    nobles, 140. The clergy weakened in the reign of Elizabeth, 143
+
+  Clergy, English, attempts of the, in the reign of Charles II. to oppose
+    the spread of physical science, i. 372. Reasons for their hostility,
+    373. Destruction of the privileges of the clergy to burn heretics and
+    tax themselves, 383. The tender of the ex-officio oath prevented by
+    law, 384. Dislike of Charles II. of the clergy, 389. Causes of this
+    dislike, 389. Character of his ecclesiastical appointments, 391.
+    Efforts of the clergy in this reign to revive the doctrines of passive
+    obedience and divine right, 394. Good churchmen always bad citizens,
+    395 _note_. Alliance between the Protestant clergy and the Roman
+    Catholic king James II., 395. Dissolution of this compact, 397. And
+    union of the clergy with the Dissenters, 399. Which union produces the
+    Revolution of 1688, 400. Sudden repentance of the clergy of their own
+    act, 403. Hostility between them and William III., 405. Their growing
+    unpopularity, 409. King William's deprivation of six of the prelates,
+    410. The consequent schism in the church, 411. Origin of the term
+    'high church' and 'low church' parties, 412 _note_. Adoption of the
+    theory of the sovereign _de facto_ and _de jure_, 413. Encouragement
+    which the clergy thus give to scepticism, 414. The church avoided by
+    the ablest men, who prefer secular professions, 415, 416. The most
+    honourable and lucrative posts formerly occupied by ecclesiastics,
+    416. Loss of the clergy of all offices out of the church, and
+    diminution of their number in both Houses of Parliament, 416, 417. The
+    last ecclesiastic who held any of the high offices of state,
+    417 _note_. Final expulsion of the clergy from the House of Commons,
+    418. Temporary rally of the church in the reign of Anne, 419.
+    The clergy weakened by the Dissenters, headed by Wesley and Whitefield,
+    419-424. Effects of the separation of theology from morals and from
+    politics, 424-427. Rapid succession of sceptical controversies, 427.
+    Diffusion of knowledge, and the popular form taken by it, 430.
+    Opposition of the clergy to the establishment of Sunday schools, 431.
+    Their factious and disloyal conduct during the reign of the first two
+    Georges, 442. Joy of the clergy at the attachment of George III. to
+    the church, 445. Their support of the policy of George III. against,
+    and bitterness towards, the Americans, 479 _note_
+
+  Clergy, the French, greater power possessed by them than by the
+    English clergy, ii. 3, 4. Their endeavours to suppress the progress of
+    secular enquiry, 22. Their alarm at the protection given to the
+    Protestants by Henry IV., Catherine de Medici, and Louis XIII., 26.
+    Richelieu's treatment of the Clergy, and of the Protestants, 28-31.
+    Animosity between the clergy and the secular tribunals, 32. Archbishop
+    Sourdis ignominiously beaten, 32. Reasons why French literary men
+    attacked the Church and not the Government, 247. And therefore to
+    assail Christianity, 247. Personal character of the hierarchy during
+    the reign of Louis XIV., 252. And during the reign of his successor,
+    252. Attack of the Government on the clergy, 332. Machault's edict
+    against mortmain, 332. Anti-ecclesiastical policy of Machault's
+    successors, 333. Machault hated by the clergy, 333 _note_. The power
+    of the clergy weakened by the two hostile parties among themselves,
+    335. Decline of the respect entertained for the clergy, 348. Reasons
+    why their fall was averted for a time, 349, 350
+
+  Clergy, Scottish, causes of the union of the Crown and the, iii. 34.
+    Causes of the flourishing state of the clergy in the fourteenth and
+    fifteenth centuries, 38. And of their great influence, 43. The Church
+    favoured by James I., 46. Struggle between the Crown and clergy on
+    one side and the nobles on the other, 55 _et seq._ Destruction of the
+    Church, and supremacy of the nobles, 81. Abolition of episcopacy, 94.
+    Struggle between the upper classes and the clergy as to episcopacy,
+    100. Violence of the clergy, 105 _et seq._ Boons conferred by them
+    upon their country, 112. Attempts of the King to subjugate the clergy,
+    115. His cruel treatment of them, 117-123. Tyrannical conduct of the
+    bishops, 128. The bishops overthrown, 133. But again forced upon the
+    people, 141. Alliance between the Crown and the clergy, and its
+    consequences, 147. The struggle of the clergy with Cromwell, 194. And
+    with Charles I., 197. Causes which produced the Solemn League and
+    Covenant, 198. Character of the sermons and zeal of the people in
+    hearing them in the seventeenth century, 203 _et seq._ The consequent
+    extension and consolidation of the authority of the clergy, 206. Their
+    great engine of power, the Kirk-session, and its tyranny, 206-210.
+    Cases in which it was believed that their pretensions were upheld and
+    vindicated by miracles, 212, 229. Their consequent arrogance, 220.
+    Effect of their advocacy of horrible notions concerning evil spirits
+    and future punishments, 232. And concerning the Deity, 239. Harmless
+    and praiseworthy actions declared to be sinful, 252. Specimens of the
+    sins invented by them, 261, 263. Their arbitrary regulations for
+    punishing disobedience, 262. Their deductive method in philosophy, 286
+
+  Clergy, Spanish, rise of the influence of the, ii. 436-444. Proofs of
+    their power, 437, 438. Consequences of the reverence for them, 461
+    _et seq._ Causes of their increasing influence, 472. Hold of the
+    Church over all, high or low, 478-481. Use made by the clergy of
+    their power in obtaining the expulsion of the whole of the Spanish
+    Moors, 483. Forced to contribute to the support of the state, 522,
+    523. Deprived of their wealth by Mendizabal, 590. But re-endowed soon
+    after, 591. The Concordat of 1851, 591, 592
+
+  Climate, its influence on the condition of the human race, i. 40. Its
+    effect on the regularity and energy with which labour is conducted,
+    42, 43. Tartary, 45. Arabia, 45. The civilization of Europe governed
+    by climate, 50. Influence of climate on the kind of food necessary for
+    man, 56. And on his ease or difficulty in procuring it, 58. Modes in
+    which the average temperature of a country affects its civilization,
+    95. Difference between the eastern and western coasts of North
+    America, 97. Character of the climate of Spain, ii. 427
+
+  Clotaire, his attacks of the Visigoth Arians, ii. 435 _note_
+
+  Clovis, King of the Franks, his attack of the Visigoths, ii. 435
+
+  Clubs, establishment of, in France, at the end of the last century,
+    ii. 412, 414
+
+  Cobbett, William, his racy and idiomatic English, ii. 307 _note_
+
+  Codification, causes of the French love of, ii. 127 _note_
+
+  Coffee, its discredit in France as an English drink, ii. 214 _note_
+
+  Colours, Boyle's experiments in, i. 368 _note_
+
+  Comedies of Racine, character of the period in which they appeared,
+    ii. 208
+
+  Comets, feelings of terror inspired by the presence of, i. 376,
+    377 _note_
+
+  Comines, Philip de, credulity shown in his history, i. 327;
+    ii. 265 _note_
+
+  Commerce. See Trade
+
+  Commerce; Rise of trading interests in Scotland in the eighteenth
+    century, iii. 171. See Trade; Trade, Free
+
+  Commission, High Court of, established in Scotland, iii. 125. Cruelty
+    of the, 142 _note_
+
+  Commons, House of, origin of the, ii. 117. Causes of the increase of
+    the authority of the, 121
+
+  Comte, M., remarks on his 'Philosophie Positive,' i. 5 _note_
+
+  Condillac, his metaphysical work, the 'Traite des Sensations,' ii. 357.
+    Essential positions upon which the work is based, 358
+
+  Condorcet, his character and abilities, i. 470. Burke's remarks on,
+    471. His proposal of English criminal jurisprudence as a model for
+    France, ii. 226. His professed atheism, 352
+
+  Conjurors, tricks of, forbidden to be seen by the French Protestants,
+    ii. 70
+
+  Conquest, Norman, Sir F. Palgrave on the results produced by the,
+    ii. 116 _note_
+
+  Consciousness, faculty or state of the mind so called, i. 14.
+    Different opinions respecting, 14 _note_. Its fallibility, 15.
+    Authorities as to the preservation of consciousness in dreams and in
+    insanity, 17 _note_
+
+  Constant, M., his adoption of a remark of Voltaire, ii. 303
+
+  Converts, fickleness of, i. 255, 256
+
+  Convocation, falls into general contempt, i. 414. Final prorogation
+    of, by an act of the Crown, 415. Permitted recently to re-assemble,
+    415
+
+  Copyhold rights in England, ii. 119. Not recognised by the French
+    laws, 120
+
+  Coquereau, suppression of his 'Memoirs of Terrai,' ii. 238
+
+  Corn, free trade in, proposed by Stafford in 1581, i. 213 _note_. The
+    real cause of the abolition of the, 273. Merits of the Anti-Corn-Law
+    League, 274. Importance of the repeal of the Corn-laws, 502
+
+  Corneille, period in which his tragedies appeared, ii. 209
+
+  Cornwall, hardly a bookseller in, in 1780, i. 432 _note_
+
+  Corporation Act, i. 396. Suspended by James II., i. 397
+
+  Corvee, the, in France, ii. 129. Authorities respecting the, 129 _note_
+
+  Coulumb, his experiments on electrical phenomena, ii. 362
+
+  Councils, authority of, despised by Chillingworth, i. 349
+
+  Courrayeur, suppression of the 'Dissertations' of, ii. 237
+
+  Cousin, M., on free will, quoted, i. 14 _note_
+
+  Covenant, Solemn League and, framed, iii. 132. Causes which produced
+    the, 198
+
+  Coyer, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 219
+
+  Credulity of Asiatics as compared with that of Europeans, i. 134.
+    Instances of the credulity of the sixteenth century, 330. This
+    credulity the natural result of the state of the age, 333
+
+  Crime, uniform reproduction of, i. 24, 25, 31 _notes_. Crime the
+    result of the state of society into which the criminal is thrown, 29.
+    Rawson on the possibility of arriving at certain constants with regard
+    to crime, quoted, 31 _note_. Mode of preventing crime in France,
+    ii. 125
+
+  Criminals, mode of examining, in France, ii. 124
+
+  Cromwell, Oliver, his alliance with Cardinal Mazarin, ii. 98. Irritation
+    of the orthodox with their union, 98. His hostility to the Church not
+    theological, but political, 361 _note_. His plebeian origin, ii. 156.
+    Capacity of his lieutenants, 156, 157. His chain of fortresses in
+    Scotland, iii. 194. His treatment of the Scotch people, 195 _note_
+
+  Crusades, theological feeling of the English as to the, ii. 6 _note_
+
+  Crystallography, discoveries of De Lisle and Hauey in, ii. 400, 401.
+    Power of crystals, in common with animals, of repairing their own
+    injuries, 403 _note_. Hunter's inquiries into the malformation of
+    crystals, iii. 443
+
+  Cudworth, comparison of the method employed by Hume in his 'Natural
+    History of Religion' compared with that of Cudworth's 'Intellectual
+    System,' iii. 348
+
+  Cullen, William, account of his generalizations respecting pathology,
+    iii. 413. His love of theory, 414. His method of studying pathology
+    compared with that of Adam Smith, 417. His theory of the solids, 418.
+    Character of his premisses and conclusions, 418-421. His theory of
+    fever, 424. His nosology, 426
+
+  Culloden, results of the battle of, to the Highland Chieftains,
+    iii. 168 _note_
+
+  Cumberland, Dr., Bishop of Peterborough, his system of morals without
+    the aid of theology, i. 425. Relation between Hume and Cumberland,
+    426 _note_
+
+  Cuvier, Baron, his labours in geology, ii. 369. Impetus given by him
+    to the study of zoology, 376. His overthrow of the Linnaean system,
+    376, 377
+
+
+  D'Alembert, his professed atheism, ii. 352
+
+  D'Alibard, his experiments on electricity, ii. 362
+
+  Damiens, his attempted assassination of Louis XV., ii. 345
+
+  Dancing forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 69, 70. And by the
+    Scotch clergy, iii. 258
+
+  Darigrand, suppression of his work on 'Finance,' ii. 238
+
+  Dates, effect of the cheapness and abundance of, in Egypt, i. 83
+
+  David IV. of Scotland, his imprisonment by the English, iii. 20
+
+  Daubenton, his application of the principles of comparative anatomy to
+    the study of fossil bones, ii. 371
+
+  Dead, adoration of the, i. 145 _note_
+
+  Death, influence of the fear of, on the imagination, i. 127
+
+  Debating clubs, establishment of, i. 433. Authorities as to, 433 _note_
+
+  Deccan, bards of the, i. 292 _note_
+
+  Dedications, servility of the, in books of the sixteenth and seventeenth
+    centuries, i. 438. Abolition of mean and crouching, 438
+
+  Defender of the Faith, title of the, conferred on James V. of Scotland,
+    iii. 6
+
+  De Grana, entrusted by the King of Spain with the defence of the
+    Netherlands, ii. 515
+
+  De Lisles, Rome, his studies in crystallography, ii. 400
+
+  Deluge, the predicted, of St[oe]ffler, i. 330
+
+  De Maistre, his method, ii. 389 _note_
+
+  Democracy, Calvinism always connected with, ii. 339. Physical science
+    essentially democratic, 409. Democratic tendency, observable in France
+    in the change of dress just before the Revolution, 410. And in the
+    establishment of clubs, 412
+
+  Denmark, Mallet's 'History' of, ii. 299
+
+  Desaguliers, Dr., his success in popularizing physical truths,
+    i. 432 _note_
+
+  Descartes, Rene, his military genius and learning, i. 200. Effect of his
+    secular philosophy, 329. His profundity, ii. 77. His physical
+    discoveries and speculations, 78, 79. Recognizes Harvey's discovery of
+    the circulation of the blood and Aselli's discovery of the lacteals,
+    81. His origination of the modern method of philosophy, 81, 82.
+    Reasons why he deserves the gratitude of posterity, 82. Account of his
+    philosophy as showing its analogy with the anti-theological policy of
+    Richelieu, 83, 92. His words of wisdom addressed to his countrymen,
+    85. Compared with Montaigne, 86. Eminent characteristic of his
+    philosophy, 87. Analysis of his principles, 88, 89. Mischief done by
+    his principles to the old theology, 90. And to the inordinate respect
+    with which antiquity was regarded, 91. Period in which he flourished,
+    189
+
+  Desfontaines, his botanical discoveries, ii. 397
+
+  Desforges, imprisoned for his work respecting the Pretender, ii. 238
+
+  Desmarest, his geological labours, ii. 368
+
+  Desmoulins, Camille, his knowledge of the English language and
+    literature, ii. 224
+
+  De Thou, raised to the presidency of parliament in France, ii. 26. His
+    great French historical work, 266
+
+  Devil, horrible notions of the Scotch clergy concerning, iii. 232
+
+  Dhourra of Upper Egypt, its cheapness and abundance, i. 86
+
+  Diderot, his knowledge of the English language and literature,
+    ii. 218. His talents, 240. His imprisonment in Vincennes, 242. His
+    professed atheism, 352
+
+  Diogenes Laertius, on the physical which preceded metaphysical
+  inquiries, i. 10 _note_. On the preservation of consciousness in
+  dreams and in insanity, 17 _note_
+
+  Diplomacy, commencement of a purely secular era in the history of,
+    ii. 41
+
+  Disease, theological theory of, in the middle ages and in our own
+    times, i. 127, 128 _note_. Authorities as to the nature and treatment
+    of a disease and the belief that such disease is caused by
+    supernatural power, and is to be cured by it, 129 _note_. The origin
+    of almost all the cruel diseases of Europe to be found in Asia, 130.
+    Hunter's theories of diseases, iii. 448
+
+  Dissenters, persecution of the, in England, in the reign of James II.,
+    i. 397. Union of the clergy and dissenters and its result, 399, 400.
+    Authorities for the cruelties inflicted upon them in the reign of
+    Charles II. and James II., 419. Principles avowed by the clergy in
+    justification of the persecution, 419 _note_. Persecutions in the
+    reign of Anne, 419, 420. Repeal of the laws against them, 420. The
+    Toleration Act regarded by the Dissenters as their Magna Charta, 402
+    _note_. Favour shown to them by William III., 405, 406. Their struggle
+    with the clergy, 420. Wesley and Whitefield, 421. Loss of their
+    intellectual vigour, 422. Causes of their recent mental penury, 422.
+    Nonconformist statistics, from the reign of William III. to the
+    present time, 423 _note_. Treatment which the Wesleyans received from
+    the clergy, 423 _note_, 424 _note_. Combination of the Dissenters with
+    the Government against the clergy and the Pretender, 443 _note_.
+    Passing of the Schism Bill, 452. Burke's support of measures for the
+    relief of the, 463
+
+  Divine right of Kings, results of the abandonment of the theological
+    fiction of, ii. 182
+
+  Dolben, John, his character as Archbishop of York, i. 392
+
+  Dolomieu, his geological labours, ii. 368
+
+  'Domat, Life of,' by Prevost de la Jannes, suppressed, ii. 237
+
+  Douglas, Earls of, treacherously murdered by James II., iii. 49-52.
+    Subsequent power of the family, 57. Driven into exile, 60. Harboured
+    by Henry VIII. in England, 64. Return home, 69
+
+  Dramas, French, of the seventeenth century, ii. 208
+
+  Dreams, Plato's conclusion as to the truth or falsehood of,
+    i. 16 _note_
+
+  Dress, interference of the French Protestants with, ii. 60, 71. Dress
+    of the French during the reign of Louis XIV., Louis XV., and just
+    before the Revolution, 411
+
+  Droughts, frequency of, in Spain, ii. 427
+
+  Dryburgh Abbey, burnt by the English, iii. 15
+
+  Dryden, John, little effect of the intellect of France on his works,
+    i. 235. His satires, 235 _note_
+
+  Duclos, his 'History of Louis XI.' suppressed, ii. 238. His method of
+    writing history, 300
+
+  Duellings, causes of the greater popularity of, in France than in
+    England, ii. 136. Relation between chivalry and duelling, 137 _note_
+
+  Duhamel de Monceau, his botanical discoveries, ii. 397
+
+  Dukes, the order of, in abeyance in England for fifty years, ii. 146
+
+  Dumouriez, his familiarity with the English language and literature,
+    ii. 224
+
+  Dunbar, town of, iii. 32 _note_. Scotch presbyterian view of the
+    battle of, 201 _note_
+
+  Dundee burnt by the English, iii. 16
+
+  Dunfermline burnt by the English, iii. 16. Scanty population of the
+    town up to the seventeenth century, 27
+
+  Dupleix, Scipio, his new method of writing history, ii. 268. His
+    system of philosophy, 269
+
+  Dury, John, opposes episcopacy in Scotland, iii. 95. Banished from
+    Edinburgh, 102. Brought back in triumph, 103. Preaches in favour of
+    the Ruthven conspiracy, 104
+
+  Duvernet, his punishment for having written a history of the
+    Sorbonnes, ii. 237
+
+
+  Earthquakes, tendency of the fear of, to inflame the imagination, i.
+    122. Effect of the atmospherical changes preceding earthquakes upon
+    the nervous system of man, 122. Physiological effects of the fear of
+    earthquakes, 122, 123. Effect of earthquakes in encouraging
+    superstition, 123. The great earthquake at Sumbawa in 1815, 126
+    _note_. Frequency of earthquakes in Spain, ii. 428
+
+  Eclipses, feelings with which our fathers regarded, i. 376.
+    Authorities as to the superstition excited by, 377
+
+  Edda, compilation of the elder and younger, i. 301
+
+  Edinburgh burnt by Richard II., iii. 16. Population of, in the
+    sixteenth century, 30. Houses of the poorer classes at this time, 31
+    _note_. Riot of 1637, 132. Foundation of the 'Edinburgh Society' for
+    the improvement of manufactures, 181 _note_
+
+  Edward I. of England, his invasion of Scotland, iii. 12
+
+  Edward III. of England, his attacks on Scotland, iii. 16. His cruelty
+    there, 16
+
+  Egypt, causes of its wealth and civilization, i. 48, 49. Area of the
+    cultivable land of, 49 _note_. Science unknown to the Egyptians, 49.
+    Causes of their civilization as compared with the condition of the
+    other races in Africa, 82. Fertility of the soil, and abundance of the
+    national food, dates, 83-86. Cheapness of the dhourra of Upper Egypt,
+    86. Lotos bread, 87. The [Greek: kyamos] of Herodotus, 87 _note_.
+    Encouragement given to the increase of Egyptian population by the
+    fertility of the Nile, 87 _note_. Evidence of Diodorus Siculus and
+    Herodotus, 88, 89. Testimony of the condition of the people afforded
+    by the existing costly and stupendous ruins, 90, 92. The two ranks of
+    society in Egypt, 91. Tenacity with which old manners and customs were
+    adhered to by them, 116. Forms of the incarnation of the Deity
+    presented by their artists, 143 _note_. Fifty-three cities of Egypt
+    bearing the same name, 298 _note_
+
+  Election, doctrine of. See Predestination
+
+  Electricity, experiments of [OE]pinus, D'Alibard, and Coulumb,
+    ii. 362. Popularity of electricity in France at the latter part of the
+    last century, 407 _note_
+
+  Elizabeth, Queen, feelings of the nobility in the reign of, ii. 139.
+    Her conduct towards the nobility and clergy, 143. Character of her
+    government, 146
+
+  Emilius, Paulus, his 'Actions of the French,' ii. 264
+
+  'Encylopaedia,' publication of the, in France, ii. 351
+
+  Encylopaedias, invention of, i. 433. Harris's 'Dictionary' the first,
+    433 _note_
+
+  England, rent paid by the cultivator in proportion to the gross
+    produce in, i. 75. Causes of the extinction of the love of war in,
+    198. The military classes in the twelfth century, 205 _note_. And in
+    the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 205 _note_. Reasons why the
+    present history is confined to that of England, 231. Characteristics
+    of the history of England compared with those of France, 232-236. With
+    those of Germany, 237. And with those of America, 240. Reasons why the
+    history of England is more valuable than any other to the philosopher,
+    242, 252. England less interfered with by Government, and therefore
+    more prosperous than other nations, 286. Popular belief in the Trojan
+    descent of the English Kings, 309 _note_. Secular philosophy of the
+    seventeenth century, 329. Legislative improvements in the reign of
+    Charles II. in spite of the political degradation of the age, 381-386.
+    These improvements due to the sceptical and inquiring spirit, 388. And
+    to the vices and prejudices of Charles II., 388, 389. Proximate causes
+    of the Revolution of 1688, 399, 400. Importance of this Revolution,
+    402. War between England and the American Colonies, 477-481.
+    Importance of the success of the Americans to the preservation of the
+    liberties of England, 482, 483. The unjust war against France in 1793,
+    486. And its effect in England in producing arbitrary laws, 487.
+    Obligations England is under to the Roman Catholic clergy, ii. 5
+    _note_. Feeling of the English people as to theological disputes in
+    the twelfth as compared with the sixteenth centuries 6, 7. Secular
+    character of the civil wars in England, 7. Indifference of the people
+    to the rapid changes in the national faith under Henry VIII., Edward
+    VI., Mary, and Elizabeth, 7. Contempt into which excommunication fell
+    in England, 59 _note_. Importance of the press in England in the
+    middle of the seventeenth century, 99. Analogy between the great Civil
+    war and the war of the Fronde, 99, 100. Summary of the progress of
+    toleration in England, 102. Point at which a marked divergence between
+    England and France begins, 105. Causes of this difference, 106.
+    Comparison of the protective spirit in France and England, 108 _et
+    seq._ The first instance in England of the execution of an apostate,
+    109, 110 _note_. Reasons why the aristocracy in France were more
+    powerful than in England, 113. Period of the union of Normans and
+    Saxons, 116. Union of the nobles and people in forcing the Crown to
+    concede popular privileges, 116, 117. Origin of the House of Commons,
+    117. Sources whence the people imbibed their tone of independence,
+    118. Consequences of the social divergence between France and England
+    in the fourteenth century, 119. The three most important guarantees
+    for the liberties of England, 119, 120. The state of France under
+    centralization contrasted with that of England under municipal
+    government, 126, 127. Extinction of villenage in England, 128.
+    Illustration of the early and radical difference between France and
+    England, 131. Feeble influence of chivalry in England, 134. The
+    Reformation encouraged by the pride of Englishmen, 137. Effect of the
+    Wars of the Roses upon the nobles, 138. The clergy and nobles both
+    weakened by Elizabeth, 143. Aristocratic character of the rebellion of
+    1569, 144. Character of the reign of Elizabeth, 146. Attempts of James
+    I. and Charles I. to revive the power of the nobles and the old
+    protective spirit, 147. Difference between the great English Rebellion
+    and the Fronde, 140, 150. Abolition of the house of Peers, 153. The
+    self-denying ordinance, 153. The leaders of the Rebellion, 155, 159.
+    Barbarism and ferocity of the English people of the seventeenth
+    century, according to the French writers, 214, 215. The results of the
+    suppression of religious scepticism in England and France compared,
+    257. Prejudice existing in England against Voltaire, 313. Arminianism
+    the popular creed at the beginning of the seventeenth century, 340.
+    But it gives way to Calvinism at the death of Charles I., 340.
+    Singular dearth of great thinkers in England during the eighteenth
+    century, 374. Progress of England, notwithstanding the unskilfulness
+    of her rulers, 466. Amazement of Frenchmen at the liberty enjoyed by
+    Englishmen at the beginning of the eighteenth century, 237
+
+  Enlistment for life, Burke's opposition to, i. 463. Enlistment for a
+    term of years first authorized, 463 _note_
+
+  Ensenada, his endeavours to improve the state of Spain, ii. 535
+
+  Episcopacy, abolition of, in Scotland, iii. 94 _et seq._ Andrew
+    Melville called [Greek: hepiskopomastix], 97 _note_. Struggle between
+    the upper classes and clergy as to episcopacy, 100, 191
+
+  Erskine, Lord, his idiomatic English, ii. 307 _note_
+
+  Essex, Earl of, joins the parliamentary forces, but suspected by the
+    democrats, ii. 151, 152
+
+  Europe, the civilization of, governed by climates, i. 50. Social and
+    political consequences of the high rate of wages in Europe, 65.
+    Influence of physical causes in accelerating the progress of man in
+    Europe, 82. Differences between the civilizations in and out of, 152.
+    The energies of nature tamed by man in, 154. The country outstripped
+    by the populations of the towns in, 156. Mental laws more important
+    than physical for the history of, 156. Contrast between ancient and
+    modern military genius in, 199-202
+
+  Europe, remarks on the origin of the ecclesiastical establishments of,
+    i. 259-263. Benefits conferred by literature on, 267. Condition of
+    the mind of, from the sixth to the tenth centuries, 269
+
+  Excommunication, a French Protestant, ii. 59. Notions of theologians
+    respecting, 59 _note_. Contempt into which excommunication fell in
+    England, 59 _note_
+
+  Expediency, doctrine of, i. 425, 426. Its gradual diffusion amongst
+    us, 426 _note_
+
+  Eye, discoveries of Descartes respecting the, ii. 78
+
+
+  Fables, Voltaire's demolition of the belief in national, ii. 312
+
+  Falkirk, first printing office in, i. 432 _note_
+
+  Famines, impossibility of the return of, in Europe, i. 155. List of,
+    155 _note_. Frequency of, in Spain, ii. 427
+
+  Fathers, authority of the, according to Jewel and Hooker, i. 340.
+    Chillingworth's contempt for their authority, 349. Exposure of the
+    gross absurdities of the, 428
+
+  Favart, Madame, story of, ii. 243
+
+  Fear, special tendency of, to inflame the imagination, i. 120
+
+  Fenacute, story of the giant, i. 320
+
+  Fenelon, treatment of, by Louis XIV., ii. 276. His 'Telemachus,' 276
+
+  Ferdousi, his 'Shah Nameh,' and its authority in Persian history,
+    i. 303
+
+  Fermat, his services to geometry, ii. 190
+
+  Fernel, his eminence in medicine, ii. 195
+
+  Ferrier, excommunicated by the French Protestants, ii. 58. Result of
+    this measure, 59, 60
+
+  Fetichism, the predecessor of monotheism, according to Comte,
+    i. 251 _note_
+
+  Feud, feudum, first use of the words, ii. 110 _note_
+
+  Feudal incidents, destruction of, in England, i. 386
+
+  Feudal system, origin of the, in Europe, ii. 110. Connexion between it
+    and the ecclesiastical spirit, 110, 111. Does not destroy the spirit
+    of protection, but only compels it to assume a new form, 111.
+    Commencement of the European hereditary aristocracy, 112. The power of
+    the English and French aristocracy compared, 113 _et seq._
+    Sub-infeudation in France and in England, 119. Boncerf's treatise on
+    feudal law, 237. Voltaire's, the first historical endeavour to explain
+    the origin of feudality, 302
+
+  Fever, Cullen's theory of, iii. 424
+
+  Finance, suppression of the works of Darigrand and Le Trosne on,
+    ii. 238. Sudden eagerness in France in the eighteenth century for
+    inquiries relating to, 328, 329. Necker's celebrated Report, 329.
+    Burke's the first financial reforms, 464
+
+  Fire-arms, invention of, i. 206
+
+  Flanders, exports from, into Scotland, iii. 24
+
+  Food, effect of the supply of, among wandering and agricultural
+    tribes, i. 8. Moral consequences of diminishing the precariousness of
+    food, 9. Influence of food on the human race, 40. The two effects of
+    food necessary to existence, 55. Influence of climate on the necessary
+    kind of food, 56, 60. Connexion between food and the laws of
+    population, 57, 66, 88. Carbon and oxygen in food, 60-62. Amount of
+    carbon required in food in summer and in winter, 63. The potato, the
+    principal food of the labouring class in Ireland, 65. Countries
+    asserted to be more populous when the ordinary food is vegetable than
+    when it is animal, 68 _note_. Character of the general food of the
+    people of India, rice, 70. And of that of Egypt, dates, 83.
+    Extraordinary fecundity of the maize and banana plants in America,
+    109-111. Instances from the animal kingdom, proving the connexion
+    between carbonized food and the respiratory functions, 148. French and
+    German discoveries as to the functions of food, 367
+
+  Forbes, James, the Presbyterian preacher, iii. 203 _note_
+
+  Force, indestructibility of, iii. 363
+
+  Forces, theory of the parallelogram of, i. 30
+
+  Forestalling and regrating, Burke's attack of the laws against, i. 462
+
+  Forgetfulness, laws regulating, i. 32
+
+  Fornication made a felony by the English Commonwealth, i. 361 _note_.
+    Repeal of the law by Charles II., 362 _note_
+
+  Fossils, Daubenton's labours respecting fossil bones, ii. 371.
+    Previous opinions as to, 371 _note_. Researches of Agassiz in fossil
+    ichthyology, 383
+
+  Fourcroy, popularity of his lectures on chemistry, ii. 407 _note_
+
+  Fourier, his views as to the laws of the conduction of heat, ii. 362.
+    His mathematical theory, 362
+
+  Fox, Charles James, his remark on good churchmen, i. 395 _note_. His
+    declaration in the House of Commons against the arbitrary laws
+    proposed for extinguishing the liberties of the country, 493
+
+  Fox, Henry his eminent statesmanship, i. 450. Causes of George III.'s
+    dislike of him, 450. Burke's character of Fox, 450 _note_. Burke's
+    rupture with him, 469
+
+  France, rent paid by the cultivator, in proportion to the gross
+    produce of the land, i. 75. French notions of the English people
+    previous to the application of steam to purposes of travelling, 219.
+    The history of England compared with that of France, 234. Debt which
+    French owes to English civilization, 236. Effects of the interference
+    of the government with the people, 236. The results of the suppression
+    of scepticism in France compared with the exercise of individual
+    judgment in England, 257. How and when the political institutions of
+    France might have been saved, 258. Condition of historical literature
+    in France in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 261-273.
+    Proximate causes of the French Revolution after the middle of the
+    eighteenth century, 325 _et seq._ The social changes of the French
+    people immediately preceding the Revolution, 405. Instances of this,
+    406-412. Tolerance and freedom from superstition of the French, 263.
+    Great numbers of smugglers in France in the last century, 279. The
+    bards of ancient Gaul, 292 _note_. Corruption of Druidical traditions
+    in Gaul by Christian priests, 306. Popular belief in the middle ages
+    of the Trojan descent of the French kings, 309. Pork a common food in
+    France in the time of Charlemagne, 314 _note_. Effects of the writings
+    of Descartes, 329. Detestation of George III. of the French people,
+    448. Burke's epithets applied to France and the French at the time of
+    the Revolution, 472. Effects produced by the French Revolution upon
+    the policy of the English government, 484. First step towards an open
+    rupture between England and France, 485. Effects of the execution of
+    Louis XVI., 485
+
+  France, Causes which gave rise to the civil wars of the seventeenth
+    century, ii. 56 _et seq._ Conde's rebellion in 1615, 61. Rebellion of
+    the Protestants in Bearn, 61, 62. And at La Rochelle, 63-66. Results
+    which would have happened if the Protestants had gained the upper
+    hand, 67-72. Breaking out of the war of the Fronde, 99. Importance of
+    the press in the middle of the seventeenth century, 95. Analogy
+    between the great civil war of England and the war of the Fronde, 99,
+    100. Summary of the progress of toleration in France, 102. Point at
+    which a marked divergence between England and France begins, 105.
+    Causes of this difference, 106. Comparison of the protective spirit in
+    France and England, 108 _et seq._ Reasons why the feudal aristocracy
+    were more powerful in France than in England, 113-118. In France every
+    man either a tyrant or a slave, 119. System of subinfeudation, 119.
+    Consequences of the early social divergence between England and France
+    in the fourteenth century, 119-121. Futility of French municipal
+    institutions, 121. Feebleness of the States-General, 121. Beginning of
+    the tendency to centralization in France, 122. Its baneful effects,
+    122, 123. Machinery by which it is worked, 123. Number of civil
+    functionaries in the country, 123 _note_. Mode of examining criminals
+    in France, 124. And of preventing crime, 125. The education of the
+    people controlled by the government, 125. The worst kind of monopoly
+    established by the government, and its effects on the people, 126. The
+    great power and tyranny of the nobles, 128. Slavery in France, 129.
+    The inequality of taxation, 129. Privileges reserved to themselves by
+    the nobles, 130. Illustration of the early and radical difference
+    between France and England, from the history of chivalry, 131-134.
+    From the vanity of the French, 136. And from the practice of duelling,
+    136. Difference between the Fronde and the great English rebellion,
+    149. Objects of the Fronde, 149, 150. Causes why a war of classes was
+    impossible, 150. Results of the energy of the protective spirit and
+    power of the nobles on the issue of the Fronde, 160. Vanity and
+    imbecility of the French nobles, 162, 163. Examination of the
+    consequences of the protective spirit being carried into literature by
+    Louis XIV., 176. Servility of the people at this period, 177.
+    Revocation of the Edict of Nantes by Louis XIV., 178. The subsequent
+    dragonnades, 179. And their disastrous effects on the prosperity of
+    France, 181. Universal decline of France during the latter part of the
+    reign of Louis XIV., 210. Joy of the people at his death, 213.
+    Indignities to which French literary men were subject in the
+    eighteenth century, one of the precursors of the revolution, 230-242.
+    Outrages committed by the upper classes in the same period, 243.
+    Stringent cruelty of the French laws, 244. Proposal of the French
+    avocat-general in 1780 respecting new books, 245. The crusade against
+    Christianity in the last century, 247. Causes of the excessive loyalty
+    of the French people, 249. War of opinion between France and Spain in
+    the fifth and sixth centuries, 435
+
+  Francis I. of France, his zeal against heresy, ii. 12
+
+  Franks, their conversion to Christianity and attack of their Visigoth
+    neighbours, ii. 435
+
+  Frauds and Perjuries, security to private property effected by the
+    Statute of, i. 385
+
+  Frederick the Great, contrast between his warlike and domestic policy,
+    i. 201
+
+  Free Trade. See Trade.
+
+  Free will, probable origin of the dogma of, i. 9. Foundation of the
+    theory of, 13. Connexion of free will with Arminianism, 14
+
+  Feret, causes of his imprisonment in the Bastille, ii. 235
+
+  Fresnel, his researches into the laws of light, ii. 362
+
+  Frewen, Dr., Archbishop of York, his character, i. 392
+
+  Froissart, his the earliest instance in the Middle Ages of an
+    improvement in writing history, i. 325
+
+  Fronde, war of the, analogy between it and the civil war in England,
+    ii. 99. Difference between the Fronde and the great English Rebellion,
+    149. Character and position of the leaders of the Fronde, 160. And
+    consequent failure of the rebellion, 168-173
+
+  Fruit, amount of carbon in, i. 61
+
+  Fuch's, his investigations in the vegetable kingdom, ii. 198 _note_
+
+
+  Gaimar, his translation into Anglo-Norman of Geoffrey Monmouth's
+    history, i. 325
+
+  Garlon, suppression of the 'Therapeutics' of, ii. 238
+
+  Garrows, cause of their superstitions respecting the tiger,
+    i. 125 _note_
+
+  Gascoigne, his invention of the micrometer, ii. 192
+
+  Gassion, raised to the dignity of French marshal, ii. 98. Authorities
+    respecting him, 98 _note_
+
+  Gaul, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the Middle
+    Ages, i. 311
+
+  Genard, suppression of his 'School of Man,' ii. 238
+
+  Geoffrey, Archdeacon of Monmouth, his history of King Arthur, i. 321.
+    Translations of the work, 324, 325
+
+  Geography, physical, study of, i. 2
+
+  Geology, first exhibition of the sceptical character of, i. 429
+    _note_. Views of Dr. Arnold and Mr. Baden Powell, 430 _note_. Buffon's
+    recantation of some of his views on, ii. 236. Causes of its great
+    progress in modern times, 365. Labours of French geologists at the
+    latter part of the last century, 368. Cuvier's foundation of
+    palaeontological science, 369 _note_. Remains of organic and inorganic
+    life in the secondary and tertiary strata, 370. The doctrine of
+    universal changes, 369, 371. Daubenton's union of comparative anatomy
+    with geology, 371. Character of Hutton's geological speculations, iii.
+    388, 396. Causes which have altered and are still altering the crust
+    of the earth, 388. The deductive and inductive methods of studying
+    geology, 390. William Smith's foundation of English geology, 391.
+    Werner's foundation of the German school, 393. Hall's verification of
+    Hutton's views, 401
+
+  Geometry, algebra first successfully applied to, by Descartes, ii. 77.
+    Who is regarded as the first geometrician of the age, 80. Ages of
+    Descartes and Fermat, 189, 190. Hypothetical arguments as exhibited
+    by, iii. 306
+
+  George I., his utter ignorance of the English language, i. 441
+
+  George II., his indifferent knowledge of the English language, i. 441.
+    His ignorance of English politics, 442. His highest ambition,
+    442 _note_
+
+  George III., fortunate circumstances which surrounded his accession, i.
+    444. Revival of the doctrine of divine right, 445. The king's respect
+    for church ceremonies, 445 _note_. Alliance between the Crown and the
+    clergy, 445. The king's ignorance, 446. And hatred of great statesmen,
+    446, 447. Favour with which he regarded slavery, 447. His hatred of
+    the French, 448. The 'King's Friends,' 448, 449. Notorious incapacity
+    of his ministers, 449. His hatred of the elder Pitt and of Fox, 449,
+    450. Mode in which he brought the House of Lords into disrepute, 453.
+    His hatred of the Americans, 466. Favours Burke in his violent old
+    age, 476, 477. His policy respecting the American colonies, 477, 479.
+    Reaction of this policy upon England, 481, 482. His policy towards the
+    French republic, 484 _et seq._ His monstrous principles, 466. His
+    inability however, to do harm to English institutions, 466
+
+  George IV., his character, ii. 466
+
+  Germany, Comparison of the history of England and, i. 237.
+    Interference of the German governments with the people, 237. Origin of
+    German literature, 237. Character of German intellect among the
+    highest and lowest minds, 238, 239. Process through which the esoteric
+    literature of Germany is passing at the present time, 267. Cultivation
+    of metaphysics in Germany in the latter part of the last century,
+    ii. 373
+
+  Gervaise, suppression of the 'Letters' of, ii. 237
+
+  Gibbon, Edward, fame of his 'Decline and Fall,' i. 429 _note_. His
+    fifteenth and sixteenth chapters, 429
+
+  Gipsies, origin of the, according to the writers of the middle ages,
+    i. 312
+
+  Glasgow in the fifteenth century, iii. 26, 27. Rise and progress of,
+    175. The first bank at, 181
+
+  Gloves, Spanish manufacture of, in the sixteenth and seventeenth
+    centuries, ii. 502
+
+  Goblets, game of, forbidden to be seen by French Protestants, ii. 70
+
+  God, Cartesian method of the ultimate proof of the existence of,
+    ii. 89. Horrible notions of the Scotch clergy respecting, iii. 239
+
+  Gomberville, his refutation of the idle stories as to the extreme
+    antiquity of the French, ii. 270
+
+  Gongora, the Spanish poet, ii. 480
+
+  Goethe, his obligations to Mallet's 'History of Denmark,' ii. 299
+
+  Gordon, Dr., the nonjuring bishop, i. 412 _note_
+
+  Government, inquiry into the influence of, on the progress of society,
+    i. 272. Illustrated by the abolition of the corn laws, 273. The most
+    important measures of modern British legislation the result of
+    pressure from without, 275. The best legislation the result of the
+    abrogation of former legislation, 275. Injuries caused to trade by the
+    interference of politicians, 276. Smuggling, with all its attendant
+    crimes, caused by legislation, 277. Baneful effects of legislative
+    attempts to encourage religious truth, and discourage religious error,
+    281. Consequent increase of hypocrisy and perjury, 281, 282. And of
+    usury by the laws against usury, 283. Effects of legislation in
+    hindering the advance of knowledge, 284. England less interfered with
+    by government than other nations, 286. True duties of legislators,
+    287. Attempts to make politics a mere branch of theology, 326-328.
+    Legislative improvements in the reign of Charles II. in spite of
+    political degradation, 381
+
+  Gowrie conspiracy, the, iii. 110
+
+  Gracian, the Spanish Jesuit and prose writer, ii. 480
+
+  Granada, capture of, from the Arabs, ii. 440
+
+  Gravitation, Newton's discovery of the law of, ii. 191. Tardy
+    reception of the law in France, 191, 192
+
+  Greece, condition of, contrasted with that of India, i. 138. Its area,
+    138. Its material phenomena, 139. Comparison of the Greek and Hindu
+    divinities, 140. The hero-worship of the Greeks, 144. Statesmen,
+    orators, and authors of ancient, 199. Reason of the evanescence of the
+    civilization of ancient Greece, 267
+
+  Greek language forbidden by the French Protestants to be taught,
+    ii. 69
+
+  Greek Church, cause of the small amount of authority possessed by the
+    head of the, compared with that of the Latin Church, ii. 303
+
+  Greenock, state of, in the seventeenth century, iii. 28. Rise and
+    progress of, 174
+
+  Grenobles, insolence of the Protestant assembly of, ii. 60
+
+  Grew, Dr. Nathaniel, his botanical discoveries, ii. 199, 200
+
+  Grey, Mr. (afterwards Earl), his remarks in the House on the
+    subservient conduct of Pitt, i. 447 _note_
+
+  Grimaldi, prime minister of Spain, ii. 545
+
+  Grosley, his admiration for England, ii. 228. Suppression of his
+    'Memoirs on Troyes,' 238
+
+  Grotius, his principles of foreign policy compared with those of
+    Vattel, ii. 40 _note_
+
+  Guibert, suppression of his work on 'Military Tactics,' ii. 238
+
+  Guise, the murder of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in
+    the, ii. 11
+
+  Guises, their influence in Scotland, iii. 77, 78
+
+  Guizot, his republication of Mably's 'Observations,' ii. 236
+
+  Gunpowder, invention of, i. 203. And of fire-arms, 204. Gunpowder
+    first used in mining towns, 206 _note_. Influence of the invention of,
+    in lessening the warlike spirit, 206-209
+
+  Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, his domestic and warlike policy
+    contrasted, i. 200
+
+  Guthrie, the Scotch preacher, iii. 202 _note_, 204 _note_
+
+
+  Habeas Corpus Act, passing of the, i. 385. Effect of the suspension of
+    the, in 1794, 496
+
+  Haco, his invasion of Scotland, iii. 11
+
+  Haillan, Du, his the first history of France, ii. 264. Character of
+    his work, 264, 265
+
+  Hajin tribe, cause of their worship of the tiger, i. 125 _note_
+
+  Hall, Chief Baron, his charge to the jury in a case of witchcraft in
+    1665, i. 363 _note_
+
+  Hall, Sir James, his verification of the geological speculations of
+    Hutton, iii. 401
+
+  Hardwicke, Lord, his notions of political economy, i. 211 _note_
+
+  Harris, his account of the extinction of feudalism, i. 386
+
+  Harriss's 'Dictionary of Arts and Sciences,' the origin of
+    Encyclopaedias, i. 433 _note_
+
+  Harvey, his discovery of the circulation of the blood, ii. 80. Denies
+    the existence of the lacteals, 81 _note_
+
+  Hauey, his studies in crystallography, ii. 401
+
+  Heat, together with moisture, the causes which regulate the fertility
+    of every country, i. 96. Difference between the heat of the eastern
+    and western coasts of North America, 98; and of South America, 100.
+    French researches on the phenomena of heat in the last century, ii.
+    361. The laws of heat, iii. 362. The indestructibility of force and
+    interchange of forces, 363. Black's theory of latent heat, 367.
+    Leslie's philosophy, 383
+
+  Heat, animal food necessary for keeping up the, i. 55, 58. The
+    blood-corpuscles and animal heat, 58 _note_. Heat disengaged by the
+    union of carbon and oxygen, 58, 59 _note_
+
+  Heavenly witnesses, controversy on the text of the, i. 429
+
+  Helvetius, his knowledge of the English language and literature,
+    ii. 218. His admiration for England, 229. Persecuted by the
+    government, 236. His professed atheism, 352. Analysis of his essay
+    'On the Mind,' 353
+
+  Henault, his method of writing history, ii. 300
+
+  Henrion, his views as to fossil bones, ii. 371 _note_
+
+  Henry II. of England, his destruction of the baronial castles,
+    ii. 114 _note_
+
+  Henry II. of France, his zeal against heresy, ii. 12
+
+  Henry III. of England, his inability to do permanent harm to English
+    institutions, ii. 466
+
+  Henry III. of France, murder of, predominance of the theological
+    spirit shown in the, ii. 11. His zeal against heresy, 13. His
+    affection for monks, 29 _note_
+
+  Henry IV. of France, his accession, ii. 12. His character as a ruler,
+    12. His apostasies, 13, 14. Publishes the Edict of Nantes, 14. Refuses
+    to accede to the pope's request to punish the Protestants, 22, 23. His
+    measures for their protection, 23, 24. His death, 24. Henry the first
+    French sovereign stained with the imputation of heresy, 267
+
+  Henry IV. of England, his invasion of Scotland, iii. 18 _note_
+
+  Henry VII. of England, his establishment of the Yeomen of the Guard,
+    ii. 7 _note_
+
+  Henry VIII. of England, indifference of the people to his arrangement
+    of the formularies of the Church, ii. 7. His bodyguard, 7 _note_.
+    Character of his reign, 138
+
+  Henshaw, his discoveries in the vegetable world, ii. 199
+
+  Herculaes, origin of the story of the exploits of, i. 297
+
+  Hereditary descent connected with the formation of character, question
+    of, i. 176 _note_. Hereditary talents, vices, and virtues, 177 _note_
+
+  Heresies, the great religious, founded on previous philosophies, i. 11
+    _note_. Destruction by the legislature of the writ 'De Haeretico
+    Comburendo,' 383. The first papal call on the secular power to punish,
+    ii. 109 _note_. Harshness of the early Spanish laws for the punishment
+    of heresy, 438
+
+  Hero-worship, ancient Greek, causes of the, i. 144
+
+  'High-church' and 'low-church,' origin of the terms, i. 412 _note_
+
+  Highlanders, their ferocity, iii. 21, 22. Let loose upon the
+    Lowlanders in 1678, 145. The only powerful friends of James II., 151.
+    Their love of war and rapine, 151, 152. Reasons which induced them to
+    rebel in favour of the exiled Stuarts, 152. Their rebellions of 1715
+    and 1745 not the result of loyalty, 153. Their veneration for their
+    chieftains, 156 _note_. Their insignificance after 1745, 157, 168
+
+  Hill, Sir John, his the first publication of popular scientific works
+    in numbers, i. 432 _note_. His great success, 432 _note_
+
+  Hilton, Laird of, story of the, and the minister, iii. 217
+
+  Hindostan, Persian origin of the word, i. 69 _note_
+
+  History, statement of the resources for investigating, i. 1.
+    Confidence in the value of, 1. Use made of the materials for
+    investigating, 3. Instances of endeavours to remedy the backwardness
+    of history, 4. Present prospects of historical literature, 5.
+    Inferiority of the most celebrated historians to the most successful
+    cultivators of physical science, 7. Materials from which a philosophic
+    history can alone be composed, 20, 33. Reasons why historians have not
+    yet collected materials for writing history, 229. Reasons why the
+    present history is restricted to that of England, 231, 242. Hume's
+    method of treating history, 251 _note_. Why the history of England is
+    eminently valuable, 252. Origin of history, and state of historical
+    literature during the Middle Ages, 288. Value of historical inquiries
+    in throwing light on the changes in society, 290, 291. The ballad form
+    of the earliest histories, 291. Error in history caused by the
+    invention of writing, 296. Corruptions in early history caused by
+    changes in religion, 300. Illustration of this from Scandinavian
+    history, 301. Trustworthiness of histories where there has been no
+    change in religion, 301-304. The influence of the clergy the most
+    active cause of the corruption of early history, 307. Absurdities
+    believed in consequence, 309-325. Beginning of the first improvement
+    in writing modern history, 325. Prevalence of credulity in the time of
+    Comines, 326, 327. Character of Bodin's historical work, 326.
+    Intellectual regeneration of the seventeenth century, 329. Instances
+    of the credulity of the sixteenth century, 330. This absurd way of
+    writing history the natural result of the spirit of the age, 333. The
+    history of every civilized country the history of its intellectual
+    development, 387. Importance to history of the question whether normal
+    phenomena should or should not precede the study of abnormal ones, ii.
+    1, 2 _note_. Condition of historical literature in France before the
+    end of the sixteenth century, 261. The Middle Age historians of France
+    merely annalists, 263. Du Haillan's the first French history, 264. De
+    Thou's work, 266. Sully's history, 266. Serres' view of the importance
+    of correct dates in history, 267. Dupleix's 'History of France,' 268.
+    La Popeliniere's 'History of Histories,' 269. Improvement in the
+    method of writing history in the seventeenth century, 270. De Rubis's
+    work, 270. Gomberville's, 270. Berthault's, 270. Mezeray's great work,
+    271. The retrograde movement under Louis XIV., 273. As illustrated in
+    the works of Audigier and Bossuet, 279. Reasons why history is
+    superior to theology, 289. Bossuet's method of writing history
+    compared with that of Voltaire, 291. Other historians by whom
+    Voltaire's views were adopted, 299 _et seq._ His opinions as to
+    feudality, 302. As to free trade, 304. As to political economy, 304.
+    His demolition of the admiration entertained for classical works, and
+    for the fables of early history, 306-312. Value of Montesquieu's
+    method, 315. History separated from biography by him, 316, 317.
+    Turgot's views of the duties of a historian, 321. Difference between
+    certainty and precision in writing history, 325. The first and most
+    essential quality of an historian, iii. 186
+
+  Hobbes, Thomas, his works, i. 390. Animosity of the clergy against
+    him, 390. Encouraged by Charles II., 391. Popularity of his works at
+    this time, 391 _note_
+
+  Hogg, Thomas, story of, and the 'factour,' iii. 214
+
+  Holbach, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 219
+
+  Holcus arundinaceus, use of, as food by the Egyptians, i. 87
+
+  Holland, rescued by man from the grasp of the sea, i. 154. Number of
+    Anabaptists put to death in, 186 _note_. The Dutch fleet in the Thames
+    and Medway, 382. Proposal of the Bishop of Beauvais, ii. 38 _note_.
+    Calvinism the popular creed of, 339. The war carried on by Philip II.
+    against the Dutch Protestants, 451. Number of heretics put to death by
+    Alva, 451
+
+  Holyrood robbed by the English, iii. 15
+
+  Homer, his investigations of the human mind, i. 23 _note_
+
+  Hooke, his discoveries in the vegetable world, ii. 199
+
+  Hooker, Richard, his 'Ecclesiastical Polity' compared with Jewel's
+    'Apology for the Church of England,' i. 339, 340. And with
+    Chillingworth's 'Religion of Protestants,' 348. Connexion between the
+    Reformation and the views advocated by Hooker, 351. Locke's opinion of
+    his philosophy, 351. Compared with Chillingworth, ii. 86. His
+    scepticism, 86
+
+  Horst, Dr., his work on the Golden tooth, i. 332
+
+  Howe, John, his exile, i. 398
+
+  Huguenots. See Protestants, French
+
+  Humber, origin of the name of the, according to the historians of the
+    Middle Ages, i. 311
+
+  Hume, David, his method of metaphysical investigation, i. 250, 426
+    _note_. His 'Natural History of Religion' and 'History of England,'
+    251. His views as to monotheism, 251 _note_. His 'Political
+    Discourses' translated into French by Le Blanc, ii. 219. Examination
+    of his philosophy, iii. 331. His want of imagination, 331. Importance
+    and novelty of his doctrines, 333. His disregard of facts, 337. His
+    method, 338. His injustice to Bacon, 338. His 'Natural History of
+    Religion,' 343. Comparison between his method and that employed by
+    Cudworth, 348
+
+  Humidity, together with heat, the causes which regulate fertility,
+    i. 96. Difference between the humidity of the eastern and western
+    coasts of North America, 98. And of South America, 100. Relation
+    between the amount of rain and the extent of coast, 99. The heavy
+    rains of Brazil, 103
+
+  Hungary, disease in, from eating pork, i. 314 _note_
+
+  Hunter, John, account of his generalizations, iii. 428. His grandeur
+    and obscurity of language, 428. Conflict of the methods employed by
+    him, and the consequent result, 429-432. His industry in collecting
+    facts, 433. His discovery as to the red globules of the blood, 436.
+    His inquiries as to the movements of animals and vegetables, 439. His
+    idea of uniting all the physical sciences, 443. His inquiry into the
+    malformation of crystals, 443. His physiological and pathological
+    inquiries, 447. His pathological speculations respecting the
+    principles of action and the principles of sympathy, 450 _et seq._
+    Causes of the little influence which he exercised over his English
+    contemporaries, 457
+
+  Hutcheson, Francis, his method of metaphysical investigation, i. 248.
+    Remarks of Sir J. Mackintosh and M. Cousin, 248 _note_. Notice of him,
+    iii. 292. Examination of his philosophy, 292. Its results, tendency,
+    and method, 295-300
+
+  Hutton, James, his attempts to explain the former changes of the
+    earth's crust by reference solely to natural causes, i. 429 _note_.
+    Establishes the first library in Birmingham, 431 _note_. Character of
+    his geological speculations, iii. 388, 396. Verification of his views,
+    401
+
+  Hyaenas regarded by the Abyssinians as enchanters, i. 126 _note_
+
+  Hydrostatics, Boyle's discoveries in, i. 368 _note_
+
+  Hypocrisy, cause of the increase of, due to evil legislation, i. 281
+
+
+  Idolatry, the natural fruit of ignorance, i. 258
+
+  Ichthyology, fossil, researches of Agassiz in, ii. 383
+
+  Ignorance and idolatry, i. 258. The 'learned ignorance' for which many
+    men are remarkable, 269
+
+  Imagination, special tendency of fear to inflame the, i. 120. Triumph
+    of the imagination in the tropics, from this cause, 121. Instances in
+    the case of earthquakes, 122. And in disease, 127. Imaginative
+    character of the literature of ancient India, 132. The imagination
+    controlled by the understanding in Greece 138-146
+
+  Imbert, his French translation of Clarke's 'Letters on Spain'
+    suppressed, ii. 234
+
+  Impeachments, general effect of the abolition of, i. 386
+
+  Independence, personal, idea of, takes root, i. 436. First occurrence
+    of the word 'independence,' in the modern acceptation of the word,
+    436 _note_
+
+  India, fertility and civilization of, i. 69. Character of the food of
+    the people of, 70, 71. Causes of the unequal distribution of wealth in
+    India in all ages, 72. Amount of rent paid by the cultivator in India
+    in proportion to the gross produce of the land, 76. Testimony of
+    Bishop Heber to the poverty of the labouring classes, 77 _note_.
+    Provisions of the native laws respecting the caste of the Sudras, 78.
+    And of the Brahmins, 79, 80. Character of the ancient Indian
+    literature, 132. And of the religion and art of, 137. Contrasted with
+    Greece in these conditions, 137. Absence of harbours in India, 138.
+    Antiquity of the worship of Siva in, 141. The bards of, 292 _note_.
+    Causes of trustworthiness in the early history of, 301 _note_.
+    Antiquity of the history of, 302 _note_. Cause of the existence of
+    this history, 303 _note_
+
+  'Individualisme,' De Tocqueville on the word, i. 436 _note_
+
+  Indulgence, Declaration of, of James II., i. 397. Refusal of the
+    clergy to read it in their churches, 399
+
+  Indulgences, theory of, of the Church of Rome, ii. 339
+
+  Innovation, aversion of the aristocracy for, ii. 139
+
+  Inquisition in Spain, character of the founders of the, i. 187.
+    Establishment of the, in Spain, ii. 446. The different punishments for
+    heresy, 448. Attacked by Aranda, 547. The last heretic burned by the
+    Inquisition, 548
+
+  'Inquisitoribus haereticae pravitatis,' the first constitution
+    addressed, ii. 109
+
+  Insanity, former notions respecting, ii. 404. Pinel's views of the
+    aberrations of the human mind, 404
+
+  Insects, incredible number of, in Brazil, i. 106
+
+  Insolvents, Burke's opposition to the cruel laws against, i. 463
+
+  Intellect, English; English literature unknown in France in the reign
+    of Louis XIV., ii. 213. Causes of the junction of English and French
+    intellects after this king's death, 214. Essential difference between
+    the civilization of England and Spain, 465. Outline of the history of
+    the English intellect from the middle of the sixteenth to the end of
+    the eighteenth century, 333. Origin of religious toleration in
+    England, 337. Hooker contrasted with Jewel, 339, 340. Theology and
+    persecution, 344. Scepticism and the spirit of inquiry on other
+    subjects, 340. Chillingworth's 'Religion of Protestants,' 347. The
+    rapid increase of heresy in the middle of the seventeenth century, 347
+    _note_. Increasing indifference to theological matters, 350. The work
+    of Chillingworth a vindication of religious dissent, 352. Political
+    character of the opposition to ecclesiastical authority in the reigns
+    of James I. and Charles I., 359. Its frivolous form in the reign of
+    Charles II., 362. Progress of the English intellect in the seventeenth
+    century towards shaking off ancient superstitions, 363. Destruction of
+    the old notions as to witchcraft, 363 _note_. Sir Thomas Browne's
+    works, 365. Boyle's discoveries, 368. Foundation of the Royal Society,
+    371. Ecclesiastical opposition to physical science in the reign of
+    Charles II., 372. Popular belief in supernatural causation, 373.
+    Improvements in legislation in the reign of Charles II., and the
+    causes which produced them, 388, 389. Hobbists, 390. Effects of the
+    alliance of the clergy with James II., 395. Dissolution of this
+    alliance, 396. Union of the clergy and dissenters, 399. Causes which
+    produced the revolution of 1688, 400. Effects of the expulsion of the
+    Stuarts on English civilization, 402. Struggle between William III.
+    and the clergy, 405. Loss of the clergy of all power out of the
+    Church, 416-418. The clergy weakened by the founders of Wesleyanism,
+    419-424. Loss of the intellectual vigour of the dissenters, 422. But
+    increase in their numbers, 423 _note_. Final separation of theology
+    from morals and politics, 424-427. Discoveries of geologists, 429.
+    Diffusion of knowledge among the people, 430. Sunday schools, 430.
+    Sunday newspapers, 431. Country printing offices, 431. Popular works
+    on physical truth first published, 432. Invention of encyclopaedias,
+    433. Literary periodical reviews, 433. Reading clubs, 433. Debating
+    societies, 433. Right of public meeting, and publication of
+    parliamentary debates, 434, 435. Doctrine of personal representation
+    and of personal independence, 436. Change in the style of authors,
+    436. Review of the reactionary and retrogressive period of English
+    history, 441. Political degeneracy of England during the reign of
+    George III., 446-455. Sketch of the career of Edmund Burke, 455 _et
+    seq._ Arbitrary laws of George III. against the liberties of his
+    country, 487, 488. Gloomy prospects of the people late in the
+    eighteenth century, 494. Secret imprisonment of opponents of the
+    government, 494. Effect of the suspension of the habeas corpus act in
+    1794, 496. Preparation for a counter reaction, owing to the progress
+    of knowledge, 498. To which, and to the power of public opinion,
+    England owes her reforms of the present century, 498. The Scotch and
+    English methods of philosophy contrasted, iii. 290.
+
+  Intellect, French, outline of the history of the, from the middle of
+    the sixteenth century to the accession to power of Louis XIV., ii. 1.
+    Greater power of the Church in France than in England, 4. As shown by
+    the successful efforts of the clergy to withstand the Reformation, 4.
+    This influence greater in France than in England during the sixteenth
+    century, 6. Hence the impossibility of toleration in France, 7, 8. The
+    civil wars in France conducted in the name of Christianity, 8.
+    Internal condition of the country before the accession of Henry IV.,
+    11. Beginning of toleration by the publication of the Edict of Nantes,
+    14. Appearance of scepticism, 14, 15. Rabelais and Montaigne, 15.
+    Charron, 19. The party of the 'Politiques', 22 _note_. Decline of the
+    ecclesiastical power in France, 26. Richelieu's endeavours to humble
+    the French nobles, 28. Fails, but effectually humbles the clergy, 29.
+    Favour shown by Richelieu to the Protestants, 37-39. Causes of the
+    religious feuds of the seventeenth century, 55. Character of the civil
+    war raised by the Protestants, 63-66. Efforts of the Protestants to
+    suppress the thirst for knowledge, 69, 70. And to hamper and vex the
+    people, 71, 72. The liberal policy of Richelieu only part of a much
+    larger movement, 76. Illustration of this from the philosophy of
+    Descartes, 77. Who is regarded as one of the founders of French prose,
+    80. His origination of the modern method of philosophy, 81, 82.
+    Progress of the French mind as shown in the very existence of the
+    ideas of Descartes and Richelieu, 93. Spread of scepticism in France
+    in the reign of Louis XIII. and during the minority of Louis XIV., 95.
+    The anti-ecclesiastical spirit exhibited by Mazarin, 96. Injurious
+    effects of the protective spirit carried by Louis XIV. into
+    literature, 176-188. Proof that the literary splendour of his reign
+    was not his work, 188. Effect of his protection in stopping the
+    progress of science, 190. In mathematics, 191. And in astronomy, 191.
+    Newton's discoveries neglected for forty-five years, 191. Absence of
+    mere practical ingenuity in the reign of Louis XIV., 192. Few and
+    insignificant improvements effected during this period in
+    manufactures, 193. Decline at the same time in physiology, surgery,
+    and medicine, 194-196. In zoology and chemistry, 197. And in botany,
+    197. Results which followed the decline of the national intellect in
+    the reign of Louis XIV., 203 _et seq._ Reaction against the protective
+    spirit on the death of Louis XIV., and preparations for the French
+    Revolution, 213. Ignorance of the English language and literature at
+    the end of the seventeenth century, 214. Causes of the junction of the
+    French and English intellect after the death of Louis XIV., 215.
+    Voltaire and his works, 216. Other authors, 216 _et seq._ Admiration
+    for England expressed by Frenchmen, 222. Who disseminate liberal
+    opinions which the government attempts to stifle, 228, 229.
+    Persecution of literary men, 230-242. The avocat-general's proposition
+    as to the publication of new works, 245. Reasons why French literary
+    men at first attacked the Church and not the government, 247-251.
+    Effects of the hostility of the French intellect against the state,
+    258. Rise and extent of scepticism in France, 261 _et seq._ The two
+    epochs through which the French intellect passed during the eighteenth
+    century, 327. Inquiries respecting political economy, 327-329.
+    Eagerness of the French for economical and financial inquiries, 329.
+    Influence of Rousseau, 330-332. Anti-ecclesiastical policy of Machault
+    and his successors, 332-334. Concession of civil rights to
+    Protestants, 335. Revival of Jansenism, and consequent overthrow of
+    the Jesuits, 344, 345. Destruction of the French Church, 347. Rise and
+    progress of atheistical opinions, 351. Tendency of the French
+    intellect during the latter half of the eighteenth century to withdraw
+    from the internal, and concentrate attention upon the external world,
+    351-353. Works of Helvetius and Condillac, 353-360. Researches as to
+    the laws of heat, light, and electricity, 361-363. And in chemistry
+    and geology, 364. The study of physical phenomena in connexion with
+    the French Revolution, 375. Impetus given to zoology by Cuvier, 375.
+    And by Bichat, 376. Reaction in France at the commencement of the
+    present century, 388, 389. Researches in botany and mineralogy at the
+    end of the last century, 395. And in the aberrations of the human
+    mind, 404
+
+  Intellect, German. The Scotch method of philosophy compared with that
+    of Germany, iii. 289
+
+  Intellect, human, sole source of the, ii. 89
+
+  Intellect, Scotch, examination of the, during the seventeenth century,
+    iii. 191-280. And during the eighteenth century, 281-482. Barrenness
+    of the Scotch mind in science in the seventeenth century, 284. Causes
+    of this, 287. Results of the ignorance of the inductive or analytical
+    method, 289. Scotland in this respect compared and contrasted with
+    Germany and England, 288. Hutcheson, Adam Smith, Hume, and Reid,
+    292-360. Examination of Scotch physical philosophy, 361 _et seq._
+    Difference between the results achieved by Scotchmen in the
+    seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 458. The deductive method
+    supreme in both centuries, 462. Reasons why the Scotch literature of
+    the eighteenth century affected the nation so little, 465.
+    Superstition and illiberality still existing in Scotland,
+    471 _et seq._
+
+  Intellect, Spanish, outline of the history of the, from the fifth to
+    the middle of the nineteenth century, ii. 425 _et seq._ Influence of
+    the clergy over the Spanish intellect, high and low, 479
+
+  Intellectual progress of man, i. 174. Progressive aspect of
+    intellectual truths, 181. Mischievousness of ignorant men in
+    proportion to their sincerity, 183
+
+  Interest, in what it consists, i. 52. Rate of interest in India in
+    900 B.C., 74. And in 1810 A.D., 75
+
+  Inverness burnt by the Highlanders, iii. 22
+
+  Ireland, the potato the principal food of the people of, for above two
+    hundred years, i. 65. Period of its introduction into that country, 65
+    _note_. Potato crops as compared with those of wheat, 65. Daily
+    average consumption of potatoes in Ireland, 66 _note_. Evil
+    consequences of the cheapness and abundance of food, 67. Idleness of
+    the Irish at home compared with their industry abroad, 68 _note_. The
+    bards of Ireland, 292 _note_. Their contributions to the early history
+    of their country, 292 _note_. Injuries done to the traditions of the
+    bards of, by clerical historians, 306. Pork the chief food of the
+    Irish in the twelfth century, 314 _note_. Causes which have produced
+    the present superstition of the Irish Catholics, ii. 53, 54. The Irish
+    invasion of Scotland, iii. 9
+
+  Irritability, Glisson's anticipation of the truth respecting,
+    ii. 196 _note_
+
+  Isomorphism, Mitscherlich's discovery of, in minerals, ii. 400
+
+  Italy, physical causes of the superstition existing in, i. 123.
+    Triumph of the imaginative and small proportion of scientific men in,
+    124
+
+
+  Jacobites, extinction of the hopes of the, i. 444
+
+  James I., political character of the opposition to ecclesiastical
+    authority in the reign of, i. 359. His attempts to revive the power of
+    the nobles, ii. 147. His imprisonment in Scotland, iii. 103. Recovers
+    his liberty, 104. Bearded by the ministers, 104. The Gowrie
+    Conspiracy, 110. Ascends the throne of England, 115. Attempts to
+    subjugate the Scotch Church, 115. His cruelties, 117. Forces
+    episcopacy upon Scotland, 117. And sets up High Courts of Commission,
+    125
+
+  James I. of Scotland, attacks the nobles, and favours the Church, iii.
+    46, 47. Causes of his failure, 47, 48. Put to death by his
+    aristocracy, 49
+
+  James II. of England, his accession, i. 395. Attempts of Archbishop
+    Sancroft to convert him to Protestantism, 395 _note_. Services
+    rendered to him by the Protestant clergy, 396. Alliance between the
+    Roman Catholic King and the Protestant clergy, 396. Causes of the
+    dissolution of this alliance, 397. His declaration of indulgence, 397.
+    Establishes the first standing army in England, 397 _note_.
+    Persecutions in his reign, 397, 398. Union of the Churchmen and
+    Dissenters, and production of the revolution, 400. His character, iii.
+    147. His fiendish cruelty, 147-149. His ignominious flight, 151
+
+  James II. of Scotland, his treachery, iii. 49-52
+
+  James IV. of Scotland, his policy, iii. 56
+
+  James V. of Scotland, seized by the Douglases, iii. 57. His escape,
+    58, 59. Favours the Church, and punishes the nobles, 59, 60. Who bring
+    about the Reformation, 62. Accepts the title of 'Defender of the
+    Faith,' 62. His marriage with Mary of Guise, 63. Cause of his death,
+    69
+
+  Jamin's 'Thoughts,' suppression of, ii. 238
+
+  Jansenism, tenets of, ii. 343. Its introduction into France, previous
+    to the time of Louis XIV., but suppression by him, 344. Its revival in
+    the eighteenth century, and its effect on the democratic movement,
+    344. Its overthrow of the Jesuits, 344, 345
+
+  Java, early civilization of, i. 305. Causes of the loss of the
+    historical traditions of, 305. Establishment of Mohammedanism in, 305
+    _note_. Period of the Indian colonization of, 305 _note_. Traditions
+    of Java preserved in the island of Bali, 306
+
+  Jefferson, Thomas, his part in the French Revolution, ii. 418
+
+  Jeffreys, Lord, his cruelty, i. 397
+
+  Jehangueir, the emperor, his extraordinary wealth, i. 77 _note_
+
+  Jerusalem, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the
+    Middle Ages, i. 311
+
+  Jesuits, the, banished from France by Henry IV., ii. 23. Recalled, 23,
+    24 _note_. Services of the early Jesuits to civilization, 336. Their
+    system of education, 336. Their incompatibility with the opinions of
+    the eighteenth century, 337. Buffier the only Jesuit name in the
+    history of abstract philosophy, 342 _note_. The order overthrown in
+    France in the last century, 345, 346. Regarded as the instigators of
+    Damiens' attempted assassination of Louis XV., 345. Expelled from
+    Spain, 546
+
+  Jewel, Bishop, his 'Apology for the Church of England' compared with
+    Hooker's 'Ecclesiastical Polity,' i. 340. And with Chillingworth's
+    'Religion of Protestants,' 348
+
+  Jews, influence of religion on the progress of society illustrated by
+    the history of the, i. 257, 258. Importance of the history of the,
+    according to Bossuet, ii. 285. Harshness of the early Spanish laws
+    against them, 438. Decree of expulsion of Ferdinand and Isabella, 445.
+    Number of Jews expelled from Spain, 446 _note_
+
+  Johnson, Dr., on free will, i. 14 _note_
+
+  Joubert, his eminence in medicine, ii. 195
+
+  Jousse, suppression of his 'Treatise on Presidial jurisdiction,'
+    ii. 238
+
+  Joyce, Cornet, his origin, ii. 155
+
+  Judas, history of, according to Matthew of Westminster, i. 316
+
+  Judges in France, ii. 124. Period when judges were first knighted in
+    England, 135 _note_
+
+  Julian, the emperor, causes of his persecution of the Christians,
+    i. 186
+
+  Jurisdictions, hereditary, abolition of, in Scotland, iii. 161, 169
+
+  Jury, origin of trial by, ii. 117 _note_
+
+  Jussieu, his botanical generalizations, ii. 397
+
+  Justice, permanent improvement in the administration of, in England,
+    i. 402
+
+  Juxon, William, his character as archbishop of Canterbury, i. 391
+
+
+  Kamtschatkans, religious regard they pay to some animals,
+    i. 126 _note_
+
+  Kant, his views as to the scientific conception of the understanding,
+    i. 18 _note_; quoted, 35-38
+
+  Ken, Bishop, deprived, i. 408, 410. Refuses to admit in the secular
+    power the right of deprivation, 410
+
+  Kennedy, Bishop of St. Andrew's, his power in Scotland, iii. 53. His
+    counsel to the king, 53, 54
+
+  Kilmarnock, state of, in the seventeenth century, iii. 28. Rise of the
+    manufactures of, 180
+
+  'King's Friends,' the party so called, i. 448
+
+  Kings, causes of the diminution of the respect formerly felt for, ii.
+    182. Reasons why their information is inaccurate, and their prejudices
+    numerous, 183. Their nonsensical or blasphemous titles, 183 _note_
+
+  Kirke, Colonel, his cruelty, i. 397
+
+  Kirk-sessions in Scotland, in the seventeenth century, iii. 206, 207.
+    Their tyranny, 209, 210
+
+  Knights Templars, discourse of St. Bernard on the, quoted,
+    ii. 133 _note_
+
+  Knighthood, bane of the order of, in France, ii. 133, 134. Little
+    respect paid to it in England, 135. Compulsory knighthood in that
+    country, 135
+
+  Knowledge, influence of the progress of, in diminishing religious
+    persecution, i. 189. And in diminishing war, 190. The three ways in
+    which the progress of knowledge has lessened the warlike spirit,
+    203-223. The totality of human actions governed by the totality of
+    human knowledge, 229. Remarkable diffusion of knowledge in the United
+    States, 243. Books the storehouse of knowledge, 267. In what the
+    knowledge in which all civilization consists is based, 268. The
+    'learned ignorance' for which many men are remarkable, 269. Condition
+    and results of the literature of Europe from the sixth to the tenth
+    centuries, 269. Endeavours of governments to hinder the advance of
+    knowledge, 284. Craving of the people after knowledge, 430. Popular
+    form taken by the diffusion of knowledge, 430, 431. Simplicity of the
+    style of the authors of the last century, 437. The increase and
+    diffusion of knowledge in England at the latter part of the eighteenth
+    century antagonistic to the political events of the same period, 498.
+    Efforts of the French Protestant clergy to suppress the pursuit of
+    knowledge, ii. 70. Sudden craving after knowledge in France at the
+    latter part of the last century, 407
+
+  Knox, John, commencement of his career, iii. 74, 75. His influence in
+    promoting the Reformation, 75. His part in the murder of Beaton, 76.
+    Goes to Geneva, 76. Returns, 79. His petition to Parliament as to the
+    Church revenues, 84, 85. His death, 93
+
+  Konigseg, his services to Spain, ii. 519
+
+
+  La Bletterie, cause of his expulsion from the French Academy, ii. 235
+
+  Labour, effect of climate on the energy and regularity with which it
+    is conducted, i. 42, 43. See Wages
+
+  Labourers and employers, their wages and profits, i. 52. Effect of the
+    supply of food on the labouring classes, 54. Native laws respecting
+    the Sudras or labourers of India, 79, 80
+
+  La Bruyere, his 'Characteres,' ii. 209
+
+  Lacteals, Aselli's discovery of the, ii. 81. Recognized by Descartes,
+    but denied by Harvey, 81 and _note_
+
+  La Fayette, character and abilities of, i. 470. Burke's hostility to,
+    471. His familiarity with English language and literature, ii. 224.
+    His introduction of democratic opinions into France, 417
+
+  La Fontaine, 'Fables' of, ii. 209
+
+  La Force, Marshal, ii. 43
+
+  La Harpe, his 'Eloge sur Fenelon' suppressed, ii. 237
+
+  Laing, Mr., his remarks on the German literary class, quoted,
+    i. 239 _note_
+
+  Laland, his advocacy of atheism, ii. 352
+
+  Lamplugh, translated from Exeter to the see of York, i. 404
+
+  Lanjuinais, his work on Joseph II. ordered to be burned, ii. 236
+
+  Lanthenas, his familiarity with the English language and literature,
+    ii. 224
+
+  Laplace, his professed atheism, ii. 352
+
+  La Popeliniere, his French historical works, ii. 269
+
+  Lateran, Matthew of Westminster's etymology of the name, i. 317
+
+  Latin, a vernacular dialect in the Middle Ages, i. 271. Results of
+    Latin being colloquially employed by the monks, 271 _note_
+
+  Laverdy, openly protects the Jansenists, ii. 345
+
+  Lavoisier, his discoveries in chemistry, ii. 367
+
+  Law courts, first publication of the proceedings in the, i. 434
+
+  Layamon, his translation into English of the history of Geoffrey of
+    Monmouth, i. 324
+
+  Le Blanc, his knowledge of the English language and literature,
+    ii. 219. His admiration for England, 228
+
+  Le Brun, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 225
+
+  Legat, one of the last English martyrs to religious opinions,
+    i. 345 _note_
+
+  Legislation, main object of, i. 23. Burke's views as to the true end
+    of, 459. The safest course for a legislator to pursue, 504. See
+    Government
+
+  Leicester, Earl of, the founder of the House of Commons, ii. 117
+
+  Lenglet du Fresnoy, his imprisonment in the Bastille, ii. 235
+
+  Lens, the crystalline, discoveries of Descartes respecting the, ii. 78
+
+  Leprosy, superstitions respecting, i. 127. The leprosy of the Middle
+    Ages extirpated from modern Europe, 155
+
+  Lerma, Duque de, prime minister of Spain, ii. 473, 474. His alliance
+    with the clergy, 474. And its consequences, 475-477. His part in the
+    expulsion of the Moriscoes, 493
+
+  Lesdiguieres, Marshal, ii. 43. His apostacy, 48
+
+  Leslie, his philosophy of heat, iii. 383. Aid which he derived from
+    poetry, 385. His injustice to Bacon, 388
+
+  Le Trosne, suppression of his work on 'Finance,' ii. 238
+
+  Lettes, their fondness for pork, i. 314 _note_
+
+  Le Vassor, his 'Histoire de Louis XIII.,' ii. 30 _note_
+
+  L'Hopital, his recommendation of religious toleration, ii. 10. His
+    failure to effect any of his noble schemes, 10
+
+  Libel, Burke's attack of the power exercised by judges in trials for,
+    i. 464
+
+  Libraries, circulating, first establishment of, i. 431. Licences
+    required by Act of Parliament for keeping reading-rooms or circulating
+    libraries, i. 490
+
+  Lichfield, first printing office in, i. 432 _note_
+
+  Life, statements of Hindu poets as to the ancient duration of, i. 135.
+    Active causes of the increased duration of, 153. Examination of
+    Bichat's work on Life, ii. 390
+
+  Light, French researches as to the phenomena of, in the eighteenth
+    century, ii. 362
+
+  Lindsey, Mr. his establishment of Sunday schools, i. 430 _note_
+
+  Linen, manufacture, rise of in Glasgow, iii. 176, 179. And in other
+    parts of Scotland, 180
+
+  Linguet, his works suppressed and their author imprisoned,
+    ii. 236, 237
+
+  Linnaeus, his artificial botanical system superseded by the French
+    natural method, ii. 376, 397
+
+  Literature, American, characteristics of, i. 241
+
+  Literature, influence of on the progress of society, i. 266. Result
+    which is sure to happen to a literature above the level of its age,
+    266, 267. Illustrations from Greece, Rome, and Germany, 267. In what
+    real knowledge consists, 268. Men and countries where erudition merely
+    ministers to ignorance, 269. Condition and effects of the literature
+    of Europe from the sixth to the tenth centuries, 269, 270. Effect of
+    the monopoly of literature by the clergy, 307. Character of the
+    literature of India, 132. And of ancient Greece, 137
+
+  Literature, English--characteristics of, in the reign of Charles II.,
+    i. 234. Influence of the intellect of France on Dryden's plays, 235
+    _note_. Causes which have maintained the independence, and increased
+    the value of English literature, 235 _note_. Change in the form and
+    make of English literature in the last century, 436. Coleridge's
+    lamentations of this change, 437 _note_. Addison's establishment of
+    the easy and democratic style, 437. Failure of an attempt to revive
+    the pedantic style, 437 _note_. Abolition of servile dedications, 438.
+    Introduction of the plan of publishing books by subscription, 439.
+    First instance of a popular writer attacking public men by name, 439.
+    English literature unknown to the French at the end of the seventeenth
+    century, ii. 214 _note_. But begun to be studied after the death of
+    Louis XIV., 215. Its services to French, and thence to European
+    liberty, 227
+
+  Literature, French, effect of, on English writings, i. 235.
+    Characteristics of French literature at the time of Descartes and
+    Richelieu, ii. 93, 94. The protective spirit carried by Louis XIV.
+    into literature, 176. Result in an alliance between literature and
+    government, 176, 177. Servility of men of letters at this time, 177.
+    Injurious effects of the protective system of Louis XIV. upon
+    literature, 182. And of pensions to literary men, 183, 187. The
+    literary splendour of the reign of Louis XIV. not of his creation,
+    188, 189. Causes of its decay in his reign, 208. Causes of the
+    junction of English and French intellects after the death of Louis
+    XIV. Systematic and prolonged persecution to which literature was
+    exposed in the eighteenth century, 230-242. Proposal of the
+    avocat-general as to the publication of new works, 245. Why the
+    Church, and not the government, was first attacked by literary men,
+    247. State of French historical literature from the end of the
+    sixteenth to the end of the eighteenth century, 261 _et seq._
+
+  Literature, German, since the middle of the eighteenth century,
+    i. 237. Origin of, 237. Remarks on Mr. Kay's picture of German
+    education, 238 _note_. Mr. Laing's observations on the German
+    literary class, 239 _note_
+
+  Literature, Scotch, poverty of, down to the commencement of the
+    eighteenth century, iii. 183. Buchanan and Napier, 183. Character of
+    the Scotch philosophical literature of the eighteenth century, 281.
+    Reasons why the Scotch literature of the eighteenth century was unable
+    to affect the nation, iii. 465
+
+  Literature, Spanish, causes which gave it its adventurous and romantic
+    tone, ii. 433, 434. Hold retained by the Spanish Church over the
+    highest and lowest intellects, 479
+
+  Liver, business of the, i. 148. The liver and lungs always
+    compensatory, 148. Size of the f[oe]tal liver, 149 _note_
+
+  Locke, John, his views as to the use of money in trade, i. 212 _note_.
+    Causes of his Socinian views, 363. His death, ii. 374
+
+  Locomotion, effect of improved means of, in weakening the love of war,
+    i. 221-223
+
+  Logarithms, discovery of, iii. 183
+
+  Logos, influence of the Platonism of Alexandria in developing the idea
+    of the, ii. 286
+
+  London, the Great Plague and Fire of, i. 387
+
+  Lords, House of, abandons its pretensions to an original jurisdiction
+    in civil suits, i. 384. Origin of the disrepute into which the, fell
+    in the reign of George III., 451-453. Abolished, ii. 153
+
+  Lotos bread of Egypt, i. 87. Herodotus on the lotos, quoted, 87 _note_
+
+  Loudun, insolence of the Protestant assembly of, ii. 61
+
+  Louis, Saint, of France, his etymology of the word Tartar,
+    i. 313 _note_
+
+  Louis, suppression of his thesis on 'Generation,' ii. 238
+
+  Louis IX. of France, recognizes the right of the nobles to wage
+    private war, ii. 116
+
+  Louis XIII., his protection of the French protestants, ii. 25. Le
+    Vassor's 'Histoire de Louis XIII.,' 30 _note_. Heretics not only
+    protected during his reign, but openly rewarded, 43. Illtreated by the
+    Protestants whom he had protected, 57, 58, 60
+
+  Louis XIV., his accession, ii. 96. The protective spirit carried into
+    literature during his reign, 176. Character of the King's private life
+    and public career, 178. His revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and the
+    results, 178-181. His reign notwithstanding held up by some to
+    admiration, 181. Gratitude of men of letters to him, 181. Injurious
+    effect of his system of protection upon literature, 182-187. The
+    literary glory of his reign not his work, 188. Scarcely anything added
+    during his reign to the sum of human knowledge, 189-202. Causes of
+    this intellectual decay, 202. Universal decline of France in every
+    department during the latter part of his reign, 210-212. His death,
+    213. The retrograde movement in historical literature in the reign of,
+    273. Causes of this, 273. His treatment of literary men, 274-277. His
+    thirst for glory, 277. Voltaire's 'Age of Louis XIV.,' 296. His
+    disposition to favour the King, 297
+
+  Louis XVI., rupture between England and France caused by the execution
+    of, i. 485. His edict granting civil rights to the Huguenots, ii. 335
+
+  Loyalty, causes which weakened, in the reign of Charles II., i. 388.
+    Origin of the deep feelings of loyalty among the French people, ii.
+    249. And among the Spaniards, 249 _note_. The loyalty of the English
+    and French compared, 250, 251. Causes of the loyalty of the Spaniards,
+    455 _et seq._ Connexion between loyalty and superstition, 455. Old
+    punishments for disloyalty in Spain, 458. The loyalty of Spain
+    contrasted with that of Scotland, iii. 2
+
+  Lulli, the French musician, ii. 207
+
+  Lungs, connexion between carbonized food and the respiratory
+    functions, i. 148. The lungs and liver always compensatory, 148
+
+
+  Mably, his admiration for England, ii. 229. Suppression of his
+    'Observations on the History of France,' 236. Guizot's edition of this
+    work, 236. Character of his 'History of France,' 300
+
+  Macaulay, Mr., character of his 'History of England,' i. 394 _note_
+
+  Macchiavelli, his views as to the real history of Rome, ii. 314 _note_
+
+  Machault, controller-general of France, his edict against mortmain,
+    ii. 332. Dislike of the clergy for him, 333. Favour with which he
+    regarded the Jansenists, 344
+
+  Madden, Sir F., his edition of Wace's 'Brut,' i. 325 _note_
+
+  Madrid, decline in the population of, in the seventeenth century,
+    ii. 501. Starving condition of the people of, 505, 509. Scenes of
+    robbery and murder in consequence, 509-511. No public library in,
+    in 1679, 527. Beautified by Charles III., 561
+
+  Magendie, his division of food into azotized and non-azotized,
+    i. 55 _note_
+
+  Maize, its extraordinary fecundity in Mexico and Peru, i. 109. Most
+    probably peculiar to the American continent, 109
+
+  Malaga captured from the Arabs, ii. 440
+
+  Malayo-Polynesian race, causes of the corruption of the early
+    histories of the, i. 305. Eastern and western limits of the, 304,
+    305 _note_
+
+  Malebranches, his 'Inquiry respecting Truth,' ii. 209
+
+  Malesherbes, M., his attack on church property in France, ii. 333
+
+  Mallet, character of his 'History of Denmark,' ii. 299
+
+  Malus, his researches into the laws of light, ii. 362
+
+  Malthus, principle of his work anticipated by Voltaire, ii. 304
+
+  Man modified by nature and nature modified by man, i. 20. Inquiry into
+    the laws of this double modification, 20. Inferences respecting human
+    actions, 21. Two classes of actions, 22. The powers of man unlimited,
+    51. Modes in which his energies are checked by the energies of nature,
+    119. Laws of the process by which the mind of man is influenced by the
+    aspects of nature, 119. Effects of the force and majesty of nature in
+    the tropics, 120. Causes which give birth to superstition, 122, 123.
+    Fictions in Sanscrit literature as to the longevity of the human race
+    at an early period of the world, 135. Moral and intellectual progress
+    of man, 174. No evidence of the improvement of the natural faculties
+    of man, 176. Dependence of his progress on an improvement of the
+    circumstances under which his faculties come into play, 178. The
+    standard of action having varied in every age, the causes of action
+    must be variable, 179. Stationary character of moral principles, 180.
+    Progressive aspect of intellectual truths, 181. Ignorant men always
+    mischievous in proportion to their sincerity, 183. Religious
+    persecutions in Rome and Spain, 185-188. More virtue than vice in
+    every country, 221. Inferences to be drawn as to the causes of social
+    progress, 224. The totality of human actions governed by the totality
+    of human knowledge, 229
+
+  Manchester, Earl of, joins the Parliamentary forces, ii. 151
+
+  Manichaeans, their doctrine of predestination, i. 13
+
+  Manrent, in Scotland, iii. 65 _note_
+
+  Mansfield, Lord, his speech on the Theological Society, i. 436 _note_
+
+  Manufactures, few and insignificant improvements made in, in France
+    during the reign of Louis XIV., ii. 193. Sudden rise of the
+    manufactures in Scotland, in 1707, iii. 171, 172
+
+  Marat, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 224
+
+  Marchand, Prosper, his 'Dictionnaire Historique,' ii. 267 _note_
+
+  Margat, suppression of his 'History of Tamerlane,' ii. 235
+
+  Marlborough, Duke of, character of, i. 201
+
+  Marmontel, how treated by a French noble, ii. 239, 240
+
+  Marriages, determined by uniformity of sequence, and not by the temper
+    and wishes of individuals, i. 32. Effects of the price of food upon
+    marriages, 32
+
+  Marsy, his 'Analysis of Bayle' suppressed, ii. 236
+
+  Martin, bishop of Tours, Bossuet's estimate of, ii. 287. The
+    Benedictines' life of, 288. His miracles, 288 _note_
+
+  Martyrs, adoration of, in the early ages of the Church, i. 145 _note_
+
+  Mary, Queen, restores England to Catholicism, ii. 7. But fails to
+    effect a restoration of church property, 7 _note_
+
+  Mary of Guise, her marriage with James V. of Scotland, iii. 63. Her
+    attempt to establish a standing army, 77. Becomes regent, 77. Deposed,
+    80
+
+  Masillon, the last of the great French pulpit orators, ii. 348
+
+  Masquerades forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 70
+
+  Mathematicians, their pretence to certainty in their own pursuits,
+    ii. 326. The study of mathematics in France in the seventeenth
+    century, 189
+
+  Mathew of Westminster, his history of Judas, i. 316. His origin of the
+    custom of kissing the Pope's toe, 317. His etymology of the Lateran,
+    317
+
+  Maxwell, Lord, iii. 71. His venality, 71 _note_
+
+  Mazarin, Cardinal, his anti-ecclesiastical policy, ii. 96. His
+    toleration, 96, 97. His alliance with Oliver Cromwell, 98. Signs the
+    treaty of the Pyrenees, 98
+
+  Mechanics, why less superstitious than agriculturists, i. 376-379
+
+  Medici, Catherine de', her protection of the French Protestants,
+    ii. 25. Her foreign policy, 35
+
+  Medicine, decline of the science of, in the reign of Louis XIV.,
+    ii. 195, 196
+
+  Meetings, public political, establishment of the right of, i. 434.
+    Passing of an Act intended to stifle religious or political meetings,
+    489
+
+  Melrose Abbey robbed by the English, iii. 15
+
+  Melville, Andrew, takes the lead of the Scotch reformed church,
+    iii. 93. Begins a struggle with the State, which lasted for sixty
+    years, 94. His name of [Greek: episkopomastix], 97 _note_. Appointed
+    moderator at St. Andrew's in 1582, 101. His personal insult to the
+    king, 110. Summoned by the king to England, 124. Imprisoned in the
+    Tower, 124
+
+  Memory, aberrations of, the laws respecting the, i. 32
+
+  Mental laws, examination of the method employed by metaphysicians for
+    discovering, i. 152. Failure of their two methods, 164. Mental laws
+    either moral or intellectual, 168. Comparison between moral and
+    intellectual laws, 168, 175. Necessity of ascertaining the fundamental
+    laws of intellectual progress, 242. Advantages to be gained in that
+    respect from studying the histories of Germany, America, France,
+    Spain, and Scotland, 243
+
+  'Mence, Institutes of,' authority of in India, i. 75. Vast antiquity
+    of the, according to the Hindu writers, 137
+
+  Menzies, John, the Aberdeen preacher, iii. 203 _note_
+
+  Mercenaries employed by William the Conqueror and his immediate
+    successors, ii. 114
+
+  Mercury, mine of, at Almaden, ii. 540
+
+  Mescua, Mira de, the Spanish dramatist, ii. 479
+
+  Metaphysics; metaphysical inquiry preceded and often controlled by the
+    physical, i. 10 _note_. The only successful mode of prosecuting the
+    study of metaphysics, 17. Examination of the two metaphysical methods
+    of generalizing mental laws, 156. Definition of the term metaphysics,
+    164 _note_. The English inductive and the Scotch deductive methods,
+    245 _et seq._ Robert Simson and Matthew Stewart, 247. Adam Smith, 249.
+    David Hume, 250. Examination of the method employed by metaphysicians
+    for discovering mental laws, 152. Failure of their two methods, 164.
+    Descartes, the originator of the modern method of philosophy, ii. 81,
+    82. Analogy of his philosophy with the anti-theological policy of
+    Richelieu, 83. The eminent characteristic of the philosophy of
+    Descartes, 87. Analysis of his principles, 88, 89. Services which
+    metaphysicians formerly rendered to the Church, 262. Analysis of the
+    works of Helvetius and Condillac, 353-360. Rise of the reactionary
+    party in France at the beginning of the present century, 389. See also
+    Philosophy
+
+  Meteorology, causes which have retarded the progress of,
+    i. 377 _note_. Supernatural causes attributed by ignorance to changes
+    in the weather, 378 _note_
+
+  Method, importance of the philosophy of, ii. 387
+
+  Mey, suppression of his treatise on 'French Law,' ii. 237
+
+  Mexico, authentic existing materials for forming an opinion on the
+    ancient state of, i. 95. Characteristics of the climate of, and
+    reasons for its early civilization, 99. Exuberance of the maize plant
+    in, 109. The potato introduced by the Spaniards into, 110, 111.
+    Extraordinary fecundity of the banana in, 111. Success with which
+    astronomy was cultivated in, 112. Condition of the upper and lower
+    classes of the inhabitants of, when discovered by the Europeans, 114.
+    Custom of caste in Mexico, 115. Frivolous waste of labour of the
+    Mexicans, 116. Their immense buildings, 117
+
+  Mezeray, character of his 'History of France,' ii. 270, 271. How
+    treated by Louis XIV., 274, 275. His 'Abrege Chronologique,'
+    275 _note_
+
+  Michael, St., foundation of the order of, i. 313 _note_
+
+  Micrometer, discovery of the, ii. 192
+
+  Microscope, invention of the, ii. 198, 199
+
+  Middle Ages, the childish admiration of the, dispelled by Voltaire,
+    ii. 305
+
+  Middleton, Dr., ferment caused by his 'Free Inquiry,' i. 428
+
+  Mill, James, his method of investigating speculative jurisprudence,
+    i. 426
+
+  Mill, John, his inquiry into the method of investigation which
+    political economists ought to follow, i. 250 _note_
+
+  Millet, use of, as food in India, i. 71 _note_
+
+  Millington, Sir Thomas, his botanical discoveries, ii. 200. Causes of
+    his opposition to ecclesiastical authority, i. 363
+
+  Milton, John, parts of his works translated into French by Mirabeau,
+    ii. 225
+
+  Minana, Spanish historian, ii. 480
+
+  Mineralogy, French researches in, at the end of the eighteenth
+    century, ii. 399. Doubts as to the true method of investigating, 399.
+    The discovery of isomorphism, 400
+
+  Mines, military employment of gunpowder in, i. 206 _note_
+
+  Mirabeau, his knowledge of the English language and literature,
+    ii. 225. His professed atheism, 352
+
+  Miracles, the celebrated dispute respecting, i. 428
+
+  Missionaries, influence of religion on the progress of society
+    illustrated by the efforts of the, i. 255
+
+  Mississippi, area drained by the, i. 97 _note_
+
+  Mohammed, cause of his death, according to Mathew Paris, i. 315. And
+    cause of his becoming a heretic, 316. How regarded by Bossuet,
+    ii. 286
+
+  Mohammedanism, area of the countries in which it is professed,
+    ii. 286. Lofty ideas of the Mohammedan writers on the oneness of God,
+    287 _note_. The Mohammedans in Spain, 439
+
+  Molina, Tirso de, the Spanish dramatist, ii. 480
+
+  Monboddo, Lord, his lamentation over the extinction of pedantry in
+    English literature, i. 437 _note_
+
+  'Monconys, Voyages de,' i. 371 _note_
+
+  Money, notions of the use of, in trade, in the seventeenth and
+    eighteenth centuries, i. 210-212. Right of coining allowed to the
+    aristocracy of France, but never in England, ii. 115
+
+  Monks, results of Latin being colloquially employed by the, of the
+    Middle Ages, i. 271 _note_
+
+  Monotheism, forms of religion preceding, according to Hume and Comte,
+    i. 250 _note_
+
+  Monsoons, causes of the, i. 102 _note_
+
+  Monstrosities, animal, discoveries respecting, ii. 396 _note_
+
+  Montaigne, Michel de, first appearance of his essays, ii. 16.
+    Difference between him and Rabelais, 16. Regarded as the first French
+    sceptic, 16. Opinions of Dugald Stewart and Rousseau of his writings,
+    18 _note_. Immense influence of his works, 18 _note_. Compared with
+    Charron, 19. His scepticism compared with that of Descartes, 86. His
+    the first sceptical work published in France, 266
+
+  Montalvan, Spanish dramatist, his office in the Inquisition, ii. 479
+
+  Montbarey, Prince de, character of his censures of Louis XV.,
+    ii. 406 _note_
+
+  Montesquieu, his erroneous notions as to political economy, i. 212
+    _note_. His knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 218.
+    His admiration for England, 228. His the first information concerning
+    the real history of Rome, 314. Character of his 'Spirit of Laws,' 314.
+    His method, and its value, 315
+
+  Montgomery, Robert, appointed Archbishop of Glasgow, iii. 100.
+    Excommunicated by the General Assembly, 100. Submits, 100.
+
+  Montgon, suppression of the 'Letters' of, ii. 237
+
+  Montlosier, his geological labours, ii. 368
+
+  Moral truths, little changes which they have undergone, i. 180. Moral
+    truths in the New Testament quoted from pagan authors, 180 _note_.
+    Influence of moral feelings on individuals, but not on society in the
+    aggregate, 228. Separation of theology from morals, 424. Consequences
+    of this separation, 425-427
+
+  Morals, Charron's, the first attempt to create a system of morals
+    independent of theology, ii. 19
+
+  Morellet, l'Abbe, his translation of the 'Wealth of Nations' into
+    French, ii. 219, 239. His punishment in the Bastille, 240
+
+  Moriscoes, their expulsion from Spain, ii. 485 _et seq._ Number
+    expelled, 494
+
+  Morris-dances forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 70
+
+  Mortmain, Machault's edict against, in France, ii. 332
+
+  Morton, the Regent, his persecution of the reformed clergy of
+    Scotland, iii. 91
+
+  Mosaic cosmogony first impugned, i. 429
+
+  Mounier, his familiarity with the English language and English
+    institutions, ii. 225. His proposal for the establishment of two
+    Chambers in France, 225
+
+  Muhlberg, results of the battle of, ii. 446
+
+  Municipal privileges in England, ii. 119. Futility of, in France, 121
+
+  Murder, uniform reproduction of the crime of, i. 24, 25
+
+  Muscular system, waste or decomposition of the, i. 56 _note_
+
+  Music forbidden by the Scotch clergy, iii. 258
+
+  Muskets, the, of the fifteenth century, i. 206 _note_
+
+
+  Names, origin of the habit of generalizing, i. 297 _note_
+
+  Nantes, edict of, confirmed by Catherine de' Medici, ii. 25. By her
+    son Louis XIII., 25. And by Mazarin, 96
+
+  Napier, Sir William, his military genius and works, i. 200
+
+  Napier, John, his discovery of logarithms, iii. 183
+
+  Naples, foundation of the city of, according to the writers of the
+    Middle Ages, i. 313
+
+  Napoleon I., compared with Richelieu, ii. 27
+
+  Nasmyth, his researches into the structure of the teeth, ii. 385
+
+  'Nations, Morals, Manners, and Character of,' Voltaire's, ii. 297
+
+  Nature, laws of, origin of the perception of the, i. 9. Causes of the
+    disturbances in the laws of, 30. Influence and results of the general
+    aspects of, on the human race in its infancy, 39, 118. Modes in which
+    the energies of Nature hamper the energies of Man in South America,
+    106. Laws of the process by which the aspects of Nature influence the
+    human mind, its natural movements, and natural progress, 119. Feelings
+    inspired by the force and majesty of natural phenomena in tropical
+    regions, 120, 121. Physiological effects of the fear of earthquakes,
+    122, 123. Comparison of the material phenomena of Greece and India,
+    139, 140. Instance in the proportion of births of the sexes of the
+    regularity of natural laws, 168
+
+  'Nature, the System of,' publication of, ii. 351
+
+  Necessity, doctrine of, its displacement of the doctrine of Chance,
+    i. 9. Origin of the doctrine, ii. 343
+
+  Necker, M., his Report on the Finances of France, ii. 329. Eagerness
+    of the French to read it, 329. Character of the work, 330. His
+    anti-ecclesiastical policy, 333. His Calvinist opinions, 345.
+
+  Newspapers, first publication of, on Sundays, i. 431. Establishment of
+    political ones, 434. And of the right to publish parliamentary
+    debates, 435. Vast increase in the circulation of newspapers in the
+    latter half of the last century, 439 _note_
+
+  Newton, Sir Isaac, his imagination i. 124 _note_. His death, ii. 374
+
+  Niebuhr, his arguments as to the early history of Rome anticipated by
+    Voltaire, ii. 311. The three principles fundamental to his history
+    which it is impossible to refute, 311
+
+  Nile, effects of the overflow of the, on the civilization of Egypt, i.
+    48, 49. Herodotus's expression [Greek: doron tou potamou], 49 _note_
+
+  Nimes, insolence of the Protestant assembly of, ii. 60
+
+  Nobles. See Aristocracy
+
+  Nonconformists. See Dissenters
+
+  Nonjurors, the, amongst the bishops and inferior clergy, i. 408-412.
+    The last of the nonjuring bishops, 412 _note_
+
+  Norfolk, Duke of, concludes the treaty of Berwick, iii. 81
+
+  North, Lord, overpersuaded by George III. to engage in war with
+    America, i. 480 _note_
+
+  Norwegians, their invasion of Scotland, iii. 10
+
+  Nosology, the, of Cullen, iii. 426
+
+  Nutrition, M. Chevreul's generalizations of the laws of,
+    ii. 198 _note_
+
+
+  Oaths, causes which have given rise to, in England, of every kind and
+    in every direction, i. 282. Amount of perjury in England caused by
+    legislation, 282 _note_
+
+  [OE]pinus, his experiments on electricity, ii. 362
+
+  Oils, amount of carbon in, i. 61
+
+  Okey, the fifth-monarchy man, ii. 155
+
+  Opinion, public, origin of the supremacy of, i. 209. The real cause of
+    the abolition of the corn-laws, 273
+
+  Optics, discoveries of Descartes in, ii. 78
+
+  Orders of chivalry, origin of the, ii. 132, 133
+
+  Ordinance, the Self-denying, passed, ii. 153
+
+  Oregon or Columbia river, the only river of importance on the western
+    coast of North America, i. 97
+
+  Orkney Isles, seized by the Norwegians, iii. 10
+
+  Orleans, Duke of, his residence in England, ii. 226
+
+  Osteology, comparative, Ambrose Pare's contributions to, ii. 195
+
+  Owen, Professor, his researches into the structure of the teeth,
+    ii. 384, 385. His services to comparative anatomy, 386
+
+  Oxford, effort of the clergy to instil their principles at, i. 442
+    _note_. Pitt's denunciation, 442 _note_. Execution of the first
+    heretic at, ii. 109
+
+  Oxygen in food, i. 55 _et seq._
+
+
+  Paganism, large amount of, existing in every Christian sect,
+    i. 260 _note_
+
+  Paisley, population of, in 1700, iii. 28. Rise and progress of, 176
+
+  Palaeontology, Cuvier the founder of, ii. 369. Its importance to
+    geology, 369 _note_. Daubenton's labours, 371. Owen's, 386
+
+  Palatine, endeavours of Richelieu to save the, ii. 38 _note_
+
+  Paley, Dr., effect of his utilitarian moral system, i. 426 _note_
+
+  Palm-tree, the date, its importance in Africa, i. 83, 84
+
+  Palm-wine, of Africa, i. 84 _note_
+
+  Paravicino, Spanish poet, his sermons, ii. 480
+
+  Pare, Ambroise, his eminence in surgery, ii. 195. One of the founders
+    of comparative osteology, 195
+
+  Paris, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the
+    Middle Ages, i. 310. State of the pulpit oratory of, in 1771, ii. 348
+
+  Paris, Mathew, his statement as to the reason why Mohammedans refuse
+    to eat pork, i. 315. Sismondi's eulogy of him as an historian,
+    315 _note_
+
+  Parliament, gradual diminution of the number of ecclesiastics in,
+    i. 416, 417. Final expulsion of the clergy from the House of Commons,
+    418. Establishment of the right to publish the debates in Parliament,
+    435. And of the doctrine of personal representation, 435
+
+  Parr, Dr., classical style of his English, ii. 307
+
+  Pascal, Blaise, period in which he flourished, ii. 189. His great
+    works, 189. His 'Provincial Letters,' 209
+
+  Pathology, characteristics of, iii. 410. Compared with Physiology,
+    411. Account of the generalizations of Cullen and of Hunter, 413.
+    Difference between the science of pathology and the art of
+    therapeutics, 416. Cullen's theory of the solids and fluids, 418. His
+    theory of fever, 424. His nosology, 426. His services to pathology,
+    429, 447
+
+  Patin, his opinion of the English of the seventeenth century,
+    ii. 214 _note_
+
+  Patronage of literature. See Protective spirit
+
+  Pecquet, his discovery of the chyle, ii. 194
+
+  Pedantry of ancient English authors, i. 436. Discarded for a lighter
+    style, 437
+
+  Pelagius, his doctrines as to free will, ii. 338. Absence of the
+    speculative spirit in, 342. His learning, 342
+
+  Penal code, increasing severity of the, in the reign of George III.,
+    i. 463
+
+  Pensions, literary, injurious effect of, ii. 183-187
+
+  Perjury, cause of the increase of, i. 281. Amount of, in England,
+    282 _note_
+
+  Persecution of the Christians under the Roman Emperors, causes of,
+    i. 185. And of those of Spain, 187. Causes of the diminution of
+    religious persecution, 188. Number of persons put to death in Holland
+    and Spain, 189. Old theological theory of the justification of
+    persecution, 344
+
+  Persia, Arab conquest of, i. 46. Causes of the absence of authentic
+    information respecting the early history of, 303. The 'Shah Nameh' of
+    Ferdousi, 303. Antagonism between Mohammedanism and the old Persian
+    history, 303. Results anticipated from a decipherment of the Persian
+    cuneiform inscriptions, 304 _note_
+
+  Perth burnt by the English, iii. 14, 16. Population of, in the
+    sixteenth century, 30
+
+  Peru, physical condition of, i. 107. Exuberance of maize of, 109. And
+    of the banana of, 111. Condition of the upper and lower classes of the
+    people of, when discovered by the Europeans, 113. Rigid enforcement of
+    caste in Peru, 114 _note_. Frivolous waste of labour of the Peruvians,
+    117. Their immense buildings, 117. The effect of earthquakes in Peru
+    in encouraging superstition, 122, 123
+
+  Pestilence, superstitions respecting, i. 127. Pestilences 'the
+    harvests of the ministers of God,' 130 _note_
+
+  Petit, Antoine, popularity of his lectures on anatomy, ii. 406 _note_
+
+  Pharamond, authorities for the existence of, ii. 265 _note_
+
+  Philip Augustus, his policy in regard to the French aristocracy,
+    ii. 115
+
+  Philip II. of Spain, his fondness for bacon, i. 314 _note_. His hatred
+    of the Calvinists, ii. 341. His character, 449, 450. His war against
+    the Dutch Protestants, 451. Object of all his wars and negotiations,
+    452. His celebrated Armada, 453. Supported in everything by his loyal
+    subjects, 453. Ascendancy retained by him over the ecclesiastical
+    hierarchy, 473 _note_. His cruelty to the Moriscoes, 485, 486. His
+    character as a ruler, 468, 473. His part in the extension of the
+    influence of the Church, 475
+
+  Philip III. of Spain, his cruelty to the Moriscoes, ii. 489
+
+  Philip IV. of Spain, his character, ii. 468
+
+  Philip V. of Spain, his accession, ii. 513. His policy, 513. Attacks
+    the inquisition, but is unable to abolish it, 521. Opposed by his
+    people in everything, 522 _note_
+
+  Philip the Fair, recognizes the right of the nobles to wage private
+    war, ii. 116
+
+  Philippine Islands, pure form of the Polytheism of the, i. 305.
+    Spanish conquest of the, ii. 464
+
+  Philology, study of, i. 2. Buffier the only Jesuit whose name has a
+    place in the history of abstract philosophy, ii. 342 _note_.
+    Examination of the Scotch philosophy of the eighteenth century, iii.
+    281. Causes of the success of the deductive and not of the inductive
+    method in Scotland, 282. The Scotch method compared and contrasted
+    with those of Germany and England, 289, 290. Summary of the most
+    important distinctions between deduction and induction, 290.
+    Hutcheson's philosophy, 292. Adam Smith's, 304. Hume's, 331. Reid's,
+    348. See also Metaphysics
+
+  Phlebitis first recognized by Hunter, iii. 454
+
+  Phosphorus, amount of, in the brain, i. 57 _note_. First announced by
+    Hensing, 57 _note_
+
+  Phrenologists, the principal obstacle in the way of the, i. 176 _note_
+
+  Phyllotaxis, ii. 397 _note_
+
+  Physical science, present state of, compared with history, i. 7.
+    Physical, the natural precursor of metaphysical inquiries, 10 _note_.
+    Remarks on the influence exercised by physical laws over the
+    organization of society and over the character of individuals, 39.
+    Effects of food, climate, and soil, 40 _et seq._ Democratic character
+    of the physical sciences, ii. 409. Popular works of Desaguliers and
+    Hill on physical truth, 432 _note_. Examination of the Scotch method
+    employed in physical philosophy, iii. 361. The laws of heat, 362.
+    Black's philosophy of latent heat, 367. Reasons why it is incumbent on
+    physical philosophers to cultivate the imagination, 381, 382. Leslie's
+    philosophy of heat, 383. Geological speculations in Scotland, England,
+    and Germany, 388-393. Watt's invention of the steam-engine, 402.
+    Methods employed by Watt and Cavendish in the discovery of the
+    composition of water, 403. Nature of the supposed difference between
+    the organic and inorganic world, 407. Life probably a property of all
+    matter, 408. Division of organic science into physiology and
+    pathology, 411. Theory in science, 414. Hunter's idea of uniting all
+    the physical sciences, 443. The deductive method supreme in Scotland
+    in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 462. The two methods
+    compared, 462-464. Science the ally of religion, 477. Attempts of the
+    clergy of the reign of Charles II. to oppose the spread of physical
+    science, i. 372. The term _natural_ science, in contradistinction to
+    _supernatural_, as used at this period, 372 _note_
+
+  Physiologists, view taken by, of the origin of the sexes, i. 170.
+    Probable causes of the small contributions of physiologists towards
+    the power of predicting events, 171 _note_
+
+  Physiology, decline of the science of, in the reign of Louis XIV.,
+    ii. 194. Glisson's services to, 196. Characteristics of the science
+    of, iii. 410. Compared with pathology, 411. John Hunter's
+    generalizations, 428 _et seq._
+
+  Piracy of the Rochellois, in the seventeenth century, ii. 63
+
+  Pistols, invention of, i. 206 _note_
+
+  Pitt, William, the elder, his reputation as a statesman, i. 449.
+    Reason why he was hated by George III., 450
+
+  Pitt, William, his subserviency to George III., i. 447, 448. His
+    abandonment of liberal principles, 447. Prosecutes and persecutes his
+    brother reformers, 447 _note_
+
+  Plague, the Great, i. 387
+
+  Plants, effects of heat and moisture on, the geographical distribution
+    of, i. 96
+
+  Plato, his conclusion as to the truth or falsehood of spectral
+    phenomena or dreams, i. 16 _note_
+
+  Platonism, its natural precursor the atomic doctrine, i. 10 _note_.
+    Influence of the Platonism of Alexandria in developing the idea of the
+    Logos, ii. 286
+
+  Poetry cultivated solely by the ancient Sanscrit authors, i. 132, 133.
+    Indian metres, 133. Cause of the reverence felt for great poets,
+    294 _note_
+
+  Poisons, general theory of, i. 56 _note_
+
+  Poissy, conference of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in
+    the, ii. 10
+
+  Political economy, study of, i. 2. Influence of the discoveries made
+    in, in lessening the warlike spirit, 209. Misconception of the true
+    nature of barter in early times, 210-212. Movement of the eighteenth
+    century, 213. Smith's 'Wealth of Nations,' 214. His method of treating
+    the laws of wealth, 249. Mr. John Mill's and Mr. Rae's inquiry into
+    the proper method of investigation, 250 _note_. French translations of
+    the 'Wealth of Nations' in the eighteenth century, ii. 219. Voltaire's
+    opinions respecting, 304. Rise of the French political economists in
+    the middle of the eighteenth century, 327. The revolutionary tendency
+    of this economical movement, 327. Schism effected between the nation
+    and government by the economists, 328. Influence exercised shortly
+    before the revolution by the economists, 329. Examination of Adam
+    Smith's 'Wealth of Nations,' iii. 314. Salutary effects of man's
+    constant endeavours to better his condition, 319. Malthus's work on
+    population, 326. Constant struggle between capital and labour,
+    according to Adam Smith, 326, 327. Views of David Hume, 333
+
+  Politics, separation of theology from, i. 424. Consequences of this
+    separation, 425-427. Effect of the protective spirit carried into
+    politics, ii. 107
+
+  Polytheism, the predecessor of monotheism, according to Hume,
+    i. 251 _note_. Natural creed of the Romans, 252. The religion of the
+    Malayo-Polynesians, 304, 305
+
+  Pope, origin of kissing his toe, according to Mathew of Westminster,
+    i. 317. Voltaire's Reasons for the unity and consolidation of the
+    power of the popes as compared with that of the Greek patriarchs,
+    ii. 303
+
+  Population, connexion between food and the laws of, i. 57. Case of the
+    potato and Irish population, 66. A poor diet said to be more
+    favourable to fecundity than a rich one, 68 _note_. Voltaire's ideas
+    respecting the ratios by which population and food increase, ii. 304.
+    Malthus's work on, iii. 326
+
+  Pork, in general use in Europe as food, for centuries, i. 314. Cause
+    of the refusal of the Mohammedans to eat pork, according to Mathew
+    Paris, 315. Eaten in Asia and Africa, 315 _note_
+
+  Porson, Richard, his letter on the texts of the Heavenly Witnesses,
+    i. 429. His appreciation of the beauties of the English language,
+    ii. 307
+
+  Portugal, physical causes of the superstition existing in, i. 123.
+    Absence of science and triumph of the imagination in, 124
+
+  Potato, the principal food of the labouring classes in Ireland, i. 65.
+    Time of its introduction into that country, 65 _note_. The potato crop
+    compared with that of wheat, 65. Used as food by the ancient
+    Peruvians, 110. Introduced into Mexico by the Spaniards, 110, 111. The
+    starch of the potato frozen into saccharine in Southern Peru,
+    111 _note_
+
+  Pouissin, his works of art, ii. 209 _note_
+
+  Prathama-Raja, the Hindu poets' account of, i. 136
+
+  Precision contrasted with certainty in writing history, ii. 325
+
+  Predestination, probable origin of the dogma of, i. 9. Foundation of
+    the theory, 13. Calvin, Augustin, and the Manichaeans, 13. Ambrose, 13
+    _note_. Writers on the absurdity of 'an omnipotent arbitrary deity,'
+    13 _note_. Barrenness of the hypothesis of predestination in a
+    scientific investigation, 14. The doctrine of providential
+    interference bound up with that of predestination, 19 _note_
+
+  Preemption, destruction of the prerogative of, i. 385
+
+  Prerogative, royal limits set to the, after the expulsion of the
+    Stuarts, i. 402. None of our sovereigns since Queen Anne allowed to be
+    present at state deliberations, 442 _note_. Reaction in favour of
+    divine right, 445
+
+  Prescription, old customary French law of, ii. 115
+
+  'Presidial Jurisdiction,' by Jousse, suppressed, ii. 238
+
+  Press, efforts made by governments to destroy the liberty of the, i.
+    284, 285. Foundation of the public press in England, and its effect on
+    English civilization, 386. Final abolition of the censorship over the,
+    in England, 402. Practice of the English clergy of censuring all books
+    that encouraged free inquiry, 414. First publication of Sunday
+    newspapers, 431. Speech of Danvers as to the power of the press in his
+    time, 484 _note_. War carried on in the reign of George III. against
+    free discussion of the acts of the government, 488, 491. Vindictive
+    prosecutions and persecutions of eminent men, 488. Importance of the
+    press in England and France in the middle of the seventeenth century,
+    99
+
+  Preston-pans, battle of, iii. 154
+
+  Prevost de la Jannes, his 'Life of Domat' suppressed, ii. 237
+
+  Prevost, his views as to the laws of the radiation of heat, ii. 362
+
+  Priapus, Voltaire's remarks on the worship of, quoted, ii. 303 _note_
+
+  Pride compared with vanity, ii. 163
+
+  Pride, Colonel, his origin, ii. 155
+
+  Primi, the Abbe, his 'History of Louis XIV.,' ii. 276. Thrown into the
+    Bastille, 277
+
+  Printing, early knowledge of, in China, i. 302 _note_. Legislative
+    restrictions in former times on, 386 _note_. When first generally
+    practised in country towns, 431, 432 _note_
+
+  Probability, Romish doctrine of, i. 22 _note_
+
+  Profits, in what they consist, i. 52. Always reduced by high wages,
+    74
+
+  Progress, moral and intellectual, i. 174. Comparison of the moral with
+    the intellectual element, 175. See Knowledge; Intellect; Man
+
+  Progress, social, inferences to be drawn as to the causes of, i. 224
+
+  Proselytism, why opposed by Charron, ii. 20 _note_
+
+  Protective spirit, effect of the prevalence of the, in France, in
+    trade and in politics, ii. 106, 107. History of the protective spirit,
+    and comparison of it in France and England, 108. This spirit not
+    destroyed by the feudal system, but only assumed a new shape, 111. New
+    form of the protective spirit which continues in France to the present
+    time, 122. The results compared in France and England, 126. Activity
+    of the protective spirit in France, as shown by the history of
+    chivalry, 131-134. Effect of this spirit carried into religion at the
+    period of the Reformation, 137. Attempts of Charles I. to revive the
+    old protective spirit, 147. Results of the energy of the protective
+    spirit on the issue of the Fronde, 160-174. The protective spirit
+    carried by Louis XIV. into literature, and its result, 176 _et seq._
+    Lamentable results of the system of patronage in the reign of Louis
+    XIV., 202. Reasons why government patronage should take a wrong
+    course, 203. Illustrations of, 206. Reaction against the protective
+    spirit in France, and preparations for the French Revolution, 213, 226
+
+  Protestantism, compared with Roman Catholicism, i. 261. Intolerance,
+    bigotry, and persecution of the Protestantism of Sweden, 264.
+    Intolerance of Protestants compared with that of the Catholics, ii.
+    51. Policy of Mazarin as to the French Protestants, 96 _et seq._ The
+    war of Philip II. against the Dutch Protestants, 451. Refusal of Henry
+    IV. of France to punish them at the request of the pope, 22, 23. The
+    King's measures for their protection, 23, 24. The Edict of Nantes
+    confirmed by Catherine de Medici and by Louis XIII., 25. Richelieu's
+    liberal treatment of the Protestants, 37-39, 42. The Protestant
+    Confederation of 1633, 39. Desertion of the Protestant leaders, and
+    consequent fall of the Protestant party into the hands of the clergy,
+    47-50. De Rohan and his brother the only staunch Protestant leaders in
+    1621, 49. Causes of the intolerance of the French Protestants, 50, 51.
+    Causes which produced their former superstition, 52-54. Evidence of
+    their intolerance, 55. Decisions of the assembly at Saumur, 56. And of
+    other assemblies, 57. Their interference in the functions of
+    government and in other matters, 60. Bitterness of feeling exhibited
+    in the works put forth by them, 61. Join the rebellion under Conde,
+    and are defeated, 61. Their rebellion in Bearn, 61, 62. Civil war
+    raised by them, and its character, 63. Their wealth, accumulated by
+    industry and piracy, 63. The General Assembly of La Rochelle and its
+    decisions, 64, 65. The consequent civil war, 66. Treaties of
+    Montpelier and La Rochelle, 66. Interference of the Protestants in the
+    commonest occurrences of life, 68. Results which would have happened
+    to France if the Protestants had gained the upper hand, 71, 72. The
+    rebellion of the Protestants put down by Richelieu, who, however,
+    refuses to persecute them, 73. Siege of La Rochelle, 74. Civil rights
+    conceded to Protestant by a royal edict, 335
+
+  Providential interference, doctrine of, i. 19 _note_
+
+  Prussia, Extent of popular superstitions in, i. 238 _note_. Origin of
+    the name of, according to the historians of the Middle Ages, i. 311
+
+  Punishments future, Charron's views as to the doctrine of,
+    ii. 22 _note_
+
+  Punjab, Arab conquest of the, i. 46.
+
+  Puppet-shows forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 70
+
+  Puritans, their government of England, i. 360. Their fanaticism, and
+    little superstition, 361. Instances of their ignorance of the real
+    principles of government, 361
+
+  Purveyance, destruction of the prerogative of, i. 385
+
+  Pyramids of Egypt, a testimony of the degraded condition of the
+    people, i. 90, 92. Weight of the great pyramid, 90 _note_. Hypotheses
+    as to the purposes for which they were built, 90 _note_. Estimate of
+    the expense of building one of the pyramids, 91 _note_
+
+  Pyrenees, treaty of the, signed by Cardinal Mazarin, ii. 98
+
+
+  Quaens, historical error to which their name gave rise, i. 298
+
+  Quid emptores, statute of, ii. 119
+
+  Quiche Indians, corrupt Christianity of the, i. 265 _note_
+
+  Quinault, the poet of French music, ii. 207
+
+
+  Rabelais, not the first French sceptic, ii. 15, 16. His ridicule of
+    the clergy, 15. Difference between him and Montaigne, 16
+
+  Racine, his works, ii. 208. Pensioned to write a history of France for
+    Louis XIV., ii. 277
+
+  Rae, Mr., his inquiry into the method of investigation which political
+    economists ought to follow, i. 250 _note_
+
+  Ragi, use of the grain called, in the south of India, i. 71
+
+  Ragnar Lodbrok, confusion in Saxo-Grammaticus's life of, i. 298
+
+  Raikes, Robert, his organization of Sunday schools, i. 430 _note_
+
+  Railways, effect of, in correcting national prejudices, and in
+    diffusing desires for peace, i. 221-223
+
+  Rainbow, the causes of the, detected by Descartes, ii. 79. Notions of
+    the Hebrews and of other nations respecting the, 79 _note_
+
+  Raleigh, Sir Walter, his military genius and works, i. 200
+
+  Ravaillac, murders Henry IV. of France, ii. 24. Accounts of him,
+    24 _note_
+
+  Raynal, l'Abbe, suppression of his work on the Indies, ii. 236
+
+  Reading clubs, formation of, i. 433
+
+  Reaumur, appearance of his work on the natural history of animals,
+    ii. 197 _note_
+
+  Rebellion, the Great English, causes which gave rise to, ii. 147.
+    Characteristics of the, 148. Difference between it and the Fronde,
+    149. Conduct of the nobles, 151, 152. The true character of the
+    Rebellion, 154. Plebeian origin of the leaders, 155-159. Causes of its
+    success, 174, 175
+
+  Reboulet, suppression of his 'History of Clement XI.,' ii. 238
+
+  Red Sea Canal, number of lives sacrificed in the construction of the,
+    i. 93
+
+  Reform, the principle of, abandoned by William Pitt, i, 447. Mr.
+    Grey's remarks on Pitt's conduct, 447 _note_
+
+  Reformation, connexion between the, and the views advocated by Richard
+    Hooker, i. 351 _note_. Immediate fall of the Church in England at the
+    first assault of the Reformation, ii. 4. Influence of the Reformation
+    generally in increasing the power of the Catholic clergy, 5 _note_.
+    The Reformation encouraged by the pride of Englishmen, 137. Analogy
+    between the Reformation and the Revolutions of the seventeenth
+    century, 138-140. Short existence of the Reformation in Spain, 450.
+    Causes which brought about the Reformation in Scotland, iii. 62. John
+    Knox, 75. The Reformation established, 78
+
+  Reform Bill, important effects of the, i. 502
+
+  Reid, Thomas, examination of his philosophy, iii. 348. Estimate of the
+    value of what he effected, 353. Opposition between his method and that
+    of Bacon, 356
+
+  Religion; views of Hume and Comte respecting monotheism, i. 251
+    _note_. Influence of religion on the progress of society, 254.
+    Illustration from the efforts of the missionaries, 255. From the
+    history of the Jews, 257, 258. From the early history of Christianity,
+    259. And from Sweden and Scotland, 263-266. Baneful results of
+    legislative attempts to encourage religious truth and discourage
+    religious error, 281-285. Origin of religious toleration in England,
+    337. The last executions in England for heresy, 345. The right of
+    private judgment held sacred by Chillingworth, 349. Whose work formed
+    a decisive vindication of religious dissent, 352. Passing of the
+    Toleration Act, 402. Easy and rapid changes in the national faith
+    under Henry VIII., Edward VI., Mary and Elizabeth, ii. 7. Charron's
+    the first instance in modern language of the doctrine of religious
+    development, 21. An end put to religious wars by Richelieu, 40.
+    Authorities respecting religious wars, 40 _note_. Effect of the peace
+    of Westphalia, 42. Origin of the difference between religious theory
+    and religious practice, 51. Eagerness of the clergy rather directed
+    against error than against virtue, 52 _note_. Causes of the energy and
+    vitality of a religion not protected by the government, 53, 54.
+    Descartes' remarks on the slaves to form in religion, 85. Causes which
+    lessen the disposition to form new creeds, 263 _note_. Religious wars,
+    massacres, and persecutions, the result of ignorance of the duties of
+    governments, i. 262
+
+  Rent, theory of, i. 51 _note_. Considered as a division of wealth, 53
+    _note_. Rent in England, Scotland, France, and the United States, 75.
+    In India, 76. Mode of ascertaining the true theory of rent,
+    250 _note_. Remarks on the theory of, iii. 336
+
+  Representation, personal establishment of the political doctrine of,
+    i. 435
+
+  Reptiles, noxious, worship of, i. 126 _note_
+
+  Respiration, theory of, ii. 367
+
+  Retz, Cardinal de, character of, ii. 102. Secular view taken by him of
+    political affairs, 102
+
+  Reviews, literary periodical, origin of, i. 433
+
+  Revolution of 1688, proximate cause of the, i. 399, 400. Importance
+    of the, to England, 402. Sudden repentance of the clergy in having
+    promoted it, 403
+
+  Revolution, the French, preparations for the, ii. 213. Precursors of
+    the, 230, 247. Causes of the hideous peculiarities of the, 248. Its
+    proximate causes, after the middle of the eighteenth century, 323. The
+    first epoch through which the French intellect passed in the
+    eighteenth century, viz., the attack on the Church, 323. The second
+    epoch, viz., the attack on the State, 327. Rise of the political
+    economists, 327. Sudden increase of works relating to finance and
+    other questions of government, 328. Influence of Rousseau, 330, 331.
+    Attack of the government on the Church, 332. Machault's edict against
+    mortmain, 332. Excitement caused by the edict, 333 _note_. The
+    anti-ecclesiastical policy of Machault's successors, 333. Religious
+    toleration of the government, 434. Revival of Jansenism in France, and
+    consequent overthrow of the Jesuits, 344, 345. After the fall of the
+    Jesuits, the fall of the clergy inevitable, 347. Reasons for this,
+    349. Rise and progress of atheistical opinions in France, 351. Study
+    of physical phenomena in France in connexion with the Revolution,
+    375-404. Effect of the American Rebellion in hastening the Revolution
+    in France, 416, 417. Jefferson's part in the final blow dealt to the
+    French government, 418. Summary of the causes of the French
+    Revolution, 418
+
+  Revolution, the Scottish, of 1559, iii. 81
+
+  Rey, the first European philosophic chemist, ii. 197
+
+  Rhyme, antiquity of, i. 293 _note_
+
+  Rice, the general food of the people of India, i. 70. Nutritive
+    qualities of, 70, 71. Immense yield of a rice-crop, 71
+
+  Richard I. of England, historical error as to his appellation of the
+    Lion, i. 299
+
+  Richardson, admiration of Diderot for the works of, ii. 218
+
+  Richelieu, Cardinal, his character, ii. 27, 29. Compared with
+    Napoleon, 27. Fails to diminish the power of the French nobility, 28.
+    Effectually humbles the clergy, 29-31. His treatment of the clergy how
+    regarded by them, 33. Charges brought against him, 34. Review of his
+    career, 34, 35. Supports the new secular scheme of government against
+    the old ecclesiastical schemes, 36. His liberal treatment of the
+    Protestants, 37-42. His endeavours to save the Palatine, 38. The
+    peculiar glory of his administration, 39. Correspondence of his policy
+    in regard to the French Protestant and Catholic Churches, 42 _et seq._
+    Puts down the rebellion of the Protestants, but abstains from
+    persecuting them, 73. Confirms the Edict of Nantes, 74. Determines on
+    the siege of Rochelle, 74. Reasons why he put down the Protestant
+    party, 75, 76. His liberal policy part only of a much larger movement,
+    76. Analogy of the philosophy of Descartes with Richelieu's
+    anti-theological policy, 83, 92
+
+  Rio de Janeiro, vigour and profusion of the vegetation near,
+    i. 103 _note_
+
+  Rioja, Spanish poet, ii. 480
+
+  Riolan, period in which he flourished, ii. 194
+
+  Ripperda, his services to Spain, ii. 519, 542
+
+  Roads in Scotland in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, iii. 5,
+    6 _note_. Aversion of the Highlanders to roads, 159, 160 _note_
+
+  Robertson, Dr., value of his 'History of Scotland,' iii. 19 _note_
+
+  Robinson, John, Bishop of Bristol, the last ecclesiastic who held any
+    of the high offices of state, i. 417 _note_
+
+  Rochelle, La, intolerance of the Protestants in the town of, ii. 57.
+    Determinations of the general assembly of 1620, ii. 63, 64. The civil
+    war and its character, 63-66. Peace of La Rochelle, 66. The great
+    siege of, 74
+
+  Rochester, first printing office in, i. 432 _note_
+
+  Rohan, Duc de, employed by Richelieu, ii. 44. De Rohan and his brother
+    Soubise the only staunch Protestant leaders in 1621, 49. An amnesty
+    granted to him by Richelieu, 75
+
+  Rohan, Chevalier de, his ill-treatment of Voltaire, ii. 231
+
+  Roland, Madame, her knowledge of the English language and literature,
+    ii. 226
+
+  Rolle, his remark on the peers created by George III., i. 454
+
+  Romans, the, in Scotland, iii. 7. Character of their civilization in
+    their best days, 8. Cause of their decline, 8, 9
+
+  Rome, causes of the persecutions of the Christians by the Emperors of,
+    i. 185. Reason of the evanescence of the civilization of ancient, 267.
+    Voltaire's services in purging the early history of Rome of its
+    absurdities, 309, 310. Niebuhr's arguments anticipated by Voltaire,
+    310, 311. Montesquieu's the first account of the real history of Rome,
+    314. Machiavelli's views, 314 _note_. Vico's opinions, 314 _note_
+
+  Roses, wars of the, effect of the, upon the English nobles, ii. 138
+
+  Ross, Western, seized by the Norwegians, ii. 11. Annexed to the Crown
+    of Scotland, 46
+
+  Ross, John, his violent sermon against James VI., iii. 107.
+
+  Rouelle, his geological labours, ii. 368
+
+  Roundheads, title first bestowed, ii. 149
+
+  Rousseau, J. J., his opinion of the works of Montaigne, ii. 18 _note_.
+    Persecuted by the Government, 236. Influence of his works, 330.
+    Enthusiasm of the nation in his favour, 331 _note_. Immense demand for
+    his works, 331 _note_. Belongs to the Calvinistic sect, 345
+
+  Royal Society, avowed object of the establishment of the, i. 371
+
+  Rubis, De, his work on the European monarchies, ii. 270
+
+  Russia, cause of the war between Turkey and, i. 195. And of Russian
+    predilection for war, 196
+
+  Ruthven, Raid of, iii. 103, 104
+
+
+  Sabbath, the Scotch, iii. 265
+
+  Sahara desert, its extent, i. 47. Condition of its inhabitants, 48
+
+  Sailors, causes of the superstitions of, i. 375, 379
+
+  Saint-Fargeau, Pelletier de, his Jansenism, ii. 345
+
+  Saint Lambert, his professed atheism, ii. 352
+
+  Salamanca, reply of the University of, when urged to teach the
+    physical sciences, i. 125 _note_
+
+  Sales, Delisle de, persecuted for his writings, ii. 237
+
+  Sancroft, William, his character as archbishop of Canterbury, i. 392.
+    Dr. Birch's opinion of him, 392 _note_. His attempts to convert James
+    II. to Protestantism, 395 _note_. His open disloyalty, 401, 407, 408
+
+  Sandoval, Spanish historiographer, ii. 480
+
+  Sanscrit, character of the works written in, i. 132, 133. And of the
+    Sanscrit language, 134 _note_
+
+  Saracens, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the
+    Middle Ages, i. 312
+
+  Saragossa besieged by Childebert and Clotaire, ii. 435 _note_
+
+  Saumaise, his opinion of the English people of the seventeenth
+    century, ii. 214 _note_
+
+  Saumur, decisions of the Protestant assembly at, ii. 56
+
+  Saveur, considered as the inventor of acoustics, ii. 190 _note_
+
+  Saxe, Maurice de, his treatment of the actress Chantilly, ii. 243
+
+  Saxo Grammaticus, confusion in his life of Ragnar Lodbrok, i. 298
+
+  Scandinavia, causes of error in the early history of, i. 300. The
+    elder and younger Eddas, 301. Pork the chief food of the Scandinavians
+    in early times, 314 _note_. Scandinavian pirates in Scotland, iii. 5
+
+  Scepticism; the spirit of doubt the necessary precursor of
+    improvement, i. 334. Hence the immense importance of scepticism, 335.
+    First open appearance of scepticism in England and France, 336.
+    Authorities as to the increase of scepticism in England since the
+    latter part of the eighteenth century, 356 _note_. What the author
+    means by the term scepticism, 357 _note_. Degree of suffering produced
+    on some minds, 357. Legislative improvements of the reign of Charles
+    II. caused by the sceptical and inquiring spirit, 388. Encouragement
+    given to scepticism by the conduct of the clergy, 414. Rapid
+    succession of sceptical controversies early in the eighteenth century,
+    427. First appearance of scepticism in France, ii. 14. Rabelais, 15.
+    Intimate connexion between scepticism and toleration in France, 16.
+    Montaigne, the first systematic sceptic in that country, 16. The first
+    open declaration of scepticism in France, 18. Reason why scepticism
+    was favoured by Henry IV. of France, 23. Scepticism of Hooker and
+    Chillingworth, and of Montaigne and Descartes, 86, 87. Spread of
+    scepticism in France in the middle of the seventeenth century, 95
+    _note_. Analogy between the progress of scepticism in England and
+    France, 103, 104. Period when the spirit of inquiry began to weaken
+    the church, 109. Commencement of the struggle between the advocates of
+    inquiry and the advocates of belief, 109, 110. Rise and extent of
+    historical scepticism, 261. The first sceptical book in the French
+    language, by Montaigne, 266
+
+  Schism Act, passing of the, i. 452
+
+  Scholastic prejudices overthrown by Descartes, ii. 92
+
+  Science unknown to the Egyptians, i. 49. Relation between inventions,
+    discoveries, and method, ii. 386, 387
+
+  Scotland, rent paid by the cultivator in proportion to the gross
+    produce, i. 75. Character of the method of investigation of the great
+    thinkers of, 245. Cause and effect of the divergence and hostility
+    between the practical and speculative classes of, 246. Robert Simson
+    and Matthew Stewart, 247. Superstition, intolerance and bigotry of the
+    clergy and people, 264, 265. The bards of Scotland, 292 _note_. Origin
+    of the Scotch people, according to the writers of the Middle Ages,
+    312. Abolition of episcopacy in Scotland, by William III., 406.
+    Condition of Scotland to the end of the fourteenth century, iii. 1 _et
+    seq._ Scotland and Spain compared as to loyalty, 2. Similarity of the
+    two countries as to superstition, 4. Investigation of the causes of
+    Scotch liberality in politics united with illiberality in religion, 4
+    _et seq._ Influence of the physical geography of the country on the
+    course of events, 5. Scotch roads in the seventeenth century, 5
+    _note_. The Roman invasion, 7. The Irish invasion, 9. The Norwegian
+    invasion, 10. Attacks of the English, 12. Immediate consequences of
+    their struggle with the English in the Scottish character, 13.
+    Agriculture stopped, 16. Cannibalism, 17. Wars on the borders, 18. The
+    growth of towns stopped by the wars, and the power of the nobles
+    thereby increased, 18. Circumstances favourable to the authority of
+    the nobles, 19. Weakness of the Crown, 20, 21. Ravages of the
+    Highlanders, 21, 22. Prevalence of barter, 23. Industry impossible,
+    and the commonest arts unknown, 23, 24. Dirty habits of the people, 25
+    _note_. Scanty population of the Scotch towns, 26 _et seq._ Their
+    utter feebleness, 32. Causes of the alliance of the Crown with the
+    Church, 34. Superstition of Scotland, and its causes, 35, 36.
+    Witchcraft, 37. Ignorance of the upper and lower classes, 41, 42.
+    Triumph of the aristocracy over the Church and Crown, 43. Their
+    subsequent decline, 43. Condition of Scotland in the fifteenth and
+    sixteenth centuries, 45. Vigorous measures of Albany against the
+    nobles, 45. And of James I., 46. And of James II., 49. Clanship, 50.
+    The Crown encouraged by the clergy against the nobles, 54. Struggle in
+    consequence, 55 _et seq._ The Reformation in Scotland the result of
+    this struggle, 62. Battle of Solway and death of James V., 68, 69.
+    Murder of Cardinal Beaton, 74. Career of John Knox, 75. Influence of
+    the Guises, 77, 78. Mary of Guise deposed from the Regency, 80. Treaty
+    of Berwick, 81. Supremacy of the nobles established, and destruction
+    of the Church, 81. Quarrel between the nobles and the preachers about
+    the wealth of the Church, 84. Presentation of the First Book of
+    Discipline, 87. The shares of the new and old clergy, 87. The nobles
+    said to have been instigated by the devil, 88. Persecution of the new
+    clergy by Morton, at the head of the nobles, 91. The consequent
+    rupture between Church and State, 93. The struggle under the leader,
+    ship of Andrew Melville, 94. Attack on the bishops, ending with the
+    abolition of episcopacy, 94 _et seq._ The Second Book of Discipline,
+    98. Struggle between the upper classes and clergy as to episcopacy,
+    100. Violent language used by the clergy, Melville's personal insult
+    to the King, 110. The Gowrie conspiracy, 110. Boons conferred upon
+    their country by the clergy, 112. Condition of Scotland during the
+    seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 115 _et seq._ Attempts of James
+    VI. (now James I. of England) to subjugate the clergy, 115. He forces
+    episcopacy upon them, 117. And sets up High Courts of Commission, 125.
+    Tyrannical conduct of the bishops, 128. The reaction, and its causes,
+    129. Framing of the National Covenant, 132. Overthrow of the Bishops,
+    133. Oppressions of Charles II., 137-139. His attempts to establish a
+    permanent despotism baffled, 140. Episcopacy re-established, 141.
+    Dragonnades in the west, 143, 144. Cruelties of James II., 147.
+    Consequences of the alliance between the Crown and the clergy, 147.
+    The reaction of 1688, 151. Causes of the rebellion of the Highlanders
+    in 1715 and 1745 in favour of the Stuarts, 153. Insignificance into
+    which the Highlanders sank after 1745, 157. Beginning of the trading
+    spirit, 160. Connexion between the rise of the trading spirit and the
+    abolition of hereditary jurisdictions, 161, 162. Armour ceased to be
+    worn, 161. Causes of the decline of the power of the nobles, 162, 167.
+    Treatment which they received in London, 163, 164. Rage in Scotland
+    for speaking with an English accent, 163 _note_. Causes of the
+    abolition of clanship, 167, 168. Sudden rise of trading and
+    manufacturing interests, 171. Their growth assisted by the union with
+    England, 172. Facts illustrative of the history of Scotch industry
+    down to the middle of the eighteenth century, 178 _et seq._ The first
+    banks in Scotland, 181. Rise of a new and splendid literature, 183.
+    Which, however, fails to diminish the national superstition, 184.
+    Recapitulation of the history of the struggle with episcopacy, 191 _et
+    seq._ Cromwell's chain of fortresses in Scotland, 194. Causes of the
+    war of the people against Charles I., 197. Events which produced the
+    solemn League and Covenant, 198. Effect and cause of Scotch
+    superstition, 203. Zeal of the people to hear sermons of inordinate
+    frequency and of terrible length, 203. Effect of the pretensions and
+    arrogance of the clergy on the Scotch mind, 203, 269 _et seq._
+    Examination of Scotch philosophical literature of the eighteenth
+    century, 281. And of Scotch physical philosophy, 361. Superstition and
+    illiberality in religion still existing in Scotland, 469. Notions
+    countenanced there respecting the origin of epidemics, 471.
+    Correspondence between the Presbytery of Edinburgh and Lord Palmerston
+    on the origin of the cholera in 1853, 473
+
+  Sculpture, condition of, in the reign of Louis XIV., ii. 209
+
+  Segovia, appearance of, in 1659, ii. 503 _note_. Decline of the silk
+    and wool manufactures of, 503 _note_
+
+  Seiks, cause of their superstition respecting the wounds inflicted by
+    the tiger, i. 125 _note_
+
+  Serpent, worship of the, i. 126 _note_
+
+  Serra, his views as to the exportation of the precious metals,
+    i. 212 _note_
+
+  Serres, historiographer of France, importance attached by him to
+    correct dates in history, ii. 267
+
+  Severus, his expedition against Scotland, iii. 8
+
+  Sevigne, Madame, her name for Queen Mary, consort of William III.,
+    ii. 214 _note_
+
+  Seville, decline of, in the seventeenth century, ii. 501
+
+  Sewell, Mr., his remarks on the doctrines of passive obedience and
+    divine right, i. 394 _note_
+
+  Sexes, proportion kept up by the law of Nature in the births of the,
+    i. 168. Opinions respecting the origin of the, 170 _note_, 173 _note_.
+    Method by which the discovery of the proportion has been made, 172
+
+  Shaftesbury, Earl of, Lord Chancellor, his notions of political
+    economy, i. 211 _note_
+
+  Shakspeare, his investigations of the human mind, i. 23 _note_. His
+    pure English, ii. 307 _note_
+
+  Sharp, archbishop of St. Andrews, iii. 141. His cruelty and rapacity,
+    141
+
+  Sheldon, Gilbert, his character as archbishop of Canterbury, i. 391,
+    392
+
+  Shetland Isles, seized by the Norwegians, iii. 10
+
+  'Siam, History of,' by Turpin, ii. 238
+
+  Silk trade of Toledo, lost, ii. 502
+
+  Sinclair, Sir John, his services to statistical science, i. 33 _note_
+
+  Sion College, the only public library in London at the end of the
+    seventeenth century, i. 431 _note_
+
+  Sigfussen Saemund, his compilation of the Elder Edda, i. 301
+
+  Silesia, origin of the name of, i. 312
+
+  Simson, Professor Robert, his efforts to revive the pure Greek
+    geometry, i. 247. Notice of him, 247 _note_. His reasons for
+    recommending the old analysis, 248 _note_
+
+  Sines, law of the, pointed out by Descartes, ii. 278
+
+  Sins, specimens of the, invented by the Scotch clergy, iii. 261
+
+  Siva, antiquity of the worship of, in India, i. 141. How represented
+    by the Hindus, 141. His wife Doorga or Kali, 141
+
+  Skye, Isle of, seized by the Norwegians, iii. 11
+
+  Slavery, favour with which it was regarded by George III., i. 447,
+    463. Burke's attack on, 463. Extinction of slavery in England,
+    ii. 128. Its recent extinction in France, 129
+
+  Small-pox, extra European origin of, i. 130 _note_
+
+  Smith, Adam, publication of his 'Wealth of Nations,' i. 214. Its
+    influence in a few years, 214, 215. His views as to the usury laws,
+    214 _note_. His services to mankind, 216. His method of metaphysical
+    investigation, 249. French translations of his 'Theory of the Moral
+    Sentiments,' ii. 219. And of his 'Wealth of Nations,' 219. Examination
+    of his philosophy, as shown together in the 'Moral Sentiments' and in
+    the 'Wealth of Nations,' iii. 305. His obliviousness and disregard of
+    facts, 340, 341. His method of studying pathology compared with that
+    of Cullen, 417
+
+  Smith, William, character of his geological speculations, iii. 391
+
+  Smuggling, the only means of keeping up trade during the evil
+    interference of legislation, i. 277. Moral evils of smuggling, 278,
+    279
+
+  Social laws, triumph of, over every obstacle, i. 31. Best method of
+    arriving at social truth, ii. 1
+
+  Socrates, effect produced by his method of dialectics upon some Greek
+    minds, i. 357
+
+  Soil, influence of, on the human race, i. 40. The Great Sahara, 47.
+    The valley of the Nile, 48, 49. Heat and moisture the causes which
+    regulate the fertility of every country, 96
+
+  Soldiers, why less superstitious than sailors, i. 376, 379
+
+  Solids, Cullen's theory of the, iii. 418
+
+  Solis, the Spanish historian, ii. 480
+
+  Solway, battle of, iii. 68
+
+  Somers, Lord, prosecution instituted against him by the House of
+    Commons, i. 452. Protected by the House of Lords, 452
+
+  Sorbonne, Duvernet's history of the, ii. 237
+
+  Sowrdis, Archbishop of Bordeaux, ignominiously beaten, ii. 32. Flies
+    to Carpentras, 33
+
+  Space, the idea of, of the metaphysicians, i. 160. Authorities on the
+    different theories of space, 161 _note_
+
+  Spain, Arab conquest of, i. 46. Physical causes of the superstition
+    existing in, 123. Triumph of the imagination, and absence of science
+    in, 124. Causes of the persecutions in, 187. Numbers of persons put to
+    death by the inquisition in, 189. Pork, a common food in, in former
+    ages, 314 _note_. Archbishop Turpin's account of Charlemagne's
+    conquest of, 319, 320. Scepticism punished, and its promulgation
+    prevented in, 336. Influence of French literature in, in diffusing
+    scepticism late in the last century, 336 _note_. Outline of the
+    history of the intellect of, from the fifth to the middle of the
+    nineteenth century, 425. Heat and dryness of the climate, 427. And
+    therefore droughts and famines frequent and serious, 427. Earthquakes,
+    428. Causes of the prevalence of a pastoral life in Spain, 432.
+    Settlement of the Visigoths and establishment of their opinions, 434.
+    Attacks of the Franks upon their Arian neighbours, 435. Rise of the
+    influence of the Spanish priesthood, 436. Character of Durham's
+    'History of Spain and Portugal,' 438 _note_. Proofs of the power of
+    the Spanish clergy, 437, 438. Harsh character of the Spanish laws
+    against heresy and the Jews, 438. The eight centuries of struggle
+    between the Arabs and Spaniards, 439, 440. Effect of the dangers of
+    the Spaniards in exciting their superstitious feelings, 441. Their
+    chest of relics in the Asturias, 441. Their miracles and dreams, 442.
+    The three ways in which the Mohammedan invasion strengthened the
+    devotional feelings of the Spanish people, 444. Capacity and honesty
+    of Isabella in the war with the Arabs, 444. Ferdinand and Isabella's
+    decree against the Jews, 445. The number of Jews actually expelled
+    from Spain, 446 _note_. Domestic and foreign policy of Charles V.,
+    446. His obedience to the tendencies of his age, 447-449. Character of
+    Philip II., 449, 450. His war against the Dutch Protestants, 451.
+    Number of persons put to Death by Alva, 451. Object of all the wars
+    and negotiations of Philip II., 452. The Armada prepared to humble
+    England, 453. Unshaken loyalty of Philip's subjects, 454, 455. Causes
+    of the spirit of loyalty which has distinguished the Spanish above
+    every other European nation, 455. The Arab invasion one of the causes,
+    456. The old ballads, 456. The poem of 'The Cid,' 457. Loyalty of the
+    Spanish codes, 458. Consequences of Spanish loyalty and superstition,
+    461 _et seq._ Rapid progress of Spain in the fifteenth and sixteenth
+    centuries, 463. Her territories in America and in other parts of the
+    world, 464. Her military superiority over her contemporaries, 464. Her
+    eminent literary men who were also soldiers, 464. Causes of her
+    decline, 465, 467. Essential difference between English and Spanish
+    civilization, 465, 466. The decay of Spain in the seventeenth century
+    due to the weakness of her people, 470. The declining energy of the
+    government the cause of the increasing influence of the clergy, 472.
+    Davila's statement of the Spanish theory of government, 472 _note_.
+    Flourishing state of the Church, 475. Her hold over the highest as
+    well as the lowest intellects, 478, 479. Great numbers of works on
+    Spanish ecclesiastical history, 483. Expulsion of the Moors from
+    Spain, 483-485. Cruelty with which they were treated, 485-494. Effect
+    of the expulsion of the Moors in impoverishing the country, 497. Steps
+    which mark the decline of Spain, 500. Loss of population and of
+    manufactures, 501-504. Increase of poverty, 504-506. Destruction of
+    the military reputation of Spain, 506, 515. The whole kingdom
+    unprotected, 509. Gangs of robbers and murderers in the capital, 510
+    _note_. The Austrian dynasty succeeded by the Bourbons, 513. Policy of
+    the first Bourbon, Philip V., 513. The Dukes of Berwick and Vendome,
+    515-517. The finances of Spain administered by Orry, 518. Alberoni
+    Ripperda, and Konigseg, 519. Endeavours of foreigners to improve the
+    country by weakening the Church, 521. The clergy forced to contribute
+    to the taxes, 523. Alliances formed between Spain and the Mohammedans,
+    525, 549. Inertness and ignorance of the people, high and low, at this
+    period, 526. State of medical science in the seventeenth century, 532.
+    Foreign aid called in to remedy native ignorance, 536. Expulsion of
+    the Jesuits, 546. Attacks made on the Inquisition, 547. Foreign policy
+    of Spain under the influence of foreigners, 549. A prospect of the
+    return of wealth opened up, 550, 551. Effects of the vigour displayed
+    by Charles III., 552 _et seq._ Causes of his failure to produce
+    permanent good, 553. Decline of Spain under Charles IV., 571.
+    Endeavours in the nineteenth century to improve the country, 574.
+    Causes of their failure, 575. Immense natural advantages of Spain,
+    583. Her great men, 585. Her progress prevented by national ignorance,
+    589. The essential vice of the Spanish people, 592, 593. Causes which
+    keep Spain in her miserable condition, 593 _et seq._ Scotland
+    contrasted with Spain as to loyalty and superstition, iii. 1
+
+  Stafford, William, his work on the theory of politics, 'A Brief
+    Conceipt of English Policy,' i. 212 _note_
+
+  Stanyan's 'History of Greece,' ii. 218
+
+  Starch, amount of oxygen in, i. 62
+
+  Starvation, proximate causes of, i. 58 _note_
+
+  States-General of France, feebleness of the, ii. 121
+
+  Statesmen, why as a body they are always in the rear of their age,
+    i. 213
+
+  Statistics, study of, i. 2. Importance of, 23 _note_. Of murder and
+    other crimes, 24-29. Value of statistics in the light thrown upon the
+    study of human nature, 33. Early writers on statistics, 33 _note_.
+    Dislike of Adam Smith and David Hume for statistics, iii. 339.
+    Objections to them, 339 _note_
+
+  Steam, effect of the application of, to purposes of travelling, in
+    weakening the love of war, i. 219-221
+
+  Steam-engine, Watt's invention of the, iii. 402
+
+  Stearn, Richard, his character as Archbishop of Canterbury, i. 392
+
+  Stepney, Mr., his notions of political economy, i. 211 _note_
+
+  Stewart, Professor Matthew, his crusade against the algebraic or
+    symbolical analysis, i. 247
+
+  St[oe]ffler, John, his predictions as to the deluge of 1524, i. 330
+
+  Stoics, the, on the preservation of consciousness in dreams and in
+    insanity, i. 17 _note_
+
+  Stuart, Charles, the young Pretender, his stupidity and drunkenness,
+    i. 444 _note_
+
+  Subinfeudation, effects of, in France, ii. 119
+
+  Suicide, the crime of, dependent upon the individual, i. 26. Futility
+    of endeavours to diminish, by legislation, 26 _note_. Bentham on the
+    perjury of English juries in cases of, 26 _note_. Regularity of the
+    recurrence of, 28. Causes of, 28. Supposed effect of gloomy weather on
+    the love of, 220 _note_. Statistics of, 28, 29
+
+  Sully, Marshal, ii. 43. His historical work, 266
+
+  Sumatra, superstitions of the people of, respecting tigers,
+    i. 126 _note_
+
+  Sumbawa, the great earthquake and volcanic eruption of 1815 at,
+    i. 126 _note_
+
+  Sunday schools begun, i. 430. Opposition of the clergy to their
+    establishment, 431 _note_
+
+  Superstition, physical causes which give birth to, i. 122, 123.
+    Earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, 123, 126. The worship of ferocious
+    animals, 125, 126. The fear of death, 127. Pestilences, 127. Extent of
+    popular superstition in Prussia, 238 _note_. Progress of the English
+    intellect in the seventeenth century in shaking off ancient
+    superstitions, 363. Instance in Scotland of the popular belief in
+    supernatural causation, 373. Causes of the superstitions of sailors
+    and agriculturists, 375. Terror inspired by comets and eclipses, 376.
+    The study of final causes abandoned by Descartes, ii. 91. Connexion
+    between loyalty and superstition, 455. Similarity between Scotland and
+    Spain as to superstition, iii. 4. Scotland favourable to superstition,
+    35. Sources of superstition, 35. Cause and effect of Scotch
+    superstition, 203. Superstition of the Scotch still existing, 471.
+    Superstitions every day becoming effaced as physical science advances,
+    477
+
+  Surgery, decline of the science of, in the reign of Louis XIV.,
+    ii. 195
+
+  Surnames, origin of, in Europe, ii. 112
+
+  Sweden, intolerance, bigotry, and persecution of the Protestantism of,
+    i. 264. Swedish heroes of antiquity, 298
+
+  Switzerland, Calvinism the popular creed of, ii. 339
+
+  Sydenham, Thomas, his reformation in therapeutics, ii. 196
+
+  Sympathy, examination of, iii. 310. Hunter's pathological speculations
+    respecting the principles of, 450
+
+
+  Taille, the, in France, ii. 129. Authorities respecting the,
+    129 _note_. The diminution of the, proposed by the Fronde, 150 _note_
+
+  Talleyrand, M. de, his admiration for Charron's 'De la Sagesse,'
+    ii. 19 _note_
+
+  'Tamerlane, History of,' by Margat, suppressed, ii. 237
+
+  Tarrega, the Spanish dramatist, ii. 479
+
+  Tartars, origin of the, according to the writers of the Middle Ages,
+    i. 313. And according to Whiston, 313 _note_. Effects of the
+    barrenness of the steppes of, in keeping the people uncivilized, 45
+
+  'Taste, Essay on,' by Cartaud, suppressed, ii. 237
+
+  Taxation; settlement of the right of the people of England to be taxed
+    entirely by their own representatives, i. 384. Disputes between the
+    two Houses of Parliament respecting taxation, 384 _note_
+
+  Taylor, Jeremy, his abilities and virtues, i. 393. Marked neglect with
+    which he was treated by Charles II., 393. His assertion of the
+    doctrine of passive obedience, 401 _note_
+
+  Teeth of animals, researches of Nasmyth and Owen on the structure of,
+    ii. 384, 385
+
+  Temperaments, the theory of, the principal stumbling-block of the
+    phrenologists, i. 176 _note_
+
+  Teratology, formation of the science of, ii. 396, 397 _note_
+
+  Terray, M., his attack on Church property in France, ii. 333. His open
+    protection of the Jansenists, 345
+
+  Test Act, the, i. 396. Suspended by James II., 397. Repealed,
+    426 _note_
+
+  Theology, state of the, of Europe from the sixth to the tenth
+    centuries, i. 270. Attempts to make politics a mere branch of
+    theology, 326-328. Theological justification of persecution, 344.
+    Increasing indifference to theological matters in England in the
+    seventeenth century, 350. Chillingworth's views, 350, 351. Connexion
+    between the Reformation and the dogma of an infallible church, 350,
+    351. The authority of private judgment recognized, 352. Ecclesiastical
+    power almost extinct in Europe, 354 _note_. Decline in British
+    theology at the present time, 355 _note_. Efforts of the clergy to
+    check the progress of scepticism, 356. Political character of the
+    opposition to ecclesiastical authority in the reigns of James I. and
+    Charles I., 359. Antagonism in the reign of Charles II. between the
+    physical sciences and the theological spirit, 372. Reasons of the
+    hostility of the clergy, 373. Separation of theology from morals and
+    politics, 424. Effect of this separation, 425. Attempts to put down
+    the Theological Society, 436 _note_. Theological influence greater in
+    France in the sixteenth century than in England, ii. 6. Charron's the
+    first attempt made in a modern language to construct a system of
+    morals without the aid of theology, 19. Preparation of the way for the
+    separation of theology from politics, 40, 41. Analogy of the
+    anti-theological policy of Richelieu with the philosophy of Descartes,
+    83. Mischief done to the old theology by Descartes' principles, 90.
+    Effect of the protective spirit carried into theology, 107. Former
+    subservience of philosophy to theology, and universal interest which
+    theological discussions once inspired, 262. Exactness of the knowledge
+    of theologians on subjects on which nothing is known, 284 _note_.
+    Reasons why theology is inferior to history, 289. Voltaire's attack on
+    mere theologians, 308, 309. The question of free will taken up by
+    theologians, 338. De Maistre's method of investigation, 389 _note_.
+    Reasons why the theological or deductive method of philosophy was
+    followed in Scotland, iii. 284. The deductive method of philosophy
+    only applicable to theology, 464
+
+  Theory, necessity of, in science, but dangerous in practice, iii. 414
+
+  Thermotics, attention given to, in France, in the eighteenth century,
+    ii. 361, 362
+
+  Therapeutics, Sydenham's reformations in, ii. 196. Difference between
+    the art of, and the science of, pathology, iii. 416
+
+  Thibet, bards of, i. 292 _note_
+
+  Thomas, suppression of his 'Eloge on Marcus Aurelius,' ii. 238
+
+  Thomson, Hugh, the Presbyterian preacher, iii. 204 _note_
+
+  Thread manufacture of Paisley, rise of the, iii. 176
+
+  Thumb-screw, torture of the, iii. 149
+
+  Tigers worshipped by the Hajin tribe, i. 125 _note_. Superstitions of
+    the Garrows and Seiks respecting them, 125 _note_. How regarded by the
+    Malasir, 125 _note_. And by the inhabitants of Sumatra, 126 _note_
+
+  Tissues, food necessary for repairing the waste of the, i. 55, 58.
+    Bichat's views respecting the, ii. 379-382. The degenerations of,
+    382 _note_. The study of, neglected by Cuvier, 383 _note_
+
+  Toledo, power of the clergy at, in the seventeenth century, ii. 437.
+    Captured from the Arabs, 440. Decline of, in the seventeenth century,
+    502
+
+  Toleration, religious, origin of, in England, i. 337. Unusual amount
+    of toleration in Holland two centuries back, 337 _note_. State of the
+    two hostile creeds in England in the reign of Elizabeth, 338. Hooker's
+    'Ecclesiastical Polity' compared with Jewel's 'Apology for the Church
+    of England,' 340. Causes which always hasten the march of toleration,
+    53, 54. Summary of the progress of toleration in England and France,
+    102. The religious toleration of the French government in the middle
+    of the eighteenth, century, 334
+
+  Toleration Act, passing of the, i. 402
+
+  Toolholos, or bards of Thibet, i. 292 _note_
+
+  Tooth, golden, work of Dr. Horst on the, i. 332
+
+  Tories, the, re-established in power under George III., i. 443, 446
+
+  Tournaments, origin of, ii. 134. Extinction of, 134
+
+  Tournefort, his inferiority as a botanist, ii. 201
+
+  Townsend, his views respecting political economy, ii. 304
+
+  Tracheae of plants, discovery of the, ii. 199
+
+  Trade-wind, tract north and south of the equator covered by the,
+    i. 101. Causes of the, 192. Way in which the trade-wind is connected
+    with the civilization of South America, 103
+
+  Trade, absurd notions respecting, in the 17th and 18th centuries,
+    i. 213. Number of laws passed by the English legislature respecting,
+    213 _note_. Struggles of Parliament against the principles of free
+    trade, 215. Objects of early commercial treaties, 216 _note_. Why the
+    commercial spirit, formerly warlike, is now pacific, 218. Injuries
+    inflicted upon trade by the interference of legislators, 276.
+    Uncertainty of legislation the bane of commerce, 277, 278. Burke's
+    advocacy of free trade, 462. Effect of the protective spirit carried
+    into trade, ii. 107. Voltaire the first historian to recommend free
+    trade, iii. 304. The free trade of the American colonies in the
+    eighteenth century, 186
+
+  Tragedies of Corneille, period in which they appeared, ii. 209
+
+  Transubstantiation, relation of the Cartesian philosophy to the
+    doctrine of, ii. 90. Development of the doctrine of, by the
+    metaphysicians, 262
+
+  Travelling, advantages of, in producing contact and respect, and in
+    weakening the love of war, i. 219-221
+
+  Travis, George, his letters on the text of the Heavenly Witnesses,
+    i. 429
+
+  Trojan origin of different nations, believed in, in the Middle Ages,
+    i. 309
+
+  Tuffnel, the fifth-monarchy man, ii. 155
+
+  Turenne, created a marshal, ii. 98
+
+  Turgot, M., his lectures and their influence, ii. 320. Sir James
+    Mackintosh's opinion of his writings, 321. Influence he exercised
+    shortly before the Revolution, 329. His anti-ecclesiastical policy,
+    333. Said to have been a Jansenist, 345
+
+  Turkey, causes of the war between Russia and, i. 95
+
+  Turks, their defeat before Vienna, ii. 447
+
+  Turku, the ancient name of Abo, i. 299
+
+  Turner, Sir James, his cruelties in Scotland, iii. 143, 144 _note_
+
+  Turpin, Archbishop of Rheims, his absurd history of Charlemagne,
+    i. 318
+
+  Turpin, M., suppression of his 'History of Siam,' ii. 238
+
+
+  Understanding, Kant's views as to the scientific conception of the,
+    i. 18 _note_. Why controlled by the imagination in India, and
+    paramount in Greece, 138-146
+
+  United States of North America, rent paid by the cultivator in, in
+    proportion to the gross produce of the land, i. 75. Causes of low
+    rent, 76 _note_. Comparison of the history of England with that of the
+    United States, 240. Characteristics of American literature, 241. Love
+    of the people for the study of the law, 241 _note_. Policy of George
+    III. respecting, 477, 479. His hatred of the Americans, 480 _note_.
+    Effect of the Declaration of Independence in hastening the French
+    Revolution, ii. 416
+
+  Usury-laws, Adam Smith's views as to the, i. 214 _note_. Jeremy
+    Bentham's demolition of the, 214 _note_. Increase of usury due to the
+    attempts of legislators to keep it down, 283. Efforts of the Church to
+    suppress it, 283 _note_. Jeremy Bentham's treatment of the usury-laws
+    referred to, 284 _note_
+
+
+  Vanity compared with pride, ii. 163
+
+  Vassy, massacre of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in
+    the, ii. 11
+
+  Vattel, his views as to political economy, i. 212 _note_. His
+    principles of foreign policy compared with those of Grotius,
+    ii. 40 _note_
+
+  Vega, Lope de, his offices in the Church and in the Inquisition,
+    ii. 479. His joy at the expulsion of the Moors from Spain, 496 _note_
+
+  Velly, character of his 'History of France,' ii. 300
+
+  Vendome, Duc de, his command of the Spanish army, ii. 517
+
+  Veneration, origin of, ii. 171
+
+  Venner, the fifth-monarchy man, ii. 155
+
+  Vergil, Polydore, his attack of the popular belief in the Trojan
+    descent of the English kings, i. 309 _note_
+
+  Verse, historical and scientific works written in, i. 293, 294 _note_.
+    See Poetry
+
+  Vico, his opinions as to the real history of Rome, ii. 314
+
+  Villaret, character of his 'History of France,' ii. 300
+
+  Villaviciosa, Spanish poet, his office in the Inquisition, ii. 481
+
+  Vienna, defeat of the Turks before, ii. 447
+
+  Villenage, extinction of, in England, ii. 128
+
+  Visigoths, their settlement in Spain, and establishment of their Arian
+    opinions there, ii. 434. Attacked by the orthodox Franks, under Clovis
+    and his successors, 435
+
+  Voisins, Gilbert des, his Jansenism, ii. 345
+
+  Volcanic eruption of 1815 at Sumbawa, i. 126 _note_
+
+  Voltaire, his visit to England and study of its language and
+    literature, ii. 216-218. His admiration for England, 228. Persecutions
+    to which he was exposed, 231. His method of writing history compared
+    with that of Bossuet, 291. As instanced in his 'History of Charles
+    X.,' 292. Turns his attention to physical and speculative science,
+    295. Returns to history, 295. His 'Age of Louis XIV.,' 296. His
+    'Morals, Manners, and Character of Nations,' 297. His intellect, 301.
+    His habit of looking at epochs, and not at the character of the men by
+    whom a country is governed, 301. His tragedies, 302. His endeavours to
+    explain the origin of feudality, 302. His remark on licentious
+    religious ceremonies, 303. The first historian to recommend free
+    trade, 304. His anticipation of Malthus's principle, 304. His attack
+    on the admiration entertained for the Middle Ages, 305. And for the
+    pedantic admirers of antiquity and classical models, 306-308. Ignorant
+    prejudice against him in England, 313. His vast labours aided by
+    Montesquieu, 314
+
+
+  Wace, his translation into Anglo-Norman of Geoffrey of Monmouth's
+    history, i. 325
+
+  Wages, in what they consist, i. 52. And on what they depend, 53.
+    Enquiry into the physical conditions which over supply the labour
+    market and keep the average rate of wages at a low point, 54 _et seq._
+    Effects of climate on wages, 62-64. Social and political consequences
+    of the high rate of wages in Europe, 65. Highest, lowest, and average
+    rates of wages in England during the last few years, 66 _note_. Rates
+    of wages in Ireland, 67. And in India, 73, 74. Adam Smith's views as
+    to the conflict between capital and, iii. 327
+
+  Wales, injuries done by clerical historians to the traditions of the
+    bards of, i. 306
+
+  Wall, his part in Spanish affairs, ii. 544
+
+  Walpole, Sir Robert, endeavours of the House of Commons to hunt him to
+    the death, i. 452. His refusal to tax the colonies, 478
+
+  War, decline of the practice of, i. 190. Causes of this, 190, 191,
+    198. Military spirit of Russia and Turkey, and its causes, 195, 196.
+    Love of war extinct in England, 198. Contrast between the military
+    genius of ancient and modern Europe, 199-202. Causes of the decay of
+    this genius in modern times, 202-223. The right of private war allowed
+    to the French nobles, ii. 115. Early extinction of private war in
+    England, 138
+
+  Warburton, Dr., Bishop of Gloucester, his separation of theology from
+    politics, i. 425. Effect of his opinions, 426
+
+  Watches, superiority of the English in the seventeenth century,
+    ii. 193 _note_
+
+  Water, methods employed by Watt and Cavendish in the discovery of,
+    iii. 403
+
+  Watson's 'History of Philip II.,' translated by Mirabeau, ii. 225
+
+  Watt, James, his invention of the steam-engine, iii. 402. His
+    discovery of the composition of water, and the method employed, 403
+
+  Wealth, effects of climate, food, and soil on the accumulation of,
+    i. 41. Effects of wealth on the existence of an intellectual class,
+    42. Physical causes by which the creation of wealth is governed,
+    42 _et seq._ Laws of the distribution of wealth, 51. Interest,
+    profits, and wages, 52. Causes of the unequal distribution of wealth
+    in India in all ages, 72-77
+
+  Weather, alleged effect of gloomy, on the love of suicide,
+    i. 220 _note_
+
+  Wellington, Duke of, his character as a warrior and statesman, i. 201,
+    202
+
+  Welsh, John, story of, and the Popish mocker, iii. 212
+
+  Werner, A. G., character of his method of geological speculation,
+    iii. 393
+
+  Wesley, John, his abilities as a theological statesman, i. 421, 422.
+    Calumnies and insults to which he and his followers were subjected by
+    the clergy, 423. His ambitious views as to his sect, 424 _note_
+
+  Westphalia, Congress of, purely secular policy of the, ii. 41. The
+    revenues of the Church seized by the contracting parties, 41.
+    Indignation of the pope at the treaty, 41 _note_
+
+  Whewell, Dr., his errors, ii. 401 _note_
+
+  Whigs, their long monopoly of power, i. 443. Displaced by the Tories
+    in the reign of George III., 443, 446
+
+  Whitby, first printing office in, i. 432 _note_
+
+  White, Blanco, on free will, quoted, i. 15 _note_
+
+  Whitefield, George, his career, i. 421 _note_. Character of his
+    sermons, 421 _note_. Excitement produced by him, 421 _note_.
+    Opposition of the clergy to him, 423, 424 _note_
+
+  Wightman, one of the last English martyrs to religious opinions,
+    i. 345 _note_
+
+  Will, free, controversies of the Calvinists and Arminians as to,
+    ii. 338
+
+  William the Conqueror, his modification of the feudal system in
+    England, ii. 114
+
+  William III., main characteristics of the reign of, i. 402, 403.
+    Eulogy of Sir A. Alison, 403 _note_. Hostility between the King and
+    the clergy, 405. His abolition of episcopacy in Scotland, 406. His
+    deprivation of the Archbishop of Canterbury and six of his brethren,
+    410
+
+  Williams, John, Bishop of Lincoln, the last ecclesiastical lord
+    keeper, i. 417 _note_
+
+  Witchcraft, period of the destruction of the old notions respecting,
+    i. 363 _note_. Charge of Chief Baron Hale in 1665, 363 _note_. The
+    last witches executed in England and in Spain, 364 _note_. John
+    Wesley's belief in the existence of witches, 364 _note_. Repeal of the
+    statutes against witchcraft, 364 _note_. Witchcraft in Scotland,
+    iii. 37
+
+  Woodrow, value of his 'Analecta,' iii. 230 _note_
+
+  Wool manufactures of Spain in the eighteenth century, ii. 542
+
+  Writing, invention of, a cause of error in history, i. 296. Modes in
+    which it effects this, 296, 297
+
+
+  Yeomanry, rights of English, ii. 119. Unknown in France, 120. Decay of
+    the Yeomanry in England, 120 _note_
+
+  Yeomen of the Guard, establishment of the, ii. 7 _note_
+
+
+  Zamora, Spanish poet, ii. 480
+
+  Zoology, state of the science of, in France under Louis XIV., ii. 197
+
+  Zoology, generalizations in, of Frenchmen in the eighteenth century,
+    ii. 375. The statical and dynamical parts of, 375. Impetus given to
+    the science by Cuvier and Bichat, 376-381
+
+  Zurich, antiquity of, according to Swiss authorities, i. 312
+
+
+                                THE END.
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+                           LONDON: PRINTED BY
+                 SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
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+
+
+
+Transcriber's Notes:
+
+The original spelling and minor inconsistencies in the spelling and
+formatting have been maintained.
+
+Inconsistent hyphenation and accents are as in the original if not marked
+as a misprint.
+
+Index entries out of sequence have not been corrected.
+
+Text in italics has been marked with underscores (_text_).
+
+The ligatures OE and oe have been marked as [OE] and [oe], the acute
+accent above r as [/r] and the macron above a letter as [=letter].
+
+The sign ^ has been used as a superscript.
+
+The table below lists all corrections applied to the original text.
+
+  p. xii: 361-sqq. -> 361-seq.
+  p. xiv: 420-sqq. -> 420-seq.
+  p. 7: vol iv. p. 313: -> p. 313;
+  p. 7: vol. xviii. p, 309 -> p. 309
+  p. 12: by the English. -> by the English.'
+  p. 13: Somerville's Memoire -> Memorie
+  p. 18: sovereignty over Scotland. -> Scotland.'
+  p. 18: Chalmer's Caledonia -> Chalmers' Caledonia
+  p. 20: days of Robert the First, -> First,'
+  p. 21: 18, 27, 375; vol. -> 18, 27, 375, vol.
+  p. 21: 485; vol. x. p. 584; vol. -> 485, vol. x. p. 584, vol.
+  p. 23: Extract from the -> Extracts from the
+  p. 24: mercery and haberdashery. -> haberdashery.'
+  p. 25: vol. i. p. 512 -> 512.
+  p. 26: the bishop and chapter. -> chapter.'
+  p. 29: though it is is -> though it is
+  p. 30: Great Tay, through Perth, -> 'Great
+  p. 31: ces salles parees. -> parees,
+  p. 37: the Spottiswoode -> The Spottiswoode
+  p. 41: could sign his own name.' -> name."
+  p. 46: justiciaries to assist. -> assist.'
+  p. 50: not the king himselue -> himselfe
+  p. 62: Calderwood's Historie -> History
+  p. 64: Henry VIII., "in -> 'in
+  p. 65: Pitcairn's Criminal Trials of -> in
+  p. 66: favor ony heretike. -> heretike.'
+  p. 78: 'the secound of Maij. -> 'the secound of Maij.'
+  p. 80: he (the orator)' -> he (the orator)
+  p. 86: on the extreame povertie -> 'on
+  p. 91: "To requyre payment -> 'To
+  p. 94: _Church and State in Scotland_ vol. -> _Scotland_, vol.
+  p. 95: in this reformed Kirk. -> Kirk.'
+  p. 97: and ordaines, That -> that
+  p. 106: miscreants and bribers -> bribers.
+  p. 107: salbe the worst.' -> worst."'
+  p. 111: Edinburgh, 1847. p. xxxix. -> Edinburgh, 1847, p. xxxix.
+  p. 119: of Montrose, in 1600 -> 1600.
+  p. 121: pp. 265, 266, 272; vol. -> 272, vol.
+  p. 129: twentie thowsand pounds." -> twentie thowsand pounds.'
+  p. 137: The Diary of Mr. John Lamont, -> Lamont
+  p. 147: Duke of York's instigation. -> instigation.'
+  p. 147: instigation.' _Shield's Hind let loose_ -> Shields' Hind
+  p. 147: See _Shield's Hind let loose_ -> Shields' Hind
+  p. 148: According to Burnet, the -> 'the
+  p. 149: with an exquisite torture; -> torture;'
+  p. 152: greatest of his works -> works.
+  p. 154: to about 4500 men; -> men;'
+  p. 158: London, 4to, 1817, vol ii. p -> vol. ii. p.
+  p. 162: Fountainhall's Notes on -> Notes of
+  p. 204: _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 211: whole counsel of God. -> God.'
+  p. 215: before he reached him!"' -> him!'
+  p. 218: p. 43, in vol i. -> vol. i.
+  p. 224: _Binning's Sermons_, vol. ii. p. 118; vol. -> 118, vol.
+  p. 226: his people by Satan, -> Satan,'
+  p. 228: and continoues sick." -> sick.'
+  p. 228: when this happened. -> happened.'
+  p. 250: Fleming's Fulfilling of -> of the
+  p. 250: Balfour's Annals -> Annales
+  p. 253: then when they are are -> then when they are
+  p. 254: and we should chose -> choose
+  p. 262: On the 22d October -> On the 22nd October
+  p. 264: The History -> Historie
+  p. 280: _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 287: _Gray's Precious Promises_, p. 139 -> p. 139.
+  p. 288: _of Edinburgh_,, -> _of Edinburgh_,
+  p. 311: vol. ii. p. 23, seqq. -> vol. ii. pp. 23 seq.
+  p. 312: united with biography, -> biography.
+  p. 313: vol. ii. p: 206. -> p. 206.
+  p. 328: the wages of labour. -> labour.'
+  p. 333: _Brougham's Works_, Glasgow, 1856. -> 1856,
+  p. 336: to determine what Adam's -> Adam
+  p. 338: Moral Sentiment -> Sentiments
+  p. 349: of Smith, not -> nor
+  p. 352: murder by persons unknown?' -> unknown?
+  p. 358: pp. 36, 37, 340, 343; vol. -> 343, vol.
+  p. 358: pp. 115, 116, 288-299; vol. -> 288-299, vol.
+  p. 358: vol. i. p. 305; vol. -> 305, vol.
+  p. 359: vol. i. p. 329, 334; vol. -> 334, vol.
+  p. 361: into execution in his writings. -> writings.'
+  p. 368: concealed in them,--_latet_ -> _latent_
+  p. 387: says of it, very grvaely -> gravely
+  p. 392: strata from the year 1790. -> 1790.'
+  p. 398: were of igneous origin. -> origin.'
+  p. 410: if not superior, to Newton. -> Newton.'
+  p. 436: _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. 43; vol. -> 43, vol.
+  p. 473: 'The members were of opinion that it was -> 'that it was
+  p. 483: Geoffrey of Monmouth, i. 324. -> i. 324
+  p. 484: statement respecting, ii. 281. -> ii. 281
+  p. 488: one of Linnaeus, -> one of Linnaeus, ii.
+  p. 490: civil war, ii, -> ii.
+  p. 491: at an early period in, -> at an early period in, i.
+  p. 492: peace of Westphalia, ii, -> ii.
+  p. 494: they appeared, ii. 208. -> 208
+  p. 496: his secular philosophy, 329 -> 329.
+  p. 497: with the clergy, 420, -> 420.
+  p. 497: for the relief of the, 463. -> 463
+  p. 498: Dryburgh Abbey -> Abbey,
+  p. 498: sixteenth century, iii. 30. -> sixteenth century, 30.
+  p. 500: term of years first authorized. -> authorized,
+  p. 501: establishments of, -> establishments of, i.
+  p. 502: first financial reforms, i. -> first financial reforms,
+  p. 502: Fossils; -> Fossils,
+  p. 504: Francis 1. of France -> Francis I. of France
+  p. 505: surrounded his accession, -> surrounded his accession, i.
+  p. 505: 'Letters' of, ii, -> ii.
+  p. 506: of political degradation. -> degradation,
+  p. 506: admiration for England, ii, -> ii.
+  p. 507: studies in crystallography -> crystallography,
+  p. 508: causes of the, i. 144. -> i. 144
+  p. 510: French by Le Blanc, ii, -> ii.
+  p. 511: in the reign of Louis XIV., -> in the reign of Louis XIV., ii.
+  p. 512: of the government, 494, -> 494.
+  p. 514: Ismorphism -> Isomorphism
+  p. 515: his accession, -> his accession, i.
+  p. 515: 'Ecclesiastical Polity,' -> 'Ecclesiastical Polity,' i.
+  p. 519: literary class, 239 _note_. -> _note_
+  p. 520: to favour the King, 297. -> 297
+  p. 520: the Jansenists, ii. 344 -> the Jansenists, 344
+  p. 521: of human knowledge, 229. -> 229
+  p. 523: drained by the, 97 -> drained by the, i. 97
+  p. 524: literature, i. 437 _note_. -> _note_
+  p. 525: Calvinist opinions, 345. -> 345
+  p. 530: Mathew Paris, i. 315. -> Mathew Paris, 315.
+  p. 533: theory of rent, i. 250 -> theory of rent, 250
+  p. 534: Religious teleration -> toleration
+  p. 534: clergy inevitable, ii. 347. -> clergy inevitable, 347.
+  p. 535: pointed out by Descartes, -> pointed out by Descartes, ii.
+  p. 543: once inspired, ii. 262. -> once inspired, 262.
+  p. 544: in the eighteenth century, 558 -> 186
+  p. 545: conception of the, 18 -> conception of the, i. 18
+  p. 546: aided by Montesquieu, 314. -> 314
+  p. 546: tax the colonies, 478 -> 478
+  p. 547: office in, i 432 -> office in, i. 432
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England,
+Vol. 3 of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
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